THE HISTORY of Guicciardin, CONTAINING THE WARS OF ITALY AND OTHER PARTS, CONTInued for many years under sundry Kings and Princes, together with the variations and accidents of the same:  
And also the Arguments, with a Table at large expressing the principal matters through the whole history.  
Reduced into English by GEFFRAY FENTON▪  Mon heur viendra. 
ANCHORA · SPEI ·   printer's or publisher's device 
Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier dwelling in the Blackfriers by Ludgate. 1579.   

TO THE QVEENES' MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY, OUR MOST REDOUBTED, MOST HAPPY, AND TRUE SOVEREIGN LADY ELIZABETH, BY THE grace of God Queen of England, France, and Ireland, principal defender of the faith, and next under God, the only, absolute, and full supreme head over all causes Ecclesiastical and temporal through her majesties dominions: Geffray Fenton prayeth a perpetual increasing of the spirit of God's holy fear, and a continual going on and confirmation of that godly course wherein with so long peace and happiness, her Majesty hath governed the subjects and peoples of her Realms and several jurisdictions.  
IT is not without reason nor contrary to example, that I presume to offer up to the peculiar and grave view of your Majesty, these my compositions and labours: for that the general argument being historical, a doctrine wherein your Majesty far above all other Princes hath a most singular insight & judgement, and the particular parts containing discourse of state and government, in which God hath expressed in the person of your Majesty a most rare and divine example to all other Kings of the earth for matter of policy and sound administration: All la of reason, of equity, and of other impression what so ever, do challenge to appropriate the address and justification of this work to your Majesty only, in whom, for your inspired science & spirit to judge of Monuments and events of times, and for the felicity of your government in seasons so perilous & conspiring, all Kings, and Kingdoms, and nations round about you, rise up to reverence in your form of governing, that property of wisdom and virtue, which it seems God hath restrained to your Majesty only, without participation to any of them: And in that regard they hold you that sacred and fixed Star, whose light God will not have put out, though the devices of men on all sides are busy to draw clouds and dark veils to obscure it.  
I am also encouraged to make this oblation to your Majesty by the example of many notable writers, both of the primitive times and in all ages and posterities succeeding, such as for the gravity and fidelity of their pen and style were cherished with the greatest Princes of those days, and under the authority and countenance of their names, their works were with reputation and credit insinuated into many people's, nations, and regiments, The same being an effect due to the virtue and piety of great Princes, for that as it is God that giveth wisdom and science to men, So it is authority that chief showeth it to the world, even as the earth nourisheth the root of a tree, but the comfortable Sun doth much to bring forth the blossoms. So many are the testimonies and examples of this, and so familiar with your Majesty is the doctrine of histories and information of times, that by so much less need I to stand upon authorities of antiquity, or declarations relative, by how much more is known to be happily laid up in your majesties breast, and effectually expressed in the form of your government and reign, all that which learning and books can set down by rule and precept, your Majesty being the only consecrated Lamp from whom all other dominions about you do draw their light, or rather that terrestrial Sun, upon whose influence God hath appointed to depend the motions of all the Regions and Climates of the whole common weal of Christendom: A calling and authority which all other Potentates do honour in you with so much the more merit and reverence, by howmuch amid so many occasions and opportunities to ambition, they prove your equity, piety, and moderation of mind, to exceed all examples of former Princes and times, and far surmount all humane expectation: for that having as it were a sovereign power over them & theirs, you do notwithstanding dispose of things according to the la of measure and right. In regard of which divine properties, accompanied with your majesties other virtues which God hath made infinite in you, and your felicity which is the reward and effect of the same, I may with good comeliness resemble the gracious reign of your Majesty touching these regions of Christendom, to the happy time & days of Caesar Augustus Emperor of Rome: who, after a long and general combustion and harrying of the whole world with blood and wars, did so reform and reduce the Regions confining his Empire, that with the Sceptre and seat of peace he much more prevailed then ever he could have done with the sword: By his clemency he brought to submission his neighbours that stood out against him, and by his constancy held them assured being once reconciled: His wisdom seemed an Oracle to the Nations about him to dispose of their counsels and swaigh their enterprises: And touching quarrels and controversies of state, either for his gravity and justice, the only arbitration and resolution was referred to him, or at lest for the awe that was had of him, the factions durst not burst out to further limits than he liked of: lastly, it was an approved Monarchy of God, for that Christ the son of God amid such an universal malice of man and mankind, was contented to show himself in flesh in the days of his reign. Even so though the singular persons be changed, yet the effects and blessings of this time do nothing vary under the happy rule of your Majesty, whom God hath raised and established a sovereign Empress over several nations and languages, and with the fruits of a firm and continued peace, hath plentifully enriched the peoples of your Dominions: restored Religion and the Church of Christ to devil a new amongst us: made your authority awful to all your neighbours and borderers: and lastly hath erected your seat upon a high hill or sanctuary, and put into your hands the balance of power and justice, to pease and counterpeaze at your will the actions and counsels of all the Christian kingdoms of your time: Wherein sure according to the course your Majesty holdeth, much less that either for the present or in posterities to come, can be justly objected any matter of imputation against you, seeing of the contrary, most of them that be wise and true observers of your dealings, do daily confess and publish, that in your Majesty hath been orderly fulfilled all laws and offices of a devout Newtralitie: For that like as amid their heavy afflictions wherein successively hath been offered you no small causes to ambition, your Majesty hath never stopped or cut from them the refuge of your amity and mercy: So nevertheless your compassion hath principally respected the equity of the complaints of such as implored it, esteeming it not agreeable to the la of virtue and account of your conscience, to make your profit upon the divisions of your neighbours, though there have not wanted reasons and titles to induce your desire.  
I forbear to make declaration to your Majesty of the life and learning of the first Author of this book, A matter testified with sufficient credit and reputation in the high negotiations and employments which he managed long time under great Princes, Popes, & common weals: And I am bold (contrary to the custom of some writers) to leave to particulate in my Epistle any part of the argument which with so great gravity he hath digested at large in so great a volume: Only the man for his integrity and roundness was such one, as whose virtues were far from all suspicion of partiality, favour, hatred, love, reward, or any other property of humane affection, which might have force to corrupt or turn from the truth the mind of a writer: And for the general matter of his work, it doth not only contain the wars and diverse accidents happened in Italy and other parts for almost forty years, but also he doth so distinctly set down the causes, the counsels, and the fortunes of every principal party introduced into those actions, that by his study and judgement, is traced & made easy to the reader, the way to all those sweet and plentiful fruits which with painfulness are sought for in Histories of this nature.  
And for mine own part, where in all my dedications heretofore, not my will which was always warranted by the gracious demonstrations of your Majesty, But my manner of life instituted upon private customs and exercises, hath holden me from approaching the authority of this place, afore which nothing aught to be presented which hath not a full perfection of spirit and study: yet now, taking my reason of the worthiness of the work, and observing the examples and inducements of others in like oblations, I am bold under fear & humility to prostrate these my last pains afore that divine moderation of mind which always hath holden for acceptable all things respecting learning or virtuous labours: Humbly beseeching your right excellent Majesty, that where the work is now to appear in the open view of the world, and stand before the uncertain judgements of so many sundry & strange humours of men, you will vouchsafe to let it pass under the happy name of your Majesty, and under your gracious authority to give it defence and favour against the emulation of such as either through malice or ignorance may rise up to interpret me and my labours sinisterly. The Lord bless your Majesty with a long and peaceable life, and confirm in you to the comfort of your people, that course of well tempered government, by the benefit whereof they have so long time lived under the felicity of your name.  
At my lodging near the Tower of London. seven. januarij. 1578. Your majesties humble and true subject, GEFFRAY FENTON.   

THE GENERAL CONTENTS OF every book through the whole History.  
Lodowick Sforce uncle and tutor to john Galeas Duke of Milan, fearing lest Ferdinand would make war upon him, breaketh of from the Le 〈…〉 that had been renewed between the said Ferdinand, john Galeas, a●● th● Common weal of Florence, against the Venetians: he procureth the French king Charles the eight to pass into Italy to conquer the kingdom of Naples: Pope Alexander the sixth allieth himself with the king of Naples: The French king having ordered the affairs of his kingdom descendeth into Italy, where he taketh many towns: diverse emotions happen in the kingdom of Naples: The Pope is in great perplexity and travel: Pisa rebelleth against the Florentines: The Fr. king entereth into Florence and Rome, and from thence passeth to Naples. 
Fol. 1.  The Pisans continued their rebellion against the Florentines: The French king taketh the Castles of Naples: The Pope, Venetians, and other Princes make league against the king, who returning into France is fought withal near the river Taro: Ferdinand winneth again Naples: Novaro is besieged by the Confederates: The fr. king maketh peace with the duke of Milan, and returneth into France. 
Fol. 72.  Lodowick Sforce keepeth not the treaty of peace: The Venetians take the town of Pisa into their protection: The fr. king determineth to return into Italy: The king of Romans besiegeth Livorna: The Pope makes war upon the Vrsins: The fr. king dieth at Amboyse: Freare jeronimo Savonarola is hanged at Florence. 
Fol. 129.  Lowis Duke of Orleans succeedeth to the Crown of France: He determineth to recover his Duchy of Milan: Pisa and Florence make war: Lodowick Sforce flieth from Milan: The Florentines give battery to Pisa, and agreed with the French king: Pope Alexander aspireth for his son to the jurisdiction of Romania: Lodowick Sforce recovereth Milan, but being betrayed by the Swizzers he is taken and led into France. 
Fol. 187.  The war of Pisa continueth: The Duke Valentynois pursueth his enterprise upon Romania: The kings of Spain and France invade jointly the kingdom of Naples: They occupy it and divide it between them, and afterwards make war one upon an other: The Duke Valentynois putteth to death the Vrsins: The Swizzers descend into the Duchy of Milan: The Spaniards remain victors over the French at Corignolo, and take Naples. 
Fol. 244.  The French king maketh his preparation to pass into Italy: Pope Alexander the sixth is poisoned: His successor Pope Pius the third dieth within xxvi. days: julius the second is created Pope: The duke Valentynois is apprehended and made prisoner: The French men are overthrown at Garillan: The Florentines fail to take the City of Pisa: Peace is established between the French king and the king of Spaniards. 
Fol. 298.  Many treaties are made: Pope julio the second taketh the government of Bolognia: The Genoese rebel against the French king: The king of Arragon meeteth with the French king and communicateth with him: The Diet of Constance: The king of Romans demandeth passage of the Venetians to go take the Crown at Rome: He invadeth their lands, and afterwards maketh truce with them. 
Fol. 353.  Most of the Princes of Christendom draw into league at Cambray against the Venetians, who being overthrown by the French king, tender the towns of the Church, and make submission to the king of Romans: Pisa returneth to the obedience of Florence: The Venetians recover the town of Padua, which is soon after besieged by Caesar: Afterwards they make war upon the duke of Ferrara: The Pope giveth them absolution of the Church censures. 
Fol. 405.  Pope julio the second turneth against the French: The french king and king of Romans enter league against the Venetians, who besiege Verona: The Pope taketh Mirandola, and maketh war upon the duke of Ferrara: The family of Bentivoley returns to Bolognia: A Council is published at Pisa against the Pope. 
Fol. 463.  After the taking of Bolognia, the French army returneth to the Duchy of Milan: The Council that was to be holden at Pisa against the Pope, is transferred to Milan, where many stirs happen: The Pope's army besiegeth Bolognia: The French men take Bressia: The battle is given at Ravenna: The Pope publisheth the Council at Rome: afterwards the affairs of the French begin to decline. 
Fol. 531.  The Duke of Ferrara is in great trouble: The Medicis return to Florence: The king of Romans makes alliance with the Pope: Maxymylian Sforce is put in the possession of the Duchy of Milan: The French king maketh his preparation to recover Milan: Pope julio dieth: Leo the tenth is created Pope: The French men are overthrown near to Novaro, and the Venetians near to Vincensa. 
Fol. 602.  The king of England makes war upon the Fr. king: The Venetians recover Fryull: The Pope as Arbitrator pronownceth peace between them and the king of romans: king Lowys the xii. dieth: Francis the first cometh to the crown, and descendeth into Italy to reconquer Milan. 
Fol. 660.  The D. of Vrbyn makes an enterprise to recover his estate out of the hands of Pope Leo: The Fr. king makes a league with the Pope: The conspiracy of Cardinal Petruccio against the Pope is discovered: Charles king of Spain is chosen Emperor: Martin Luther writeth against the Pope: The Pope putteth to death john Pawle Baillon. 
Fol. 729.  Pope Leo is the cause that the peace continueth not in Italy: He joineth in league with th' Emperor against the French king: The French king loseth the Duchy of Milan: Pope Leo dieth: Adrian the sixth is created Pope: Francis Sforce re-entereth upon the Duchy of Milan: War is made in Tuskane by Ranso de Cero. 
Fol. 777.  Pope Adrian comes to Rome: The Venetians make league with th' Emperor: The french men besiege Milan and are constrained to divert from it: Cardinal Medicis is created Pope: King Francis descendeth into Italy, he taketh Milan and besiegeth Pavya: Themperor sendeth out an army to succour Pavya, where a battle is fought and the French king taken prisoner. 
Fol. 838.  The Pope is accorded with th' Emperor: Many practices are made for the king's delivery: jerom Moron conspireth against the Emperor: The fr. king is delivered out of prison & returneth into France. 
Fol. 9004.  The Pope, the french king, Venetians, and Duke of Milan draw into league against th' Emperor: The Duke of Bourbon comes co Milan: The army of the league breaks up from before Milan: The castle of Milan is rendered to th' imperials: Many enterprises are dressed against the Pope: The confederates send their armies by sea to Genes: Rome is surprised by the Colonnois: The Pope makes peace with th' imperials which hurteth the devices of Lombardye: The D. of Ferrara is confederate with the Emperor. 
Fol. 967.  The Duke of Bourbon issueth of Milan: The Viceroy and the Colonnois make war upon the Pope in the states of the Church: The Marquis of Salussa entereth Bolognia: The Pope maketh war in the kingdom of Naples: The Duke of Bourbon leadeth his army to Rome, taketh the town and sacketh it and is slain in the action: The Pope being abandoned of all hope, accordeth with the imperials: Amutinie in Florence: The king of England against th' Emperor: The confederates do many enterprises. 
Fol. 1034.  Lawtrech besiegeth Naples: In the mean while Anth. de Leva taketh Pavya and besiegeth Loda: Andre Door leaveth the pay of the French: Lawtrech dieth: The french break up from before Naples: Monsr Saint Pol reconquereth Pavya: Andre Door taketh Genua: The Genoese take Savona and put themselves in liberty: Saint Pol is taken by Anth. de Leva: Th' Emperor falleth to accord with the Pope: Peace is made at Cambray between the Emperor and French king: The Emperor passeth into Italy where the war goeth against the Florentines, and peace is solicited with all others. 
Fol. 1103.  The Emperor taketh th' Imperial crown at Bolognia, and from thence passeth into Germany: The families of Medicis by the aid of th' emperor's army return to Florence: Ferdinand is chosen king of romans: The Pope will not barken to a counsel: The French king stirreth up the Turk against th' Emperor, & hath conference with the Pope at Marseilles. 
Fol. 1163.   
The end of the contents of the books.   


THE ARGUMENT OF THE FIRST BOOK.  
LODOWYK SFORCE uncle and tutor to john Galeas Duke of Milan, fearing lest Ferdinand King of Naples would make war upon him, breaketh of from the league that had been renewed between the said Ferdinand, john Galeas, and the common weal of Florence, against the Venetians: he procureth the French King Charles the viii. to pass into Italy to conquer the kingdom of Naples: Pope Alexander the vj. allieth himself with the King of Naples: The French King, having ordered th' affairs of the kingdom, descendeth into Italy, where he taketh many towns: diverse emotion; happen in the kingdom of Naples: The Pope is in great perplexity and travel: Pisa rebelleth against the Florentines: The French King entereth into Florence and Rome, and from thence passeth to Naples.  
THE FIRST BOOK OF THE history and discoursse of Guicciardin.  
HAVING in hand to writ the affairs & fortunes of Italy, 
Intention of the author.  I judged it convenient to draw into discoursse those particularities that most nearest resemble our time and memory, yea even since the self princes of that country calling in the armies of France, gave the first beginning to so great innovations. A matter, for the variety, greatness, and nature of such things, very notable, and well worthy of memory: and for the heavy accidents, hateful, bloody and horrible: for that Italy for many years was traveled with all those sorts of calamities with the which principalities, countries, and mortal men, are wont to be afflicted aswell by the just wrath and hand of God, as through the impiety and wickedness of other nations. The knowledge of these things so great and diverse, may minister many wholesome instructions aswell to all men generally, as to every one in particular, considering that by the trial, consent & demonstration of so many examples, all princes, people, and patrimonies may see (as a sea driven with diverse winds) to what inconstancy human things are ordained, & how harmful are the ill measured counsels of princes, many times prejudicial to themselves, but always hurtful to their people and subjects, specially when they are vainly carried away either with their singular errors, or private covetousness, without having any impression or remembrance of the ordinary changes of fortune, whereby turning to the damage and displeasure of others, the power which is given them for the safety, protection, & policy of the whole, they make themselves, either by want of discretion, or too much ambition, authors of innovations and new troubles.  
But the better to make known the state and condition of Italy at that time, together 
The estate wherein Italy was anno 1490.  with the occasions of so many afflictions happening, it is to be considered that their calamities begun with so much the more displeasure & astonishment in men's minds, by how much the universal estate and multitude of things stood quiet, pleasant, and happy. For, it is true & well assured, that since the Roman empire (weakened chief by the change of ancient manners & customs) began a thousand years afore to decline from that greatness whereunto it was raised by a wonderful virtue and fortune: the principalities of Italy had not tasted of so great and general prosperity, nor rejoiced in a condition so happy, plausible and well governed, as was that whereon it was with great surety reapposed the year of grace 1490. and certain years afore and after: for that being on all sides reduced into 
The good estate of Italy afore the troubles.  peace and tranquillity, the hills and barren places tilled and made no less fruitful, than the valleys and regions most fertile, and no potentacy or commonalty subject to other Lords or rulers then their own. It was not only plentifully replenished with people, society, and riches, but also greatly honoured with the estates and majesty of many Princes, goodly aspect of sundry right stately cities, and with the seat and residency of the throne of Religion: it flourished in men rare and excellent in administration of common weals, and infinite in good wits seen and studied in all sciences and arts of excellency and industry: lastly bearing also no small praise and glory for the service in war according to the use and discipline of that time, it retained justly (by these gifts and blessings) a peculiar merit and reputation amongst all other nations. This felicity being gotten with diverse occasions, there were many things to entertain and preserve it, and amongst others, common voice and consent gave no small praise and deserving to the industry and virtue of Laurence de medicis a citizen of Florence, in whom was expressed such an excellency 
Laurence de medicis.  of spirit and authority above the other citizens of that regiment, that upon his counsel was reapposed the government of the affairs of that common weal, which was at that time more mighty for th'opportunity of his situation, for the excellent wits and inventions of men, and for the ready means and mines of silver and metals, then for the greatness and circuit of Lordship or dominion: And by reason he was lately joined by parentage with Pope Innocent the viii. whom he had brought to reappose almost an absolute faith and credit in his councils, his name was great through all Italy, and his authority mighty in the deliberation of common affairs. He knew well that it would be a thing prejudicial to the common weal of Florence, and no less hurtful to himself, if any of the great Potentates of that nation stretched out further their power, and therefore he employed all his devices, means, and directions that the things of Italy should be so evenly balanced, that they should not weigh more on the one side then of the other: A thing which he could not make to succeed, without the preservation of peace, and a perpetual care, diligence and watching over all accidents yea even to the lest, basest, and most inferior.  
In the same inclination to common tranquillity was also concurrant Ferdinand 
Ferdinand King of Arragon.  of Arragon King of Naples, a Prince for his councils deliberate, in his actions resolute, & touching his affections very moderate, notwithstanding often times before, he had showed many ambitious thoughts and far of from all council to peace. Wherein he was much governed in that time by Alphonso Duke of Calabria, his eldest son, who unwillingly suffered that john Gale as Sforce his son in law Duke of Milan, more than twenty years of age, but of a judgement very incapable and unapt to great affairs & retaining only the name of Duke, should be suppressed and as it were kept smothered by Lodowick Sforce his uncle, who, more than ten years afore by the misgovernment and unchaste life of Madame Bonne, mother to the said Galeas, was seized upon his minority, and by that means, had reduced by little and little into his power the strong holds, men of war, tributes and treasures, and all other the grounds and foundations of the state of Milan, persevering in the government not as tutor and regent, but (except the only title of Duke) with all demonstrations and actions of an absolute Prince. Ferdinand, with whom was more familiar the impression of present utility, than his ancient inclination, or tho'indignation of his son (how just so ever it were) desired that nothing should be innovated in Italy, nor the present policy fall into alteration: perhaps he had regard to the experience of the years before, wherein (to his great danger) he had proved the hate of his barons and universal subjects: & happily he had not forgotten (by the memory of things past) what affection a great part of his people boar to the name of the house of France: which just and wise conjectures drew him to suspect lest the discords of Italy might breed occasion to the french to invade the kingdom of Naples: or perhaps, to make a counter strength against the might of the Venetians, (at that time redowted throughout all Italy) he judged it necessary to alley himself with others and chief with the estates of Milan and Florence: Touching Lodowyke Sforce, notwithstanding he was possessed with a mind traveling, busy, and ambitious, yet by the necessity of his condition, he was driven to embrace the inclination and purpose to peace, aswell for that they which commanded at Milan were no less threatened than others with the danger which the residue feared touching the greatness of Venice: as also for that it was more easy for him by the benefit of tranquillity and peace, to keep the authority he had usurped, then by the travels and troubles of war. And albeit he kept a continual dread, jealousy and suspicion over the thoughts and devices of Ferdinand and Alphonso, yet weighing with the disposition of Laurence de medicis to peace, the jealousy he had likewise of their greatness, and persuading himself also that for the diversity of affections and ancient hatreds between Ferdinand and the Venetians, it was a thing vain to fear that between them should be contracted an amity firm and well assured: he held for certain that they of Arragon could not have the strength, society, or assistance of others to enterprise against him that, which alone and of their singular power they were not sufficient to obtain.  
Thus Ferdinand, Lodowyke, and Laurence having one equal will and devotion to peace, partly for the persuasions afore said, and somewhat for other inducements & 
A league for 20 years between the king of Naples, Duke of Milan, and the Venetians.  considerations: the league and confederation contracted in the name of Ferdinand King of Naples, john Gale as Duke of Milan, and the common weal of Florence, was easily recontinued: it was begun many years before, and afterward broken by many accidents, and now eftsoons renewed in the year 1480. for xxv. years, being competitors & parties therein almost all the meaner Potentates of Italy in whom was any principal end and purpose not to suffer the Venetians to become great: The Venetians (for their parts) being in deed more mighty and greater than any particular of the confederates, but far less and inferior to them all together, held their councils separate from the common council of the league, and watching to raise and increase their estate by the discord and travels of others, they had a continual preparation and readiness to take th'opportunity of all occurrants and times which might open unto them the way to the Empire & Monarchy of all Italy: whereunto it was clearly seen that they did aspire in diverse seasons, but chief when abusing the occasion of the death of Philip Maria Viscounte Duke of Milan, they attempted under colour to defend the liberty of the people of Milan, to make themselves Lords of that state, conspiring in like sort (but of later memory) to bring the Duchy of Ferrara by the way of open war, to their servitude and subjection.  
This confederation did easily bridle the covetousness of the senate of Venice, but it could not entirely knit the confederates in a true and faithful amity, for that being indifferently replenished with envy & jealousy, they ceased not to keep a continual care, observation, & eye over the thoughts and behaviours of one an other, breaking mutually all their resolutions and plots by the which might come to any one of them enlargement of estate or reputation. A thing which made not the peace less stable, but revived in them all a general readiness to be careful to quench all such sparks and brands as might be the cause of new fires and burnings.  
Such was the estate of the affairs, such were the foundations of the tranquillity of Italy, disposed and counterpeised in such sort, that much less that there was any doubt of present mutation, seeing the wisdom of man could not easily make conjecture, by what councils, by what accidents, or with what innovation or armies, so great a tranquillity could be troubled, when in the month of April 1492. chanced the death of Laurence de medicis: A death very pitiful for him in respect of his 
Laurence de medicis dieth 1492.  age (having not yet forty four years) but more bitrer and intolerable to his country, which, for the wisdom and reputation of the man together with the natural volubility of his wit raised to all things concerning honour and greatness, flourished plentifully with riches, love, and civility, and with all other benefits and felicities, which in th'affairs of the world are wont to accompany a long concord and peace. This death happened also very ill for the residue of Italy, as well for his general devices, cares, and actions for the commonsewertie, as also for that he was a mean in particular to moderate & bridle the differences, councils, and suspicions, which for diverse occasions, were often kindled between Ferdinand and Lodowyk Sforce, Princes equal in ambition, and nothing inferior in power. Like as when adversities happen, it is seldom seen that one ill comes alone: So a little after the death of Laurence (the time preparing every day occasions to the calamities to come) chanced the death of the Pope, whose life being in other 
Pope Innocent the viii. dieth.  things unprofitable to the common weal, was at the lest convenient in this, that leaving suddenly war and arms unhappily raised in the entry and beginning of his popedom against Ferdinand at the incensing of many barons of the realm of Naples, he turned soon after all his faculty, affections & spirit to pleasures vain, dissolute, & idle, not acquainting his thoughts (neither for himself nor friends) with any enterprise which might trouble the rest, felicity, & good accord of Italy. To Innocent succeeded Roderyk Borgia borne at Valence one of the chief cities of Spain: he was an ancient Cardinal & one of the greatest in all the court of Rome: one mean that raised 
Creation of Pope Alexander 6.  him to the seat of the Pope, was the difference between the Cardinals Ascanius Sforce, & julian S. Petri ad vincla: but the chiefest thing that accomplished his election, was that with a new example for that time, he bought by the consent & knowledge of every one, partly for money, and partly with promises of offices and great dignities, 
Corruption of Cardinals in th'election of the Pope.  many voices of the Cardinals, who rejecting thinstruction of the Gospel, were not ashamed to pass to him by sale, an authority and power to make merchandise of the holy treasures, & that with the name of the celestial authority in the most high and eminent part of the temple. To which abominable negotiation many of them were induced by the Cardinal Ascanius, but that was not more with persuasions and suits, then with his example: for that being corrupted with the infinite desire of riches, he made the Pope promise' him for his higher and recompense of so great wickedness the office of vicechancellorshippe, (the principallest place in the Court of Rome) together with benefices, castles, and his palace of Rome full of movables of great valour. But the Pope for all this, could not avoid neither for the time to come, the justice and judgement of God, nor for the present, the infamy and just hate of men, in whom for this election, was no small impressions of astonishment & horror, not only for that it was entangled with means dishonest but also because the natures & conditions of the man chosen, were, (for the greatest part) known to many: many sentences & conjectures were made of his success, & amongst others, Ferdinand king of Naples, dissembling openly the grief he had of that election, signified to the Queen his wife with tears (which he was wont to forbear even in the death of his children) that there was created a Pope who would be most hurtful to Italy and the whole common weal of Christendom. A judgement not unworthy of the wisdom of such a Prince: for that in Alexander the sixth (for so would this new Pope be called) was a subtlety, sharpness, and expedition of wit most singular, a council excellent, a wonderful efficacy in persuasion, and in all great 
Pope Alexander the sixth stay●●d with man, ●●●es  affairs a judgement and care incredible. But these virtues were marvelously defaced by his vices, for, touching his manners and customs, they were very dishonest, in his administrations he expressed little sincerity, in his countenance no shame, in his words small truth, in his heart little faith, and in his opinion less religion. Of the contrary, all his actions were defiled with an insatiable covetousness, an immoderate ambition, a barbarous cruelty, and a burning desire to raise and make great (by what means so ever) his children, who were many in number, and amongst others, one, no less detestable than the father, to whose cursed councils he become a wicked instrument. Great was the change in the affairs of the Church by the death of Innocent the eight, but no less revolution happened in the common weal of Florence by the taking away of Laurence de medicis, to whose greatness 
Peter de medicis heir to Laurence.  (without contradiction) succeeded Peter the eldest of his three sons, who as well for his age being yet young, as also for his other qualities was not fit for the government of so heavy a charge, and less capable to manage the affairs with that moderation which his father was wont to use in business both foreign and domestical, and knowing discreetly how to temporize between Princes confederate, he had whilst he lived augmented greatly the conditions and faculties both public and private, and at his death, left unto every one a firm opinion that the peace of Italy was principally preserved by his means.  
Peter was no sooner succeeded to thadministration of the common weal, then with a course directly contrary to the councils of his father, & not communicating with those ancient citizens which were wont to be called to the deliberation of business of importance, he joined himself so straightly with Ferdinand and Alphonso, perhaps by the persuasion of Virginio Vrsin his parent depending wholly upon them, that Lodowyk Sforce had just occasion to fear, that as often as the Aragon's would 
Lod. Sforce i● jealous o●●● the amities between ●. de medicis & the Aragon's.  annoyed him, they should be aided (by th'authority of Peter de medicis) with the forces of the common weal of Florence. This intelligence, seminary, and original of all the troubles, albeit at the beginning was debated with no less judgement and wisdom, than the resolution secret and private: yet by certain obscure conjectures, it began even in the beginning to be suspected by Lodowyk, a Prince very watchful and of right subtle understanding: for, as it hath been an ancient custom in Christendom to send Ambassadors to congratulate with the new Pope as Christ's vicar on earth, and to offer him obedience: So Lodowyk Sforce who appropriated to himself this peculiar custom to study to show himself more wise than the rest and of inventions strange and unadvised to others, had given counsel that th'ambassadors of the confederates should all enter Rome in one day, and presenting themselves altogether in the public consistory afore the Pope, the oration should be expressed by one of them only in the name of them all: for that by that form and order of doing, besides th'increase of their common reputation, it should appear to all Italy that there was amongst them not only a good will and confederation, but rather so great a conjunction, that they seemed as one body, one Prince, and one invested corporation. To this he adjoined, that as touching the utility of this council, it was not only expressed with the discourse of reason, but justified with a late and familiar example, for that (as was believed) the last Pope taking argument of the disunion of the confederates in that at several seasons, and with councils separate, they had done him obedience, he was the more ready to invade the kingdom of Naples. Ferdinand approved easily the advise of Lodowyk: the Florentines allowed it for th'authority of the one and other: and Peter de medicis was not against it in open council, albeit in particular, the devise was nothing agreeable to him: for that being one of the elect Ambassadors for that common weal, & having an intention to make his legation glorious with proud and gorgeous demonstrations, he feared that if he should make his entry into the city and the Pope's presence amongst the other Ambassadors of the confederates, the magnificency of his train would not be seen no more than a little candle amidd a choice sort of greater lights. This vanity of the young man was confirmed by the ambitious council of gentle Bishop of Arze, the other coembassador for Florence: to him belonged the authority of the oration in the name of the Florentines, by reason of his dignity and profession in the studies of humanity: And seeing by this manner no less unlooked for then always unaccustomed, he saw himself deprived of thoccasion to publish his eloquence in an assembly so honourable and solemn, he complained as if he had suffered wrong in his perpetual reputation. For this reason, Peter de medicis, pushed on partly by his proper vanity and lightness, and partly by the pomp and ambition of the other, required the king of Naples (albeit with this caution to keep from Lodowyk that he did impugn his council) to consider that that form of legation could not be executed in common without great confusion, and therefore that he would take upon him to persuade that th'expedition might be separate, and pass according to the examples passed. The king of Naples desiring to gratify him in his demand (but yet not without the displeasure of Lodowyk) satisfied him in th'effect, but not in the manner, plainly declaring to Lodowyk that he did not discondescend from the first plot and resolution for th'ambassadors, for other occasion then at the instance and solicitation of Peter de medicis: Lodowyk for this sudden mutation, declared more perplexity and trouble of mind, than the nature and importance of the thing could deserve, and amydd his complaints, he impropriated to himself this degree of injury, that to diminish his reputation, they revoked the first devise whereof he was author and already had communicated it with the Pope and the whole court of Rome. But the point wherein he felt his most trouble and travel of mind was, for that in this little & vain accident, he saw tokens, argument, and conjectures, that Peter de medicis had secret intelligence with Ferdinand, which by the events that followed he discovered daily more apparently. Languilare, Ceruetre, and other small castles near to Rome, were in the possession of Francisquin Cibo, a Genua, bastard son to Pope Innocent, and he after the death of his father being gone to devil at Florence, perhaps under the favour and society of Peter de medicis, brother to M. his wife: sold immediately after his coming thither to Virginio Vrsin by the negotiation of Peter, those castles for the price of forty thousand ducats. A thing debated chief with Ferdinand who lent him most part of the money, persuading himself that it could not but turn to his profit, if the greatness of Virginio who was his parent and in his pay, should enlarge and stretch far about the confins of Rome. The king considered that the power of the Popes was an apt instrument to trouble the realm of Naples (an ancient freeholder and chief of the church of Rome) both for that it had large borders upon th'ecclesiastical territories, and he had not yet forgotten what differences he and his father had with them: and also he wisely foresaw that there is always some occasion of new contentions about the jurisdiction of Confins, both for tributes and collation of benefices, and for regard of intercourse of barons with many other quarrels happening many times amongst estates borderers, and no less often between the vassal and the Lord Peramount: for which reasons, he held always for one of the firm foundations of his security, that all or the greater part of the mightiest barons of the territory of Rome, should depend upon him. A thing which in that time he wrought with so much the more care and diligence, by how much the world judged that the authority of Lodowyk Sforce was like to be great with the Pope by the mean of Cardinal Ascanius his brother: And as many believed, he was perhaps not the lest pushed forward with fear lest in Alexander were concurrant the covetousness and hatred of his uncle Pope Calixtus the third, who, (saving that death gave impediment to his councils) had immediately after the decease of Alphonso father to Ferdinand, taken arms to despoil him of the kingdom of Naples, (reverted as he said to the Church). He did not remember (so little force amongst men hath the memory of benefits received) how by the mean of Alphonso (in whose kingdoms he was borne, and to whom he had been a servant long time) he had obtained other ecclesiastical dignities with a liberal favour and aid to aspire to the popedom. But it hath been always a thing very true that wisemen have not at all times a discretion or judgement perfect, seeing it is necessary, that the signs of the weakness and frailty of man's understanding should many times be discovered. The king of Naples, notwithstanding he was recommended for a Prince watchful, politic, and foreseeing, yet did he oversee to consider how much this deliberation deserved to be rejected, for that containing in no accident or fortune any other hope then of a small utility, it bred on the other side, many degrees and properties of mischiefs and harms irreparable, for that in the sale of those small castles was no little opportunity to innovate to new things, the minds of those to whom it did either appertain, or had interest of profit to look to the preservation of the common peace and concord: for the Pope pretending that by such alienation made without his knowledge, they were diuolued to the sea Apostolic by the disposing of the laws, seemed not a little injuried: & looking withal into the ends and purposes of Ferdinand, filled all Italy with complaints against him, Peter de medicis, and Virginio, whom he assured that so far as his power would stretch, he would not spare any thing nor let pass any mean to preserve the dignity and right of the sea of Rome. Lodowyk Sforce was no less moved, to whom were always suspected the actions of Ferdinand, and who, for the false opinion he had that the Pope would be governed by the councils of Ascanius and himself, esteemed it his proper loss, if any thing should be diminished of the greatness of Alexander: But that which vexed him most, was that he could not but doubt, that between the Aragon's and P. de medicis was contracted a secret and an assured league, drawing his conjecture from this that in that action they had proceeded wholly, uniformly, and reciprocally: And therefore to raise impediments to those plots & determinations as most dangerous to his affairs, & to make this occasion convenient 
Lodo. Sforce insinuateth envy into the Pope against the Aragon's and Medicis.  to win the Pope, he stirred him up as much as he could to protect his proper dignity: he persuaded with him that there was not so much necessity to set before his eyes things that were done presently, as to consider how much it imported him, to suffer in the first days of his pontificacy, to be despised the majesty of such a degree even by his proper vassals: he told him he had not to believe that the covetousness of Virginio, or the importance of the castles, or other reason of that nature, had moved Ferdinand: But a certain languishing desire (which he could no longer keep smothered) to assay his patience and courage with injuries bearing little face and show at the beginning, but afterwards (if he would join sufferance to those inferior wrongs) he would not be without boldness to tempt him every day with offences offarre higher and greater quality: he advised him to believe, that the ambition of Ferdinand did nothing differ from his ancestors kings of Naples and perpetual enemies to the Church of Rome, who had not forborn to persecute the Popes with wars and armies, and some times had occupied Rome: That the example is fresh & green, that the king now reigning, in the person of his son, dispatched two armies at two several times against two Popes, & made invasion even to the walls of Rome: That he hath been always exercised in malice, conspiracies, and wars against his predecessors: And now not only the example of other kings, not only his natural covetousness to bear rule, did stir him up against him, but rather an old infected desire of revenge now burst out by the memory of injuries received of Calixtus his uncle. Therefore he advised him with great diligence to look into those things, lest by giving sufferance and patience to these first wrongs, he were not the breeder of his proper dishonour and derogation, making himself to be honoured with ceremonies and vain titles, and in effect followed with despite, derision and contempt of every one: he told him that in this unworthy toleration was secretly many opportunities of courage & boldness to the party to conspire against him many dangerous enterprises: where, if he would take this to heart and call things into correction and justice, he should with more facility preserve the ancient majesty & greatness with the true reverence due by all the world to the Popoes' of Rome. To these persuasions he joined many offices and promises of no small importance, but far greater in efficacy and effect, for that he lent him readily forty thousand ducats, and levied with him at their common charge three hundredth men at arms, under this condition that they should be employed where it best pleased the Pope. Notwithstanding all this, Lodowyk, desirous to shun the necessity to enter into new troubles, communicated with Ferdinand, & counseled him to dispose Virginio to appease the Pope by some honest mean, jest upon so slender beginnings, there arose not displeasures and troubles heavy and slanderous. But with greater liberty and efficacy, he admonished often times Peter de medicis, that (considering how convenient it was for the common peace of Italy that his father Laurence was always as the mediator and indifferent friend of Ferdinand and him) he would rather take the ways, examples, and directions of his father specially touching a parsonage of so great valour, then believing new councils, to be driven to give occasion to an other, to make deliberations which in the end would prove hurtful to every one: he willed him to remember what great reputation & surety the Sforces and Medicis had given reciprocally to their houses: and with what wrongs and injuries the family of Arragon had obtruded upon his father, his ancestors, and common weal of Florence: and lastly by how many means and times Ferdinand and Alphonso his father had conspired sometimes by arms and open force, and often by trains & subtleties, to make themselves Lords of Tuskane.  
These councils or advertisements brought fourth little fruit according to th'expectation of the author, for that Ferdinand, esteeming it much to his indignity to give place to Lodowyk and Ascanius, by whose workings he supposed the Pope was settled into those discontentements and indignations which he showed: gave secret council to Virginio by thincitation of his son Alphonso, not to delay to take by virtue of his purchase, the possession of the castles, promising to defend him against all displeasures that might happen. And of the other side, governing himself with his natural industry, he communicated with the Pope diverse means of composition, secretly incensing Virginio notwithstanding not to consent any but such, as might keep the castles in his possession, satisfying the Pope with some portion of money: which comforts set Virginio into such a courage & resolution of mind, that many times afterwards he refused certain of the conditions, even such as Ferdinand (not to incense the Pope to much) solicited him instantly to be accepted. By these actions it was plainly perceived that Peter de medicis persevered to follow the authority of the king, & that all that was done to draw him away, was in vain & without fruit: therefore Lodowyk Sforce deeply revolving how much it imported that the city of Florence should be at the devotion of his enemies, whose temperature and good government was wont to be the principal foundation of his security, and seeming to see in his secret cogitation many impressions of dangers threatening him on all sides, determined to provide for his proper safety, and to those new perils to appropriate new remedies, specially his conscience interpreting unto him with what vehement desire the Aragon's thirsted to take from him the government of his Nephew: which just ambition, albeit Ferdinand (to whom nothing was more familiar than to dissemble his intentions) had sought to cover in all his actions, yet in Alphonso, of nature more open and liberal, was not so great continency and moderation, but that he complained publicly of thoppression of his son in law, pronouncing with more great liberty of words, than temperance of discretion many injurious speeches tending to manifest threatening. To these conjectures, Lodowyk added this argument of suspicion: He knew well that Isabella wife to john Galeas, a young Lady of high stomach would use a perpetual diligence to incense her father & grandfather, that if thindignity which was done to her husband and her would not move them, at lest the consideration of the perils whereunto their own lives were exposed, together with the lamentable ruin of their children, might draw them to compassion. But that which chief occupied his mind with perplexity and torment, was, that by the suggestion of his proper conscience, he knew how hateful his name was to the subjects of the Duchy of Milan, as well for the grievous and unaccustomed money tributes which he had imposed upon them, as also for the compassion that every one had of john Galeas their rightful Lord. And although he traveled by all his best ways to make them of Arragon suspected of a desire to impatronise themselves of that estate, as though they did assume a title by the ancient rights of the testament of Philip Maria viscount, who had instituted his heir Alphonso father to Ferdinand, and under that pretence meant to wrist from him the government of his Nephew: yet, he found himself unable by all these means to remove the hatreds that were conceived against him, and much less so to satisfy the world, but that all men might consider to how many miseries and wickedness the ambition and wretched desire to bear rule, leads mortal men. Therefore after he had made discourse and conference with no small study and travel of mind of the state of things present, and the dangers likely to happen, casting aside all other thoughts, his devices at last brought forth this resolution to search new confederates and new friends: Touching this resolution he found a great opportunity in the Pope's disdain against Ferdinand, and in the desire which he believed the state of Venice had, that this confederation should change and altar, which of long time had given no small impediments to their purposes: he made solicitation to both these to contract in common a new confederacy for the public benefit.  
But the Pope rejecting all passions of anger, and all other affection, had his mind 
Thimpudency of the Pope to justify his children.  only possessed with an unbridled covetousness to raise and make mighty his sons, in whom having settled a blind fancy, he was not ashamed contrary to the custom of former Popes (who to cast some cloak over their infamy were wont to call them their Nephews) called them his children, and expressed them to the world for such: And not finding as yet other fit occasion to give beginning to his ambitious intention: he made instance to marry one of his two sons to the bastard daughter of Alphonso demanding a dowry of some rich estate in the kingdom of Naples: from which hope so long as he was not excluded, he hearkened rather with his ear then his heart to the confederation offered by Lodowyk. And if in this desire he had been satisfied, the peace of Italy had not perhaps fallen into so sudden alteration & trouble.  
Ferdinand happily had not his mind much estranged from that motion: but Alphonso to whom was hateful the ambition and pride of the Pope, denied constantly his consent, and yet keeping his intentions dissembled, they made no open challenge or dislike to the marriage, but laying all the difficulty upon the quality of the dowry that was demanded, they satisfied not Alexander, who rising for this cause into discontentment, resolved to embrace the councils of Lodowyk, his humours being turned all into disdain and ambition, and his mind traveled with fear for that not only Virginio Vrsin was mercenary to Ferdinand. And for the many favours he had received of him and them of Florence, and being withal of the faction of the guelfs, was at that time very mighty throughout the whole dominions of the Church. But that which more was, Prospero and Fabricius principal heads of the family of the Colonnoys, and the Cardinal of S. P. ad vincla, a Cardinal of great reputation (then retired to the Castle of Ostie, which he held as Bishop of the place, lest the Pope should dress some ambush against his life:) was now become a great friend to Ferdinand, to whom before he was a professed enemy, and had many times stirred the Pope's Sixtus and Innocent against him. But the Senate of Venice contrary to the opinion and expectation of the world made no great show of readiness to this confederation, for, albeit they took it to happen to their commodity, and held withal very agreeable the disunion of others, yet they took occasion in the infidelity of the Pope being every day more and more suspected to every one, to be slow to hearken to the league, the remembrance of the alliances made by them with Sixtus & Innocent the Pope's latest predecessors serving much to their present distrust. This was when the war was most hot against the Duke of Ferrara, whereunto after he had provoked them, & entangled them with the quarrel, receiving of the one great displeasures without any profit, and for Sixtus, he did not only change purpose, but also recompensed them with his spiritual curses, and (together with the residue of all Italy) he proceeded against them with his temporal corrections: But notwithstanding all these, the industry and diligence of Lodowyk continually soliciting the Senate, and privately working with many in particular, all these difficulties were vanquished, and at last was contracted in the month of April 1493. between the Pope, the Senate 
Confederation between the Pope, the Venetians & the Duke of Milan.  of Venice, and john Gale as Duke of Milan (for all expeditions were dispatched in his name). A new confederation for their common defence and particular preservation of the government of Lodowyk: one of the conditions was, that the Venetians and Duke of Milan, and every of them should sand immediately to Rome for the surety of the Pope and state ecclesiastic, an hundredth men at arms, as well with those, as with greater forces (if need required) they should join with him for the recovery of the castles detained by Virginio.  
These new councils moved not a little the minds of all Italy, for that the Duke of Milan remained now divided from that league, by the which for more than a dozen years, their common security was maintained, being in it expressly defended that none of the confederates should enter any new alliance without consent of the residue. And therefore seeing that unity was broken with unequal division, wherein consisted the equality of their general and common business, and the minds of the Princes replenished with suspicions and displeasures, there could be no expectation of other success then that, to a general and common hurt, there would resort fruits equal and conformable to such seeds. Now, the Duke of Calabria and P. de medicis, judging it more for the surety of their estates to prevent, then to be prevented, inclined easily to Prospero and Fabricius Colonne, who being also secretly incensed by the Cardinal S. P. ad vincla, offered to surprise the town of Rome with their companies of men at arms & the aid of the faction of the Gebelyns, so that the Vrsins would follow them, and the Duke of Calabria march so near, that he might rescue them within three days after their entry into Rome.  
But Ferdinand, who now desired no more to vex but to appaise the courage of the Pope, and to correct that which heretofore had been done by a rash council & without discretion, rejected altogether those councils wherein he judged was infection of commotion, and carried not intention and matter to breed security, but to raise and nourish greater troubles and dangers: he determined now, not feignedly but with all his heart to do all he could to compound and accord the controversy of the castles, persuading himself, that that occasion of so great emotion & change being taken away, Italy would speedily return with little or no travel, to her first estate. But it happeneth not always, that in taking away th'occasions, th'effects do cease, having had of them their first beginning: for, as it often times happeneth that resolutions made by fear, seem to him that feareth, less than the peril: so Lodowyk had no great confidence in that he had found a remedy sufficient for his security: But doubting, by reason the Pope and the Venetians had intentions and ends other than his, that his foundation could not long last which he had laid upon the confederation lately made with them, and that therefore his affairs by diverse accidents should be in danger to be reduced into hard terms and many difficulties: he applied all his thoughts more to cure even to the root the original ill that he set before his eyes, then to provide a salve for such accidents as might happen by it, neither remembering how dangerous it is to use a medicine stronger than the nature of the disease or complexion of the patient will suffer, nor that to enter into greater perils can be the only remedy for dangers present. And to the end to build his surety upon foreign strength, seeing he had no confidence in his own forces, and less expectation of trust in thitalian amities, he determined to do all that he could to stir up the French King Charles the viii. to assail the kingdom of Naples, which he pretended to appertain to him by the ancient rights & discentes of the house of Aniow.  
The kingdom of Naples, which, in the investitures & bulls of the Church of Rome 
The title of the house of Anjou, to the kingdom of Naples.  whereof it is an ancient freehold, is absurdly called the Realm of Sicyle on this side the river of Far, and being unjustly usurped by Manfroy bastard son to the Emperor frederik the second, was given in chief together with the isle of Sicyle under the title of both Sicyles, the one on this side, and the other beyond Far, by Pope Vrbyn the 
1264.  fourth, to Charles Earl of Provence and Anjou, brother to that Lewis king of the french, who, much renowned for his power & strength, but more recommended for the holiness of his life, deserved (according to the vain affections of the frenchmen) to be translated after his death into the number of Saints. This Charles with force of arms, obtained effectually, that, which by title was given to him with th'authority of the Church: after his death, succeeded to the kingdom, Charles his son called by the italians, (to distinguish him from his father) Charles the second, who left the inheritance of the Realm to Robert his son. But because Robert died without issue male, Johan daughter of Charles Duke of Calabria son to Robert, who died in young age before his father, aspired to the kingdom: but her authority began immediately to be dejected, no less for thinfamy of her life and conditions, then for the common imbecility of that sex: whereupon, with th'increase of time, the Realm being thrown into many discords and wars, not with strangers, but amongst the self successors of Charles the first, descending of diverse children of Charles the second: Johan despairing not to be able to defend herself, adopted for her son, Lewis Duke of Aniow, brother to the french King Charles the fift: he to whom the french men gave the surname of wise, for that he had obtained many victories without feeling the power of Fortune. This Lewis, after he had passed into Italy with a mighty army (Johan being aforehand decessed by violent means, and the kingdom transferred to Charles called Durazzo descending likewise of Charles the first) died of a fever in Apulia even when he was almost in possession of the victory: so that there came no other thing to them of Aniow by this adoption, than thearldom of Provence, which had been always possessed by the issues of Charles the first. But yet of that rose the original of the colour under the which afterwards, both Lewis of Anjou, son to the first Lewis, & at an other time a sons son of the same name both stirred up by the Popes, being then in variance with the same kings, to make many invasions upon the kingdom of Naples, but with great misfortune and prejudice. Touching Charles Durazzo, Ladislao his son succeeded him, who dying without issue in the year 1414. the crown diuolued to his 
The name of johane, a name unhappy for the kingdom of Naples.  sister johane the second, A name much accursed for the kingdom of Naples, and no less unhappy to both the one and other of the women, resembling one an other in dissolute government and wanton customs of life: for this Johan putting the policy and direction of the Realm into the hands of those persons with whom she communicated unchastely her body, was immediately brought into such straits and difficulties, that being tormented with Lewis the third, with the aid of Pope Martin the u she was at last constrained for her last refuge, to make her son by adoption, Alphonso king of Arragon & Sicyle. But entering soon after into contention with him, she broke that adoption under colour of ingratitude, & made a new adoption, calling to her succours, the self Lewis, who persecuting her with war, compelled her by the necessities of war, to make the first adoption: In so much as having with force chassed Alphonso wholly out of the kingdom, she enjoyed it in peace, all the residue of her life: And dying without issue, she instituted for her heir (as the brute went) Rene Duke of Aniow and Earl of Provence brother to Lewis her son adoptyf, who perhaps died the same year. But the succession of Rene displeasing much the Barons of the realm (besides a brute running that the testament was forged by them of Naples) Alphonso was revoked by a part of the Barons & people: And from thence kindled the fire of the wars between Alphonso & Rene, which by many years brought many afflictions to that noble realm, & yet the accidents & actions of the war▪ were more by the proper forces of the realm, then by the strength of the parties. In this sort (the wills of men being different and contrary) were kindled the factions not altogether in that time quenched between the Aragon's and them of Aniow, their titles and colors of rights changing with the time, for that the Pope's following more their customs of covetousness, or the property of times, then justice or equity consented diversly to the investitures of them. But touching the wars between Alphonso & Rene, the victory remained to Alphonso, a Prince for his valer, more renowned, for his power, more mighty, & for his fortune, better favoured: who dying soon after without lawful heirs, & without making any mention of john his brother & successor to the realm of Sicily & Arragon, bequeathed by testament the kingdom of Naples to Ferdinand his bastard son, as a just reward & testimony of his proper getting & conquest, & therefore he judged it could not appertain to the crown of Arragon. This bastard, notwithstanding he was immediately after the death of his father, invaded by john the son of Rene, & that by the supportation of the principal barons of the realm: yet with his fortune & virtue he maintained not only good defence, but also so chased his adversaries, that never after during the life of Rene (surviving many years his son,) he neither had to debate with those of Aniow, nor yet stood in fear of their invations. In the end Rene died, & having no issue male, he established as heir over his whole estates, Charles the son of his brother, who dying soon after without children, left by his will his inheritance to the french king Lewis the xj. to whom did not only return as to his Lord sovereign the Duchy of Aniow (which suffereth no capacity of succession in the women, for that it is a member of the crown) but also he put himself in the possession of Provence, notwithstanding the Duke of Lorraine descending of one of the daughters of Rene, justified the inheritance of his estates to appertain unto him. And the said Lewis by just virtue & prerogative of the same testament, had good power to pretend that the rights which those of Aniow had to the kingdom of Naples, should be appropriated to him. All which inheritances being passed & continued after his death to the person of Charles the viii. his son, Ferdinand king of Naples began to have a mighty enemy, besides the opportunity generally offering to who soever desired to annoyed him. For, at that time, this was the state of the realm of France: it was very populous in multitudes of men, for wealth & riches every particular region most fertile & plentiful, for glory in arms most flourishing & renowned: a policy well directed, discipline administered, an authority dreadful, & in opinion 
The state of the Realm of France under Charles the viii.  & hope most mighty, lastly their general conditions & faculties so well furnished, as phaps it was not more happy in these mortal felicities since the days of Charlemagne. It was newly amplified in every one of the 3. parts wherein all Gaul stood divided by the ancients: for, xl. years before under Charles the seven. (a Prince for his victories obtained with great dangers called happy) Normandy & the Duchy of Guienne holden by the english, were reduced to the obedience of the french crown. And in the last days of Lewis the xj. the earldom of Provence, the dukdom of Burgundy, almost all Picardy together with the Duchy of Britain, were by a new marriage invested in the power of Charles the viii. There was no want of inclination in this king to aspire to conquer by war and arms the kingdom of Naples as justly appertaining to him: which continuing from his infancy by a certain natural instinct, was entertained and nourished by such as were about him, and for the conformity of humours, very agreeable with him: they raised his thoughts into vain regions, and made him glorious above the triumphs of Caesar and Alexander: they told him that with his heroical mind, virtues, and disposition, did concur a present occasion to make him surmount the renown of his predecessors, for that in the conquest of Naples was a ready way for him to bring under his subjection th'empire of the Turks.  
These things being known to many, brought many hopes to Lodowyk Sforce to persuade easily the thing he desired, who also reapposed much in the friendship & familiarity which the name of Sforce had in the french court▪ for, both in him & in his brother Galeas afore him was continued by many demonstrations & good offices, the amity begun by Francis Sforce their father, who thirty. years before having received in fee of Lewis the xj. (whose mind abhorred always the things of Italy) the city of Savone with the right which he pretended to have to Genes possessed aforetime by his father, never failed him in his dangers, neither with council, succours, nor affection.  
But Lodowik to solicit in France with more credit and authority, and judging himself unable alone both for the importance and danger of the thing: to handle so great an enterprise: sought to communicate & persuade all things with the Pope, in whom he knew had most dominion two stirring humours, ambition & disdain: he told him that not by the favours of the Princes of Italy, and much less by the mean 
Lodo. Sforce seeketh to draw the pope to his purpose  of their armies and helps, he should be revenged of Ferdinand, nor have hope to compass estates worthy and honourable for th'advancement of his sons. He found the Pope to bear a vehement and ready will to the matter, perhaps for a desire to innovate and altar things, but more likely to constrain the Aragon's by fear to come to that which by consent & will they would not accord to him. After they had communicated their councils, they dispatched secretly into France, personages of trust to sound the will of the king & such as governed him: who showing themselves not far from their intention, Lodowyk turning his whole wits to the devise of this enterprise: sent in the sight of all the world (but shadowing it with other occasions) one Charles Balbyan Earl of Belioyense, who soliciting the king certain days in private audience, & working particularly with sundry of his principal favourits, was at last introduced into open council, the king present, where in a public hearing of the Prince, his Lords and Prelates of the Court, he delivered this form of discourse.  
Most christian king, Thexperience of the disposition of hearts diversly inclined▪ makes 
Thambassador of Milan persuades the french king to the voyage of Naples.  me dowtful, whether under a direct & absolute form, I should begin my discourse, or using the custom of Orators, bring into question such objections as may be opposed against the present matter: for, in causes of persuasion, the one with the other must orderly concur, lest for want of due office in the speaker, the matter seeming to suffer imperfection & error, do not bring forth resolution & effect according to th'expectation of the parties for whom he solicits. And albeit the universal conjecture & opinion of your majesties many virtues, & the grave aspect & face of your right wise council here assembled, promise' no less ready consent & liking, than the matter is just & innocent▪ yet for your majesties better inducement, & general satisfaction of your Lords & Prelates assisting, I will join myself to the refutation of that general doubt which in negociations of this nature, are commonly objected, more by custon, than just cause arising: If therefore (right Christian king) any man for what occasion so ever, will hold for suspected the integrity of mind and faith, with the which Lodowik Sforce comes to council you to bear arms to conquer the kingdom of Naples: he may easily deliver his mind of that ill grounded suspicion, if he either look into the offers, offices, & conditions wherewith he doth accompany his persuasion & council, offering you the commodity of his treasures, men, & all other opportunities: or at lest will call to his memory with what devotion both he, Galeas his brother, & originally Francis his father, did honour the late king Lewis your father, continued with no less constancy, faith, & piety to the glorious name of your majesty. Let him consider also that by this enterprise, Lodowyk stands possible to many great dangers with a very naked hope of any profit: yea in this is contained the only benefit he shall have, to see a just revenge of the ambushes & wrongs done by them of Arragon: where your majesty by mean of the victory shall happily aspire to a most flourishing kingdom, bringing with it a greater glory & opportunity of far more high and honourable merit, an action whereunto the thoughts of mighty Princes aught to be fashioned. And of the other part, if it happen that you come not to the end of this enterprise: yet your majesty loseth no reputation, nor your greatness the more diminished: for that only the fortunes of Princes are subject to opinions, but not their estate & majesty impaired. But for Lodowyk, he is of nothing more sure then to suffer general ill will & contempt, & of nothing more unsure then to found remedy in his perils: for that in him would concur all the displeasures & slanders which may concern his estate, life or reputation. And therefore I see not how should be suspected the counsels of him, whose conditions & fortunes are so unequal & inferior to yours. But there be reasons stirring you to this honourable expedition, which for the simplicity, roundness, & innocency they contain, will admit no doubt: for that in them are liberally concurrant all the grounds & foundations which inconsulting of enterprises, merit chiefest consideration: that is to say, the justice of the cause, the facility of the conquest, & the great fruit of the victory: it is manifest to all the world, how resolute & apparent be the rights which the house of Aniow, to whom you are lawful inheritor hath to the realm of Naples, & how just is the succession which this crown pretends to it by the issues of Charles, who first of the blood royal of France, obtained the same kingdom both with th'authority of the Pope, and by his proper valour. And it is no less easy to conquer it, than the action is just: for, who knows not, how much the King of Naples is inferior in force, authority, and fortune, to the most mighty King of all Christendom. And no nation doubteth with what terror and renown the name of the french thundereth throughout the regions of the world, neither with what astonishment the brute of your armies, keepeth other countries in dread. At no time did the inferior Dukes of Aniow assail the kingdom of Naples: that they put it not in great hazard: And it is to late to be forgotten, how john son of Rene had in his hand the victory against Ferdinand now reigning, if Pope Pius had not taken it from him: but much more Francies Sforce, who forbore (as is well known) to obey Lewis the xj. your father. If those small forces trained with them so great fortunes, what may be hoped for of the armies & authority of so mighty a king, all opportunities being increased, and the difficulties objected against Rene and john, diminished, seeing the Princes of those estates which gave impediments to their victories, have now unity & confederation with you: & in them be no small means to offend the kingdom of Naples: for, the Pope by land, by reason the territories of the church are frontiers to Naples, & the Duke of Milan by sea, applying to you the commodity & service of Genes: will be furtherers of your victory with many helps▪ favours, and commodities: besides these, there is no potentacie or jurisdiction in Italy will oppose against you: for, it can not be judged of the Venetians that they will throw themselves into expenses and dangers, and much less deprive their estate of the amity wherein so long time they have been entertained with the kings of France: to preserve or protect Ferdinand an ancient enemy to their name & greatness: for that amongst estates & kingdoms the remembrance of injuries past keeps men's minds from reconcilement. And there is no reason to believe that the Florentines will departed from the natural devotion which they have borne to the crown of France, seeing it is but just, to own faith, service & affection, to those who gave them their first creation, dignity, and greatness. But be it, that, following the common ingratitude of mortal men, they would object themselves against you: what are they against so great a power, compounded upon so warlike a nation, which many times, against the wills of all Italy hath passed the Alps, & with a wondered glory & happiness, have brought home many victories & triumphs: And in what time hath the realm of France been ever more happy, more glorious, or more mighty then at this hour: neither had this crown at any time heretofore so convenient & ready means to establish a firm peace with all his neighbours. All which opportunities if they had so generally met together in the days of your father, he would perhaps have been more ready to this self same expedition: And touching them of Arragon your enemies, the difficulties be no less augmented against them, then to you the opportunities be favouring, because in the same realm both the faction of Aniow is yet mighty, & no less thintelligences of many Princes & gentlemen chased out unjustly within these few years, beside, the injuries done at all times by Ferdinand to the Barons & people, yea even to them of the party of Arragon, have been of so bitter taste and toleration together with his disloyalty so great, his covetousness so insatiable, and th'examples of cruelty in him and his eldest son Alphonso so notorious and horrible: that it is certain that all the realm pushed forward with a just hate against them, will rise into willing commotion at the brute of your coming (so great authority hath as yet the remembrance of the liberality, sincerity, humanity, and justice which the french kings have used:) the only deliberation to make the enterprise is sufficient to make you victorious: for, your men at arms shall no sooner pass over the mountains, nor the army at sea no sooner be prepared in the haven of Genes, than Ferdinand and his son stricken with the conscience of their wickedness, will take more council to fly then to fight: so shall you with great happiness, recover for the posterity of your blood, a kingdom, which albeit can hold no comparison with the large realm of France, yet, besides his riches, amplitude & fertility, it well merits account & reckoning for the helps & infinite commodities which by it may be increased to this your imperial crown, matters which I would particulat, were it not that the noble minds of the french reach to greater end, & that the high & excellent thoughts of so valiant and glorious a king, regard not so much profits private, or particular, as they behold the universal greatness of the whole common weal of christendom: wherein touching this, what opportunity more greater, what more ample occasions, what seat of country more proper or convenient to manage war against the enemies of our religion? The sea that divides the kingdom of Naples & Grece, contains not in some part above lxx. miles in largeness: A province so oppressed & torn in pieces with the tyrannies of the Turks, that they desire nothing with more general gladness, then to see the bamners of Christians and men of war marching for their delivery. There is nothing more easy then to run even into thentrails of that nation, and to batter Constantinople, the sovereign residency of that Empire. This enterprise, for the majesty & nature of it, doth most worthily become your person & greatness, with whose high and aspiring thoughts it seems to have a certain lively affinity. And for the reason and necessity of it, it can not so justly appertain to any as to you bearing the surname of Most Christian, a title wherein your predecessors have flourished with no small examples of triumph and glory, they issuing in armed manner out of this realm, some times to deliver the Church of God from thoppression of tyrants, some times to invade the infidels, & recover the holy sepulchre, have raised even to the third heaven their names & majesty of the french kings: with these councils, with these means, with these actions, with these ends, become great & emperor of Rome, that mighty & triumphant Charles, of whom as you bear the name, so now the time offereth you occasion to communicate with his glory & titles. But it is a time vainly spent to stand long upon the recapitulation of these reasons, as though it were not more convenient & more agreeing with the order of nature, to consider how to keep, then how to get: for, considering the opportunity of so many and great occasions calling you, it could not but entangle your greatness with apparent infamy & dishonour, to suffer any longer Ferdinand to usurp upon you such a kingdom, which for almost ij. hundredth years hath had continual possession in the kings of your blood. And seeing by clear justice & all judicial course of laws, it appertaineth unto you, who dowtes how justly it agreeth with your dignity to recover it: but specially how much it concerns your piety to deliver from the cruel tyranny of those Catelyns, those people which bear devotion to your name, & do crave by right to bear you the duty & office of subjects? Thus most high & glorious king is the enterprise proved just, easy, & necessary, & withal no less glorious & holy, as well for itself in particular, as for that it openeth the way to other enterprises worthy of a right christian king of France: whereunto not only the reasons of men, but even the self voice of God, doth call you with great & manifest occasions, assuring you afore the beginning, of a most great happiness & fortune, since no greater worldly happiness can happen to no Prince, then to see his deliberations & counsels, (bringing glory & greatness) to be accompanied with such circumstances & consequences, that they concern not only the benefit & universal safety, but much more do consider thexaltation of the whole community of christendom.  
This proposition had no willing passage into the ears or hearts of the great Lords of France, but specially of such, who for their nobility and opinion of wisdom held greatest authority: They judged that such a war whereof he hath opened the way and entry, could not but contain many difficulties & dangers, both for the conduct of armies into a country strange, & far removed from the realm of France, & also against enemies bearing reputation of valour, policy, & discipline: for, for wisdom, forecast, & stayed discresion, Ferdinand bore a high recommendation: & for valour, conduct & direction in war, his son Alphonso was no less renowned. Besides, they made this conjecture, that Ferdinand having reigned thirty. years & sacked & confisked at sundry times many of the Barons, had heaped together no small treasure: on the behalf of the king, they considered that his capacity was to green to sustain alone so heavy a burden, & for the direction of wars & estates, the council weak, & th'experience less assured of such as he believed most in. To these they added the want of money whereof they esteemed to need a great quantity. They wished that the deceits & subtleties of th'italians might be deeply looked into, assuring themselves that it could not be pleasing, neither to others nor to Lodowik Sforce himself: A man confessed by all the Italians to be of little faith) that the kingdom of Naples should pass into the power of a king of France: they judged it hard to win, and less easy to keep those things that should be won: For that reason (said they) Lewis father to Charles, (a Prince in all his actions following more the truth then the appearance of things) would never accept the hopes which were offered him of the matters of Italy, and much less make reckoning of the rights fallen to him in the Realm of Naples: Not, he saw in his judgement, that to sand armies beyond the mountains, was no other thing then to search enemies and dangers with the waist of infinite treasure and blood of the realm of France: They held it necessary afore all things (if this expedition should proceed) to reunite controversies with the kings borderers, for that with Ferdinand king of Spain, was no want of occasions of quarrels and suspicions, and with Maximilyan king of romans, and Philip Archduke of Ostrich his son, not only many hartburnings and jealousies, but also displeasures and injuries: whose minds albeit could not be reconciled without condescending to some things hurtful to the crown of France, yet nevertheless such reconcilements would be more by demonstrations than effects: for, say they, if any ill accident happen to the kings army in Italy, what accord can be so well assured which will hold them from invading the realm of France, seeing this is familiar with Princes to hold for suspected the greatness and fortunes of their neighbours, and are over nothing so watchful as over opportunities and occasions. And touching the king of England, Henry the seven. it was not to be doubted that the natural hate of thenglish toward the french had not more force than the peace made with him two months before, for that it is manifest that no one thing brought him more to the composition, then that the preparations of the king of romans answered not the promises wherewith he had induced him to lay siege to Bollogne. Of this nature were the reasons alleged by the great Lords, partly debated amongst themselves, and partly disputed in the presence of the king. The chiefest of those that justified these arguments afore the king, was one james Graville Admiral of France, whose greatness albeit was somewhat diminished, yet his authority suffered no alteration for the ancient name and credit of his wisdom roving liberally thorough all the realm of France. But the kings mind with a wondered greediness, was wholly inclined to the contrary advise: what with the greenness of his years aspiring now to xxij. and by his unstaid nature, not yet experienced in th'affairs of the world, he was carried into a wonderful ambition to enlarge his empery, following an appetite of glory, founded rather upon a light will and fury of youth, then upon maturity of council, seeing that either by his proper nature, or rather th'examples and admonishments of his parents, he reapposed little faith in his Lords and Nobles of his realm. And since he came forth of the tutorship and jurisdiction of Anne Duchess of Bourbon his sister, he bore no more care to the councils of th'admiral, nor to others that had been great in the government: But gave himself over to the directions of certain men of base condition, trained up almost always in the service of his person: of these, such as had most favour and place with him, persuaded him greatly to embrace the enterprise, being partly corrupted, (for the councils of Princes are often times mercenary) with the promises and presents of Lodowykes Ambassador by whom was not forgotten any diligence or art to draw the favours of such as might do most in this action. They were partly pushed on by certain hopes, either to be raised to estates in the kingdom of Naples, or to obtain of the Pope, dignities and pensions in the Church. The principal of all these, was one Stephen de Verse, borne in Languedoc, of base place, but bred up of long time with the king, in whose chamber he used to lie, and by the king's creation made Seneschal of Beucaire: with this man did communicate one William Briconnet, who of a merchant created first general of France, and after made Bishop of S. Malo, had not only the charge and administration of the king's revenue, (which the french call superintendant of the finances,) but also having confederacy with Stephen, had by his means a great entry into all th'affairs of importance, albeit he had no great insight in the policy and government of matters of estate. To the help of this enterprise were adjoined the persuasions of Autovell of S. Severin, Prince of Salerne, and of Vernaedin of the same family, Prince of Bysignan, together with many other Barons banished the Realm of Naples, who being withdrawn many years before into France, had continually solicited the king to that enterprise, laying before his eyes the great calamity or rather general despair of the whole kingdom, and the factions and many followers which they promised themselves to have in the same.  
In this diversity of persuasions, the deliberation remained suspended for certain days, others being not only in doubt what to determine, but also the kings will vavering and uncertain, for that some times inclining to his ambition and glory, and some times restrained with fears and dangers, he would often be irresolute, & eftsoons turn to the contrary of that which he had afore determined. But in the end, his first inclination together with the cursed destiny of Italy, being of more force than any thing that could be said to the contrary, the well governed and peaceable councils of his Nobles were altogether rejected, and communicating only with the bishop of S. Malo and the Seneschal of Beucaire, and partaking nothing with the assent & privity of all others, there was a convention made with Lodowyks Ambassador, whose conditions albeit were holden secret for many months, yet this is the capitulation and sum of them.  
That king Charles either going in person into Italy, or sending thither any army 
Confederation between the king of France and Lodo. Sforce.  for the conquest of Naples, the Duke of Milan was bound to give him passage thorough his jurisdictions. To sand thither with his men, five hundredth men at arms paid: To suffer him to arm at Genes so many vessels as he will: And to lend him before he departed out of France, two hundredth thousand ducketts.  
Touching the king, he was bound to the defence and protection of the Duchy of Milan against all men, with particular mention to preserve the authority of Lodowyk: to entertain during the war within the city of Ast belonging to the Duke of Orleans, two hundredth lances to give succours to the necessities of that Duchy. Lastly he promised either at that time or soon after, by a writing subsigned with his own hand, that having once conquered the realm of Naples, he should give to Lodowyk the principality of Tarente.  
But let us look somewhat into the variation of times and things of the world: Albeit Francis Sforce, father to Lodowyk, a Prince of rare wisdom and valour, was a professed enemy to those of Arragon, for the many displeasures he had received of Alphonso, Ferdinand's father: and an ancient friend to the house of Aniow: yet this was his moderation in the actions concerning those two families, that in the year 1457. when john son of Rene, invaded the kingdom of Naples, he ministered succours to Ferdinand with such a wonderful diligence and readiness, that the victory was acknowledged to happen wholly by his help: he was stirred to this for no other reason, then that he saw it was to perilous for his Duchy of Milan, that the french his near neighbours, should make themselves Lords over so mighty an estate. The same reason induced Philip Maria viscount (abandoning them of Aniow, to whom he had always before borne favour) to deliver Alphonso his enemy, who taken of the Genevoys in a battle at sea near to Caiette, was brought to him prisoner to Milan, with all the nobility of his realms: on the other side, Lewis the xj. father to Charles, being often times persuaded by many and not with light occasions, to hearken to the things of Naples, and being withal with great instance, called by the Genevoys to be Lord over their countries, as Charles his father had been afore him: Did always refuse to entangle himself with the doings of Italy, as matters full of expenses and difficulties, and in the end hurtful to the realm of France. But now the opinions of men being changed, but perhaps not changed the reason of things, we see how Lodowyk calls the french over the mountains, not fearing by so mighty a king (if Naples should fall into his hands) that danger which his father no less valiant in arms than he, would have feared, if but a little Earl of Provence had conquered it. And of the other side, we see Charles now reigning inflamed with a desire to make war in Italy, preferring the rashness of men of base place and unexperienced, afore the council of his father: A Prince of singular wisdom, temperance, and forecast. It happeneth too often, that new Princes have new councils, and of new councils commonly resort new effects, even such as in a ship, when a raw man is put to the helm, the course must needs altar.  
It is not unlikely that Lodowyk was drawn to so great a deliberation by Hercules de Este Duke of Ferrara, his father in law, who, nourishing a vehement appetite to recover Polesine de Rovigne, a country consigning and importing much the surety of Ferrara which the Venetians had taken from him in the wars ten years past, foresaw that the only mean to recover it was to set all Italy in trouble, and innovate the states with most great emotions. Besides this, many believed, that albeit in Hercules appeared a disguised appearance and will to wish well to his son in law, yet in secret he followed him with an extreme hatred, for that in the same war all the residue of Italy which had taken arms for him being far more mighty than the Venetians, Lodowyk governing then the state of Milan, and regarding his proper respects & particular interests, constrained the others to make peace with condition that Polesine should remain to the Venetians: And therefore Hercules having no means to revenge so great an injury by arms and war, sought to execute his long smothered malice by giving him a dangerous council: such are the operations of malice working in minds mighty, who seldom hold it any breach of justice to be revenged of him that offereth the first injury.  
But now Italy being possessed with a brute of those things which were in practice on the otherside the mountains, and whose first authors at the beginning were uncertain, many thoughts and discourses appeared in the understandings of men: to many, weighing with the power and strength of the french king, and the readiness of that nation to new broils and innovations, the present divisions and factions of th'italians, it seemed a business of great quality and importance: others, interpreting the age and greens of the king, and judging much of the negligence natural to that nation, and lastly looking into the great impediments which great enterprises have, construed all not to a council well grounded, but to a hot and unbridled affection of youth, which after it had a little thrown out his fume and fire, would easily vanish and dissolve. Ferdinand himself (against whom all this business was conspired) showed 
The thoughts of Ferdinand King of Naples.  little appearance of fear, saying it was an enterprise entangled with many difficulties, for that if they made their invasion by sea, they should found him furnished with a plentiful navy, armed able to give him battle in the plain sea, his ports being furnished, and his forts well manned and vittelled: neither was there any baron in the realm able to receive them, as had been done afore to john of Anjou, by the Prince of Bossane, and other great ones of the land. And touching their expedition by land, it was full of incommodities, suspicious to many, and a painful march far of, for that their way lying all a long the length of Italy, the residue of the Princes could not be without their particular fears, and perhaps Lodowyk Sforce more than the others, notwithstanding he made show of the contrary, seeming as though a common peril brought interest to every particular: for that the proximity and neighbourhood of Milan with France, gave unto the king a greater opportunity, (but in true likelihood) a greater desire to possess and occupy that Duchy. And seeing the young and true Duke of Milan was of near kindred to the king, Lodowyk could not other ways assure himself, but that the king carried an intention to deliver him from his oppression, having not many years before protested openly, that he would not endure that john Galeas his cousin should be so unworthily restrained and kept under: That the state of them of Arragon, stood not upon such terms and conditions, as the hope of their weakness might induce the courage of the french to make invasions upon them, for that they were plentifully furnished with many numbers of valiant men at arms, great troupes of horses of service, many stoares of munitions and artilleries, and all other necessary things for the war, together with so rich a mint of money, that it sufficed against all wants, provisions and fortunes: that besides many honourable captains trained and experienced, he had for the conduct of his armies, his eldest son, Duke of Calabria, a leader of great renown & no less virtue, grown into a mind resolute, a council stayed and well advised, and an assured experience, by following all the wars in Italy, for many years before. To these forces he added the powers of his parents and allies, of whose ready aid and assistance he nothing doubted, having special expectation to receive plentiful succours from the king of Spain his cousin, and brother to his wife, not only in respect of the double knot of parentage, but also for that in good policy it stood him upon to hold for suspected the neighbourhood of the french men to Sicyle.  
This was the glorious humour of Ferdinand, bringing forth in public many brags touching his own power and greatness, and to the contempt and lessening of the forces and means of his adversaries. These be properties often times familiar with Princes, to whom there can not be a more sensible and apparent token of their adversity or ruin, then when they esteem themselves more than they are, & make their enemies less than they find them.  
But Ferdinand, as he was a Prince of singular wisdom and well assured experience: so, in himself he found his mind tormented with many very grievous thoughts beholding with a fresh memory the troubles he had received of the french nation, in the beginning of his reign: he debated deeply that he should have to do with enemies warlike and mighty, for their troupes of horsemen far above him: in footmen infinite, in ensigns well appointed, trained, and disciplined: for provisions at sea, nothing wanting to an army royal: for artilleries, plentiful, sundry, and terrible: for money, his mines and myntings furnished above all wants that could happen: And of men, infinite in multitudes, resolute in minds, for service apt, of faith assured, of wills tractable, for commandment obedient, and lastly, bearing all one common desire to commit their lives to any danger for the glory and greatness of their natural king. But of the contrary, touching himself, all things were suspected to him, his realm being full of hatred against the name of the Aragon's, or at lest of no little inclination to commotion, and the most part of the residue, of an ordinary desire to have new kings, wherein fortune may be of more power than faith: his strength was mightier in opinion, then in true forces: his treasure laid up and reserved, not sufficient to carry the necessary expenses for his defence, since all things by the war being turned into rebellion and tumults, his revenues would convert to nothing in a moment: he saw that in Italy he had many enemies, and with none any friendship firm or well assured, having at some times been grievous to all, either by arms or other violent means. And for Spain, according to th'examples past, & conditions of the same realm, he had no expectation of other succours for his perils, then large promises with a great name of operations, but very slender and slow effects. Lastly his fears were augmented by the unfortunate predictions that went of his house, come to his knowledge at sundry times, partly by ancient writings found out of new, partly by th'interpretations and words of men for the most part uncertain of the present, and yet will refer certainly to things to come: those be things that in prosperity we believe little, & in adversity too much, specially if there arise any appearance.  
The king of Naples wandering in these considerations, and his fears being greater without comparison than his hopes, he saw there were no better remedies against so great dangers, then either with all speed possible, to remove by some agreement, such thoughts from the french kings mind, or at lest to take from him part of the foundations which stirred him to the war.  
And therefore having sent Ambassadors into France, to treat of a marriage between the king of Scots, and Charlotte daughter of Dom Federyk his second son, the disposition of which marriage was governed by the french king: for that the young Lady was nourished in his court, and borne of a sister of the mother of king Charles: he dispatched new commissions for the matters present & running: he joined with them in deputation and assistance Camille Pandon, having been used in negotiation for him there before, the better to labour privately such as were chiefest guiders of the kings councils, and others bearing inclination to profit, promises, and corrupt offers: and if they could not by other means appease or remove the kings intention to the war, then to offer him conditions of tribute and other submissions: & so, if it were possible, to obtain peace. Besides this, he applied not only all his thoughts, diligence & authority to compose the difference of the castles bought by Virginio (to whose intractabilitie and obstinacy, he referred the chief occasion of all these disorders) but also he studied to give a new life to the practices of parentage, commoned upon before between the Pope and him. But above all others, his deepest care and thought was to appease and assure Lodowyk Sforce (first author and mover of all the mischief) persuading himself that fear, more than other occasion led him to so dangerous a council. And therefore (according to the necessities that followed him) preferring his particular surety, afore the natural respect and interest of his Niece, or the safety of the son borne of her: he offered by many embassages, to refer himself wholly to his will touching the things of john Galeas, & the Duchy of Milan: In which offers more general than honourable, he had no regard to the advise of his son Alphonso, who to amaze, confuse, and threaten Lodowyk, judged it the readiest mean to make him give over those new councils: wherein albeit he might take courage of the natural fearfulness of Lodowyk, yet we often see, that no less easily is the timorous man carried by despair into deliberations headlong and hurtful, than the rash man, by credulity, fury, and want of consideration, runs into enterprises, that bring forth danger, dishonour, and shame.  
At last were appeased the controversies of the castles after many difficulties proceeding more of Virginio then of the Pope, to the conclusion of which composition, came Dom Federyk sent to Rome by his father for that effect. The accord run that they should remain in the possession and right of Virginio, repaying to the Pope equal proportion of money which he had given at first to Francisquin Cibo: together with this was knit up the marriage of the Lady Sances bastard daughter to Alphonso, with Dom Geffray youngest son to the Pope, (both the one & other by reason of their green age unable to consomat or accomplish the marriage.) These were the conditions: That Dom Geffray should go to remain at Naples after a few months: that he should receive in dowry and respect of the marriage, the principality of Squillaco valued at ten thousand ducats in yearly revenue, and that Ferdinand should give to him an estate of an hundredth men at arms. This confirmed th'opinion of many, that all that the Pope solicited in France, bore no other meaning, then by fear to draw them of Arragon to these conventions: this was one argument to approve their conjectures, that Ferdinand laboured to make a confederation with him for their common defence: but the Pope objected so many difficulties, that there was no other thing obtained of him, than a very secret promise by writing to defend the kingdom of Naples, so that Ferdinand would equally promise' to protect the estate of the Church.  
These things dispatched, the companies of men at arms which the Venetians & the Duke of Milan had sent to the Pope for his succours, retired with licence and favour out of the Church dominions: Ferdinand also began now with no less hope of happy success to treat with Lodowyk Sforce, who with a wonderful subtlety & 
The subtleties of Lod. Sforce.  art, showed himself some times ill contented with the inclination of the french king to the matters of Italy, and some times excused and justified himself upon his necessity, for that by reason of his chief for Genes and the ancient confederation with the house of France: he was constrained to tender the desires and requests made to him (as he said) by the same king. But some times he promised to Ferdinand in public, and some times to the Pope and P. de medicis apart and severally, to do all he could to moderate the kings desire, assaying to lull them a sleep in this hope, to the end they conspired or dressed nothing against him, before th'affairs of France were well proceeded and established: wherein they were the more easy to believe him, by how much they judged the resolution to bring the french king into Italy so ill for his own surety, that in consideration of his particular peril, and the common invest of Italy, they supposed he would utterly disclaim and shake it of. All this summer passed in this nature of doings, Lodowyk working under such disguised forms and manners, that without giving any suspicion to the french king, neither Ferdinand, the Pope, nor the Florentines despaired of his promises, nor yet altogether trusted him.  
But in this mean while, were laid in France with no small study, the foundations 
Preparations in France for the wars of Italy.  of the war and expedition to come, whereunto (contrary to the councils of most of the greatest) inclined more & more th'affection of the king, who, to be more at liberty, accorded the differences he had with Ferdinand and Isabella king & Queen of Spain: Princes in those times of great reapport and name for government and wisdom, both for that they had drawn their Realms out of great troubles into a settled tranquillity, & also, had recovered to Christianity, with a war of ten years continuance, the kingdom of Granado usurped by the Moares of Africa for almost viii. hundredth years: it was expressed in this capitulation (solemnly justified by public oath of both parts in the church) that in Ferdinand nor Isabella (for Spain was governed under their common name) should be no action of aid to the Aragon's directly nor indirectly: no contract of any new affinitive or alliance: nor that in no sort they should oppose against king Charles for the defence of the realm of Naples. The king, in counter change and recompense of these, (beginning by a loss certain, for a hope of gain uncertain) restored without any repayment of money, Parpignian, with all the earldom of Rossellion, pawned many years before to Lewis his father by john king of Arragon and father to Ferdinand. An exchange altogether against the will & liking of the whole nation of France, for that that earldom seated at the foot of the hills Pyrennei, & consequently according to thancient division, part of Gallia, gave always necessary impediments to them of Arragon for entering into France on that side.  
The king, for the same occasion, made peace with Maximylian king of romans, and with his son Philip Archduke of Ostrich, in whom was no want of occasion either of old or new hatreds against him: but specially for that his father Lewis by the death of Charles, Duke of Burgundy and Earl of Flaunders, with many other countries conjoining, did impatronize himself upon the Duchy of Burgundy, and Earldom of Artoys, with many other places which the said Duke possessed: whereof growing no small wars between king Lewis, & Marie the only daughter of Duke Charles, married after the death of her father to Maximilian: there was made at last (Marie being dead and Philip the common son of Maximilian and her succeeding to th'inheritance of his mother) an accord amongst them, more by the wills of the people of Flaunders, than readiness of Maximylian. The better to confirm this accord, Margaret the sister of Philip was married to Charles son of Lewis, and (notwithstanding she was very young,) led into France: where after she had remained many 
The Duchy of Britain invested in the crown of France.  years, Charles refused her, and took to wife Anne, to whom by the death of Francis her father leaving no issue male, the Duchy of Britain was descended. This was a double injury to Maximylian, being at one time made frustrate the marriage of his daughter, and his own, having by procuration afore married the said Anne: And yet, for that he was not able of himself to sustain the war recontinued by occasion of this injury, and that the people of Flaunders (governing themselves by their proper council and authority, by reason of the minority of Philip) would not dwell in war with the realm of France. And seeing lastly that the kings of Spain & England had dissolved their armies which they had levied against the french: he consented to the peace, by the which king Charles restored to Philip, his sister Margaret detained in France till then, together with the towns of the Earldom of Artoys, reserving to himself the castles, but under bond to tender them at four years end, at what time Philip being risen to his majority might in good validity confirm the accord past. Those towns when the peace was made by king Lewis, were acknowledged by common agreement as the proper right of the said Margaret. The general peace thus established with all the neighbours to the realm of France, the resolution of the war against the kingdom of Naples, was confirmed for the year following: in which time were prepared all provisions necessary continually solicited by Lodowyk Sforce: who (the thoughts of men advancing from degree to degree) occupied his wits now not only how to assure the government to him, but lifting up his mind to higher conceits, he had an intention to transfer to himself the Duchy of Milan under thoccasion of the war against tharragons', wherein to give some colour of justice to so great an injustice, and with more firm foundations to assure his affairs against all fortunes that might happen: he married Blanch Mary 
Marriage of Blanch Mary Sforce with th'emperor Maximylian.  sister to john Gales and his Niece to Maximylian newly aspired to th'empire of Rome by the death of Federyk his father: to him he promised in dowry to be paid within a certain time iiij. hundredth thousand ducats of ready money, with jewels and other ornaments to the value of xl. thousand ducats: and of the other part Maximylian thirsting more after money than affinity by this marriage, bound himself to endue Lodowyk, (to the prejudice of john Galeas his new brother in law) with th'investiture of the Duchy of Milan, for him, his children, & offpringe, as though that estate had remained without lawful Dukes ever since the death of Philip Maria Viscount. At the latter payment of the money, he promised to give him all the privileadges and prerogatives accomplished in most ample form.  
The Viscounteis, gentlemen of Milan, during the bloody factions in Italy, between the Gebelyns and guelfs, and after the guelfs were suppressed: of principal men of one part of Milan, become Lords and absolute masters of the whole city, (such fruits for the most are bred by civil discords.) And in this greatness after they had continued many years, they sought (according to the common advancement of tyrannies the better to disguise their usurpation with a show of right) to strengthen first with colers lawful, & after to set out their fortune, with most ample titles: therefore after they had first obtained of th'emperors (of whom Italy began to know rather the name then their power) the title of captains & then vicars of th'empire: In the end john Galeas (who for that his father in law john king of France had given him the earldom of Vertus, called himself Earl of Vertus) obtained of Vincislao king of romans for him & his issues males, the dignity of Duke of Milan, in which succeeded him the one after the other john Maria and Philip Maria his sons. But the line masculine being determined by the death of Philip, albeit, by his testament he had instituted as his heir Alphonso king of Arragon and Naples, partly for the recompense of the amity he showed at his delivery, but more, for that the Duchy of Milan defended by so mighty a Prince, should not fall into the subjection of the Venetians aspiring manifestly to it: yet Francis Sforce, at that time a captain valiant and equally seen in affairs of peace and war, being assisted with many occasions then occurrant, and more esteeming to reign then to keep faith: held with arms the said Duchy as appertaining to Blanch Maria his wife, the bastard daughter of Philip. And albeit it was supposed that soon after with a small portion of money, he might have purchased of th'emperor Federyk th'investiture of that state: yet trusting he was able to keep it by the same means wherewith he had won it, he made small reckoning of that office in th'emperor: thus without investiture continued Galeaz his son, & john Galeaz his later son: by reason whereof Lodowyk bearing himself wickedly at one time against his Nephew living, & doing wrong to the memory of his father & brother decessed, maintained that not one of them were lawful dukes of Milan, procuring himself, as of an estate diuolued to th'empire, to be invested by Maximylian, & by that reason bore the title not of the 7. but of the 4. Duke of Milan, which things (so long as his Nephew lived) were not suffered to come but to a few men's knowledge. Besides, following th'example of Cyrus' younger brother to Artexerses king of Persia, (which also he confirmed with th'authority of many lawyers) he avouched that he was before his brother not in years & age, but for that he was the first borne after their father become Duke of Milan: This reason together with the first was bestowed amongst the imperial privileadges, wherein to cloak with a vain cover the ambition of Lodowyk, there was also written in letters separate, that it was not the custom of the holy Empire to consent or pass any estate to any that afore had holden it under th'authority of an other, for which cause Maximylian had kept no reckoning of the petitions made by Lodowyk to obtain th'investiture for john Galeas, having afore acknowledged the same Duchy of the people of Milan.  
In this marriage made by Lodowyk of his Niece with Maximylian, Ferdinand took increase of hope that Lodowyk would estrange himself from the amity of the french king: these were the reasons and arguments of his hope: for that he had knit himself with Maximylian enemy and Corrival to the french king by many occasions: the departing with so great a sunme of money might induce the king's suspicion against him: And lastly this new conjunction ministering occasion of courage & heart, he supposed he would not be fearful to divide himself from the french doings: This hope Lodowyk nourished with great cunning, and with the veil of the same so blinded all others, that at one time he communicated with Ferdinand & the other Potentates in Italy, and withal entertained the king of romans, and yet kept the french from jealousy: Ferdinand also judged that it could not but be displeasing and intolerable to the Senate of Venice (to whom he had sent Ambassadors) that a Prince so mighty above them should enter the heart of Italy, wherein they had the chiefest place, opinion, and authority: beside, he fed much of the hopes in the king and Queen of Spain, who had promised him great succours, if neither by persuasions, offers, nor authority, he could not break the enterprise. On the other side, the french king having taken away all impediments, on that side the mounts began to practise to remove such difficulties as might fall to his hindrance on the other side the hills: In that action he sent Peron de la bache, a man not ignorant in th'affairs of Italy, by th'experience he had there under john of Anjou: who after he had made known to the Pope, the Senate of Venice, and the Florentines, the resolution of his king to recover the kingdom of Naples, he made petition to them all to enter society, fellowship, and community with him: But he reaped no other fruit then frail hopes and general answers, for that the war being not to be executed till the next year, every one refused to discover so long before, his intention: In like sort, the king required of th'ambassadors of Florence, (sent to him a little before by Ferdinand's consent to excuse themselves of th'imputation that they inclined to the party of thAragons) to have passage and victuals for his army in their jurisdictions at reasonable rate, and that to accompany him to the kingdom of Naples, they would furnish him with an hundredth men at arms, which he said he required as a sign that the common weal of Florence stood with him in amity: Albeit they answered him with many reasons and declarations, that they could not in that sort protest without great peril until his army were passed into Italy: And albert they affirmed that he might be well assured that in all accidents and fortunes, that city should not fail to minister to him, all those convenient effects, of office, observance, & devotion, which of long time they had borne to the crown of France: yet they were constrained according to the french importunities to promise' all those things, otherways they were threatened to suffer privation of that great mart and traffic of merchandise which the Florentyne nation had in that realm: it was known after that these compulsions were enforced by Lodowyk at that time the principal disposer of all the french practices with th'italians.  
Peter de medicis laboured much to persuade Ferdinand, that those demands imported so little the substance of the war, that it would be more for his profit if the common weal & he continued amity with the french king, having by that mean good way and opportunity to make some composition, then in refusing those small demands, to declare themselves his enemies, and so suffer no possibility to do good to him: he alleged with all the general complaints and hatreds which he should heap upon himself, if the traffic of Florence were restrained in France: or that thintercourse there so necessary to thupholding of the city, should suspend and perhaps come in time to loose his liberty and practice: he told him it was convenient in good faith and meaning (the principal ground of consederations) that every confederate should suffer patiently some incommodity, to th'end the other run not into more greater harms: But Ferdinand who considered how much of his reputation and surety would diminish if the Florentines were divided from him: was not satisfied with these reasons, but complained grievously that the faith and constancy of Peter began so soon not to answer his own promise & th'expectation he had conceived of him: by reason whereof, Peter resolutely disposed above all things to continued in amity with them of Arragon, used many means to suspend and defer the answer importunately demanded by the french, referring them in the end to understand the full wills and intentions of the common weal by new Ambassadors.  
About the end of this year, the alliance made between the Pope and Ferdinand, began to waver and shake, either for that the Pope in objecting new difficulties, aspired to obtain of him greater things than he had: or else that he persuaded himself to induce him by this mean to bring again to his obedience the Cardinal S. P. advincula, whom (offering first for his security the faith of the college of Cardinals, of Ferdinand and of the Venetians) he desired much to see returned to Rome: he held his absence much suspected for th'importance of the rock of Ostia, holding in his hands about Rome, Roncillon and Grotaferare, by the favours, opinion and authority which he had in the court: But chief he was jealous over him, for that naturally he was desirous of innovation, and obstinate to hazard rather all danger, then to be cut of from one point of his councils and purposes. Ferdinand excused himself much, that he had no power to apply the Cardinal thereunto, whose suspicion was so great, that all surety seemed to him less than the peril: he complained to the Pope of his hard fortune, that on him always was laid th'imputation of things which in truth proceeded from others: he was sorry that the Pope had believed that by his motion and by his money, Virginio had bought the castles, being in deed bought without his privity or meddling▪ In deed he had disposed Virginio to the composition, & for that effect had furnished him with the money which was given in repayment & recompense of the castles: The Pope received not these excuses, but with hard and bitter words complained of Ferdinand, & so gave show that there could be laid no firm ground of their reconciliation.  
With such a disposition of minds and confusion of things so apparently drawing to new troubles, began the year 1494. (I interpret the year according to the use of Rome.) A year very unhappy for Italy, and in deed the first of the unfortunate and miserable years, for that in it was made open the way to infinite and horrible calamities, whereof we may well say a great part of the world by many accidents, hath tasted ever since. In the beginning of this year, King Charles refusing to hear speak of any agreement with Ferdinand, enjoined his Ambassadors as messengers of a king enemy, to departed with speed out of the realm of France: And almost in the same concurrence of time, the said Ferdinand died suddenly of an apoplexy 
Death of Ferdinand king of Arragon  being more traveled with cares & perplexities of mind, then loaden with years, or weakened with old age: he was a Prince of singular wisdom and industry, with the which (accompanied with happy fortune) he kept himself in the kingdom newly obtained by his father against many difficulties appearing even in the beginning of his reign, and brought to it much more amplitude and greatness, than was done under any other king perhaps long before: A good king, if he had continued to reign, in the same manner he began: But either with the variation of times or change of manners, because he knew not (with most Princes now a days) how to resist the fury of dominion and rule, or perhaps according to the judgement of every one his nature and inclination beginning now to disclose which he had covered afore with great cunning: he was esteemed a man of little faith, and of such violent and cruel moods, that even by his own followers he was judged worthy of the name of inhumanity. The opinion was, that the death of Ferdinand happened very inconvenient for the common affairs, for that, where he would have proved all remedies to hinder the descending of the french men, it was not now to be doubted but it would be more hard to make Lodowyk assure himself of the haughty & immoderate nature of Alphonso, than it was to dispose him to renew amity with Ferdinand, in whom was for the most part expressed a ready inclination (the better to avoid all quarrels with the state of Milan) to yield and condescend to his will: And amongst other things, it is manifest that when Isabella Alphonso's daughter was brought to john Galeas her husband, Lodowyk at the first sight suffered himself to slide into so great affection towards her, that he desired her of Alphonso for his wife, and to that end (according to the universal opinion of Italy) he did so much by magic and enchantments, that john Galeas for many months was made unable to the action of marriage: Ferdinand was not intractable to this marriage, but Alphonso so refused and resisted it, that Lodowyk making no hope of it, took an other wife by whom having children, he turned all his studies and thoughts to transfer to them the Duchy of Milan: some suppose and writ, that Ferdinand, being determined (for the avoiding of the present war) to suffer all indignities and incommodities: had an intention, as soon as the calmness of the time would suffer, to go by sea to Genes, and from thence by land to Milan, to satisfy Lodowyk in all his desires, and to bring again to Naples his Niece, hoping that not only with effects, but also with this public confession by the which he acknowledged to hold all his estate and well doing upon him, he should remove his mind from the war, or at lest somewhat moderate his conspiring intentions, the rather for that it was seen to all men of observation, with what wonderful ambition and desire, he aspired to be noted the only arbitrator and oracle of all Italy: Alphonso immediately after the death of his father, dispatcheth four Ambassadors to the Pope, who albeit showed manifest signs that he was returned to the first inclination of amity with the french, and had at the same time by bull subsigned by the college of Cardinals, promised at the french kings request, the estate of Cardinal to the bishop of S. Malo, and retained in common with the Duke of Milan Prospero Colonne whom the King afore had taken to his pay, together with other captains and leaders of men of war: yet he made no great difficulty to accord in regard of the profitable conditions offered by Alphonso, who desired much to be assured of him and to bind him to his protection and defence: They made these open conventions, that there 
Confederation between the Pope and Alphonso k▪ of Naples.  should be between them a confederation for the defence of their estates, with equal levies of men by both: That the Pope should confer unto Alphonso the investiture of the kingdom, with diminution of tribute obtained by Ferdinand of other Popes for his life only: that the Pope should sand a legatt to crown him: That he should created Cardinal Lodowyk son of Henry, bastard brother to Alphonso, who afterwards was called Cardinal of Arragon: That king Alphonso should pay immediately to the Pope thirty thousand ducats: That he should endue the Duke of Candia with estates within the realm of xii. thousand ducats revenue yearly, together with the first of the seven principal offices that should be void: That he should entertain him so long as the Pope lived in his pay with three hundredth men at arms, with the which he should be bound to serve the one and the other equally and indifferently: That he should give to Dom Geffray, (who for the pawn of his father's faith was now to go to his father in law) the estate of Pronotorye and one of the seven offices, over and beside the promises of the first contract: That he should bestow the revenue of benefices in the Realm upon Caesar Borgia the Pope's son, who a little before was created Cardinal by his father, wherein, to avoid impediments of being a bastard, to whom it hath not been accustomed to grant such dignities) he made proof by suborned testimonies that he was the son lawful of an other: Besides all this, Virginio Vrsin (who by the kings sending for came to this capitulation) promised that the King should aid the Pope to recover the rock of Ostia, if the Cardinal S. P. ad vincula refused to come to Rome. This promise King Alphonso affirmed without his consent or privity, and well saw that in so dangerous seasons, it would bring no little prejudice to him to be deprived of the Cardinal whose authority was not small over the town of Genes, which he determined to surprise by the setting on of the Cardinal. And because amidd so great troubles and emotions, there might perhaps be treaties of councils or other matters prejudicial to the sea apostolic, he did what he could to unite him with the Pope, who not satisfied with any condition if the Cardinal returned not to Rome, and the Cardinal being most obstinate to hazard his life under the faith of those Catylins' as he termed them, the diligence of Alphonso was in vain, and his desire of no effect: for after the Cardinal with many dissembled and flourishing shows, had given almost assured hope to accept the conditions: he stolen away by night from Ostia in a brigantyne well appointed, and at a time when was lest reason to doubt any such evasion, leaving the rock armed with sufficient garrison: And reapposing certain days at Savone, and spending some little time at avignon, (of which city he was Legatt) he went lastly to Lions, where king Charles was come a little before, to prepare with better opportunity and reputation the provisions of the war which he published he would execute in person: he was received of the king with great joy and honour, and immediately joined himself to those that studied to trouble Italy.  
In this mean while Alphonso, more by fear then proper inclination, forgot not to continued with Lodowyk Sforce that which had been begun by his father, offering him the same satisfactions: But Lodowyk to whom nothing was more familiar then to dissemble, devised to entertain him with diverse hopes, but with demonstrations that he was constrained to proceed in such exact order and consideration, lest the war determined against others, took not his beginning against him, he left not for all this to solicit and urge the preparations in France, wherein to express the devotion of his mind with better effect, and to resolve all particularities occurrant in that expedition, and lastly lest the execution of all things determined should suffer suspense or have slow action: he sent thither (coulering it with a brute of the kings pleasure) Galeaz of S. Severin husband to one of his bastard daughters and in whom he reapposed great confidence and favours. According to the councils of Lodowyk, king Charles sends to the Pope four Ambassadors, with charge that in passing by Florence, they should make instance for the declaration 
The french k. sendeth Ambassadors to the Pope, Florentins and Venice.  of that common weal. The Ambassadors were Eberard Daubigny a Scottish captain of nation, the general of France, the Precedent of the parliament of Provence, & the same Peron la Bache, that had been with them the year before. They according to their instructions (set down chief at Milan,) recounted in both the one and other places the rights which the french king (as successor to the house of Aniow, and for want of issue in Charles the first,) pretended to the realm of Naples, together with his royal determination to pass that year into Italy in person, not to intrude into any thing that belonged to an other, but to reobteyne that which justly was his own: And to give his voyage a more pawsible passage in the minds of men, they said his mind and meanings were not so much fixed upon the conquest of Naples, as that afterwards he would turn his forces against the Turks, for the service of jesus Christ, & glory of his name. They declared to the florentines, how much their king assured himself of that city having been re-edified by Charlemagne, and favoured always of the kings his predecessors, and lately of king Lewis his father in the wars unjustly managed against them by Pope Sixtus, by Ferdinand last dead, & Alphonso now reigning. They willed them to look into the great profits coming to their nation by traffic and intercourse in the realm of France, where they were favoured with familiarity and offices as if they were natural of the region itself And with that example they might hope to have in the kingdom of Naples, (if he become Lord of it) the self same liberty of trade, surety and benefit, where, of them of Arragon they never received other things, than damage, dangers, and displeasures. They recommended to their good councils the consideration of these things, and to protest by some token that they would join with him in this enterprise. But if they were restrained by some just impediment, reason or excuse, at least that they would grant liberty of passage to his army thorough their territories, and refreshing and victuals for his money. They debated these things with the common weal and general state, but they recommended particularly to P. de medicis, the respect of many goodturnes and honours done by Lewis the xj. to his father and ancestors: how he in very jealous and dangerous seasons, had made many demonstrations for the preservation of their greatness, and in sign of amity, had honoured them with the skotchio●s and arms proper to the house of France: where, Ferdinand not satisfied to persecute them with open and violent war, did also with a mind sworn to their ruin, take part with the civil conspiracies wherein julyan his uncle was killed, and Laurence his father sore hurt. The Ambassadors went out of Florence without resolution, & being at Rome, they preferred to the Pope's remembrance the ancient merits and perpetual devotion of the crown of France to the sea apostolic, whereof were authentic testimonies, all records both ancient and present, and of the contrary, they insinuated the ordinary contumacy and disobedience of them of Arragon, and referred the proof to the view and construction of their actions past. Then they demanded that the realm of Naples might be invested in the person of their king, as justly appertaining to him. They alured him with many hopes, and made many offers, so that he would be favourable to th'enterprise, which their king had taken upon him as much by his persuasions and authority, as for other occasions. To this demand the Pope answered that th'investiture of that realm having been granted by so many his predecessors to three kings of the house of Arragon successively (for in th'investiture granted to Ferdinand, Alphonso was comprehended by name) it was not convenient to give it to king Charles afore it was declared by form of justice that he had good right, whereunto th'investiture granted to Alphonso was not prejudicial, for that for such consideration it contained express mention, that it was meant without the prejudice of any person: he told them that the realm of Naples did directly belong to the sea apostolic, whose authority he knew was far from the kings will to violate, and no less contrary to thintentions of his ancestors who had been always the principal defenders of the same: But if he should do any violent action upon Naples, it could not be without manifest intrusion & transgression of the holy sea, and bring dishonour to the reputation & merits of his elders: it would better become his dignity and virtues, to seek to justify his pretence of right by course of justice & moderate equity, wherein as Lord, Patron, & only judge of such a cause he offered himself ready to administer to him: And that a Christian king aught not to demand more of a Pope, whose office was to restrain and forbidden, and not to entertain and nourish wars between Princes christened: And though he should so far incline to the kings will, yet he showed many difficulties and dangers both by the neighbourhood of Alphonso and the Florentines, whose unity all Tuskane followed, and also for the consanguinity & alliance of so many Barons holding of the king of Naples, whose estates stretched even to the gates of Rome. Notwithstanding all this, he enforced himself, not to cut of their hope altogether, albeit he bore privately this settled resolution not to departed from the confederation made with Alphonso. At Florence th'inclination was great and general to the house of France, for the liberal mart & traffic which that state had with the french: for an old opinion (but untrue) that Charlemagne was the reedifier of their city destroyed by Tottila king of Goths: for the ancient conjunction and amity which their ancestors the guelfs have had long time with Charles the first, king of Naples, and with many of his line protectors of the faction of guelfs in Italy. And 
●4●●  lastly for the memory of the wars, which the old Alphonso, & after him Ferdinand in the person of his son, had areared against that city. By the reason, recordation, and memory of these things, the commonalty and multitude cried to consent to free conduct and passage, desiring no less the best authorized and wise citizens in that common weal to whom it seemed a great partiality and oversight to pull upon the country of Florence, (for the controversies of an other) so present and dangerous a war: they held it no policy to oppose themselves against so mighty an army managed in the person of A king of France, descending into Italy with the favour of the state of Milan, and no resistance of the government of Venice, though they publish no manifest consent: this council they confirmed with th'authority of Cosmo de medicis (esteemed in his time one of the wisest in Italy) who, in the wars between john of Anjou and Ferdinand, gave always this council, that the city of Florence should not object itself against john: notwithstanding the Pope & Duke of Milan were joined with Ferdinand. They remembered withal, the example of Laurence father to Peter, who was of the same advise upon every brute of the return of them of Aniow: yea so much was he amazed with the power of the french since the same king obtained Britain, that he would often times say, that great troubles were prepared for all Italians, if the king of France knew his own strength. But Peter de medicis who measured things more by will then by wisdom, abused himself to much with his own opinion, believing that these emotions would rather resolve into brutes then into effects: wherein being governed by some his special favourits corrupted perhaps with the presents of Alphonso, determined resolutely to continued in amity with the Aragon's, whereunto in the end all the residue of the citizens must condescend by reason of his greatness: Ambition is an unquiet humour in man: it may be that Peter not content with th'authority which his father had got in the common weal (& yet such, by his disposing, that though Magistrates were created, yet they determined no matters of importance without his advise) aspired to a power more absolute even to the title of Prince: he did not debate with discretion the conditions of that city, who, at that time being populous in multitudes, and mighty in riches, and nourished by many ages with an appearance of a common weal, the principal citizens being accustomed to participate in the government, rather in form of companions than subjects, would hardly endure so great and sudden mutation: And therefore, Peter knowing that to the holding up of his ambition must be joined foundations extraordinary: and the better to have a mighty pillar to support his new principality: he restrained himself immoderately to thAragons, determining in their course to communicate with their fortunes. Thus perhaps was furthered by this accident: not many days before th'ambassadors of the french arrived at Florence, there came to light certain practices, which Laurence and john de medicis, young men rich, and near in blood to Peter, and lately become his enemies upon certain light occasions of youth, conspired with Lodowik Sforce and by him with the french king directly against the greatness of Peter: But being arrested by the Magistrates, they were with light punishment returned to their houses in the country, for that the temperance of the Magistrates prevailing with Peter not without some difficulties, induced him not to suffer the laws to execute any extreme action upon his kindred and blood: But receiving warning by this accident that Lodowyk Sforce thirsted after his ruin, he esteemed it so much the more needful to remain still in his first purpose: At last th'ambassadors were answered, but much to their discontentment, and more contrary to their desire: in place of the conclusion they hoped 
The Florentines answer the french Ambassadors.  for, they were told with words reverent and respective, with what natural devotion the people of Florence, honoured the house of France, together with their common desire to satisfy so great a king: on the other side they made declaration of their impediments, as that there could be nothing more unworthy of Princes and common weals, than not to keep faith promised, which unless they should apparently defile and break, they could not now satisfy his demands, and content the time together: They said, as yet was not ended the confederation which by th'authority of king Lewis his father was made with Ferdinand with covenant, that after his death it should stretch to Alphonso: wherein they were bound by special condition not only to defend the realm of Naples, but also to give no passage thorough their countries to any that went about to invade it: Lastly that it brought no small grief to them, that there was such difference between their desires and wills, and that they had no power to make other resolutions than such as must either make the king displeased, or bring great prejudice to their whole estate: Only they hoped that the king being wise and just, would interpret them according to their good wills, and refer to those reasonable impediments that which they could not promise'.  
The king made angry with this answer, commanded immediately th'ambassadors 
The french king angry with the Florentines answer.  of Florence to departed out of France, and following the council of Lodowyk Sforce, he banished out of Lions, not the general merchants, but only the factors and bankers of P. de medicis, to the end that they might judge at Florence, that he acknowledged this injury particularly upon Peter, and not upon the body of the state.  
The other potentates of Italy being divided amongst themselves, some bearing favour to the french, and some fearing calamities and extreme fortunes, the Venetians only determined to remain neuter, and with an idle eye to behold the issue of all things, perhaps they were not much troubled that Italy should fall into garboil, hoping that the long wars of others would give them opportunity to enlarge their estate: or perhaps the opinion of their greatness would not suffer them to be doubtful of perils: And therefore not fearing that the victors could have any fortune over them, they judged it a folly to make proper to them, the wars of others, & had no apparent necessity. And yet Ferdinand ceased not to solicit them continually, 
The french king prayeth amity of the Venetians.  and the french king the year before, and even then had sent to them Ambassadors who forgot not to declare that between the house of France & that common weal, was always amity and good will, and as occasion offered mutual effects and offices expressed. The which disposition, the king seeking to augment and ratify, he desired of that wise Senate council and favour in his enterprise, whereunto they answered 
The answer of the Venetians.  with this moderation and brevity: that the king for himself was so wise & foreseeing, & environed with a council so grave and ripe, that it could not be without too much presuming to join to him their opinions and councils. They would be always glad of his prosperities & good fortunes for the observances which they had always borne to the crown of France: They were not a little grieved, that they could not accompany the readiness of their minds with those effects they desired, for that by the suspicion wherein the Turk kept them continually wanting neither desire nor opportunities to vex them: Necessity compelled them to keep always with great charges many isles and coast towns fronting upon him, the same being the cause that they could not make themselves parties to the war of an other But the preparations which were made on all sides as well by land as sea, were of far greater importance then either the orations of th'ambassadors, or the answers made to them: for, king Charles had sent Peter d'urfe his great Esquire, to Genes (over which city the duke of Milan commanded by the aid of the faction of Adorn and I L. de fiesco signo) to rig up a mighty army of ships and galleys, causing also to be armed other vessels in the ports of Ville Franche and Marselles. This was the cause of the brute in his court, that he determined to enter the kingdom of Naples by sea, as had done afore time john son of Rene against Ferdinand: In France albeit many believed, that what for the youth of the king, and the base condition & slender conduct of such as stirred him to this expedition, together with the want & necessity of money, these preparations in them would dissolve & vanish into smoke: yet, to satisfy the desire of the king who by the advise of his favourits had newly taken upon him the title of king of jerusalem and both Cycylyes (than the title of the kings of Naples:) There was general and diligent order given on all parts for the provisions of the war: as making of musters, gathering of money, removing of men, with other industries due to such expeditions: And no council had but with Galeas de S. Severin, who held enclosed in his mind all the secrets & purposes of Lodowyk Sforce: Of the other side Alphonso in whom had wanted no policy or diligence to fortify himself by sea and by land (judging now there was no more time to suffer himself to be mocked with the hopes of Lodowyk Sforce, and that it served better for him to amaze and vex him, then to travel to assure or appaise him) commanded th'ambassador of Milan to retire out of Naples, and revoked his that was resident at Milan: he sequestered also and took into his possession the revenues of the Duchy of Bary, which Lodowyk had enjoyed many years by the gift of Ferdinand. And not content with these things, which were rather demonstrations of open hatred, than wrongs or offences, he disposed all his wits, to turn from the Duke of Milan, the city of Genes, A matter of right great importance for the present affairs, for that by the revolt and change of that city, would happen many means to trouble Lodowyk in his government of Milan, and from the french king should be taken away all opportunities to molest the realm of Naples by sea: Therefore having made secret pact with Cardinal Pawle Fregose, afore times Duke of Genes, & still followed with many of the same family: and with Obietto de fiesquo, two principal men both for the town and sea, together with some particulars of the Adorneys, all banished out of Genes for diverse occasions: he determined to assay with a strong army at sea, to set them all in the town again (following that he was wont to say, that wars are overcomen either in preventing th'enemy, or diverting him: he determined in like sort to go himself into Romagna with a mighty army, and to make sudden invasion upon the lands of Parma, where publishing the name of john Galeas, and displaying his banners, he hoped that the peoples of the Duchy of Milan would rise against Lodowik: And be it that in this were found many difficulties, yet he judged it profitable that the war should begin far from his realm: he esteemed it also to great importance for the substance of the war, that the french men should be surprised with the winter in Lombardye: wherein having great experience in the wars of Italy, (whose armies attending the riping of grass and forage for the feeding of horses, were not wont to take the field afore the end of April:) he judged that to eschew the sharpness of winter, they would be constrained to stay in a country of their friends till spring time: In which intermission and respi●e of time he hoped that some occasion for his benefit might happen. Besides, he sent Ambassadors to Constantinople, to demand succours as in a common danger of B. Ottoman Prince of the Turks, for that it was resolved in the french kings intention to pass into Greece after he had won Naples, which danger he knew well the Turk would not despise, for that by the memory of the wars made in times passed against the Infidels in Asia by the french nation, the fear which the Turks had of their arms was not little.  
Whilst these things were thus solicited on all parts, the Pope sent his men to Ostia under the government of Nicholas Vrsin Count of Petillane, to whom Alphonso sent strength and succours both by sea and land: he took the town without difficulty, and then began to batter the castle, which (by the mean of Fabrice Colonne, and consent of john de la Rovere perfect of Rome, and brother to Cardinal S. P. ad vincula) was easily rendered to him by the castle keeper, with this condition, that the Pope neither with censures of the Church, nor temporal arms, should pursue the Cardinal nor the perfect, if they gave him no new occasions: And it was suffered to Fabrice, in whose hands the Cardinal had left Grotta Ferrara, to continued the possession of the same with the same rights, paying to the Pope ten thousand ducats. But Lodowyk Sforce (to whom the Cardinal when he passed by Savonne, had made known that which Alphonso by his means and councils negociated secretly with the exiles of Genes) declared to king Charles what a great impediment that would give to his enterprise, & therefore induced him to sand to Genes two thousand Swissers, & dispatch into Italy with speed three hundredth lances to be ready under the government of Mons. d'aubigny, (who returning from Rome, stayed by the king's commandment at Milan) both to assure lombardy, and to pass further according to occasions and necessities: To these should be joined five hundredth men at arms, Italians entertained at that time in the Kings pay under john fr. de S. Severin Count of Gaiazze, Galeot Pico Count of Myrandola, and Radolphe of Gonsague, together with five hundredth which the Duke of Milan was bound to furnish: who not leaving his oldeshiftes and subtleties, continued to confirm in the Pope and Peter de medicis his inclination to the peace & surety of Italy, nourishing them with variety of hopes which were not without their apparent demonstrations.  
It can not almost be, but that which men make great surety of, engendereth some doubt, even in the minds of such as have determined to believe the contrary: for albeit there was no great faith given to the promises of Lodowyk: yet it happened not for all that, that their determined enterprises suffered in any sort slow success or proceedings: And the Pope & P. de medicis could have been well content that th'enterprise had been proved to surprise Genes: But because in the action they should directly offend thestate of Milan, the Pope, (Alphonso requiring his galleys & to join his men with him in Romagna,) consented to the service of his men for the common defence in Romagna, but not to pass further: And touching the galleys, he made difficulty, saying it was not yet time to put Lodowyk so much in despair. The Florentines being required to receive Alphonso's army by sea in the port of Livorne, and to refresh them, remained in suspense upon the matter, for that making excuses to the demands of the french king, and being acquitted under the pretence of the confederation passed with Ferdinand, they were very unwillingly disposed to do more without necessity, than they were bound unto by that confederation.  
Matters being now not able to suffer any longer delay, the army by sea of Alphonso 
The king of Naples sendeth out his forces.  departed at last from Naples under the charge of th'admiral Dom Federyk: & Alphonso in person assembled his army in Abruzze to pass into Romania: But afore any further action was done, he thought it necessary to communicate with the Pope, who had the same desire, the better to establish all things that were to be done for their common safety.  
The Pope and Alphonso met together the xiii of july at Vicovare, a place appertaining to Virginio Vrsin, where after they had spent three days, they returned well agreed: In this meeting and consultation it was determined by the council of the Pope, that the person of the king of Naples should pass no further: his army contained little less than a hundredth squadrons of men at arms, accounting xx. men to a squadron: And very near three thousand crosboweshott and light horsemen: Of this army it was agreed that one part should stay with him upon the frontiers of Abruzze for his safety and surety of the state ecclesiastic: And that Virginio should remain in the town of Rome to make head against the Collonoys: for dread of whom, also it was agreed that two hundredth of the men at arms of the Pope and a part of the light horsemen of the king should not stir out of Rome: That th'expedition into Romania should be performed in the person of Ferdinand Duke of Calabria, (that was the title of the eldest son to the king of Naples) A young Prince of great hope: leading with him lxx. squadrons with the residue of the light horsemen, and most part of the Pope's companies such as he erected for defence: There were joined with him (as moderators of his youth) john jacques Triwlso governor of the soldiers of the king of Naples, and the Count Petillane, who from the Pope's pay was become mercynary to the king of Naples, both captains of great experience and reputation: Seeing they meant to lead an army into Lombardye, it was thought good that it should pass in the person of Ferdinand, for the society of blood and double parentage which he had with john Galeas husband to Isabella his sister, and son of john Galeas, brother to Hipollita who was mother to Ferdinand: But touching the actions of this parliament between the Pope and Alphonso, that of most importance, was, concerning the Collonois, for that it was discerned by manifest signs that they aspired to new intelligences: seeing that Prospero and Fabricius having served in the pay of the late king of Naples, and by him recompensed with estates and honourable places: Prospero (the king being dead) after many promises made to Alphonso to re-enter into his pay, was by the working of Cardinal Ascanius, entered into the common pay of the Pope and the Duke of Milan, refusing afterwards to take the Pope's pay being much solicited: And Fabricius, who had continued in the service of Alphonso having regard to the disdain of the Pope and the king of Naples against Prospero: made difficulty to go with the Duke of Calabria into Romania, if first by some convenient means were not re-established and assured the affairs of Prasper and all the family of Colonne: This was the cooler of their difficulties: But secretly they both were become mercenary to the french king, (partly drawn by the great amity they had with Cardinal Ascanius, who forsaking Rome a few days afore for suspicion of the Pope, was retired to their lands) and partly for hope of larger pays, but much more moved with displeasure that Virginio Vrsin chief of the contrary faction bore greatest rule with Alphonso, and participated more than they in his prosperities: But to keep this thing concealed until they might with surety declare themselves his soldiers, they treated continually with the Pope and Alphonso, by whom was made great instance, that Prospero taking pay of them, would leave the wages of the Duke of Milan, for that otherways they could not be assured of him: The Collonoys made show of desire to accord with them, but to th'end to determine nothing, they moved one time one difficulty and sometimes an other, upon the conditions that were offered.  
In that practice, there was diversity of wills between Alexander and Alphonso, for that Alexander desiring to despoil them of the places they held about Rome, cherished the occasion to assail them: and Alphonso who had no other intention then to assure them, was not inclined to the war but for a last remedy: but he durst not oppose against the covetousness of the Pope. At last they determined to constrain them by arms, and appointed forces and orders how it should be done, assaying notwithstanding afore, if within few days their controversies might be accorded.  
These things, with many others, were debated on all parts, men's wits wandering 
The beginning of the war.  and their minds unresolute, their fears general, but their hopes full of suspicions and incerteinties, in their wills no consent or unity, and all their conjectures and judgements full of error, not, none that could moderate their expectation, and much less judge what would be the end of those tragical preparations: but at last the war of Italy took beginning by the going of Dom Federyk to the enterprise of Genes 
The king of Naples sendeth out an army to take the city of Genes.  leading an army no doubt of greater proportion and better provision, than had been seen of long time before run over the streams and sea of Tyrrennum: it contained xxxv. light or subtle galleys, eighteen ships, with many other lesser vessels, great quantity of artillery, and three thousand footmen to put on land: By reason of which great equipage, and leading with them the exiles, the army departed out of Naples with great hope of the victory: But their lingering and slow departing, caused by those difficulties which commonly follow great enterprises, & partly abused by the cunning hopes which Lodowyk gave them, and partly for that they stayed in the ports of Sienna to levy to the number of u thousand footmen, made hard and dangerous, that, which being assayed one month afore, would have been easy and without peril: for, the enemies (by their slow proceedings) had leisure to dress a strong provision, putting within Genes the baylif of Dyon, with two thousand Swyzzers levied and paid by the french, and already ordered and rigged a great part of the ships and galleys which were armed in that port, and one part of the vessels furnished at Marseilles, being there arrived also: Besides, Lodowyk for his part spared for no expenses, but dispatched thither Gasper de S. Severin, called Fracasse, with Anthony Maria his brother, with many footmen: And because he would compound his strength no less upon the good wills & hearts of Genes, then of foreign forces, he confirmed with gifts, pensions, and promises of many recompenses the courage and intention of john Joys the Fiesquo, brother to Obietto, the Adorns, and many other gentlemen and populars much importing to keep that city in his devotion: he had also called to Milan many factions of the banished men aswell of the town as rivers of Genes: To these provisions mighty enough of themselves, did give great reputation and surety the person and presence of Lowys Duke of 
Louis Duke of Orleans entereth Genes, and preserves it.  Orleans, who about the same times that the Aragon's fleet was discovered in the sea of Genes, entered that city by commission of the french king, having first communicated in Alexandria upon the common affairs with Lodowyk Sforce, who (as the doings of mortal men are full of thick darkness) had received him with great gladness and honour, but as a companion, not knowing how soon his whole estate and life would fall into his power.  
These accidents were the causes why the Aragon's (determined before to present their fleet afore the port of Genes, under hope that the parties and confederates with thexiles would draw into some insurrection) changing now council with the occasion, resolved to assail the river: And after some diversity of opinions, whether in the river of Levant or the West, were best to begin: the advise of Obietto prevailed, who promising himself much upon them of the waters of Levant, they addressed themselves to the town of Portovenere, to the which they gave assault for many hours in vain, for that it was refurnished from Genes with four hundredth footmen, and the courages of th'inhabitants well resolute and confirmed by john Lowys de Fyesquo lately come thither: Being out of hope to carry the town by assault, they retired to the port of Livorne, to revictual their ships, and refurnish their companies of footmen: for, when they understood that the towns and pieces upon the river were in good condition of defence and provision, they judged that to that action was necessary a greater supply of force: At Lyvorna, Federyk being advertised that the french army inferior to his in galleys, but mightier in ships was in preparation to fall out of the port of Genes: sent back again to Naples his ships to be able with more readiness by the swiftness of his galleys to keep aloof from th'enemy, if with their ships and galleys together they should set on him, hoping notwithstanding to vanquish them, if their galleys were separate from their ships, either by adventure, or by william.  
In the self same seasons, the Duke of Calabria marched towards Romania, with 
The Duke of Calabria marcheth towards Calabria.  the army by land, with intention to pass afterwards into Lombardye, according to the first resolutions: But to have his passage more free and easy, and to leave no impediments or perils behind his back, it was needful to join to him the state of Bologne, and the cities of Gmola and Furly: for Cesene a city immediately subject to the Pope and the city of Faense, belonging to Astor de Manfreddi, a young gentleman, pensionary and governed under the protection of the Florentines, were to give willingly all commodities to the Aragon's army. Octavyan son to jeronimo de Riare, was Lord of Furly and Gmola, with a title of vicar of the Church, but in minority & under government of Katthern Sforce his mother, with whom many months before, the Pope and Alphonso had practised to entertain Octavyan in their common pay, with condition to defend his estates: but the matter remained imperfect, partly by the difficulties she alleged, to the end to get better conditions: And partly for that the Florentines dwelling still in their former purpose not to exceed the bonds they had with Alphonso to the prejudice of the french king, could not be resolved to be concurrant in this practice, to the which their consent was necessary, because the Pope & the king would not alone sustain the charge: but much more for that Katthernes would not put in danger that city, unless with the others, the Florentines would be bound to the guard and defence of the estates of her son: These difficulties were taken away by the meeting and speaking together, which Ferdinand, (drawing his army by the way of Marrechia into Romania) had with Peter de medicis in the village of S. Sepulchre: where he offered him in the name of his father king Alphonso, frank power to dispose of him and his army in all the services which he had intention to execute for the affairs of Florence, Sienna, & Faensa: these offers giving a new life to the ancient courage of Peter, as soon as he was returned to Florence, he ordained (notwithstanding the dissuasions of the wisest citizens) that th'accord should be subsigned, for that Ferdinand had instantly desired him. This being dispatched at the common charges of the Pope, Alphonso, and the Florentines, not many days after, they had the city of Bolognia at their devotion, entertaining john Bentyvole (under whose authority and direction the city was governed) in the same manner the Pope promised, having withal the faith of king Alphonso and P. de medicis, to created Cardinal Anthony Galeas his son, than pronotorye of the sea.  
These things gave to the army of Ferdinand a great reputation, which yet had been more great, if with those successes he had sooner entered into Romania: But by his slow speed to march out of the kingdom, and the diligent care and watching of Lodowyk Sforce, Ferdinand was no sooner arrived at Cesena, than Monsr. D'aubygny, and the Count Caiazze, governor over the companies of Sforce, together with a great part of the army appointed to make head against the Aragon's, being passed without let by Bolognia, entered the country of Ymola: by means whereof, Ferdinand having lost his first hopes to pass into Lombardie, was compelled to settle the war in Romania, where (other cities following the party of thAragons) Ravenna and Ceruia, cities of the Venetian jurisdiction, barefavor to neither side. This little country stretching along the river of Paw, & in the possession of the Duke of Ferrara, spared no one commodity to the companies of the french & Sforce. Touching P. de medicis, neither the difficulties happening in th'enterprise of Genes, nor th'impediments occurring in Romania, could bridle his rashness: for, being bound by a secret convention without the knowledge of the common weal, made with the Pope and Alphonso to oppose himself openly against the french king: he had not only consented that the Neapolytan army at sea should be received & refreshed in the haven of Livorne, with power to levy footmen through the whole territory of Florence: but also restraining his rashness to no limit, he wrought so, that Hannibal Bentivole, son of john, mercenary to the Florentines, went with his charge, & the companies of Astor de Manfreddi, & joined with the campp of Ferdinand, as soon as he entered into the country of Furly, & sent beside, to the said Bentyvole, a thousand footmen with artilleries. Such a like disposition was always diserned in the Pope, who, besides the provisions of war, not contented to have exhorted by writing the year before, king Charles not to pass into Italy, but to proceed by way of justice and not arms, reinjoined him eftsoons by an other signeture, 
The 〈…〉.  the self same things upon pain of the Church censures: And by the bishop of Calagorre his Nuncio at Venice, (whether for the same effect were gone thembassadors of Alphonso, & they of Florence, who notwithstanding made not such open demands) he persuaded much that Senate, that for the common benefit of Italy, they would protest public resistance against the french purposes, or at lest to give Lodowyk roundly to understand, that he was much discontented with this innovation: But the Senate answered by the Duke, that it was far from the office of a 
The Veretians 〈…〉 rs.  wise Prince, to pull the war upon his own house, and take it from an other, nor to consent to do either by demonstrations or effects, any thing that may displease either of the parties: And because the king of Spain, solicited instantly by the Pope & Alphonso, promised (for the succours of Naples) to sand into Scycile an army by sea well furnished, and at last made excuse that it could not be so soon ready for want of money: the Pope gave consent (besides a certain portion which Alphonso sent him) & power, that he might convert into that use, the moneys gathered in Spain by the Apostolic authority under collar of the Croysade, which aught not to be employed against others than thenemies to the faith Christian: Alphonso also, besides those he had already sent to the great Turk, dispatched of new Camylla Pandon, with whom was sent secretly by the Pope George Bucciardo a Genua, whose service Pope Innocent had used there afore, who being received with great honour of Bajazet, & dispatched with no less expedition, brought home large promises of succours: which albeit was confirmed a little after by an Ambassador sent by the Turk to Naples, yet either for the distance of places, or for the distrust he had of the Christians, those promises brought forth no effect: In this time, Alphonso & P. de medicis seeing their armies succeeded not happily by land nor sea, they laboured to beguile L. Sforce, using his own crafts & connings, but their industry brought forth no betteryssue, then theirforces. It was th'opinion of many, that Lodowyk, for the consideration of his 
Conjectures against the subtleties of Lodowyk Sforce.  proper danger, was not content that the french king should conquer Naples: but his plot was, that assoon as he was made Duke of Milan, and that the french army had passed into Tuscan, to work some accord, by the which Alphonso should acknowledge himself tributary to the crown of France, with assurance to the king of office and observancy, and so the king (the places which the Florentines held in Lunigiane, reverting perhaps out of their hands) to return into France: So that the florentines by this mean should remain battered, the king of Naples diminished of force and authority, and he become Duke of Milan, should have got for his surety so much as was sufficient, without fear to fall into the dangers which might happen by the victory of the french: he had hope also that the winter coming on, the king would suffer such difficulties as would let the course of his victory: Lastly he judged that weighing with thimpatience of the french, the kings slender provision of money, and the wills of many of his people estranged from th'enterprise, there would not want means to work composition.  
This was a gross error in his policy, to breed the storm, and leave the defence to possibilities doubtful: it is too dangerous to broach a vessel of poison, and have the virtue of the antydote uncertain: fire suffered to run, burns without lymitt, even to the consuming of such as first kindled it. But whatsoever was his secret intention, it is certain that albeit at the beginning Lodowyk studied to separate Pe. de medicis from thAragons, yet after he persuaded him secretly to persevere in his opinion, promising him so to work that the french King should not march at all, or at lest if he did pass, he should with the same speed return afore he did any action on that side the mounts: this he did often reiterate by his Ambassador resident at Florence, either for that such was his just intention, or else having determined to ruinated Peter, he desired that he might bring him to do so much against the king, as there might be no mean to reconcile them. But Peter determining by the consent of Alphonso to make these behaviours known to the french king, called one day into his house, th'ambassador of Milan, under colour of being ill disposed of his person: afore he came, he caused to hide secretly the french Ambassador resident at Florence, in a place where he might easily hear their communication. There Peter repeated to th'ambassador plainly, distinctly, and at large, the persuasions and promises of Lodowyk, and that for his authority he was unwilling to consent to the demands of the french king: taking occasion to complain grievously, for that with so diligent instance he solicited the king to pass: he concluded, that seeing th'effects answered not his words, he was constrained to join himself to th'enterprise, to avoid his proper and present peril: The Myllanoy Ambassador answered, that he aught not to doubt of the faith of Lodowyk, if for no other reason, at lest for this, that in comparison and consideration of things, it was no less dangerous to Lodowyk then to any other, that the french should enjoy Naples▪ And therefore with all the council, courage, and reasons that he could, he persuaded him to persevere in his first opinion, lest by such hurtful alteration of his mind, he were not the cause to bring himself and all Italy into perpetual servitude: This discourse with all his actions and circumstances, the french Ambassador with present speed communicated with the king his master, assuring him that he was betrayed by Lodowyk, whose devise tended all to his particular purpose and profit, and all his intentions dissembled and disguised.  
This policy and private manner of Peter bred not the effect which Peter and Alphonso hoped for, but, of the contrary, the matter and manner being revealed to Lodowyk, even by the french themselves, the disdain and hate conceived afore against Peter, redobled and took a stronger quality, and Lodowyk with a new diligence and quickness, solicited the french king to consume no more time unprofitably.  
But now not only the preparations that were made in so great plenty both by 
Foreshows of the calamities of Italy.  sea and land, but also the consent of the heavens and of men, pronounced to Italy their calamities to come: for that such as made profession, to have judgement either by science or divine inspiration in the things to come, assured with one voice that there were in preparing, both more great mutations and more strange & horrible accidents, then for many worlds before, had been discerned in any part or circuit of the earth. There were seen in the night in Povylle three suns in the midst of the firmament, but many clouds about them, with right fearful thunders and lightnings: In the territory of Aretze, were visibly seen passing in the air, infinite numbers of armed men upon mighty horses, with a terrible noise of drums and trumpets: The Images and figures of Saints did manifestly sweat in many parts of Italy: In every place were brought forth many monsters of men and other creatures, with many other things against the order of nature concurring all at one time, but in diverse places: by means whereof the people were carried into incredible fears, being already amazed with the brute of the french powers & fury of that nation, with the which according to the testimony of histories, they had aforetime run over all Italy, sacked and made desolate with fire and sword the city of Rome, and subdued in Asia many provinces, and generally no part of the world which had not felt the virtue of their arms: But albeit these judgements are often times fallible, and rather conjectures uncertain, than effects happening, yet the accidents that drew on, brought to them, in the spirits of frail men, an absolute faith, credit, and religion: for, king Charles, holding his first purpose, was now come to Viena in D'auphine, and would not suffer himself to be stayed from his personal expedition into Italy, neither by the just and general petitions of his whole realm, nor with the consideration of his universal wants of money, which were such as he had no mean to furnish the necessities present, but by pawning for a great sum of money, certain jewels lent him by the Duke of Savoy, the Marquis of Mountferat, and other great Lords of the Court: of the sums he had gathered before of the revenues of France, and such as were lent to him by Lodowyk, he had employed a great quantity upon the armies at sea, wherein at the beginning was reapposed a great hope of the victory: and of the residue, he had made many indiscreet liberalities to diverse persons before he went from Lions: And his Princes and noble men having at that time not so ready ways to exact money upon their peoples, as their immoderate covetousness hath brought them since, without regard to God or men, it was not easy for him to levy new tributes: so slender were the provisions and grounds of so great a war, fury and rashness guiding the king more, than wisdom and council.  
But as it often happeneth in th'execution of things new, great, and difficult, that albeit all things are ordained and foreseen: yet the reasons that may be considered in the contrary come then to appear in thunderstanding of men, when th'enterprise is toward his action and beginning: So, the king being upon the point to departed, yea his soldiers marching towards the mounts, there arose a great murmur throughout the court: some brought into consideration the difficulties ordinary in so great an enterprise, and some disputed of the general dangers and infidelity of th' Italians, but specially there was an universal jealousy of Lodowyk Sforce, both for thadvertisement lately come from Florence, and also certain money expected from him, remained yet behind: So that not only such as had always reproved this enterprise, rose up eftsoons to resist it with more audacity (as happeneth in those cases when council is confirmed by the event of things) but even those that had been the principal workers, as chief the Bishop of S. Mallo, began so to shake, that 
The 〈…〉 king 〈…〉 full to g 〈…〉 with th' 〈…〉 pri 〈…〉 Naples.  the brute coming to the ears of the king and the whole Court inclining to murmur and confusion of opinions, caused such an inclination in the king to pass no further, that suddenly commandment was given to make stay of all the bands and companies of soldiers: by mean whereof many that were already on their way, returned with willing speed to the Court, following a reaport published, that it was a resolution set down, that the camppe should not pass into Italy: it was then believed that all had turned into alteration and change, if the Cardinal of S. P. ad vincla, (the fatal instrument both at that time, before, and after, of all the miseries of Italy) had not with his authority and vehemency given a new life to th'expedition, recomforted the hearts of the noble men, and 
Cardinal S. P. ad 〈…〉 la, gives a new life to th' 〈…〉 pedition.  brought again the spirit of the king to his first determination: he laid before him not only the reasons that had first stirred him up to so glorious an enterprise, but also with a sharp and quick eloquence, willed him to look into thinfamy which might run throughout all the world for so light a mutation of so noble a council: he asked his majesty for what occasion, in restoring the places in the county of Artoys, he had weakened on that side, the frontiers of his realm: why had he with so great displeasing of his nobility and populars, made open to the king of Spain one of the ports of France, in giving him the county of Rus●illon: other kings his predecessors, had not wont to consent to those things, but either to be delivered from great and imminent perils, or at lest, in counter change of profitts more importing: he made not those restitutions by any necessity, his perils were but reasonable, And for fruit or recompense, there was no other expectation, then that with a great price, he had bought a present loss, which would perpetually nourish grief, dishonour, and infamy: what new accidents have appeared, (saith he) or what strange dangers and difficulties are disclosed since th'enterprise hath been published throughout all the world? Not, rather the hope of the victory is increased, the foundations being shaken whereupon the enemy had built all the hopes of his defence, for that if both the army at sea of thAragons shamefully retired to the port of Livorne after they had given a vain assault to Portovenere, was able to attempt no further action against Genes so well defended with soldiers and a navy more mighty than theirs, And also in their army by land stayed in Romania by the resistance of small numbers of the french, was left no courage to pass further: what would be their sears, when they heard by all the countries in Italy, that the king was to pass the mounts with an army royal: towns would fall into tumults, men would draw into mutiny, having their minds amazed, how could they be stayed or contained? The Pope would not be a little amazed when he should see from his proper palace, the arms of the Collonoys at the gates of Rome: Not less would be thastonishment of P. de medicis, who hath for his enemies his own blood, knoweth what affection the town of Florence beareth to the name of the french, & is not ignorant how desirous it is to recover the liberty which he holds oppressed: That there was no impediment, no difficulty, no danger to stay the furious descending of the king upon the confins of Naples, which he should no sooner approach, than he should found all things disposed to flight or to rebellion: he told him the fear was vain to doubt want of money, for that his artillery should be no sooner hard thunder, than th'italians with a swift liberality, would supply him from all parts: And if he should find any resistance or defence, the spoils, the booties, the riches of the vanquished would suffice to nourish his army, for that Italy for many years, having been more accustomed to appearances of war, then trained in the true experience of wars, there was no strength, foundation, nor power to sustain the fury of the french. In a matter debated with so long council, and prepared so near to his action▪ in an enterprise so possible▪ and bringing so many profits: in an expedition so haughty and glorious, and given over, so vile and infamous: he advised him to be firm and resolute, & for fears, suspicions, and ielowsies, he willed him to think them as dreams rising upon some superfluous humour, or as shadows to whom can be assigned no bodies: he told him it become justly his name and greatness to march on with the same magnanimity and courage, wherewith not iiij. days since, he vaunted to be able to vanquish Italy being united all together: he said, he had to consider that his councils were now no more in his own power, and that things had got to great forwardness by reason of the alienation he had made of many lands and territories, for th'ambassadors he had heard, sent, and banished, for the great charges he had sustained, for so many and mighty provisions, and lastly for the renown that run thorough the world, and his person being brought almost to the top of the Alps: And finally saith he, albeit the enterprise were never so perilous, yet necessity constrained him to follow it, seeing between glory and infamy, between dishonour and triumph, between th'opinion to be esteemed a king, and a man vile, private, and abject, there remained no mean. These speeches in substance delivered by the Cardinal, but according to his nature, in more grave & vehement gesture, kindled such a new life and courage in the king, that without hearing any, than such as persuaded him to the war, he departed the same day from Vyena accompanied with all the barons and captains of the realm, except the Duke of Bourbon, to whom in his absence, he left thadministration of the kingdom, & the Admiral, with certain others appointed to the government and guard of provinces most importing: Himself with the army passing into Italy by the mount Geneura, which yields a far more easy passage than the mount Cevis, and by the which (but with incredible difficulties) Hannibal of 
The french king in Ast.  Carthage made his way into Italy: entered into the town of Ast the ix. of September, a thousand four hundredth lxxx. and fowreteene, leading with him into Italy the seeds of innumerable calamities, & most horrible accidents, with a change almost and innovation of all things: for, of his passage did not only take beginning mutation of estates, subversion of realms, desolation of countries, destruction of cities, and murders civil and most cruel: but also he brought with him new fashions of habits, new customs, new and bloody manners of making wars, and diseases till those times unknown, yea he did so disorder thinstruments of peace and concord in Italy, that being never able since to reorder & reduce them, other nations strange & barbarous, have had good mean to oppress them miserably: And for th'increasing of thinfelicity (because their shame and dishonour should not be diminished by the valour and virtues of the victor) he whose coming brought all those calamities, (albeit he lacked nothing of the liberalities & favours of fortune,) was void 
The french king described.  almost of all the gifts of nature & the mind: for, it is most certain that king Charles from his infancy was of complexion very delicate, and of body unsownde and diseased, of small stature, and of face (if thaspect and dignity of his eyes had been taken away) fowl and deformed, his other members bearing such equal proportion, that he seemed more a monster then a man: he was not only without all knowledge of good sciences, but scarcely he knew the distinct carecters of letters: his mind desirous to command, but more proper to any other thing, for that being environed always with his familiars & favourits, he retained with them no majesty or authority: he rejected all affairs and business▪ and yet if he did debate and consider in any, he showed a weak discretion and judgement: And if he had any thing in him that carried appearance of merit or praise, yet, being thoroughly weighed and sounded, it was found further of from virtue then from vice: he had an inclination to glory, but it was tempered more with rashness and fury then with moderation and council: his liberalities were without discretion, measure, or distinction: immovable often times in his purposes, but that was rather an ill grounded obstinacy then constancy, and that which many call bowntie, deserved more reasonably in him the name of coldness and slackness of spirit.  
The same day the king arrived in the town of Ast, the favours of fortune began to appear to him with a joyful token or prediction: for, there came from Genes glad news, that Dom Federyk (who after his retire from Portovenere to the haven of Livorne, and that he had refreshed his army by sea, and levied new companies of landmen, was eftsoons returned into the same river) had put on land Obietto de Fiesquo, with iij. thousand footmen, who without difficulty had made himself Lord of the town of Rapalle which is xx. miles from Genes, and then sent companies to espy and spoil the country there about: That such a beginning being of no little importance, for that touching the affairs of the town of Genes, all emotions how little so ever they were, would be dangerous considering the contagiousness & multitude of parties and factions, those within the town esteemed it not good that the enemies should have further advantage: And therefore, leaving part of their companies to the guard of Genes, the ij. brethren S. Severins and john Adorn brother to Augustyn governor of the town, with thItalian footmen, put themselves on the way to go to Rapalle, the Duke of Orleans with a thousand Swizzers leading thither th'army by sea, which contained xviij. galleys, vj. galleons, and ix. great ships. And being all joined near to Rapalle: they furiously gave upon the enemies that made head against the bridge which was between the suburbs of Rapalle and a little strait plain that stretched to the sea: That beside, the proper forces of thAragons, the seat of the place fought with advantage for them, by whose steepness & sharpness more than other munition or art, the places of that river are well fortified: the beginning of the skirmish seemed prosperous to thenemy, the Swissers being in a place very unproper to bestow their ordinance, beginning almost to retire: but by the continual concourse & flocking of the peasants ronning after the faction of the Adorns, for their agility & experience in those stony & mountenous places, men of special merit in service, and the Aragon's beaten in flank with the artilleries of the galleys of France which were brought as near the banks as could be: they began very hardly to sustain the charge: And that lastly, as they were beaten from the bridge, Obietto was advertised (in whose favour his partakers did not yet stir) that john Lowys de fiesquo was at hand with a great troop of footmen, And therefore fearing to be charged on the back, they fled to the mountains, Obietto being the first according to the custom of rebels: That there was slain of them in this encounter partly by fight, and partly by fleeing, more than a hundredth bodies: A slaughter not little, considering the manner of the war in Italy in those times: with these advertisements came accompanied the reapport of the prisoners taken, amongst whom was julius Vrsin, who with xl. men at arms and certain crossbow shot on horseback, had followed the sea army of Alphonso, in whose pay he was: Fregosin son to the Cardinal Fregose and Orlandin of the same family, remained also prisoners. This victory assured altogether th'affairs of Genes, for that Dom Federyk (who as soon as he had put his footmen on land, spread himself upon the main sea, as not to be constrained to fight with th'enemy in the gulf of Rapalle) despairing to do any profitable service at that time, retired his army once again to the port of Livorne: where albeit he refurnished his numbers with new soldiers, & had many plots to assail the rivers in some other place: yet (by infortunate beginnings of enterprises often times men loose both courage & councils) he attempted no other action of consequence, leaving a just occasion to Lodowyk to vaunt, that with his industry and his councils, he had given the bay to his adversaries, seeing there was no other thing that saved the state of Genes, but their too slow speed to departed, whereof Lodowyk was the cause by his cunning and vain hopes breeding their deceitful security.  
At this time went Lodowyk Sforce to visit the king at Ast, whether he carried with 
Lodo. Sforce goeth to visit the french king in Ast.  him Beatrix his wife, followed with great pomp and a train of the most honourable and singular fair Ladies within all the Duchy of Milan: he was also accompanied with Hercules, Duke of Ferrara. There they debated of their common affairs, and by general council it was resolved that the army should march with as much speed as was possible▪ wherein for the more diligence and expedition of things, Lodowyk who had not a little fear, that the hard season of the year happening, they would sojourn all the winter in the territories of his Duchy, lent eftsoons to the king a great quantity of money, whereof he had not a little necessity and want: Notwithstanding, the king falling into the disease which we call the small pocks, he remained about a month within the town of Ast, the army being dispersed into quarters and places thereabowts: Touching the numbers of his army, (as may be truly gathered out of so many diversities) it contained, (besides the two hundredth gentlemen for his guard, and reckoning the Swyzers gone before to Genes, and the companies entertaining 
The number of the 〈…〉 h king's army.  the war in Romania, under Monsr D'aubygny) xuj. hundred men at arms, allowing to every of them according to the custom of France, two Archers, so that under every lance (for so they call their men at arms) are comprehended vj. horses: of the Swyzzers vj. thousand footmen, and vj. thousand of the realm of France: whereof the one half were Gascoine soldiers, for their furniture gallant and well appointed, and for their natural aptness to the wars, a people above all others, soon trained to service. And to join to this army, there was carried to Genes by sea, a huge proportion of artilleries of sundry natures, both for battery and service of the field, but of such sorts as Italy never saw the like.  
This hell or torment of artillery being devised many years since in jermanie, was 
How & when great shot came first into Italy.  brought first into Italy by the Venetians, having war about the year 1380. with the Genoese: wherein the Venetians vanquished by sea, and much afflicted by the loss of Chioze, were ready to receive such conditions as it pleased the victors, if in so good an occasion, there had not been want of moderate council: The greatest sort was called bombards, which, after the invention was spread thorough Italy, were employed to the battering of towns: some of them were of iron, and some of brass, but containing such gross and huge proportion, that for their weight and ignorance of men, and instruments unapt, they were carried slowly, and with great difficulty: And being with intolerable travels planted afore towns, yet there was so much respitt between one shot and an other, that in comparison of their use at this day, they gave little fruit or success to the service, but left to the defenders leisure and opportunity at will, to reinforce their rampires and fortifications: And yet, by the violence of the saltpetre, with the which their powder had his mixture, the bullets flew into the air with such horrible noise and fury, that that instrument (yea afore he had his perfection) put to scorn and silence all those engines and devices, wherewith the ancients were wont to pull down towns, to the great fame of Archymedes, & other notable enginistes: But the frenchmen fordging pieces of far greater facility, and of no worse metal than brass, which they called cannons, using bullets of iron, in place of those of stone of the first invention, used to draw them upon wheels, not with oxen (as was the custom in Italy) but with horses, and with such agility of men & instruments appointed to that service, that they almost kept march with the army: And being brought afore towns or walls, they were braked and planted with an incredible diligence, and with a very small intermission between the shotts, they battered with such violent fury, that▪ what before was wont to be done in Italy in many days, they dispatched it in few hours: These devilish instruments they used also in the field, making some times the cannon serviceable there, & sometimes pieces of lesser forge, haled according to their proportion, with the self same speed and nimbleness. Those artilleries were the cause, that all Italy stood in great fear of the kings army, which was also holden more redoubted and dreadful, not by the numbers, but for the valour of the soldiers: for, the men at arms, being almost all of the king's subjects, gentlemen and not of the popular sort, were not simply under the direction and discipline of captains, nor paid by them, but by the kings officers: by which mean, companies and bands had not only their complete numbers, but they were men of choice, and in good point for horse and armour, (being well able to make their own furnitures) and contended in service, aswell for the desire of honour (which naturally is nourished in the hearts of men of noble race) as also that by their actions in arms and fight, they might aspire to recompense aswell out of war as the war during, and by degrees, rise worthily to the name and places of captains: The same respects pushed forward the captains Barons, and great Lords, or at lest such as did communicate in honourable descent and blood, for the most part subjects of the crown of France, who having their numbers set & limited, (for according to the wars of that realm, there is no company above a hundredth lances) had no other intention, then by service to merit well of their king: So that there was not amongst them any humour of inconstancy, either by ambition or covetousness to change their Lord, or for envy to exceed other captains in numbers of men at arms: customs mere contrary to the ordering of the men at arms in Italy: where many of the men at arms, are either peasantes, or populars, subjects of an other Prince, and depending wholly of their Captains, with whom they contract for their pay, and serve under their arbitration: they have neither by nature nor by accident, any extraordinary spur or provocation to serve well: The Captains are very rarely vassals of him that enterteynes them: they have for the most part diverse interests, purposes, and ends: full of envy and hatreds: And being bound to no term fixed for their pays, & absolute commanders over their companies, they oftentimes beguile the service with less numbers than they are paid for: And sometimes not contented with honest conditions, they put their patrons upon every occasion to ransom: At their pleasures they will pass from the service of one, and enter into the pay of an other, ambition, covetousness, or other particular interests, making them not only inconstant, but also unfaithful: There was also seen no less difference between the footmen of Italy, and those that served under king Charles, for that thItalians fought not in squadrons set and ordered, but in troupes, and dispersed in the field, and oftentimes retiring to the advantages of hills and ditches: But the Swyzzers, a nation warlike, and by the long use of war and many victories, had renewed their ancient glory and hardiness, used to fight with bands ordered, and distinct in numbers certain: And never forsaking their ranks, they used to stand against their enemies as a wall, firm, and almost invincible, so far forth as they fought in a plain or place large to stretch out their battle: even with the same discipline and orders, but not with the like courage and virtue, did fight the footmen of the french and Gascoynes.  
Whilst the king by reason of his sickness, sojourned in the city of Ast, there happened 
The Colonnoys for the french king.  a new tumult about the borders of Rome: for, the Colonnoys (notwithstanding Alphonso had accorded to all their immoderate demands) as soon as Monsr D'aubygny was entered Romania, declared themselves for the french king without more dissembling, & took the rock of Ostia by intelligences they had with certain spanish footmen left there in garrison. This raised the Pope into passion, & made him bitterly complain to all Princes in Christendom, of the injuries done to him by the french: he addressed his complaints chief to the king of Spain, and Senate of Venice, of whom (but in vain) he prayed aid and succours according to the contract of confederation made between them the last year before: And turning alltogither his wits, authority and courage, to the provisions of the wars, after he had cited Prospero and Fabricius, (whose houses he caused to be razed in Rome,) and assembled his companies with part of those of Alphonso, under Virginio, at the river of Tyverone, near Tyvoly: he sent them all upon the lands of the Colonnoys, whose strength was no greater than two hundredth men at arms, and a thousand footmen: But afterwards the Pope doubting lest the french army at sea supposed to come from Genes to the succours of Ostia, should be received into the port of Neptune, belonging to the Colonnoys: Alphonso after he had gathered at Terracina all the companies that the Pope and he had in those quarters, established his camp there, hoping to have it easily. Notwithstanding the Colonnoys defending it with great frankness of courage, & being also passed into their countries without impediments, with the companies of Camylla Vitelli, of the city of Castello, and the bands of their brethren which the french king had newly taken into his pay: The Pope revoked to Rome, part of his people which were in Romania with Ferdinand, whose affairs continued not with that felicity and fortune which they seemed to show in the beginning: for, as he was arrived at Villefranche, between Furly and Faenze, and from thence was entered into the highway of Ymola: the army of th'enemy encamped near to Villefranche, seeing their forces inferior, retired between the forest of Lugo and Columuare, near the ford of Genivola: A place very strong by nature, and appertaining to Hecules d'Este, out of whose countries they were vittelled: So that Ferdinand, seeing that by the strength and situation of the place, he could not charge them, but with manifest & general peril, issued out of Ymola, and went to incampein Tos kanella, near the village of S. Peter in the countries of Bolonia: for, being desirous to fight, by the show he made to go towards Bolonia, he sought to put thenemies (to whom he would not leave liberty to pass further) in necessity to encamp in places not so strong: But they, approaching certain days after near Ymola, pitched their camp upon the river of Santerne, between Lugo and S. Agathe, the place being well fortified, and had for their back, the river of Paw: The same day Ferdinand encamped six miles from them upon the same river near Mordane and Bubane, presenting his army the day after in battle ringed within a mile of them: where, after he had looked for them in vain for certain hours, the place ministering all commodities to fight, by reason of his scope, largeness, and plainness, and seeing he could not set upon them in their trenches without absolute danger, went to encamp at Balbiana, not holding any more the way of the mountain as he had done till then, but accosting the enemy, he marched always with this intention, to constrain them, if he could, to forsake their trenches so full of advantage and strength.  
It hath seemed till now that th'affairs of the Duke of Calabria carried good estate and fortune, and a government with reputation, seeing the enemies had apparently refused to fight, defending themselves more with the strength and situation of their trenches, then with actions of arms, and in all encounters of the light horsemen, thAragons carried away always the best: but the camp of the french & Sforce, receiving continual strength by supplies of companies, which at the beginning remained behind, the estate of the war began to change: for that, the Duke, whose heat and forwardness was moderated by the council of those captains that followed him, to th'end he would not commit all to fortune without advantage: retired to S. Agathe, a town of the Duke of Ferrara, where, finding diminution of his footmen, and of that part of the horsemen of the Church, which the Pope had called back, and lastly in the midst of the countries of the Duke of Ferrara, began to look to fortify himself: But after he had remained there certain days, he understood by espial that there was expectation in the enemies camp, of two hundred lances, and a thousand Swyzzer footmen, which the french king had caused to march as soon as he entered into Ast: And therefore he retired to the waist of Faenza, a place between the walls of the same town, and a ditch which reculeth about a thousand passes from the town, and invyroning it round about, makes that situation very strong. And by reason of his retreat, th'enemy came to S. Agatha, which he had abandoned. surely both these armies showed great tokens of courage, when they saw their enemy inferior: but when things were brought to an equality, the place apt, their forces indifferent, & all other opportunities consenting, either one eschewed to assay the fortune of battle, and in them both was approved that which very rarely happeneth, that one council was pleasing to two armies, being enemies: For, the french thought they should accomplish their intention, for the which they were come out of Lombardie, if they hindered thAragons for passing further: And Alphonso judged it greatly to his benefit, if he could amuse & hold thenemies bridle until winter: And therefore gave express charge to his son, and Ioh jacques Trywlso, with the Count de Petillane, that without great occasion, they should not put in the power of fortune, the realm of Naples, which was utterly lost, if that army were defeated: But these remedies sufficed not for his safety, for that king Charles, whose forwardness could not berestrained, neither by the season of the time, nor any other difficulties, marched into the field with his army as soon as he had recovered his health: And because john Galeas Duke of Milan, & his cousin iermayne, (for the king & he descended of two sisters, daughters to Lowys the second, Duke of Savoy) lay sore sick in the castle of Pavya, he went with great humanity to 
The french king visits john Galeas; duke of Milan.  visit him, making his way by the town, & lodging in the same castle: The speeches he used to him were general for the presence of Lodowyk, only expressing how much grieved he was for his sickness, and persuaded him to take hope and courage to recover his health: But touching the effect of the mind, the king with all those that were with him, had great compassion of him, every one judging for certain, that the young gentleman, by the wickedness of his Uncle, had not long to live. This compassion was much increased by the presence of Isabella his wife, who not only full of many sorrows for th'infirmity of her husband, and estate of her little son borne by him, but also much afflicted for the peril of her father and his adherents, she fell with great humility, in the public presence, at the feet of the king, recommending to him with pitiful tears, her father, and his house of Arragon: towards whom, albeit the king, for her age▪ for her beauty, and her present fortune, expressed an apparent inclination to pity, yet, being not able to stay the course of so great a matter, for so light occasion, he answered her with signs of will to do that he could not, saying, th'enterprise being so far advanced, he was constrained to prosecute and continued it.  
From Pavya the king marched to Plaisance, and during the abode he made there, news came of the death of john Galeas, by which occasion Lodowyk, that had followed 
The death of john Galeas.  him thither, returned in no small diligence to Milan, where by the principals of the council, which the Duke had suborned, it was propounded, that in regard of the greatness of that estate, and the dangerous times that prepared now for Italy, 
The manifest aspiring of Lo dowrk Sforce, to the duke doen.  it would be a thing prejudicial, that the son of john Galeas, (having not v. years in age) should succeed his father: And therefore, aswell to keep the liberties of the state in protection, as to be able to meet with thinconveniences which the time threateneth: they thought it just and necessary (derogating somewhat, for the public benefit, and for the necessity present, the disposition of the laws, as the laws themselves do suffer) to constrain Lodowyk, for the better stay of the common weal, to suffer that into him might be transported the title & dignity of Duke, a burden very weighty in so conspiring a season: with the which colour, honesty giving place to ambition, the morning following (using some form of resistance) 
Lodo. Sforce Duke of Myl●an by usurpation.  he took upon him the name and arms of the Duchy of Milan, having secretly protested before, that he received them as appertaining to him, by th'investiture of the king of romans: It was published that the death of Galeas happened by immoderate cohabitation, but the universal judgement of Italy was, that he died not of infirmities natural, nor by incontinency, but by poison and violent compulsion, whereof Theodor de Pavya, one of the Physicians, assisting when the king visited him, assured the king to see most apparent & manifest signs: And if he were dispatched by poison, there was none that doubted that his Uncle was innocent either directly or indirectly, as he, who not content with an absolute power to be governor of the state, but aspiring according to the common desires of great men, to make themselves glorious with titles & honours, and specially he judged that both for his proper surety, and the succession of his children, the death of the lawful Prince was necessary, and therefore sought to establish in himself the power and name of Duke, wherein ambition and covetousness prevailed above conscience and law of nature, & the jealous desire of dominion, enforced his disposition, (otherways abhorring blood) to that vile action: It was believed of many wisemen, that he hath had that intention ever since he began to solicit the french kings journey into Italy, judging thoccasion and the time would well concur to advance th'effect, for that the french hovering upon the borders of that state with a main army, it would altar men's conjectures and humours, and carry their wits from remembrance of an act so wicked: But some having opinions more particular, supposed both for the suddainnes of his death, & diligent transferring the empery to the other, that it happened by a new thought proceeding of fear, lest the king (the councils of the french are sudden) would turn himself with a contrary course to deliver his cousin Galeas from so great a subjection, being induced thereunto, either for respect of parentage and compassion of his age, or that he might think it was a thing more sure for himself, that the Duchy of Milan were in the power of his cousin, rather than commanded by Lodowyk whose fidelity many of his great Lords laboured continually to make suspected with him: But because Lodowyk had got the year before th'investiture of the Duchy of Milan, and a little before the death of his nephew, had dispatched with diligence th'imperial privi, it makes a congruent construction, that it was a deliberation voluntary and foredevised, and not sudden, nor in respect of the present danger: The king stayed certain days at Plaisance, not without inclination 
The french king in mind to return into France.  to return into France, for that aswell the want of money, which being the more general, was so much more intolerable, as not seeing any new thing in Italy discover in his favour, he had many doubts of his success, having withal no little suspicion of the new Duke of Milan, who notwithstanding when he parted, said he would return, yet the judgement was, that he would not come again at all: it is not out of all likelihood, that being unknown to the nations on tother side the mounts that wicked custom to poison men, which is a practice very common and familiar in all parts of Italy: but that the king and all his court, besides the suspicion they had conceived against the faith of Lodowyk, had his name in honour, yea the king esteemed it an injury done to his own honour and greatness, that he had solicited his coming into Italy, to be the better able without danger to execute an act so abominable: yet in the end, the resolution was to march on, Lodowyk continually labouring him thereunto, with promise to return and visit the king within few days, for that both the kings abode in Lombardie, & his hasty return into France, were wholly contrary to his intentions.  
The same day the king departed from Plaisance, Laurence and john de medicis 
Laurence and john de medicis with the french king.  came to him, who being secretly fled from their houses in the country, made great instance that his majesty would come near Florence, promising him much of the affections and goodwill of the people towards the house of France, and no less of the hate against P. de medicis, against whom the king was aggravated by occasions new and green: for, the king sent from Ast an Ambassador to Florence, to propound many offers, if they would grant him passage, and abstain hereafter from aiding of Alphonso: and of the other side to pronounce threatenings to them, if they persevered in their former council: wherein to astonish them the more, he gave express charge to his Ambassador to return immediately, if they would not give speedy resolution: he was answered with excuses to defer and expect, for that the chiefest citizens of the government being withdrawn to their houses of solace in the country▪ according to the custom of the Florentines in that season, they could not with such speed give him an answer certain, but would with all diligence advertise the king of their intention by a particular Ambassador: it is most certain, that it was agreed in the kings council without contradiction, that the army should rather 
The way that the french army took to Naples.  take the way that leads thorough Tuskane, and the territories of Rome directly to Naples, then that, which, lying along Romania, & la mark, passing the river of Troute, entereth into Abruzze, not for that they did distrust to give the chase to the bands of thAragons, which with difficulty resisted Monsr D'Aubygny: But for that it seemed a thing unworthy of the greatness of such a king, and no less infamous to the glory of his armies, (the Pope and Florentines being declared against him) to give occasion to men to think that he eschewed the way for distrust, that he was not able to force them: But much more because they esteemed it dangerous to make war in the realm of Naples, and leave as enemies at their backs, the state ecclesiastic and Tuskane: And therefore the army turning to the way of Tuskane, it was determined to pass rather the Appenyn, by the mountain of Parme, then to march the direct way to Bolonia: This was Lodowyks direction, when he was at Ast, for that he had a desire to make himself Lord of Pysa.  
So that the vanguard, over whom was governor and leader, Gilbert de Montpensier, 
M. Montpensier leader of the vanguard.  of the house of Bourbon, and Prince of the blood: And the king following, with the residue of the army, passed to Pontreme, a town of the Duchy of Milan, set at the foot of thAppenyn, upon the river of Magre, which divides the country of Genes, (anciently called Liguria) from Tuskane: from Pontreme M. Montpensier entered the country of Lunigiana, a part of which obeyed the Florentines, certain castles belonged to the Genoese, and the residue were subject to the Marquis of Malespine, who maintained their small estates under the protection sometimes of the Duke of Milan, sometimes of the Florentines, and sometimes of the Genoese. About those quarters joined with M. Mountpensier, the Swyzzers, which had been at the defence of Genua, together with th'artillery which was come by sea to Spetia: And being come near the town of Finizana, belonging at that time to the Florentines, whether they were guided by Gabriel Malespina, Marquis of Fodisnove, who was recommended to them, they took it by force, and sacked it, making slaughter of all the soldiers strangers that were within, and many of th'inhabitants: A manner of making war very new, and so much the more terrible to all Italy accustomed for many years passed to wars, rather flourishing in pomps and fine furniture like to wars showed by maskers in a stage plays, then to skirmishes bloody and dangerous: The Florentines were determined to make their principal resistance at Serezana, which they had greatly fortified, but not with strength sufficient and necessary to resist so mighty an enemy, because they had not furnished it with any captain of war, that had authority to minister discipline, nor yet soldiers, neither resolute nor serviceable, other than such as lost heart at the first voice of thapproach of the french army: yet they of Florence were of opinion that it could not be easily taken, specially the castle, and much less the rock Serazana, both well furnished, and bearing his situation upon the hill above the town: Besides, it was not possible that th'army should remain long time in those places, the country being barren and strait, & being enclosed between the sea and the mountains, was not sufficient to nourish so great a multitude, and their victuals coming far of, could not observe such just time & opportunity, as to serve their present necessities: by reason whereof it seemed the kings affairs began to fall upon hard terms, and that his army stood possible to many dangers & distresses: for, albeit he could not with convenient impediments be let from assailing Pysa, leaving behind him the town and castle of Serazana, and the rock, nor kept by the country of Lucques, (which city, by the working of the Duke of Milan, had secretly determined to receive them) that he entered not an other part of the territory of Florence: yet he could hardly be brought to that deliberation, and much less condescend to it, because he had a persuasion in his secret fancy, that if he won not the first town that resisted him, it would diminish much his reputation, and leave a dangerous example to others to use insolency against him.  
But so it was ordained, that either by the grace and blessing of fortune, or by an ordinance of more high power, (if at the lest thindiscressions and faults of men deserve such excuses) to such an impediment happened a sudden remedy: seeing that neither the courage nor constancy of P. de medicis, were greater in his adversities, than had been his modesty and discretion in his prosperities: By this must be understanded that the displeasures which the city of Florence had received from the beginning, for th'impediments which were given to the king, were continually multiplied, both for a new chase and banishment of their merchants, out of all parts of the realm of France, and also for fear of the power of the french, which did so much the more grow rising in the hearts of men, by how much they heard that th'army had begun to pass thAppenyn mounts: but specially they fell all into dread and fear, by the cruelty showed at the taking of Finizana: for these causes every one did publicly detest the rashness of P. de medicis, who, without necessity, believing more in his own weening, & the counsels of certain rash ministers, men arrogant in times of peace, and unprofitable, and cowards in times of war: then following the directions of those citizens that were friends to his father, and had always instructed him with no less grave councils: had so indiscreetely provoked the arms of so mighty a king, assisted with the Duke of Milan: seeing withal, he was ignorant in th'affairs of war, leaving the city, and other places of their obedience not fortified, but ill furnished with soldiers and munitions necessary to make defence against so great a force: Besides that, there had as yet appeared none of those Aragon's, for whom they had exposed themselves to so great danger: So that their country abandoned of every one, remained in the deep hatred of so mighty a king, and was ready to fall as a manifest pray to him, who with so great instance, had sought not to fall into occasion and necessity to hurt it.  
This disposition which was almost in all those of the town, was further kindled by many noble citizens, much displeased with the present government, & that one only family had risen so much in presuming, as to appropriate to himself the rule of the whole common weal: in so much as one increasing the fears of an other, and all labouring in one common dread, and ministering stomach and courage to such as desired new things, they had so stirred the brains & spirits of the people, that there was general fear of some tumult in the town, whereunto the multitude was the rather provoked by the pride & immoderate behaviours of Peter, who, in many things forsaking the civil customs and modesty of his ancestors, had been followed from his infancy with a perpetual hatred and ill will, by the generality of the citizens: his father seemed to have a great speculation in his vices and vile conditions, for that he would often say to his secret friends, that thindiscretion and arrogancy of his son, would one day be the cause of the ruin of his house. It is a good property of wisdom in fathers, to found out the dispositions of their children, but it is a principal effect of their judgements, to cut of with discipline all course of humours, that feed and minister to their natural corruptions, which is an office no less just in parents, than it belongeth to the art of the Physician, first to seek out the humour that offends, and then to apply the remedy proper to cure, and not to leave the body to a settled infection.  
Peter being now amazed with the peril, which with rashness he contemned afore, and seeing he failed of the succours and aids which were promised by the Pope & Alphonso, who as well for the loss of Ostia, siege of the port Neptune, as for fear of the french army by sea, had even their hands and heads full: determined with a council sudden and particular, to go search of th'enemy that safety, which he hoped no more to find in his friends, following therein th'example of his father, who, in the year 1479. being brought to desperate terms of danger, by a war which Pope Sixtus and Ferdinand king of Naples, managed against the Florentines, went to seek Ferdinand in the town of Naples, from whom he brought to Florence public peace and private surety. But it is a thing very dangerous for men to govern themselves by examples, if there be not a concurrence of the self reasons, not only in general, but even in all particularities: and if things be not ruled with the same wisdom: And if lastly, over and beside all other foundations, the self same fortune have not her part. Being parted from Florence in this deliberation, & not far of his way, he had advertisement that the horsemen of Pawle Vrsin, and 3. hundredth footmen sent by the Florentines to enter Serezana, were broken by certain companies of the french, which were come scouring even on this side the river of Magre, the most of them either slain or made prisoners. This made him tarry for the kings safe conduct at S. Peter's, whether went for his conduct and surety the Bishop of S. Mallo, with certain Lords of the Court, in whose company he arrived at the camp the same day that the king, with the residue of his strength joined himself to the vanguard, which encamping before Serazanella, battered that rock, but not with such success as there was hope to carry it: After he was presented to the 
P. de medicis comes to the french king.  king, who entertained him with good countenance, but more in appearance, then in affection: he appeased immediately all his displeasures, in consenting to his whole demands, which were great and immoderate: namely, that the forteresses and castles of S. Peter, Serezana and Serezanella, which were (as it were) the keys of the dominions of Florence on that side: and the fortresses of Pysa, and the port of Livorne (members principal of their estate) should be all put into the hands of the king, who, for his part, should bind himself by promise and by his proper signiture, to redeliver 
Peter deemed 〈…〉 accorde● with the f●●ch king.  them, as soon as he had conquered the kingdom of Naples: That Peter should do so much, that the Florentines should lend to the king two hundredth thousand ducats, and that then he would receive them into his alliance and protection: Touching the ratification of which promises, made with simple words, it was said there should be letters dispatched to Florence, by the which the king meant to pass: but the consignation of the castles and fortresses was not deferred: for, Peter joining meaning to his words, caused to be delivered without tarrying, to the king, those pieces Serezana, S. Peter, and Serezanella, and not many days after, according to the agreement, the like was done of the pieces of Pysa, and port of Livorne.  
The french men wondered, that Peter with so great facility accorded to things of so great importance, for that there was no doubt but the king would have been contented with far meaner conditions: I will not let pass in this place without reapport, that which was subtly answered to P. de medicis, by Lodowyk Sforce, arriving the day following at the camp: As Peter in going to meet him to do him honour, excused himself that he had miscarried, for that Lodowyk, was some what gone out of the way: he answered very properly: That the one of them two went out of the way, but perhaps (saith he) it light upon yourself, as reproaching unto him that he was fallen into so great difficulties & dangers, for not giving faith to his councils: But the events of things falling out afterwards, did well declare, that they both had gone out of the right way, but it was with a greater infamy and calamity to him, who raised into greater degree, made profession with his wisdom, to be the guide of all others.  
This resolution and accord of P. de medicis, did not only assure the king of the things of Tuskane, but it took out of his way all blocks and obstacles in Romagna, where the Aragon's began now much to decline: for, as it is a thing very hard to him that scarcely defends himself from dangers imminent, to provide in one season for the perils of an other: So, whilst Ferdinand remained in surety within the strong fort of Faenza, th'enemy returned to the country of Ymola, where, after they had with a part of th'army assailed the borrow of Bubane, but in vain, because by his little circuit a small strength sufficed to defend it, and for his base situation, the country run over with waters: They took by force the town of Mordane, notwithstanding it was very strong, and plentifully furnished with soldiers to defend it: But such was the fury of th'artillery, and such the desperate hardiness of the french in th'assault, (many being drowned as they passed over the watery ditches) that there was no ability of resistance by those that were within, against whom the victors accompanied their fortune with such bloody cruelty, without regard to age or sex, that they filled all Romania with general fears and astonishments: By reason of this accident, Kathern Sforce despairing of succours, accorded with the frenchmen, to avoid the peril present, and promised to their army all commodities of the estates subject to her son: the same being the cause that Ferdinand (now doubting of the wills of them of Faenza, yea & held it so much the more dangerous, to remain in the midst of Ymola and Furly, by how much he was well advertised of the going of P. de medicis to Serazana) retired near to the walls of Cesena, showing so great a fear, that because he would not pass near to Furly, he led his army by the hills, (a way more long and cumbersome) near to Castrocare, a borrow of the Florentines. And within few days after, hearing of the convention which Peter had made with the french, for which cause the bands of the Florentines forsook him, he took the way to Rome: Like as also Dom Federyk being parted from the port of Livorne, retired with his army towards the kingdom of Naples, where begun to be necessary for Alphonso, those armies which he had sent abroad with so great hopes to invade the estates of others: for, his affairs were full of many adversities on his side, seeing that the siege of the port of Neptune not succeeding, he had led back his army to Terracina. And the army by sea for the french, whereof were leaders the Prince of Salerne, and M. de Serenon, were discovered above Ostia, but yet giving it out that they would not offend the states of the Church, they put no men on land, nor showed any token of displeasure to the Pope, notwithstanding their king many days before had refused to hear Francis Piccolhomini, Cardinal of Sienna, Legat, sent by the Pope to his majesty.  
But to return to P. de medicis, after the Florentines were advertised of the conventions 
The florentines discontented with P. de medicis.  he had made, so greatly to the diminution of their territories, & with so slanderous and dangerous a wound and gall to the common weal, there was no little displeasure and discontentment through out all the city: besides their great losses, their hearts were moved against him, for that with a new form and order of dealing, and contrary to th'examples of his predecessors, he had aliened without the council of his city, and solemn decree of the Magistrates, so great a part of the state of Florence: in so much, that to the bitter complaints made against him, were joined the murmurs and secret grudgings of the people, incensing one an other to rise and recover their liberty, without that any of those that in their hearts bore favours to the doings of Peter, durst either with force, or persuasion, set themselves against so great an inclination: Albeit the Florentines having no strength to defend Pysa and Lyvorne, had also no hope to turn the kings will from having them: yet because they would separate the councils of the common weal, from the counsels of Peter, or at lest that that should not be attributed to one in particular, which appertained to them all in public, they addressed to him many Ambassadors of those families, which were ill contented with the Medicis: But Peter knowing that that was a beginning of a mutation of estate, to th'end to provide for his affairs afore greater disorders happened, applied his deliberations to the time, & took leave of the king, under colour to give perfection to that he had promised: At this time also the king parted from Serazana, to go to Pysa, and Lodowyk Sforce returned to Milan, having obtained for money that th'investiture of Genes, granted by the king a few years before to john Galeas for him and his issue, should be transferred to him and his posterity: he went away very much discontented, for that the king would not leave in his keeping (as he said he had promised) S. Peter and Serazane, which places serving him as a ladder to raise him to the city of Pysa, he demanded as unjustly taken from the Genoese, a few years before by the Florentines. But when Peter was returned to Florence, he found the city estranged from him, and the minds of his chief friends in suspense, for that against their council, and against th'opportunity of the time, he had undiscreetly governed all things: The commonalty also was drawn into such an uproar & mutiny, that as the next day after his return, he would have entered into the palace, wherein rested the authority and great magistracy of the common weal, it was forbidden him by certain Magistrates which 
A ●umul● in Florence.  kept the gate armed, of whom the chiefest was jacques de Nerly, a young man of equal nobility and riches: This being spread abroad thorough the city, the people run with swift tumult to arms, being the more moved to this uproar, for that Pawle Vrsin, whom Peter had sent for, was at hand with his band of armed men: The aspect and consideration of these dangers, caused Peter (eftsoons returned to his house) and having lost both courage and council, and whilst the state declared him rebel, 
P. de medicis fleeth out of Florence.  to flee in great haste out of Florence, following him john Cardinal of the Church of Rome, and julyan his brethren, upon whom in like sort were imposed the pains ordained against Rebels: he went directly to Bolognia, where john Bentyvole, desiring in an other that constancy and resolution of courage, which he could not show since in his own adversities, reproved him bitterly at the beginning, for that not only to his own prejudice, but also to the ill example of all that oppressed the liberty of their countries, he had so cowardly without the death of one man, abandoned such a greatness. In this sort, by the rashness of one young man, did at that time fall the house of Medicis from that rule and power, which, under the name and appearance almost of a civil administration, it had obtained in Florence lx. years: it began in Cosmo his great grandfather, a citizen of singular wisdom, & infinite wealth, and for those regards very notable through all the parts of Europe: But much more was he recommended, for that with a wondered magnificency and heart truly royal, regarding more theternity of his name, than the profit of his posterity: he employed more than four hundredth thousand ducats, in building of Churches, erecting of Monasteries, with other buildings of sumptuous costs, not only in his own country, but also in many parts of the world: And his sons son Laurence, a man for understanding and judgement, excellent, in council grave and singular, in liberality equal with his grandfather, and for greatness of heart, nothing inferior, for ministration in the common weal, of authority more absolute, but for wealth, of less ability, and of life far more short: got general reputation through out Italy, & with many strange Princes, which after his death, was turned into a clear monument and memory, for that it hath seemed ever since, that the concord and felicity of Italy ended with his life.  
The same day the state of Florence fell into change, the french king being in the 
The Pysan● offer to revolt.  city of Pysa, the townsmen in popular troupes with cries and showtinges, run to him and demanded liberty, complaining grievously of the oppressions and wrongs which they said they had received under the government of the Florentines: certain of the kings council assisting, assured him that their demand was just, for that the Florentines held them in to hard servitude. The king not seeing into th'importance of their request, nor how far it was contrary to the contract of Serazane, told them, they should have liberty: with the which answer the Pysans run to arms, and throwing down to the earth all the ensigns and armouries of the Florentines, they put themselves into an absolute liberty so long desired: Notwithstanding, the king, contrary to himself, and no less ignorant in the things he had accorded, would that the Florentyn officers should still administer their accustomed jurisdictions, and of the other part, left the old citadel in the hands of the Pysans, and kept to himself the new, of far more importance: In these accidents of Pysa and Florence, may be well discerned a true experience of the old saying, or common proverb as we call it: That men when their adversities approach, loose chief that wisdom, with the which they might have hindered or avoided the ills that happen: And this is common to men and kingdoms, that draw towards their destinies, that when their ill fortune comes, it blindeth their eyes that they can not discern it, and bynds their hands, that they can not help it, making them instruments against themselves in th'execution of their mishaps: for, both the Florentines, who in all times have held the fidelity of the Pysans suspected, seeing so dangerous a war at their gates, forgot to revoke to Florence the principal citizens of Pysa, as for their better surety they had wont to call home a great number of them, upon never so light occasions, or little accidents: And P. de medicis, seeing a concurrence of so many great difficulties together, was to much overseen, that he did not arm the place & public palace with such strength of strangers, as he had often times done before in far lesser suspicions: That foresight had kept him still in his estate and rule, & such provisions had much hindered those great mutations: But touching the affairs of Pysa, it is manifest, that that which gave them greatest encouragement to make this commotion, (naturally hating the name of the Florentines) was th'authority of Lodowyk Sforce, who to that end had interteyned certain intelligences and practices with some citizens of the place banished for private offences: And the day present of the revolt, Galeas de S. Severyn, whom he had left to be always about the king, incensed the people to the tumult, by which mean Lodowyk persuaded himself, that the dominion of Pysa would fall speedily into his hands, not knowing that a little after in such a matter, was wrought the cause of all his miseries: But it is also manifest, that certain of the citizens communicating the night before with the Cardinal S. P. ad vincla, what they had desire and resolution to do: The Cardinal, who, perhaps till that day had never been author of peaceable councils, admonished 
Cardinal S. P. ad vincla, persuades the Pysans not to revolt.  them with words grave and well instructing, that they should not consider only the superficial and beginning of things, but see deeply that which with time, and in time may happen: he told them liberty was a thing precious, and of very vehement desire, well meriting that men should oppose themselves to all dangers, having a true & sensible hope to be able to defend it on all sides: But as touching their city, naked of peoples, and merely drained of wealth and substance, he saw very weak possibilities to justify it against the power of the Florentines: and to promise' to themselves that th'authority of the french king should be turned to their protection, were hopes deceitful, and an expectation too full of incerteynties & doubts: for that albeit the moneys and treasures of Florence should do little with him, (as it is like they may prevail a great deal, specially looking into the contract of Serazana) yet his armies would not be always in Italy, according to th'experience & judgement of examples past: Besides, it were too great an indiscretion to bind themselves to a perpetual peril, under foundations frail, and not perpetual: And for most uncertain hopes, to levy against enemies far more mighty than they, a war certain and absolute, wherein they could promise' themselves no succours, seeing they depended upon the will of an other, and that which more is, of very diverse accidents: yea, be it they should obtain succours, much less were that to avoid or shake of, but rather to redouble and make greater, the calamities of the war, being vexed at one time by the invasions and soldiers of th'enemy, and tormented with thoppressions & insolences of the men of war that come to their succours: Which miseries (he said) would be so much the more grievous to them to bear, by how much in the end they would come to see and know that it was not for their proper liberty, they took arms, but for thempery of a stranger, changing one servitude for an other: for that this is proper to all Princes, not to enter into the travels and expenses of a war, but to reign over those for whom they fight: And yet your war (saith he) seeing the great wealth and neighbourhedd of the Florentines, (by whom you shall found many and perpetual vexations) you can not be able to sustain, but with very great difficulties.  
In this general confusion of things, the king departeth from Pysa towards Florence, 
The french king drawe● toward Florence.  and is not resolved what form he would give to th'affairs of the Pysans, he stayed in a place called Signa, seven. miles from Florence, to be advertised, afore he entered the city: whether the tumult of the people were in any sort reappaysed, who had not discontinued their uproars, since the day that P. de medicis was chased out of the city: he had withal this intention to give time to M. D'aubygny, whom he had sent for, (to th'end his entry might so much the more astonish the Florentines) with direction to leave thartillerieat Castrocare, and give leave to the five hundred men at arms Italians, which were with him in Romagna, together with the men at arms of the Duke of Milan, except the Count Caiazze, which followed M. D aubygny with three hundredth light horsemen: it was supposed by many tokens and conjectures, that thintention of the king was, to draw the Florentines by fear of his power, to yield unto him the dominion absolute of the city: A thing which himself could not dissemble with their Ambassadors, having often recourse to Signa, to make perfect th'accord that was contracted: it was without doubt, that the king bore a mind inflamed against them, and nourished many ill disposed meanings against their city, for that they sought to hinder him in his enterprise: And albeit it was manifest, that that resistance proceeded not of the will of the common weal, which in reasonable sort had justified themselves: yet he could not so easily forget & dissolve thimpression of the offence, being (as it was supposed) much induced to their disfavors, by many of his council and Lords: who, judging it not meet to let pass th'opportunity to make himself Lord over the city, or perhaps pushed forward with their proper ambition & covetousness, were loath to loose thoccasion to sack a city, abounding in such treasures & wealth: in so much as there run a brute thorough the camp, that the city had deserved to be punished, to serve as an example to others, being the first town in Italy that had presumed to oppose against the power and army of France: There were also of the chiefest of his council, that solicited him to restore P. de medicis to his former degree: for whom with a peculiar diligence above all the residue, did labour Philip Lord of Bresse, brother to the Duke of Savoy, being induced to that office by the private friendshipps & promises that had passed between them: in so much, that either by the persuasions of them that could do most, (notwithstanding the Bishop of S. Mallo counseled the contrary) or by a hope to make the Florentines more inclined to his will by this fear, or lastly to have occasion to take upon the sudden what part or way he would: the king wrote to Peter, causing also the L. Philip to do the like, and advised him to come near to Florence, for that for the ancient friendship that had been between their houses, & for his own particular readiness and good will showed in the consignation of the fortresses: he was determined to readdress him, and restore him to his first authority: But these letters found him not at Bolonia, according to the kings weening, for that what by the rough words of john Bentyvole, & doubt he should be pursued by the Duke of Milan, and haply also by the french king, he was for his misfortunes retired to Venice, whether they were sent to him by his brother, the Cardinal remaining then at Bolonia. At Florence they doubted much of the kings will: & yet, not seeing with what force, or with what hopes they might resist him, they agreed as a council lest dangerous, to receive him into their city, hoping there would some mean arise to appease him. And yet making the best of their perils, and because they would be provided for all fortunes, they ordained that the houses of most of the citizens should be secretly replenished with men natural of the dominion of Florence, and that the captains which were in the pay of the common weal, (dissembling notwithstanding thoccasion) should enter the city with many of their bands and soldiers, and that every one within the town and places about it, should stand upon ready guard to take arms at the alarm of the great bell of the public palace. After this the king marched to Florence with his army, wherein was expressed no little pomp, aswell by the glory & magnificency of those of his Court, as by them of the town: 
The french king entereth Florence.  he entered in sign of victory, armed himself and his horse, with his lance upon his thigh, and immediately began to speak of composition, but that was not without many difficulties: for, besides the immoderate favours which some of the french Court bore to P. de medicis, and the demands of money intolerable made by the king, he demanded openly the empery of Florence, alleging that according to the orders of war in the realm of France, he had lawfully won it, seeing his entry was armed according to the customs of Conquerors: from which demand, albeit he went in the end, yet sought he to leave at Florence certain men of the long coat, (so are called in France lawyers, doctors, and men of justice) as his Ambassadors, with such authority, that according to thinstitutions of France, he might pretend to be given to him for ever no little jurisdiction: But of the contrary, the Florentines were obstinate to preserve their full liberty, happening what perils so ever, in so much that communicating together with such a contrariety of wills, albeit the minds of both parts were continually kept in hot and angry moods, yet neither faction showed readiness to determine the difference by arms: for, the people of Florence given of long to the following of merchandise, and not to th'exercise of war, suffered no small fears, having within their own walls one so mighty a king with his army full of nations unknown and furious: And to the french men was no little amaze the consideration of the great multitude of peoples, who, since the days that the government changed, had gathered boldness and audacity above expectation: They were astonished beside at the common brute, that at the alarm of the great bell, there would flock infinite troupes of people from all the parts confining: In which common fear on both sides, at the noise of every false alarm that was heard, either part for his proper surety, took arms, but not one did assail or provoke an other. The foundation which the king sought to work by P. de medicis, was supplanted, for that Peter wavering between the hope that was promised him, and the fear that he should be given up as a pray to his adversaries, asked council of the Senate of Venice, touching the kings letters: Truly there is nothing more necessary in great deliberations, and on the otherside nothing more dangerous, then to demand council: And albeit council is less necessary to men discreet, then to such as are not tempered, yet no doubt the profits are not few which wise men reap by councils, seeing no man hath that perfect wisdom to consider always and know all things of himself, and in reasons contrary or different, is able always to discern the better part. But what assurance hath he that asketh council, to receive council according to the faith he reapposeth: seeing if there be no equal fidelity nor affection, but regard to particular interests, as profit, revenge, or some other motion: he that giveth the council, dresseth it to that end which best answereth his purpose: So that those ends being for the most part unknown to him that comes to ask council, he perceiveth not (if he be not wise) the treason and infidelity of the council: th'experience was seen in the condition of P. de medicis: for, the Venetians judging, that if he returned into his country, it would be a cause to give the king a greater facility to his demands and desires of the Florentines, (A thing prejudicial to them, and contrary to the course of their affairs) persuaded him by many lively reasons, (counciling rather for themselves then for him) that he should not put himself in the power of a king of France, holding himself injuried by him: Wherein the better to encourage him to th'imitation of their council, they offered him to embrace his affairs, and as time and necessity required, to minister to him all means and favours convenient for his restitution, wherein the better to be assured that he should not then departed Venice, they set upon him, (if the common brute be true) very secret espial and guard. But now for Florence, in this mean while men's hearts were inflamed on all parts, and almost carried into manifest contention: the king would nothing abate of his later demands, nor the Florentines be bound to sums of money so intolerable, and much less consent to any jurisdiction or pre-eminence in their estate: All which difficulties not being able almost to be dissolved without arms, were even presently decided by the virtue of Peter Capponi, one of the four deputed to treat with the king: This Capponi was a man of spirit and great courage, and of special reputation in Florence, aswell for his parts and qualities, as for that he was of an honourable family, and descended of personages, who had borne great rule in the common weal. As he and his companions were one day in the presence and audience of the king, & that one of the king's 
A resolute part of a Coi 〈…〉 o  Secretories red the unreasonable capitulations offered by the king, at the last, he, in a great fury snatched the articles out of the Secretories hands, and tare them before the eyes of the king, saying with a heart resolute, and a voice framed, seeing you demand of us things so dishonest, sound you up your trumpets, and we will ring our bells, let all things be ruled by the sentence of the sword, and in the same heat flings with great suddeines out of the chamber, being followed with his companions: The words of this citizen whom the king and his court had already known, for that a few months before he had been in France in legation for them of Florence, astonished them all in such sort, specially for that they could not believe that such a boldness was without occasion: that they called him back again, and without speaking more of demands, whereunto the Florentines had no will to condescend: the king and the city fell to composition in this sort: That all quarrels and injuries forgotten and canceled, the city of Florence should be friend, confederate, 
Capitulation between the french king and the ●●●●rentynes.  and in the perpetual protection of the crown of France: That for the surety of the king, the city of Pysa and town of Livorne, with all their castles, should remain in his hands: And that he should be bound to restore them to the Florentines, without any expenses or charges, as soon as he had brought to end his enterprise of the kingdom of Naples, the which should be construed to be at an end whensoever he should have conquered the city of Naples, or accorded the war by mean of peace or truce for less than two years, or that for any other occasion his person should be gone out of Italy: That those that had the keeping of the said castles, should be sworn from the present to tender them in the cases aforesaid: That in the mean while the empery, the jurisdiction, the government, & the revenue of the towns should be in the administration of the Florentines, as they were accustomed: That the like should be of S. Peter, Serezane, & Serezanelle: But (for that the Genoese pretended right to them) the king should procure either by composition or justice some reasonable end between them, & if within the time afore said he could not determine the titles, that then he should restore them to the Florentines: That the king might leave at Florence two Ambassadors, and that during his expedition for Naples, there should be nothing debated concerning that action, without their privity and calling them to it: And that during the said time, they should not choose a captain general over their companies, without communicating with the said Ambassadors: That all the other pieces taken away or revolted from the Florentines, should be immediately rendered, & that they might be suffered to recover them by arms, where denial was made: That, to aid the king in his enterprise, they should give him fifty thousand ducats within fifteen days, forty thousand in the month of March, & thirty thousand in june next coming: That the Florentines should pardon the Pysans their rebellions, and all other faults committed during their revolt: That they should deliver Peter de medicis and his brethren from condemnation and confiskation, with this condition notwithstanding, that Peter should not come by an hundred miles near the confines of the dominion of Florence, (that was because he should not remain at Rome) nor his brethren nearer than a hundred miles of the city of Florence: These were th'articles of most importance in the capitulation made between the king and the Florentines, which, after they were lawfully passed & contracted, were, in great ceremony published in the great Church at divine service, where the king in person (at whoserequest this was done) & the Magistrates of the city, promised by solemn oath upon the high altar, in the presence of the Court and the whole face of Florence, to observe the contents of the same. Within two days after, the king left Florence, and went to Sienna, which city being confederate with the king of Naples, & with the Florentines, had followed their authority, until the going of Peter de medicis to Serezana warned them to look to their proper safety.  
Sienna, city well peopled and planted in a region very fertile, and which (of antiquity) 
The french king at Sienna.  had been the most renowned & mighty town of Tuskane next to Florence, was governed by a peculiar policy proper & particular to itself, but so, as it knew rather the name of liberty than th'effects: for that being divided into many factions or members of citizens, which they call orders, it obeyed that part which according to the accidents of times, and favours of foreign Potentates, was more strong than the others: At that time held most rule and authority the order of Mont None: After the king had tarried a very few days at Sienna, he planted a garrison there, (for that having been always at the devotion of th'empire, he held it suspected) & took his way to Rome, rising every day more insolent than other, for his success and fortunes, which were always greater than ever were his hopes: And being also favoured with the air, and wether more than the natural temperature of that season had wont to show, he determined to put diligence to his fortune, and use those prosperities, not as terrible to his enemies manifest and professed, but even to those that were conjoined with him, or at lest had not provoked him in any thing: therefore, the Senate of Venice, and the Duke of Milan, no less astonished with these successes, then doubtful that the kings thoughts would not be at rest by the conquest of Naples, (specially seeing him possessed of the fortresses of the Florentines, and to leave a garrison at Stena) began for a remedy of their common danger, to common to make a new confederation, whereunto, they had with more speed and ease given perfection, if there had been made that resistance to the king at Rome that was hoped for, the intention of the Duke of Calabria (with whom were joined in one strength the bands of the Pope, and Virginio Vrsin, with the residue of thAragons army) being to encamp at Vicerba, to give impediment to the king for passing further: To this he was drawn, besides many occasions by th'opportunity of the place environed with towns of the Church, and near the states of the Vrsins: But all the circumference and countries about Rome, drawing into tumult by th'incursions which the Colonnoys made beyond the river of Tiber, and for th'impediments of the victuals (by mean of Ostia) which should come to Rome by sea, he durst not abide there: he doubted with all, of th'intention of the Pope, for that since he understood that P. de medicis was turned, he had begun to open his ears to the demands of the french, for the which, and the reasons of them, Cardinal Askanius went to him, after, in pledge of his surety, the Cardinal of Valence was come to Marina, a town of the Colonnoys: And albeit Askanius was gone without resolution certain, for that Alexander disinherited much th'intention of the king, and of the other side was in great fear of his forces, which bred no small torment and conflict in his heart: yet after the king was parted from Florence, they returned eftsoons to common of th'accord: wherein for the more diligent accomplishment of things, the People dispatched to the king the Bishops of Concord, and Terny, and M. Gratian his confessor, with commission that they should compound aswell for the affairs of Alphonso, as for his own: But the king was of a contrary meaning, having settled his resolution to accord only and particularly with the Pope: And for that cause he sent to him the L. de la Trimoville, and the Precedent of Ganuy being there also for the same occasion: the Cardinal Askanius and Prospero Collonne, who were no sooner come to Rome, than the Pope (for what cause I know not) changing advise, bestowed the Duke of Calabria within Rome, with all his army: he caused to be arrested Askanius and Prospero, & restraining them within the tower of Adrian, of old called the castle of Crescence, and now named the castle S. Ange, he demanded of them restitution of Ostia: In this tumult also the french Ambassadors were made prisoners by the Aragon's: But the Pope caused them with a present speed to be redelivered, and within a few days after, restored to liberty Askanius and Prospero, constraining them notwithstanding to departed suddenly out of Rome: After this, he sent to the french king, lying then at Nepi Cardinal Federyk of S. Severin, beginning to treat only of his proper affairs, and 
The Pope is jealous of his 〈…〉  yet in great doubt and declining of mind, for that some times he determined to stand to the defence of Rome, and therefore gave sufferance to Ferdinand & the captains to look to fortify it in the parts most weak: and erst again, he judged great hardness and impossibility to defend it, for th'impediments of victuals restrained by those of Ostia: In which respects, weighing also with the infinite numbers of strangers, being of minds and of wills different, the diversity of factions even amongst the romans, he began to think to go from Rome, requiring in the colleague that every Cardinal would promise' by a writing subsigned, to follow him: And even standing amazed with the dangers and difficulties imminent, upon every one of his deliberations he turned his mind to accord: But whilst his mind wavered in these ambiguities, the french men forbore not to overrun the whole country on this side Tiber, making themselves Lords of one town after an other, no place offering resistance to their incursions, Not, not one piece or fort which gave not place to their importunant fury, according to th'example of the others, not, not such as had good occasion to oppose themselves against them, as Virginio Vrsin, drawn by so many bonds of faith, office, and honour to the house of Arragon, captain general of th'army of Alphonso, grand Constable of the realm of Naples, and very near parent to Alphonso, for that john jordan his son had married a bastard daughter to the late king Ferdinand. But he turning all these things into forgetfulness, & as unthankful for the states and favours he had received in the kingdom of Naples, as unmindful that the calamities of the Aragon's were first kindled for his occasions, and nourished chief in his particular interests: consented that his person continuing still in the pay of the king of Naples, his children should compound with the french, and be bound to give them passage and liberty of victuals and other friendships, through all the estates which he held of the dominions of the Church, leaving the french men not a little amazed with his example and form of dealing, being not acquainted with these subtle and unaccustomed distinctions of the soldiers of Italy: he suffered withal that Campagnane, and certain other places were put in deputation into the hands of the Cardinal of Gurcy, who promised to restore them so soon as the army was out of the territories of Rome: This form of agreement was used also by the Count de Petillane, with all the residue of the family of the Vrsins: immediately upon these accords, king Charles went from Nepi to Bracciane, a chief town of Virginio, and sent to Ostia Lowys the L. of Ligny, and Yves L. of Alegre, with five hundred lances, & two thousand Swyzzers: to th'end that passing Tiber, and joining with the Colonnoys, they might make a strength to enter Rome, and that so much the better, by how much the Colonnoys, by the mean of their factions and partakers within Rome, had a resolute hope to make their entry in what sort so ever it were, notwithstanding by the season of the time being rough and stormy, the difficulties were much increased. By this time Civitaveche Cornette, and in the end almost all the territory of Rome were brought to the devotion of the french, when a man might have seen all the Court amazed, all the Cardinals doubtful, and all the commonalty of the city full of fears & emotion, demanding vehemently peace: in so much that the Pope driven to dangerous terms, seeing the foundations which he had laid for his defence, shaken on all sides, was not retained with any other thing, then with the remembrance that he was one of the first that stirred the french king to th'enterprise of Naples: And had since without occasion given, obstinately resisted him with authority, with councils, and with force, the same making him justly doubt, that the faith which he should receive of the king, should be like to that the king had received of him: To these fears he felt an other torment nothing inferior, understanding the Cardinal S. P. ad vincla was very gracious in the kings sight, with many other Cardinals, his enemies bearing no little authority and rule in the kings doings: By the persuasions of whom, and for the regard of the title of right Christian which the kings of France bear, and for the ancient name which that nation hath to be very religious, and lastly for that in ill men the conscience guilty and infected, suspecteth not only the worst, but also their minds carried in shadows, they expect and dread great things of those that are known to them, but by name only: he feared lest the king would turn his wits (according to a vain brute) to reform the government of the Church: the same being a right trembling thought & conjecture to him, when he remembered with what infamy he was come to the Popedom, performing his ministration with manners of life & means not differing from so fowl and vile a beginning: But he was cleared immediately of these suspicions, by the diligence and promises of the king, full of efficacy and desire to advance above all things his going to the realm of Naples: And for that cause letting nothing pass that might take out of his way the blocks and impediments of the Pope, sent to him eftsoons as Ambassadors the Seneschal of Beucaire, the Mareshall of Gie, & the said Precedent of Gannay: they laboured to persuade the Pope that the kings intention was not to meddle with any thing that appertained to th'authority of Popes, and that his demands stretched not but to things reasonable and necessary for the surety of his passage: They required him instantly to agreed with good will to the kings entry into Rome, assuring him that it was a holy and peculiar desire in his majesty: Not that it was not in his power to make his entry by arms, but because he would not be constrained to forbear to use those actions of reverence, which had been always done by his elders to the Popes of Rome: They assured him that assoon as his majesties person were possessed of the presence of the Pope within Rome, all those quarrels that had been raised between them, would be converted into reconcilement, unity, and conjunction: It seemed to the Pope a hard compulsion, to despoil himself afore all things of the aid of his friends, and committing his estate and life into the power of an enemy, to receive him within the walls of Rome, afore he had compounded or assured his affairs: Notwithstanding, making election of the danger that was of lest quality, he consented to all their demands, and caused to departed out of Rome the Duke of Calabria, for whom albeit he obtained of the french king a safe conduit for his safe passage through all the dominions of the Church, yet the Duke, accounting it a diminution of his reputation and courage, refused it, and issued out of Rome by the gate S. Sebastian, the last day of the year 1494. at the same hour, that at the gate de S. Maria de Popolo entered with the army 
The french king entereth Rome. 1494.  of France, the french king armed, with his lance upon his thigh as he entered Florence: At the same time the Pope full of incredible fears and perplexities, was withdrawn to the castle S. Ange, and not accompanied with other Cardinals than Baptista Vrsin, and Oliver Caraffe a Neapolitan: But now began the Cardinals ad vincla, 
Persuasions of some Cardinals to the french king to depose the Pope.  Askanius, Collonne, and Savelle, with many others, to solicit the king with vehement instance, that taking from the sea a Pope full of vices, and abominable to all the world, he would created and set up an other: they told him it would be no less virtuous in him to deliver the church of God from the tyranny of a wicked Pope, than it was great glory to Pepin & Charlemagne his predecessors, to take the Popes of holy life out of the persecutions of those that did unjustly oppress them: that the action was no less necessary for his security, then greatly concurring for his glory: for, there was no expectation of faith or trust in the promises of the Pope, being a man naturally full of fraud, insatiable in ambition, shameless in all his doings, and according to the testimony of experience, extremely hating the french, with whom the reconciliation that now he made, was more by necessity and fear, then of inclination or good will: partly by these persuasions, and partly for that the Pope in the conditions that were debated, refused to let the king have the castle of S. Ange, for the surety of those things he promised him: th'artilleries were drawn twice from the palace of S. Mark where the king was lodged, to be planted before the castle: But the king bearing no inclination to offend the Pope and the presents, and promises 
Capitulations between the Pope and the french king.  of Alexander working much with some of those that governed most the king's councils: they fell to accord in this sort: That the Pope should give to the king, to hold for his surety till he had conquered the kingdom of Naples, the Cytadells of Civitavechia, Terrachine, and Spolete, and yet this last was not put into his hands: That the Pope should keep no remembrance of any offence or injury of the Cardinals or any Baron's subjects to the church that had followed the kings party: That the Pope should invest him in the kingdom of Naples: That he should give to the king Gemyn Ottoman brother to Bajazet, who, after the death of their father, had been persecuted by the said Bajazet, according to the barbarous customs of the Ottomans, seeking to establish their succession in the Empire, with the blood of their brethren their nearest kin, and competytors: In which peril for safety of his life, he was fled to Rhodes, from whence he was brought into France, & lastly passed over into the power and custody of Pope Innocent: By which occasion Bajazet, serving his turn of the covetousness of the vicars of Christ as instruments to hold in peace the Empire enemy to the Christian faith, paid every year (under the name of allowance towards his nurture and keeping) forty thousand ducats to the Popes, to th'end they should be less ready to deliver him into the hands of other Princes to serve their turns against him: The king was so much the more desirous to have him, by how much he supposed to turn him to many uses & opportunities for thadvancing of his pretended enterprise against the Turks, (being greatly carried into glory by the vain flatteries of many of his favourits) which he meant to begin as soon as he had accomplished the conquest of thAragons: And because the last xl. thousand ducats sent by the Turk, were taken at Sinigalle by the Perfect of Rome, he required that the Pope would remit both the punishment and restitution: To 
Cardinal Valence the Pope's son.  these capitulations were added that the Cardinal of Valence should follow the king three months as Legate apostolic, but in meaning it was to stand as hostage for the promises of his father: The accord thus made and passed, the Pope returned to the Vatican, where is his palace pontifical: And after, with pomps and ceremonies accustomed at the receiving of great kings, he received the king in the Church of S. Peter, and there (according to the manner) having kissed his feet kneeling, was afterwards 
The french king kisseth the Pope's feet.  received to kiss his cheek: An other day he assisted in presence the Pope's mass, where he had his place the first after the first Bishop Cardinal, and according to the ancient custom, gave water to the Pope celebrating mass: which offices, humilities & ceremonies, the Pope, to continued the memory to all posterities, caused to be curiously drawn in a table purtraied, & hung up in a gallery of the castle S. Ange: In this action, the Pope to gratify the king, created & published Cardinals the Bishop of S Mallo, & the Bishop of Maus, of the nation of Luxumburg, forgetting nothing that might express how sincerely and unfeignedly he was reconciled.  
The king remaining in Rome about a month, forgot not to sand bands & trowps 
The king parteth from Rome, and draweth towards Naples  of soldiers even upon the confins of the kingdom of Naples: where was already such general commotion, that Aquila, and almost all Abruzza, displayed ensigns afore he parted from Rome, as also Fabricius Collonne occupied the quarters of Albe & Taille cross: The whole residue of the kingdom was almost in no more peaceable estate, for that as soon as Ferdinand was parted from Rome, the fruits of the hatreds 
The kingdom of Naples beginneth to conspire.  which the people had long borne to Alphonso, began to appear, helping much the remembrance of many rigours which his father Ferdinand had used against them: upon these they raised ready occasions to complain vehemently of the iniquities of the governments passed, together with the cruelties and pride of Alphonso, expressing in these humours apparent desire that the french might come, and that in such sort, as the contemplation of the ancient relics and monuments of such as held with the house of Aniow, albeit they were joined to the memory of so many Barons as had been chased and imprisoned at sundry times by Ferdinand, (things of themselves of great consideration and of no little power to work a change) did little in this time in regard of the other occasions: so vehemently were the hearts of all the kingdom inflamed against Alphonso who for his part, as soon as he understood that his son was gone out of Rome, entered into such present fears & astonishments, that, turning all memory or regard to the great renown and glory which with so long experience he had got in many wars in Italy, into a present despair not to be able to resist this fatal storm, determined to abandon the kingdom, and leave to Ferdinand the name and authority royal: In this devise perhaps he had hope that taking away with himself the general hatred, and leaving to the people for their king a young Prince of great expectation, not yet having offended any of them, but gracious and plausible to the universal multitude, he should make less in his subjects their desire to have the french: which council if it had been sooner taken, would happily have wrought to better purpose, but being differred, till things were not only in motion and shaking, but even beginning to fall, it was not able to stay so great a ruin: It was said also (if it be lawful not to despise such things altogether) that the spirit of Ferdinand appeared three times in sundry nights to james chief Surgeon of the Court, charging him first with soft and mild words, and after with many threatenings, to warn Alphonso from him not to hope to be able to resist the french king, because it was a resolution in destiny that his race traveled with infinite adventures and fortunes, and deprived at last of so large a kingdom, should now end and determine: he said their enormities began now to appear in justice, and the many tyrannies by them committed were the causes, but above all others that, which by his persuasion he had done in the church of S. Leonard in Caiaia near Naples coming from Pozzolo: for that he expressed them no more particularly, men supposed that Alphonso had in that place persuaded Ferdinand to put to death secretly many Barons, whom he held prisoners long time before: But of what nature so ever was thoccasion, it is most certain, that Alphonso vexed with his proper conscience, lived day and night in a discontented spirit, for that in his sleeps the shadows and Ghosts of those dead Lords were lively afore him, and on the days he beheld the people prepared greatly to insurrections, for revenge of his rigorous dealings: In which perplexity of mind applying his councils to his fortunes, he communicated only his intention with the Queen his mother in law, keeping it from his brother or his son, and departed from Naples accompanied with four light galleys loaden with implements rich and precious: he was so afflicted with dread & confusion, that at the earnest instance of his mother he would not stay two or three days (a time to end the whole year of his reign) And at his departing expressing such timorous disposition of mind as if he had been environed with the french men: he sailed to a town in Sicily called Mazare, which Ferdinand the king of Spain had given him the year before: but his fears left not to follow him no more than his fortunes, showing at every brute or small noise no less perplexity and terror, then if the heavens and elements had conspired against him.  
As the french king departed out of Rome, he received advertisement of the fleeing of Alphonso: And assoon as he was arrived at Vellitre the Cardinal of Valence fled secretly from him: with the which albeit the Pope showed himself much discontented, offering to give the king such assurance as it pleased him: yet wise men believed that it was not without his practice and commandment, as one that sought to have in his power to observe or not observe the conventions he had made with his majesty: an action agreeing with his ambition, which most governed him, but far from the office of his profession which he least esteemed, making nothing unlawful, for that he challenged to himself to have power to dispense with all things: from Vellitre the vanguard marcheth to Montfortyn, a town of the Church seated in la Campagnia, and subject to jacques a gentleman Roman, who had at first followed the pay of the french king, But since (the hate he bore to the Collonnoys prevailing more with him than his proper honour) he was become mercenary to Alphonso: The place being well shaken with the great artillery, was taken (notwithstanding his strong situation) within few hours by the french, who executed by the sword all that were found within it, except his three sons, and certain others that retired into the castle, but made prisoners assoon as they saw th'artillery planted: from thence th'army marched to Mont S. john, a town of the Marquis of Piscaire, seated in the said Campagnia, upon the confins of the kingdom: this town, besides it was strong by nature and industry of men, yet it was well furnished with soldiers to defend it, having in it three hundred footmen strangers, and five hundred of th'inhabitants well appointed for all dangers: In so much as it was not thought pregnable but by a hard and long siege: But after the french men had somewhat searched the walls with their cannons, they gave in the presence of the king then come from Verwe, so hot and violent assault, that vanquishing all difficulties, they took it by force the same day, And following their natural fury, as also to warn others by this example not to be so obstinate to resist, they made lamentable slaughters, wherein sparing no sort of barbarous cruelty, they followed the desolation of the place with setting fire on houses: A manner of making war not used in Italy in many ages before, and therefore filled the whole realm with more general fears and terrors: for, in Italy in all victories obtained in what order so ever, the most extreme and last action wherein the Victor would stretch out his cruelty, was to disarm & spoil the soldiers, and so let them go vanquished: and for towns taken by force, to put them to sack and pillage, and th'inhabitants to ransom, pardoning always the life of men not slain in the heat and fury of the fight.  
This was all the resistance, the pain, and impediments which the french king had to conquer so large, so rich, and so populous a kingdom, for the defence whereof, there was not showed in any sort any virtue, any courage, any council, any force, any faith, nor any desire of honour: for, after the Duke of Calabria, (after his going out of Rome, retired to the borders of the kingdom, and from thence called to Naples, by the flying of his father) had taken upon him th'authority and title of king, (but more with solemnities, then with pomp and joys accustomed) and that he had assembled his army containing fifty squadorons of horsemen, and six thousand footmen of choysse, and led by the best reputed captains in Italy: he encamped himself at S. Germayn, to stop th'enemy for passing further, being drawn thither by th'opportunity of the place, environed on the one side with high and rough mountains, and of the other with a country full of mareshes and waters, and had in the front the river of Garillan, which the Ancients called Liri, albeit it was not so deep in that place but at sometimes it was passable at a ford, by reason whereof, and that the passage is very narrow and strait, they say with good reason that S. Germayn is one of the keys of the kingdom of Naples: he sent also bands and troupes to the next mountains to keep the way of Cancella: But all was in vain, and in these doings he did no other thing then keep his mind in languishing, like as the Surgeon torments his patient by applying variety of medicines to a wound that resistes all cures and remedies: for, his army already stricken with a general terror with the only name of the french men, declared apparent tokens of pusillanimity and faintness: And the captains and leaders, partly tendering the safety of themselves and their own estates, distrusting already of the defence of the kingdom, and partly desiring innovations and new things, began to waver no less in faith then in courage: Lastly, all the kingdom being in insurrection, it was not without fear, that at their backs should happen some perilous disorder: Therefore council giving place to cowardness, and frail fears overruling resolution and constancy of mind, understanding after the taking of Mount S. john that the Mareshal de Gie was at hand with three hundred lances, and two thousand footmen, they discamped with shame from S. Germain, and retired to Capua with such confusion and fear, that they left by the way viii. great pieces of artillery without guard, giving th'enemy a mean to help forward their destruction with their own weapons. This city, the new king, reapposing much in the amity of the town towards the house of Arragon, and in the strong seat of the place, he hoped to defend and to keep also Naples and Caietta, not making distribution of his forces to other places: The french men went after, but dispersed and out of order, marching more after the manner of travelers, then like men of war, and without all regard either to keep under their ensigns, or to be ruled by the direction of their captains, they took liberty to go where so ever they thought to found pillage: And so near was the encounter of these two armies, that one part of them most often lodged the nights in places where the Aragon's were dislodged in the mornings: Neither in Capua was any greater demonstration of virtue or fortune, for that after Ferdinand had there bestowed his army, much diminished in numbers since the retreat from S. Germain, he was sent for by letters from the Queen, expressing that since the loss of S. Germain, there were such murmurs and mutinies within Naples, as without his presence, there was manifest danger of a general tumult: for which cause he went thither with a small company, by his presence to give impediment to the peril present, promising to return eftsoons to Capua the day following. john jacques Triuulce to whom he had left the 
john jacques Triuulce goeth to the french king.  guard of the city, had secretly sent to the french king for a Herald, to come under surety to speak with him, which being granted, Triuulce with certain gentlemen of Capua, went to Calui where the same day the king was entered: This did Triwlce notwithstanding that many others of the city well disposed to keep their faith to Ferdinand, did speak against it with many brave and haughty words: But being presented to the king all armed as he came in, he told him in the name of the Capuans and soldiers, That they seeing their forces, defence, and strength, to fail in Ferdinand, whom they had faithfully served whilst there remained any appearance of hope: were now come to make offer of their services to him, bringing minds to follow his fortunes where so ever he will employ them under honest conditions, adding withal, that he doubted not to bring him Ferdinand himself, so that he would entertain and acknowledge him as appertained: The king made him this gracious answer, that he accepted the offers of the Capuans and the soldiers, as also the coming of Ferdinand should be no less welcome: only that he should retain no portion of the kingdom of Naples how little so ever it were, but that he would endue him with estates and honours in the realm of France.  
It may be doubted with what manner of inducements this Triuulce, a captain valiant and particular in the profession of honour, was drawn to revolt and leave his king: Touching himself, he affirmed, that he went by the will and direction of Ferdinand to solicit some composition with the french, And being altogether excluded from all hopes, and the judgement manifest that the kingdom of Naples could be no longer defended by arms, he thought it not only lawful, but also allowable to provide at one time for the safety of the Capuans, and security of the soldiers: But the common opinion of men made an other construction, referring his revolt to a desire he had that the french king might be Victor, for that he hoped when he had made a conquest of Naples, he would look into the means by the which he might in like sort make himself master of Milan: In which city, he being borne of a most noble family, and because for the privy favours which the house of S. Severin had with Lodowyk Sforce & with other occasions, he had not place according to his virtues and merits: he was wholly estranged from Lodowyk: for those occasions many wise men judged, that he had counseled Ferdinand to proceed in the actions & service of Romania, more temperately than perhaps th'occasions required: But in Capua, afore the return of Triuulce, all began to decline to revolt, the soldiers had sacked the palace, armouries, and stables of Ferdinand, the men at arms made divisions of themselves, and were bestowed in sundry quarters: And Virginio and the Count Petillane were retired with their companies to the city of Nola, belonging to the said Count by the donation of the Aragon's, sending first to the french king to demand safeconduct for them and their people: Ferdinand returned according to his word and promise, having somewhat appeased according to the time the humours of the Neapolytaines, by giving them hope of the defence of Capua: he was come within two miles of the city all ignorant of the change that happened since his departure: But the town hearing of his return and so near approach, and the people wholly exclaiming against his reentrey, drew into arms, and by a common voice and council sent forth to meet him certain of the nobility, to advertise him to pass no further, for that the city seeing he had left it abandoned, that Triwlce governor of the men of war was gone to the french, his own soldiers had made a spoil of his palace, and Virginio and the Count Petillane left them to their fortunes, and that almost all his army was broken: they were constrained for their proper safety to give place to the conqueror: with these news no less heavy than troublesome, Ferdinand (after he had made vain instance even with tears to be received) returns to Naples, being well assured that the example of Capua would draw the residue of the kingdom to revolt, as the city of Averse seated between Capua and Naples, drawn into emotion dispatched present Ambassadors to offer themselves to the french king: And the Neapolytans consulting also manifestly to do the like, the infortunate king determined not to resist so obstinate a will of fortune, and therefore assembling upon the place of the new castle many of the nobility and people, he delivered to them this last and lamentable speech.  
I may call God to witness and the consciences of all those men, that heretofore 
The young king Ferdinand speaks in great sorrow to the multitude.  have had any information of my thoughts and conceits, that no desire made me more to aspire to the crown, then to express to the world with what grief I misliked the rigorous governments of my father and grandfather, and with a recompense more just & plausible to reclaim by moderation and benefits those hearts and affections which they had lost by their hard dealing and cruelty: But the infelicity of our house would never suffer that I should receive this fruit, which I esteem more excellent and honourable than the kingdom itself: seeing that to be a king, is a thing that often times depends upon fortune, but to be such a king as to turn all his cares and ends to the welfare and felicity of his peoples, that depends only of himself and his proper virtue. These be hard terms in nature to detect my parents, and challenge their abuses to those to whom nothing is more welcome than thoccasion of revenge, nor any thing further of, than hearts and affections to forgive or forget. I could say enough to justify myself, for that it is easy for innocents to find words to speak, but seeing there is so little comparison between their offences past, and the merit of my innocency present, it were but in vain to urge a hateful remembrance of them, and yet nothing the more acquit you of the calamities that approach: Not, in cases of adversity it is a better temperance to provide for the ill that is coming, then to amuse the time in complaints against the Authors supposed, leaving the consideration of the cause to God, with whom no mortal creature hath familiarity in the understanding and ordering of his justice: I see our affairs suffer hard fortunes, and th'extremity wherein they are fallen is of that nature, that we may complain more to have lost the kingdom by thinfidelity and fears of our armies and captains, than our enemies can vaunt to have won it by their proper virtue: And yet our fortune leaveth us not altogether without hope, if we sustain yet a little time, for that both by the king of Spain, and all the Princes of Italy, is preparing a mighty succour, their eyes being now opened that afore could not consider, that the fire which burns our realm must in like sort (without providence) cast his flames into their several estates: And for me, at the lest, courage should not want to determine together the kingdom and my life, both with that glory which becomes a young king descended by so long succession of so many kings, and also answering th'expectation which hetherunto you have had of my merits and virtues: But because things can not be put to trial, without committing the common patrimony to desperate peril, I am determined rather to give place to fortune and keep hid my virtue, then in striving to loose the kingdom, to be the causer of effects contrary to those ends for the which I have always desired to be king: Therefore with tears I give you this council, that standing no more against the fury of the time, you sand with speed to make your accord with the french king: And to th'end you may be in better power, to do it without stain to your honours, I absolve you willingly of the homage and oath which you made to me a few days past: wherein I exhort you according to the necessity of your fortune, not to defer your obedience, humility, and readiness to receive him, as by that means to stay the course of your proper adversities, and help to moderate the natural pride of that nation: If at any time their barbarous customs and manners 'cause you to hate their rule and empery, and desire my return, I will remain in place apt to minister aid to your will, and be ready to offer up my life for the redress of your oppressions and harms: But if their government content you, this realm shall never receive vexation or travel by me, your well doing and benefit serving as a perpetual consolation to my miseries: and that so much the rather, if I may know that there remain in you any memory, that neither in the person of an eldest son to a king, nor in the power of a king, I have done no wrong to any creature: My thoughts were never subject to motions of ambition, my mind never defiled with inclination to cruelty, mine own sins bring me not this affliction, but by a divine justice I suffer for the wickedness of my parents: I am determined not to be the cause that, either to preserve the realm, or to recover it, any subject of the same be oppressed: Not, it is more sorrow to me to loose the mean to make amends for the transgressions of my parents; then to forego the royal dignity and kingdom itself: for, albeit I shall be estranged from you, and banished from my patrimony, yet I will not hold myself altogether wretched, if to the memory of these things, you join a steadfast belief, that I would have been king rather like to old Alphonso my great grandfather, then to Ferdinand, or the last Alphonso: It can not be that these words were delivered without great compassion: But albeit they wrought many sorrowful impressions in the hearts of the hearers: yet, it did nothing to the stay of the tumult, so hateful was the name of the two last kings to the people, and so sweet the desire of the french government to the nobility: he was no sooner retired into the castle, than the multitude began to sack his pavilions and hales then pitched in the place: which being an indignity far unworthy his merits and more than he could endure, he returned with great courage to the place to drive them from the spoil, the majesty and presence of a king being yet of such authority in a city rebelled, that the soldiers restraining their fury, every one abstained from pillage: But assoon as he was returned to the castle, and had set on fire and sunk most of the ships in the haven (having no other way to deprive the enemy of them) he began by tokens certain to doubt that the Lansknightes which were the guard of the castle containing in number five hundred, conspired to take him prisoner: And therefore the danger being present, he used this sudden council, to give them his wardropps, goods, and furnitures that were within the castle, and whilst they were busy to divide and share them, he slipped out of the castle by the gate of succours, delivering first out of prison all those Barons that had been restrained by the cruelty of his father: he mounted upon the light galleys that attended him in the haven accompanied with Dom Federyk and the old Queen wife to his grand father, who carried with her jane her daughter: And being followed with very few of his people, he sailed into the isle of Yschia, called by the ancients Enaria, distant thirty miles from Naples: On his way, so long as his eyes were said with the prospect and sight of the kingdom, he made many repetitions with a pitiful voice of this verse of the Psalm, that they watch in vain which keep the city, if it be not kept by the Lord: But finding now no more comfort of fortune, then when he was amydd the dangers of Naples, it fell to him to make trial of his virtue in Yschia, together with an experience of thingratitude and infidelity of such as rise up against those wretched persons that are persecuted with fortune: for the castle keeper of the place refusing to receive him but with one man only, he fell upon him with such fury, that what by his agility and valour, and the impression of a king and majesty royal, he brought immediately under his power both the castle and the keeper: This adversity albeit was much inferior to the loss and privation of his kingdom, yet it afflicted him no less, then if the action had been of higher moment, for that in all miseries nothing more mitygates the perturbations of the mind, then to remember that the greatest mishaps are past, as in sorrows, it is a special comfort to know the uttermost: But fortune is infinite in her afflictions, and leaves no expectation of remedy where a ruin is determined, the same making good th'experience of the old saying, that to the man unfortunate one ill never happeneth alone, but when they begin to fall they thunder all at once: After Ferdinand was gone out of Naples, every one gave way (as to a violent landflood) to the only name and renown of the victors, and that with such cowardness, that two hundred horsemen of M. Lignies went to Nole, whether Virginio and the Count Petillane were retired with four hundred men at arms, and took them prisoners without resistance: either they had confidence in the safe conduct that was granted them, or else their fears were no less than the others, seeing with out trial or show of valour, they suffered themselves to be led captives to the rock of Mondragon, and all their companies to suffer pillage and spoil: In this mean while, th'ambassadors whom the Neapolitans had sent to present to the french king the keys of the city, found him at Averse, from whence after he had accorded to them with great liberalities, many privileadges and exemptions, he went to Naples, and made his entry the xxj. of February: he was received with general rejoicing 
The french king entereth Naples.  on all sorts, neither person, kind, age, condition, quality, nor faction of men, sparing to run to behold him, as if he had been their patron and first founder of the city: yea, there was a plentiful and willing presence of those, who either in themselves, or in their ancestors, had been raised to honours and estates by the house of Arragon: with this affluence and concourse of people, after he had visited the great Church, he was led (because new castle was yet to thenemies) to be lodged in the castle Capua the ancient resort and residence of the kings of France, having with a wonderful course of felicity far above the example of julius Caesar, rather vanquished then seen his enemy, and that with so ready fortune and facility: that during the whole expedition, he never had need to display one pavilion or tent, & much less to break a lance: And touching helps and provisions, he had so great plenty and superfluity, that his army at sea prepared with so great expenses, being carried by violence of wether into the isle of Corpse, was so long in approaching the shores of the kingdom, that the king had accomplished his conquest afore there was necessity of their service.  
Thus by civil discords which so long hath blinded the Princes of Italy, to the great dishonour and scorn of the men of war of that nation, and common danger and ignominy of every region of the same, was transferred one of the most goodly and mighty parts of Italy, and of the Empire of Italy, to an Empire and government of a nation beyond the mounts: for, albeit old Ferdinand was borne in Spain, yet, for that from his youth he had his training in Italy, either king or the son of a king, and holding no other principality in any region else, where together that his sons and sons sons were bred up in Naples: I may with good right appropper them to the country, and call them italians.  
The end of the first book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE SECOND BOOK.  
THE Pysans continued their rebellion against the Florentines: The french king takes the castles of Naples: The Pope, the Venettans and other Princes make league against the king, who returning into France is fought withal near the river Taro: Ferdmand wins again Naples: Novarre is besieged by the confederates: The king makes peace with the Duke of Milan, and returns into France.  
THE SECOND BOOK OF THE history and discoursse of Guicciardin.  
IN the book before have been set down the foundations of the french wars in Italy, both out of what fountain they sprung, and with what course and motions they had their proceedings even to an action of conquest far above the memory and examples of all times and ages before. But as in all powers and causes natural, this is a property infallible to have their revolution by the same swift and violent return where with they did rise to their exaltation and fullness: So, the french king, rising with his felicity, into humours of security, saw the declination of his fortune and great triumphs, in the like measure and proportion of time by the which he aspired to them, And suffering together the privation of the kingdom, with the honour of his new conquest, he showed himself more happy to get glory, then able to keep it: Then whilst things went in this course at Rome and the kingdom of Naples, there kindled in an other part of Italy, sparks of a little fire, wherein was nourished a smothering heat ordained 
Beginning of the wars of Pysa.  to burst out to a great burning, to the hurt of many, but specially to the ruin of him, who, by too great a desire of dominion and rule, first kindled it and set it on flames, for, albeit the king was bound by the contract of Florence, that Pysa remeining in his hands till he had conquered the realm of Naples, the jurisdiction & revenues should be administered by the Florentines: yet, at his departure, he had set no order for th'execution of his word and promise: In so much that the Pysans, presuming much of the captains and soldiers left by the king for the guard of the city, did determine no more to return to the obedience of Florence: And therefore expulsing some of their officers and others that solicited there for the city, they made the residue prisoners, with confiskation of all their goods, and confirmed wholly their rebellion, both by demonstrations and actions: In this revolt, to be the better able to continued it, they dispatched not only Ambassadors to the king to pray him of defence and protection to their doings, but also, for their stay and strength more assured, they recommended their cause under many arguments of compassion to the cities of Syena and Lucques, who, being ancient enemies to the name of Florence, could hear of nothing more to their liking and gladness, then of the revolt of the Pysans, to whom in common they sent forthwith a proportion of money, and Syenna a part furnished them with an aid of horsemen: In like sort the Pysans sent Ambassadors to Venice, to sound the wills of that Senate, of whom albeit they were graciously received, yet they brought away nothing but hopes doubtful and incerteyne: But they reapposed their chiefest confidence and soundation in the Duke of Milan, for that as he was the first breeder of their rebellion, so they hoped he would not fail to support them with succours, countenance and council: The Duke, albeit he made other shows and demonstrations to the Florentines, yet he solicited secretly the confirmation of this revolt, and breathing courage into them with many offers, persuasions & promises, he communicated presently with the Genoese to furnish the Pysans with armour and munitions, and to send to them a commissioner, with three hundred footmen: There hath been ancient quarrel between the 
〈…〉 and 〈…〉  Florentines and Genoese, rising at first by the conquest of Pysa, and continued by many degrees of displeasures, both for buying the port of Livorne of their Duke Tomasin Fregosa which they possessed, and also the taking away of Pietra Santa and Serazena: The memory of these, joined to thoccasion offered, was sufficient to arm them with a wonderful readiness to do all things that might annoyed the Florentines: occupying even already many of their places in the country of Lunigiane, and were become Lords of the borders of Pietra Santa, under cooler of a letter obtained from the french king for the restitution of certain goods confisked: The Florentines, complaining of these actions at Milan, were answered by the Duke, that according to the contract and capitulations which he had with them of Genes, he could not well do any thing to the restraint and impediment of them: And labouring to content them with words and diversity of hopes, he forbore not with a study more secret and subtle, to practise and execute the contrary, as one that nourished an ambitious expectation to draw Pysa to his obedience, if the Florentines did not eftsoons recover it, a thing much desired by him no less for the quality of the city, than opportunity of the situation: Neither was this desire new, but had been nourished in him ever since he was expulsed Milan, a little after the death of Galeas his brother for a 
The pretended ●a●● of the Duke of Myllan●● Pysa.  jealousy which the Lady Bonne, mother and tutur to the little Duke had of him, at what time sojourning many months upon the borders of Pysa, he cast many plots & devices to get the rule and empery of it: wherein, as touching the title, he was holpen with a record and memory, that Pysa, afore it came into the jurisdiction of the Florentines, had been possessed by john Galeas viscount, first Duke of Milan: By reason whereof, he thought it would be an increase of his glory, to recover that which had been possessed by his elders, and seemed that he might pretend a cooler of right, in not making lawful, that john Galeas might leave by testament (to the prejudice of the Dukes of Milan his successors) to Gabriel Maria his bastard son, the state of Pysa, which he had gotten, (albeit with the treasures & armies of the Duchy of Milan: The Pysans, not content to have drawn their city from the obedience of the Florentines, sought to obtrude upon all the places and pieces of the general de Maine, all which for the most part (in a general stir examples may do much) following the authority of the city, received their commissioners even in the first days of the rebellion, the Florentines making no resistance in the beginning, for that they were otherwise busied in affairs of greater importance, not having as yet composed with the french king, and did perhaps expect that he would apply remedy to those harms according to his bond protested by public and solemn oath: But finding his order too slow and lingering, & haply answering the care he made, they sent thither bands and companies, who eftsoons recovered partly by force, and partly by composition, all that was occupied except Casine, Buti, and Vicopisan, into which places the Pysans (being not strong enough to make resistance against the whole) had withdrawn their forces: Touching the king, the doings of the Pysans did nothing displease him, and much less was the manner of their proceedings disagreeing from the estate of his ends and purposes: Their cause was apparently favoured of many of his court, induced perhaps by a compassion that they had been straightly governed by the Florentines, the same notwithstanding being more in opinion then in truth: But some of the chiefest both in his councils and of his court, under thoccasion to pity the Pysans, objected themselves against the Cardinal of S. Mallo being wholly for the Florentines: of these was principal the Seneschal of Beaucaire, with whom the money of the Pysans had much prevailed, but much more the discontentment he had of the greatness of the Cardinal, from whom (according to the variations of Court) he began to be estranged & separate, being moved with the self same ambition to embase him, with the which he had raised him in the beginning: These men not having respect to that which concerned the honour & promised faith of so great a king, persuaded that it agreed best with the profit and estate of his other enterprises, to keep the Florentines in this necessity, and not to moderate the doings of the Pysans, at the lest till he had made perfect his expedition upon the realm of Naples: The king carried with these persuasions, framed himself to entertain both the one and other party with several hopes, And therefore whilst he remained yet at Rome, he called for th'ambassadors of Florence to hear in his presence the complaints made to him by the Pysans, for whom spoke Burgundio Loli citizen of Pysa, and advocate of the consistory in the Court of Rome: he complained 
The complaints of the Pysans afore the french king.  bitterly that the Pysans had been holden foureskore years in such an unjust and cruel servitude, that that city, which with many honourable victories heretofore had stretched out her jurisdiction even to the parts of Levant, & had been always one of the most mighty and glorious members of all Italy, was now by the severity and covetousness of the Florentines come to her last desolation: That the town of Pysa was almost made naked of inhabitants, for that the most part of the natural and free borne citizens, not able to bear so heavy yokes, had willingly abandoned the place of their patrimony, possessions, and delights, whose council hath been proved wise by the miseries of others, whom the love of their country hath made to abide to serve as a wretched spectacle to all eyes of pity, conscience, or humanity: That they, for the great exactions of the Magistrates, and insolent robberies of persons private, were despoiled almost of all their substance, and yet in no liberty nor way to nourish their lives, for that with a tyranny and injustice strange and barbarous, they were forbidden to manage trades of merchandise, or to exercise any art except of the hand: They had no access or function in any office of quality, nor in the administration of the government of Florence, not not in things which were transferred to persons strange and foreign: That the Florentines by many arguments exercised all sorts of cruelty against the health and benefit of their lives, And to have a more ready way to their general destruction, they have of late years shaked of an ancient and necessary care to preserve the banks and cawsseyes of the country of Pysa, menteyned always from age to age by the Lords of that country with no small study, for that otherways it was impossible, (seeing the shallowness of the country subject to inundations and water fludds) that they should not be every year stricken with diversity of diseases: That by this decay, were made ruinat even flat with the earth, churches, palaces, with many honourable buildings both public & private erected by their predecessors with no little expense and charge: That it was no shame to particular cities or towns, if, after the reign and course of many worlds they fell into servitude, for that all mortal and earthly things bear their proper destiny and subjection to corruption: But the memory of their nobility & greatness, always disposed into the majesty of a government and common weal aught to breed in the spirits of conquerors more compassion than rigour, chief every one having to consider thatit is not only in the power of time, but also incident to the just course and destiny of earthly things, to bring upon them the self same end which is ordained to happen to all other cities and Empires: That in the Pysans there rested no more, wherein the inhumanity and insatiable covetousness of the Florentines could be exercised with further skoape: And therefore the yoke of those burdens bearing a weight above their strength, & the variety of their miseries so infinite and intolerable, they had with one mind determined, rather to abandon their country, to give up their lives, and to forbear the use, society, and delight of their goods, friends, and kindred, then to return eftsoons under so unjust, so tyrannous, and so vile a government: beseeching lastly the king with tears (which he besought him to imagine to be the plentiful tears of the whole people of Pysa miserably prostrate at his feet) to remember that, with the same piety, with the same justice, and with the same religion and conscience, he had restored them to that liberty, of the which they had been so unjustly despoiled: he would eftsoons as a Prince resolute and constant, defend and keep them in the same benefit, seeing the election was more honourable, more godly, more worthy his name & greatness, to bear the name of the father and deliverer of this city so ancient and innocent, then in redelivering it up into a servitude so wretched, to become the infamous minister of the robberies, oppressions, and tyrannies of the proud Florentines. To these 
Thambassador of Florëce confuteth those complaints.  accusements answered, with no less vehemency, Francis Soderyn Bishop of Volterre, afterwards made Cardinal, and at that time one of the Ambassadors for Florence: He showed that the title of his common weal was just, for that they had bought Pysa in the year 1404. of Gabriel Maria viscount the lawful Lord, by whom they were no sooner put in possession of their purchase, than the Pysans redelivered themselves by force: By which occasion they were driven to seek to reconquer it by a long war, whose end was no less prosperous, than the occasion was just, and no less praise worthy the humanity of the Florentines, than the victory glorious: for that having in their discretions to perish all the people of Pysa (languishing already with hunger) when they entered with their army into the city, they brought with them a greater quantity of victuals then of weapons: And so in place to take away their lives by just law of conquest and victory, they breathed new lives with their refreshing and victuals, into bodies miserable and not worthy of life: That the city of Pysa at no time had obtained any greatness in the firm land, and much less had been able in power to win foreign and strange pieces, seeing they could never make themselves Lords over Lucques, A city communicating with them in near neighbourhed and borders: but they stood always restrained and enclosed in a straight territory, not seeking to make their fortune greater than was their virtue: And for their power at sea, neither hath it been so mighty as there is left any monument of it, nor of such continuance as it hath any prescription of time: for that, by the just judgement of God, whom they had provoked by many acts of profane impiety, and for a scourge of the long civil discords amongst themselves, it was long time before the purchase of the Florentines, fallen from all estate and greatness, drained of all wealth and habitants, and at last reduced to such a naked weakness, that one jacques d'Appian a simple notary of the country, was of power to make himself Lord over them, leaving the city and territory as a succession to his children: That the land and country of Pysa was of little importance to the Florentines, except for th'opportunity of the situation, and conveniency of the sea, seeing the revenues that were drawn from thence were of little consideration, the exactions being so easy and light, that they exceeded very little the necessary expenses, & yet the most part were levied upon merchant strangers, and by the mean of the port of Livorne: That touching trade of merchandise, arts, and offices, the Pysans were not bound with other laws, than did regulate all other cities subject to the Florentines, who, acknowledging to live under a moderate and easy policy, had no desire to change Lords, not having in deed that obstinacy and pride of mind which is natural in the Pysans, nor yet infected with a disloyalty so notorious, as it is made general and famous by the ancient proverb of all Tuskane: And albeit, since the Florentines had government in Pysa, sundry of the citizens took a willing banishment: yet it concludes nothing against the Florentines, but detectes justly their own proud stomachs and impatience, bearing no minds to accommodat themselves to their own forces nor fortune: And much less that under the government of the Florentines, Pysa is diminished either in treasure or inhabitants, seeing of the contrary they have at a great charge recovered the haven of Livorne, without the which their city would be no less unprofitable than inconvenient: They have also introduced the public study of all sciences, together with many other benefits, & lastly, diligently continued the reparations of the banks, the better to replenish them with inhabitants: The truth of which things did shine with too clear a light, then that the clouds of false complaints were able to overshadow and darken it: he said it was suffered to every one to desire to aspire to a better fortune, but withal it was an office just in all inferior degrees to bear without grudging the ordinance & sentence of their lot: otherwise there would be confusion of all empires and governments, if it were suffered to every one that is subject, to aspire to liberty: Lastly he told the king that to the Florentines, it was neither necessary nor any way appertaining to their office, to persuade Charles a Christian king of France what he had to do, for that being a Prince wise and just, they doubted not that he would suffer himself to be carried by so vain complaints and slanders: that of himself he would remember himself of his promise made afore his army was received into Pysa, together with his word and oath of a king published solemnly at Florence, for that by how much a king is mighty and great, by so much is it more meritorious & glorious to him to use his power & greatness for the preservation of his faith & justice: The king hearing the differences thus disclosed by both th'ambassadors, bore an inclination partial to the Pysans, and wished that during the war of Naples, there might be a surceasing of arms between the two parties, or at lest that the Florentines would consent that he might hold the whole country, assuring them that assoon as the conquest of Naples were accomplished, he would make perfect all his promises given at Florence: This the Florentines refused, holding even now for suspected all the kings words, and yet they forbore not with great constancy to press him to keep his promise: wherein, to make show that he would satisfy them (his intention in deed being to have of them before the time the lxx. thousand ducats which they had promised him) he dispatched at the same instant he departed from Rome, the Cardinal of S. Mallo as Ambassador to Florence, making as though he sent him thither to satisfy their demands: But in secret he charged him that, nourishing them with hopes till they had made payment of the money, he should leave things in the same estate: of which shift of time, albeit the Florentines made sufficient doubt, yet they advanced xl. thousand ducats afore the term, which assoon as the Cardinal had received, he went to Pysa, promising to recontinue the possession of the estate to the Florentines: But he made a speedy return without any effect of his promise, and less answering th'expectation of them of Florence, afore whom he excused himself by the obstinacy of the Pysans, & that being not able of himself to dispose them, his authority was less sufficient to constrain them, having no express commission from the king: Lastly it was not convenient for him being of holy profession, to take or follow any council whereon might arise effusion of Christian blood: yet he bestowed a new garrison within the new Citadel, and had done the like in the old castle, if he could have got the consent of the Pysans, who grew daily more and more in courage and forces by the secret helping of the Duke of Milan, who judging it necessary, that there should be within Pysa a greater strength and a leader of experience & valour, had sent to them (covering himself notwithstanding as he was wont with the name of the Genoese) Luke Mawezze, with new bands and companies: And letting pass no occasion that might keep the Florentines in business the better to hold them from offending the Pysans, he entertained into pay in common with the Siennoys, jacques d'Appian Lord of Plombyn, and john Savelle, the rather to encourage the said people of Sienna to defend Montpulcian, a place newly revolted from the Florentines, & accepted by them of Stenna, without having regard to the confederation which they had together: At the same time also the Florentines were in no less care and travel for sudden business newly happened within the city: for immediately after the king was departed from Florence, the better to re-establish their government, they had in their parliament (which in their custom is a congregation assembled of all the citizens in the place before the townehouse, who deliberate with free voice upon matters propounded by the great Magistrate) instituted a kind of policy, which, under the name of a government popular tended in many things, more to the power of a few, then of every one in general: The which being grievous to many, who fashioned in their minds a greater liberty, and having the private ambition of some one of the principal citizens concurring, there was necessity to dispute upon a new form of government, wherein as it was commoned upon one day amongst the principal Magistrates and persons of greatest reputation, Pawle Anthony Soderyn, a citizen, wise and much respected, delivered his opinion in this sort.  
Albeit the estate popular is less esteemed than that wherein things are referred 
P. Anth. Soderin reasoneth touching a form of government for Florence.  to one alone, or governed by the directions of grave men: yet, for that the desire of liberty is a desire ancient and almost natural in this city, and the conditions and estate of our citizens are equally proportioned, which is a necessary ground of popular governments: I might maintain by easy and reasonable discourse, that it aught to be preferred before all other, were it not that the disputation would be superfluous, seeing in all our assemblies since the parliament, it hath been always determined by a consent universal, that the city should be governed in the name and with th'authority of the people: But the diversity of opinions is risen upon this, that certain particulars, in things ordained in the parliament, seek to come near and resemble that form of common weal, under the which the city was governed before our liberty was oppressed by the family of the Medicis and others, (of which number I confess I am) supposing that the government so established, bore in many things rather the name then th'effects of a policy popular, and fearing thaccidents which often happen by like governments, desire a form more perfect and more regarding the preservation and protection of the concord and surety of the citizens: A thing which neither by reason, nor experience of times passed, can be hoped for in this city, but under a government depending altogether upon the power of the people so that it be well and duly ordained and regulated, which thing consists principally in two foundations: The first is, that all ministrations and offices aswell in the city as thorough the whole demean, be given (for a certain time) by a council universal, which according to our laws may participate in the government, without the approbation of which council, new laws can not be established: By this mean, not being in the power of citizens private, nor of any particular faction or intelligence to distribute dignities & authorities, No man shall be excluded by passion or partiality of others, but offices shall be bestowed according to the virtues and merits of men: And virtue bearing this property to transfer dignities to those persons to whom herself is conjoined, it will be a mean & encouragement to everyone to strive by his virtues and good parts, with the aid public and private, to open his way to honours and reputation: it shall be necessary that every one abstain from vices, and forbear to hurt one an other, and finally eschew both the study & action of all hateful things in a city welinstituted. And it can not be in the power of one or a few to introduce with new laws, or with authority of a Magistrate, an other government, this being not to be changed, but by the will and privity of the council universal. The second ground is, that the deliberations and councils of importance, such as appertain to peace and war, to the construing and examination of new laws, and generally to all things necessary for thadmmistration of such a city or empire, be managed by Magistrates particularly appointed to that charge, and by a council more private compounded of wise and experienced citizens to be deputed and ordained by the council popular: for that the knowledge and judgement of such affairs, falling not familiarly into thunderstanding of every one, it is necessary they be governed by such as are capable to them, And requiring oftentimes diligence and secrecy, they are not to be consulted or communicated with the multitude, as not being necessary for the preservation of the public liberty, that such things be handled in too great audience and company, seeing the liberty is assured as often as the distribution of Magistracies, and deliberation of new laws, depend of the universal consent: These two foundations thus laid, you have a true popular government ordained, the liberty of the city grounded, and a perpetual and commendable form of common weal confirmed. There be many other things which tend to make this government more perfect, but they are referred more conveniently to an other time, to th'end not to confounded in this beginning the minds of men, which both suspicious by the memory of tyrannies past, and not accustomed to manage governments free, can not wholly know all things necessary to be ordained for preservation of the liberty: and there be things, which for their little importance and consideration, may without danger be differred until a time more apt and better occasion. No doubt, the citizens will embrace more and more this form of commonweal, and being by experience, made daily more capable of the truth, they can not but desire that their government be polished and brought to his full perfection: Neither can it but be sustained and holden up by these two foundations, which, how easy it is to lay and establish, and what fruit they bring, is not to be proved only by many reasons, but also appears plainly by examples: for, albeit the government of the Venetians stands properly upon gentlemen, those gentlemen yet are no other than citizens private, and what for their numbers, so many, and for their conditions so diverse, it can not be denied that it doth not much participate with a government popular, although in many things it can not be imitated of us: and yet it is principally founded upon these two pillars and bases, by the which having been continued by many ages, together with a liberty, unity, and concord civil, it is risen to the glory and greatness which the world seeth: The unity & strength of the Venetians hath not grown as many suppose, by their situation, for that in the same may be and have been many discords and seditions: But it hath proceeded for that they had a form of policy so well sorted & proportioned to itself, that necessarily it brought forth precious and wonderful effects, agreeable to the firm and sound foundations. Our own examples aught to move us no less than strangers, if we consider in the contrary, that because our city had never a form of government like unto this, it was the cause that our estate and affairs have been so subject to ordinary mutations, sometimes trodden under feet by the violence of tyrants, & sometimes rend and dismembered by the ambitious and covetous discords of certeme particulars, and sometimes confounded by the unbridled liberty of the commonalty: Insomuch that where cities were built for the rest and happy life of thinhabitants, our tranquilletie, our felicities, and our joys have been the confiskation of our goods, with banishment and execution of our miserable citizens: The government brought into the parliament, differeth not from the policies heretofore ordained in this city, which being all infected with discords and calamities, after infinite travels both public and private, they finally engendered tyrannies, like as in the time of our ancestors for none other than these occasions, the Duke of Athens oppressed the liberty and in the times succeeding, Cosmo de medicis followed his example, whereof it is not to be marveled: for, when the distribution of Magistracies, and deliberation of the laws, have not community with the common consent, but depend upon th'arbitration of the lesser number: then the citizens not careful of the public benefit, but seeking their profits and ends private, rise into sects and conspiracies particular, whereunto are joined the divisions of the whole city, a plague most certain to all common weals and Empires: So that it can not but be a greater discretion to eschew those forms of government which by reasons and examples in ourselves we find to be hurtful, and draw near to those policies which with the reasons and examples of others we discern to be wholesome and happy. And thus much I take boldness to avouch (the truth and sincerity of the matter much enforcing me) that the policy of our city ronning always in that order that a few citizens shall have an unmeasured authority, will prove to be a government of a few tyrants, who will be so much more dangerous than one tyrant alone, by how much the ill is great, & hurts more, by how much it is multiplied: And if there should be none other ill or mischief at all, yet at leastwise, what for the diversity of opinions, and for thambition and different covetousness of men, there could be no expectation of long concord: And discord, as it is hurtful in all seasons, so it would be most dangerous at this time, wherein you have sent into exile one so mighty a citizen, and wherein you stand deprived of one of the principallest parts of your estate: And lastly, Italy having even in her heart and entrails foreign armies, stands on all sides environed with manifest peril: Albeit very seldom or possible, never it hath been absolutely in the power of all the city to put order to itself according to our own liking, yet seeing by the goodness of God you have that power, loose not thoccasion to institute a free government and so well erected, that not only you shall be made happy by it whilst you live: but also may promise' the same to your posterity, and leave as an inheritance to your children such a treasure and felicity, as your ancestors never had nor knew.  
To the contrary of this, did reason Guido▪ anthony Vespucci, a lawer notable for his 
Against this opinion reasoneth Guido Anth. Vespucci.  judgement, and no less singular for his facility and sharpness of wit: if the government (saith he) instituted in the form of Pawle Antonyne Soderyn, would as easily bring forth the fruits that are desired, as he hath liberally recounted them: sewer we should show great corruption in judgement, reason, and discretion, if we would wish to our country any other sort of policy, & right unworthy should we seem of the reputation and benefits of good citizens, if we would not embrace a form of a commonweal wherein the virtues, merits, and valours of men, should be above all other things honoured and recompensed: But I can not see how it may be hoped that a government put wholly in the power of the people, can bring forth so many benefits: seeing no man doubts but it is a lesson in reason, a trial in experience, and an authority confirmed by great men, that in so great a multitude can not be found that discretion, that experience nor that order, as may be promised that they will prefer the wise afore the ignorant, the good afore the ill, and the experienced afore such as never knew what it was to manage affairs: for, like as of a judge incapable and ignorant can be no expectation of judgements righteous and just: So, in a people full of confusion and vanity, is no hope (but at adventure) of election or deliberation wise or reasonable: That which in public governments wise men & such as follow the study of no other affairs, can hardly discern, let us never believe that a multitude unexperienced, ignorant, compounded of so great diversity of spirits, of conditions and customs, and wholly given to things that concern them particularly, can distinguish and know it: Besides, the immoderate persuasion that every one will have of himself, will kindle in every one a covetousness of honours, not sufficing to men in popular government to enjoy the honest fruits of liberty, but they will aspire all to the degrees principal, and seek to have place in the councils of things of most importance and hardness, for that less in us then in any other city, reigneth the modesty to give place to such as know most, and deserve best: And so nourishing ourselves with persuasion that of right we aught to be all equal in all things (the power resting in the multitude) places of virtue, valour, and merit will be confounded, and this covetousness stretched out into the greatest part, will bring to pass that such may do most as know lest and merit less, for that being most in number, they will have most power, opinions being rather counted then considered. These things well weighed, what assurance is there, that contenting with the form which now you would bring in, they would not immediately fall to disorder, and confounded with inventions new and laws undiscreet which wise men could not resist, the ways to govern a common weal which had been wisely deliberated and established: which things being dangerous at all times in such a sort of commonweal, would bring far more peril at this present, seeing it is the nature of men when they come out of one extremity wherein they have been holden by force, to run with a swift course to an other extremity without staying in the midst: even so, men drawn out of a tyranny, if they be not restrained, run headlong into an unbridled liberty, which justly may be called a tyranny: Because in these actions a people and multitude is like to a tyrant when he giveth where is no cause of merit, and taketh from him that hath well deserved, confounding the degrees and distinctions of persons, yea haply their tyranny is so much the more hurtful, by how much their ignorance (containing neither weight, measure, nor law) is greater than the malignity, which yet perhaps is governed by some rule, with some bridle, or subject to some limit: We aught not much to be moved with the example of the Venetians, for that in their behalf the situation makes some thing, and the form of government received of long time may do much, together with the order and disposition of things ruled in such sort that the councils of importance rest more in the power of a few then of many, and their spirits happily not being by nature so subtle as ours, they are more easy to be kept quiet and contented: Besides, the policy of the Venetians stands not only upon the two foundations that have been considered, but for their perfection and firmness it imports much that they have a Duke perpetual, with many other ordinances, which who would introduce into this commonweal, should seem to bring in innovations & found many resistances, seeing our city takes not now her being, nor at this present the first time of her institution: And therefore ancient customs impugning often times common profit, and men suspecting that under cooler of preservation of the liberty there would be raised a new tyranny, wholesome counsels will be of little force, even as in a body infected & replenished with ill humours, medicines are not of that service, as in a body purged: for which reasons, & for the nature of human things which commonly go impairing, it is more to be feared that that which in this beginning shall be imperfectly ordained, will be wholly disordered with time, then to hope that by time and with occasions, it may be reduced to perfection: we have examples of our own and need not the justification of authorities and experiences of others: for, at what time hath the people governed absolutely this city, that it hath not been full of discords, that it hath not suffered deformity & dismembering, and lastly that the state hath not immediately changed: And if we stand so much upon the examples of others, why do we not remember, that the government wholly popular, bred in Rome so many tumults, that had it not been for the science, diligence, and discipline of war, the life of that commonweal had been short: Let us remember that Athens a most flourishing and mighty city, lost not for other occasion her Empire and so cell into servitude of the citizens and strangers, then for that they did dispose of great affairs with the deliberations and councils of the commonalty: But I see not for what occasion it may be said, that in the form introduced in the parliament the liberty is not there wholly found, seeing all things are referred to the disposition of Magistrates, and they not perpetual, but changing, are not elected of few, but approved of many, & aught according to thancient custom of the city to be referred to tharbitrement of the lot: then they can not be distributed by factions, or by the appetite of citizens particular: we shall have a far greater assurance when the affairs of most importance shall pass by thexamination and direction of the most wise, the most practised, and most grave men, who are to manage and govern them with an other order, an other secrecy, and an other judgement, then would be expressed in a multitude or commonalty incapable of such things, some times when is lest need prodigal in expenses, and eftsoons in business great and weighty, so sparing and restrained, that often times for saving a very little, they fall into great expenses and dangers, even as men that leaping over a great block, stumble upon a little straw: In deed as P. Anthoyne hath said, thinfirmity of Italy, and particularly of our country, is great and of no little consideration, even so the folly is so much the greater, when having need of Physicians experienced and wise, we will put our bodies into the hands of such as have lest skill and discretion: Lastly, you have to consider that you shall maintain your people in greater rest, and lead them most easily to councils wholesome both for themselves, and to the benefit of every one, in giving them in the common weal a moderate part and authority, seeing if you refer all things to their arbitration, there will be danger that they will become insolent and wholly disagreeing from the councils of your wise, careful, and affectioned citizens.  
In this council, whereunto was not admitted the great number of citizens, the advise then tended to a form of government not so large and popular, had carried it, if amongst the deliberations of men, there had not been mixed authority divine pronounced by the mouth of jeronimo Savonarola a religious man of thorder of frear 
jero. Savonarola esteemed for a prophet in Florence.  preachers. This man having been continually exercised for many years in the public preaching of God's word at Florence, and having joined to his singular doctrine, a general brute of holiness of life, had gotten in the opinion of most part of the people, the name and authority of a Prophet: for that at times wherein in Italy was no other appearance in man's reason, then of common tranquillity, he would in his sermons prophecy of the coming of foreign armies, with so great astonishment of men that neither walls nor camps were able to resist them: which things with many others of other nature, he would assure that he did not foretell by discourse human, or knowledge of the Scriptures, but simply did foresee them by revelation divine: In these wonders & warnings he would sometimes touch the mutation of the state of Florence: At that time he detested publicly the form of government agreed upon in the parliament, affirming that it was the will and pleasure of God that they did erect a policy merely popular, in sort that there should not be power in a few citizens to altar neither the surety nor the liberty of the residue: inso much that for the reverence of one so great a name, joined to the desire of many, such as were of tother opinion, should not be able to resist so great an inclination: Therefore this matter being many times propounded and debated, it was lastly determined, that there should be made a council of all the citizens, wherein should have no access (so it was spread in many places in Italy) the dregs of the people, but only such as by the ancient laws of the city might participate in the government. In this council should not be handled nor they should not dispose of other things then of the election of all the Magistrates for the city & for the demean, & of the confirmation of provisions of money, together with all the laws ordained before by the Magistrates and other councils more private and strait: And to th'end that th'occasions of civil discords should be taken away, and the spirits of every one the more assured, it was prohibited by decree public according to th'example of thaveniens, not to remember the errors and transgressions committed in the times passed in th'affairs of estate: upon which foundations, might perhaps have been constituted a government well regulated and established, if at the same time they had introduced all the ordinances which then came into the consideration of wise men. But such things being not able to be deliberated without the consent of many who for the memory of things past were full of suspicions: it was judged and determined that for the present, the grand council should be established as a ground and foundation of the new liberty, referring to accomplish that which wanted until a better opportunity of time, and until (by the mean of experience) the public utility should be known of such as had no capacity to know it by reason and judgement: This was the course & condition of th'affairs of Tuskane. But in this mean while, the french king, after he had with a ready fortune conquered the city of Naples, to give a full perfection to his victory, he had principally to look to remove two impediments: The one how he might get new castle, and the castle of the egg, which are two fortresses of Naples, holding good yet for Ferdinand, but for the town of S. Vincent, builded for the guard of the haven, he had it without much resistance: his other consideration was how he might reduce the whole kingdom to his obedience: In which two things fortune still followed him with a full sail of her favours, for, new castle, the habitation of the kings builded upon the bank or shores of the sea, by the covetousness and cowardice of five hundred lanceknights holding garrison there, was rendered with condition that they might depart in safety with all the goods and movables they were able to carry: In this castle was found great quantities of victuals, whereof the king without consideration to that might happen, made prodigal liberalities to certain of his own people: And touching the castle called the egg, built within the sea upon a rock, afore times parcel of the firm land, but now divided from it by the operation of Lucullus, was joined with a narrow bridge to the next brinks or shores of Naples: they within the rock, seeing themselves battered without ceasing with a perpetual fury of th'artillery, which might well shake the walls, but nothing move the natural rock, agreed to yield up the place, if within viii. days they were not succoured: The Barons also and governors of commonalties, would go many days journeys to meet the french captains and companies of soldiers sent into sundry parts of the realm: whose example in yielding, and the humanity and inclination of the french in receiving them, bred such a general mind of revolt in cities, forts, and pieces particular, that almost all the places of strength were rendered by those that kept them, either with no resistance at all, or at lest without peril or difficulty: yea the rock of Caietta notwithstanding it was made strong with men, victuals, munition, and other things necessary for defence, yet after a few light assaults, it yielded to the discretion of the victors: This felicity of the king followed with so full stream, that within▪ very few days, and with a wonderful facility, all the kingdom was brought into his obedience, except the isle of Yschia, the castles of Brondusia and Galipoly in Powylla, and in Calabria the rock of Regge, situate in the point of Italy right over against Sicily, the city holding for the king: and except also Turpia and Mantia, who in the beginning displayed the banners of France, but refusing to live under the subjection of others then the king, who had already disposed them to certain of his favourits, they changed council, and returned to their first Lord: The like was done within a little time after by the city of Brondusa, to the which the french king having sent no men, but using negligence where was necessity of care and council, did scarcely hear their Magistrates sent to him to Naples to capitulat: by which occasion joining with th'opportunity offered, those that kept the castles in the name of Ferdinand, had good mean by persuasions to draw again the city to the devotion of the Aragon's: by which example also, the city of Otrante lately declared for the french, & no creature sent thither to receive them, continued not long in their affection: All the Lords and Barons of the realm (except Alphonso Davalo Marquis of Pisovire, who left within new castle by Ferdinand, was gone to him when he perceived the inclination of the lanceknights to yield: and except two others, who for that the french king had given away their estates, were fled into Sicily) came to do homage to the new king: who, desiring to assure wholly so great a conquest by the way of concord, called afore him under safe conduit afore he had won the rock of the egg, Dom Federyk, who, aswell for that he had remained many years in the court of France in the time of the kings father, as also for that he touched his majesty in parentage, was much favoured of all the Lords of France. The king 
The french king makes offers to Dom Federyk.  told him, he would endue Ferdinand (leaving all that was his in the realm of Naples) with estates and large revenues in France: And touching him, to recompense him liberally with all that he possessed there: But Federyk, well knowing that his nephew was determined to accept no condition, except he might have Calabria, answered 
Dom Federyk answereth the king.  with a countenance of humility and reverence, and words grave and wise: That seeing God, fortune, and the good wills of men have concurred in his present felicities to give him the kingdom of Naples, Ferdinand was not determined to make resistance against so fatal a disposition: but, rather esteeming it no shame to give place to a king so happy and mighty, he would no less than others, remeyne in his obedience and devotion, so that his majesty would contribute to him some part of the kingdom (touching Calabria by a secret meaning) to th'end that dwelling therein not as king, but in the condition of one of his Barons, he might honour the clemency and magnanimity of the french king, in whose service he hoped to have once occasion to show that virtue which his malicious fortune would not suffer him to express in the action of his own safety: That, nothing could turn more to the glory of king Charles then that council, bearing resemblance and affinity with the councils of those kings whom antiquity doth so much recommend unto us, who, by such operations had raised their names to immortality, and established amongst peoples and nations, divine honours: That, it was a council no less for his surety then for his glory, for that Ferdinand brought to his devotion, the realm would be so assured to him, that he should not hereafter fear the change of fortune, who had this common property: that as often as victories were not assured with moderation and discretion, she would defile by some accident unlooked for, the virtue and reputation of the glory gotten. But the king doubting that if he communicated any part of the kingdom with his competitor, he should open a way to manifest peril for the residue, Dom Federyk parted from him without any thing doing: Ferdinand, understanding of the rendering of the castles, sailed into Sicily with xiv. light galleys slenderly appointed, wherein he passed from Naples: This he did to be ready upon all occasions, leaving the guard of the rock of Yschia to janick Davalo brother to Alphonso, both men of great valour, and of singular faith towards their Lord: But the french king, to take from th'enemy that receptacle very convenient to trouble the realm, sent thither his army by sea, which arrived at length in the port of Naples, and finding the town abandoned, they forbore to assail the rock, wherein, for his invincible strength by situation, they discerned many 
The french king sends an army to invade Yschia.  impossibilities to prevail: And therefore, to give a greater help to their virtue, the king determined to assemble all the vessels of Provence and of Genes, to take Yschia, and assure the sea which Ferdinand vexed some times: But their council and diligence were not equal to their fortune, seeing, according to th'infirmity of all their doings, all things had a slow proceeding, and were guided in most great negligence and confusion: for, the french king turning the prosperity of his affairs to serve his vanities, his companies in like sort, by so great felicity become more insolent then of custom, and let go at adventure th'affairs of importance, not receiving into their thoughts any other impression then of feasting and pleasures: And such as were great in the councils and favours of the king, cared not but for their own particular, and to draw of the victory all the profit they could, without respecting the dignity or utility of their Prince.  
About this time died at Naples Gemyn Otto to the great displeasure of the king, 
The death of Goe Ott●a Tinke, and kept in refuge by the Pope.  who laid up in him many foundations and opportunities for the war he determined to make against the Empire of the Turks: It was believed his death was brewed in a cup of poison which the Pope had given him to work his end in a certain time: or that having delivered him against his will, and so deprived of the xl. thousand ducats which his brother paid him yearly, he took for consolation that he that had taken him away, should receive by him no commodity or profit: or at lest for entry he bore to the glory of the french king: or lastly for fear, that things succeeding happily with him against the Infidels, he would not afterwards turn his thoughts to reform the abuses of the Church, which being wholly aliened from the ancient devotion, customs, & piety, made every day of less authority the religion of Christ, every one withal having an assured expectation that they would further decline before the end of his reign, which being gotten by wicked means, was haply never in the memory of men administered with worse orders: And there were that believed (for the corrupt nature of the Pope made credible in him all wickedness) that Bajazet after he understood that the french king prepared to pass into Italy, practised with him by the mean of George Bucciardin corrupted with money, to oppress the life of Gemyn: And yet the king (nourishing still his inclination to the wars of the Turks, more upon a green humour of youth and volubility of mind, then by maturity of council) ceased not for his death to sand into Greece tharbishop of Duraz of the nation of Albania, who put the king in hopes by the means of certain factions of the banished and other vain intelligences, to stir up some commotion in that province: But new accidents constrained him to turn his spirits to new thoughts.  
It hath been set down before, how the desire to usurp the Duchy of Milan, joined 
Lodo. Sforce beginneth too late to fear the greatness of the french.  to a fear that Lodowyk Sforce had of the Aragon's and Peter de medicis, induced him to procure the french king to pass into Italy, by whose coming after he had obtained his ambitious pretence, and that the Aragon's were brought into those necessities, that there was no ability remaining to defend their proper safety: A second fear both more great and reasonable than the first, began to occupy his thoughts, his eyes, and all his senses: that was the servitude and thraldom hovering over him, over him, and all thItalians, if the kingdom of Naples were joined to the power of the crown of France, desiring for that cause (as hath been noted) that by the Florentines should be objected many difficulties and impediments against the resolution of his enterprise. But when he saw his majesty was easily joined with that common weal, & with the same facility had overcome all th'impediments of the Pope, and lastly without resistance had prevailed over the realm of Naples, the danger seemed every day so much the greater to him, by how much the course of the french victories advanced more and more with facility, fortune and felicity: A like fear also began to stir in the minds of the Senate of Venice, who in all their councils hetherunto had constantly persevered in neutrality, governing their abstinence with so great discretion no less in action then in demonstration, that there was no mean to suspect their inclination more to one party then to an other: They had for Ambassadors with the king Anthony Loredan and Dominick Trevisan, albeit they lingered so long to sand them, that the king was not only passed the mounts, but arrived at Florence afore they were presented to him: But now looking with judgement and study into the violent course of so great felicities, his armies ronning like a thunder, without resistance thorough all Italy, they began to esteem as their own, the damage of their neighbours, and to fear that in the ruin of others, their destruction were not conspired, But chief the king having made himself Lord of Pysa and other fortresses of the Florentines, leaving garrison in Sienna, and almost won the like empery in the state of the Church: they construed all to arguments absolute, that the ambition of his thoughts was not limited within the realm and rule of Naples: for these causes the Senate gave willing ear to the persuasions of Lodowyk Sforce, who assoon as the Florentines had yielded to the king, had begun to solicit them to join with him in a common remedy against common dangers: wherein it was believed that if the french king had met with any impediments either at Rome, or at his entry into the realm of Naples, they had together taken arms against him: But the kings fortune prevented their councils, and in his victory was more suddeinnes & expedition, then in all th'impediments that could be objected. The king also, doubting of the practices and factions of Lodowyk, had retained in his pay since the conquest of Naples, john jacques Triuulce with an hundred lances under a pension worthy and honourable, and joined unto him with many promises the Cardinal Fregosa and Obietto de Fiesque: the one for that they were mighty instruments to trouble and raise emotions in the town of Genes: and the other, for that being a chief leader of the Guelffes' faction at Milan, carried a mind much divided from Lodowyk: To whom as yet the king refused to give the principality of Tarenta, saying his bond had no force till he had reduced into his power all the realm of Naples: These things being bitterly displeasing to Lodowyk, he restrained twelve galleys which were armed for the king at Genes, and denownced the appointing of any more vessels there for the french service, which the king complained to be the cause that he did not eftsoons reassayle with a new supply the rock of Yschia.  
Thus suspicions and disdains growing on all parts, and the sudden conquest of Naples representing to the Venetians and the Duke of Milan the present peril of their estates: they were constrained to join virtue to their councils, and defer no longer to put their thoughts in execution: wherein, for the furthering of their resolution & courage, they had the consideration of the mighty companies of confederates: for that to this the Pope was no less ready (to whom the greatness of the french was fearful and suspicious) then Maximylian king of romans wholly disposed, to whom above all other for many occasions of hatred to the crown of France, and for the many injuries received by the king reigning, the prosperities of France were hateful: But the chief grounds and foundations whereupon the Venetians and Lodowyk wrought, were the King and Queen of Spain, who being a little before bound to the french king (not for other respect then to draw from him the earledom of Rossillion) not to hinder him in the conquest of Naples, had cunningly reserved to themselves till that time a free power to do the contrary: for, (if their brutes be true) there was a clause annexed to the capitulations made for the restitution of the Earledom of Rossillion, which bore that they should not be bound to any thing that touched the prejudice of the Church: of which exception they inferred, that if the Pope, for th'interest of his chief, desired them to succour the realm of Naples, they had good right to do so, without breaking their ●aith, or corrupting their promises: To this they added afterwards, that by the same capitulations they were forbidden to oppose themselves against king Charles, in case it appeared that the same kingdom did judicially appertain unto him: But what difference so ever was between the truth and their constructions of things, it is certain, that having got that they desired, they began not only to give hope to the succours of them of Arragon, and secretly to solicit the Pope not to abandon their cause, but also, as they had in the beginning exhorted the french king with words moderate as lovers of his glory and zealous to religion, to convert his armies rather against Infidels than the Christian nations: So they continued eftsoons that course, but with so much more efficacy and words suspected, by how much the victory of the king advanced and flourished: And to th'end they might cover their doings with more authority, and to nourish in greater hopes the Pope and thAragons, (and of the other part giving out a brute that they had regard only to the guard of Sicily) they were ready to send thither an army by sea, which arrived there after the loss of Naples, but yet with an equipage and furniture more in demonstrations then in effects, for that it contained not above eight hundred horsemen mounted upon jennets, and a thousand footmen Spaniards: They used their appearances until the taking of Ostia by the Colonnoys, and the threats of the french against the Pope gave them a more honest occasion to advance that which they had fashioned and resolved in their minds: And following their devise to an action and beginning, they protested openly to the king whilst he was at Florence by their Ambassadors, that according to the office of Prince's Christian, they would take the defence & protection of the Pope, and the realm of Naples (A chief of the church of Rome) wherein having already begun (assoon as they understood of the fleeing of the Aragon's) to negotiate with the Venetians and the Duke of Milan for confederation, they eftsoons solicited them with a new instance, to communicate with them for their common surety against the french men.  
So that, aswell by the solicitation of the king of Spain, as occasions of the time present, threatening indifferent perils to all the principalities in Italy: there was at length in the month of April and in the city of Venice where were th'ambassadors 
A confederate league against the french king.  of all those Princes, contracted a confederation between the Pope, the king of romans, the king of Spain, the Venetians and the Duke of Milan. The title and publication of this league was only for the defence of the states of one an other, reserving places to whosoever would enter it with conditions reasonable: But they all being of opinion that it was necessary so to temper things as the french king might not hold Naples, it was agreed in capitulations more secret, that the bands of spaniards arrived in Sicily should be a succour for the recovering of that kingdom to Ferdinand of Arragon, who with a great hope in the wills of the people, laboured to enter into Calabria: That the Venetians at the same time with their army by sea, should assail the sea coasts of the said kingdom: That the Duke of Milan (to hinder succours that might come out of France) should do what he could to get the city of Ast wherein was the Duke of Orleans with a very small strength: That to the kings of romans and Spain should be contributed by the other confederates a certain quantity of money, to th'end that either of them should make war upon the realm of France with a puissant army: The confederates withal desiring that all Italy would be united in the same concord of will, made instance to the Florentines and Duke of Ferrara to participate with this league: But the Duke being dealt withal afore the league was published, refused to take arms against the french king, and yet, with an Italian subtlety he consented that Dom Alphonso his eldest son should take pay of the Duke of Milan for clemen at arms with title of Lieutenant over all his companies.  
But the cause of the Florentines was otherwise, having no less just occasion to leave the french king, then alured to the confederation with many great offers: for that immediately after the publication of the league, Lodowyk offered them in the name of all the confederates (so that they would communicate in the league) all their forces to resist the king, if, in his return from Naples, he would vex them, and to join with them assoon as might be for the recovering of Pysa and Lyvorne: And on tother side, they saw the king neither make reckoning of the promises he had given at Florence, and much less had in the beginning restored them to the possession of their towns, nor since the conquest of Naples redelivered the castles of the same: They saw him make his faith and oath inferior to the councils of those, who, favouring the cause of the Pysans, persuaded him that the Florentines, assoon as they were restored would unite with the other Italians: They saw also that notwithstanding the great sums of money & other corruptions which they had bestowed upon the Cardinal S. Mallow, yet he resisted coldly such as incensed the king against them, as one that would not for the love of the Florentines come to contention with the greatones of the kings court: Aswell in these causes general as in matters more particular, they found in the king by demonstrations manifest, that to the violation of his faith, he had joined a careless estimation of them, their merits, and amities, in so much that one day their Ambassadors complaining of the rebellion of Montpulcian, and summoning him according to his bond to compel them of Sienna to tender it: he answered in scorn what he had to do if their subjects rebelled, because they were ill governed. But all these notwithstanding the Florentines, framing their councils according to the terms and necessities of their affairs, would not suffer disdain to carry them against their proper profit, esteeming it to agreed best with their present fortune, not to bear inclination to the requests of the confederates: aswell not to provoke against them of new the army of France in the kings return, as for that they would yet expect and temporize and hope to have restitution of their places by such as kept them: and lastly, for that they reapposed little in those promises, knowing that they were hated of the Venetians, for th'impediments which at sundry times they had given to their enterprises, & knowing manifestly that Lodowyk aspired to the empery of Pysa.  
But now, as all things earthly are subject to their seasons of revolution, and in mortal felicities can be no assurance nor perpetuity: So, about these times the reputation of the french begins to diminish in the kingdom of Naples, for that making their prosperities serve to their pleasures, and governing things at adventure, they looked not to chase the enemy out of these few places yet holden by them, which they might easily have done, if they had followed their fortune: They little considered that arms do little advance, where policy is not concurrant, and victory brings a very short glory, where the government is unperfect: But much more began they to decline in opinion, affection, and friendship: for, albeit the king 
The french king useth negligence in ordering the things of Naples.  expressed many honourable aspects and liberalities towards the people in granting thorough out the realm so many privileges and exemptions as they amounted to more than two hundredth thousand ducats by year: yet other things were not redressed nor governed with that order and discretion that appertained: for that the king, holding it an action inferior to his authority & greatness to hear the complaints and suits of men, referred over the whole charge of th'affairs to such as governed himself, and they partly by incapacity, and partly by particular covetousness confounded all things: for, the nobility were not embraced with that humanity they looked for, and much less had recompenses equal to their merits, yea they found many difficulties to enter into the chambers and audience of the king: There was made no distinction of persons: the merits and services of men were not considered but at adventure: The minds of such as naturally were estranged from the house of Arragon were not confirmed: many delays and difficulties were suborned touching the restitution of the states and goods of those that were of the faction of Aniow, and of the other Barons that had been banished by the old Ferdinand: favours and graces were imparted to such as procured them by corruption & means extraordinary: from many they took without justice or reason, and to many they gave without occasion or deserving: Almost all offices and dignities were transferred to the french, in whom were also invested (to the great grief of the natural Lords) all the towns of the demayne (such they call those that are wont to obey immediately the king) things so much the more grievous, by how much the king had promised there should be no alteration of nature, estate, or possession of those governments. The discontentment of these things was much increased by the insolency and natural arrogancy of the french aggravated much by the facility of the victory, which carried them into those opinions and weening, that they esteemed nothing of the whole Monarchy of Italy, attributing that to their proper virtue and valour which chanced by their fortune and felicity: And these public & general insolences were made more intolerable by many private and inferior abuses, as the army being furried in many parts of the realm, and the bands dispersed more at adventure then by discretion, lived in such unbridled incontinency, that those wives and daughters that had escaped their dissolution in the time of hostility, were violently dishonoured bearing the name of their hosts and friends: In so much as these doings drawing with them a suspicion of a perpetual servitude, that love, that desire, that affection where with they honoured them before, had now taken contrary quality, and not only turned into hatred, conspiracy, & accursing against them, but also in place of the malice they bore to the Aragon's, there was new insynuation of compassion to Ferdinand, no less for the general expectation of his virtue, then for the memory of the gracious speech which with so great sweetness and constancy he delivered to the Neapolytans the day of his departure: The same so working that that city and almost all the kingdom expected with no less desire, an occasion to reappeale the Aragon's, than a few months before, they had desired their destruction. Now began to be agreeable to them the name so hateful of Alphonso, calling just severity, that which they had wont to note in him for cruelty: & interpreting to true sincerity of mind, that which wrongfully they had wont to construe pride and fierceness: such is the nature of commonalties and peoples inclined to hope more than they aught, and endure less than is necessary, always thirsting after innovations, and never contented with the time present. This infection chief goeth thorough thin habitants of Naples, who, of all the regions in Italy are most noted of inconstancy and desire of new things.  
Before this new league was made, the french king had determined to return into France with speed, moved more with a lightfancie, and a vehement desire of his court, then with considerations discreet or well tempered: seeing that in the kingdom of Naples remained undecided many and great affairs of Princes and estates, and the parts of the realm being not fully conquered, his victory had not yet her just perfection: But after he knew that so many Princes were drawn into 
The french king taketh council of his Lords a hat to d●e against the league of Confederate.  league against him, he was much moved in his mind, and fell to devise with his Lords what he were best to do in so great an accident, specially every one assuring him that it was long since those Princes had consented in conspiracy against him: Those of his council were of advise, that he should dispatch his departure, doubting that by how long he tarried, by so much should he give opportunity to the difficulties to increase, seeing the Confederates would win time to make greater provisions, the brute ronning already that a great levy of Almains should pass into Italy, and that men began to speak much of the person of th'emperor: They persuaded that the king would provide that there might pass with diligence out of France, new bands of soldiers to the town of Ast, both to guard that city, and to keep the Duke of Milan in necessity to defend his own country, and withal to be in readiness to pass further according to the occasions and necessities of his majesties services: it was also determined in the same council to labour with all diligence and corruption of offers, to separate the Pope from the other confederates, & to dispose him to transfer to the kings person the investiture of the realm of Naples, which (notwithstanding he promised absolutely at Rome,) yet he had denied it till that day, and with declaration that that grant or concession should not bear prejudice to the title & rights of an other. In a deliberation so grave, and amongst so many thoughts of such importance, was not lost the memory of th'affairs of Pysa: for, the king, desiring for many regards, that in him might remain power to dispose of that estate, and doubting lest by the aid of the confederates the people of Pysa would not bereave him of the citadel, he sent thither by sea together with th'ambassadors of the town which were with him, six himdreth french footmen, who being arrived there, conceived the same affection which others that had been left there, had: for being governed with desire to spoil and pray, after they had received money of the Pysans, they went with their companies to encamp afore the town of Libra frate, where the Pysans (whose captain was Luke Maluozze) had been in camp certain days afore upon an advertisement that the Florentines had sent part of their bands to Montpulcian, and hearing of the approach of their enemies, were raised and gone the day before: But returning thither eftsoons with the supply of the french men, they took it in few days, for that the Florentyne army sent to succour it, could not pass the river of Serele for the violence of waters, neither durst they take the other way by the walls of Lucques, for the ill disposition of that people who were much moved, and favoured greatly the liberty of the Pysans: These bands with those of the french that remained of the conquest of Libra fratte, run over the whole country of Pysa as enemies manifest to the Florentines, who, when they complained, the king gave no other answer, than assoon as he should come into Tuskane, he would redeliver all those places he had promised, desiring them to bear with patience that little respite.  
But the means of departure were not so easy to the king, as was ready his desire: for that his army was not so great, as, being divided into two parts, it was able to bring him into Ast without danger, and to suffice both to avoid th'impediments of the confederates, and defend the kingdom of Naples against so many exactions as are in preparing. In which difficulties he was constrained (to th'end the realm should not be naked of defence) to diminish the provisions reserved for his own safety, and yet to keep his person from manifest peril, his necessities enforced him not to leave in the kingdom so strong an army as was needful: so he determined to leave there half of his Swyzzers, and a part of the french footmen, eight hundredth launcemen of France, and about five hundredth men at arms of th'italians which were in his pay, divided under the ensigns of the Perfect of Rome, the Colonnoys & Anthony Savelle, Captains who had tasted plentifully of his liberalities, in the distribution of the towns and estates of the kingdom, but specially the Colonnoys: for that to Fabricius he had given the country of Alba and Taille cusse possessed before by Virginio Vrsin: and Prospero, he had endued with the Duchy of Tracette, and the city of Fondi, with many castles which belonged to the family of Caetane and Montfortin, together with many other pieces adjoining taken from the house of the Comtes: To these forces, he made reckoning that in all necessities, he should unite the forces of those Barons, who for their own surety, were constrained to desire his greatness: but specially he reapposed much in the powers of the Prince of Salerne whom he had restored to th'office of Admiral, and of the Prince of Bisignian: he 
Gil. Bourbon D●s Montpensier the kings Lieutenant in Naples.  created as Lieutenant general over all the realm, Gilbert de Bourbon Duke of Montpensier, a captain more esteemed for his greatness of his house, and that he did participate in the blood royal, then for his proper virtue: he assigned other Captains in many parts of the realm, on whom he had bestowed estates and revenues: of these the chief was M. D'aubygny, whom he had made great Constable of the realm for Calabria: In Caiette, the Seneschal of Beaucaire whom he had raised to th'office of high Chamberlain: And in Abruzze Gracian a valiant captain and of great reputation: promising them all in one general faith and word of a Prince to send them speedy rescue of money and men: But in the mean while to entertain the war, he left them no other provision, than the assignation of those moneys which should be daily gathered of the revenues of the realm, which began already to 
The realm of Naples beginneth to reclaim the name of thAragons.  waver and shake, for that the name of thAragons began to revive in many places: For, at the same time that the king would depart from Naples, Ferdinand accompanied with the spanish army that came by sea into the isle of Sicily, was descended into Calabria, to whom slocked with a swift readiness many troupes of the contreymen, the city of Regge rendering itself to him, whose castle had been always kept in his name: At the same time was discovered about the shores of Povylla the Venetian army by sea, over whom was captain Anthony Grymany, a man in that common weal of great authority: But neither for these, nor many other signs of changes towards the king, did not forbear, not not once suspend or linger his deliberation to go his way: for, beside that haply they were driven by necessity, the desire was incredible in the king and all his court to return into France, as though fortune that was sufficient to make them get so great a victory, had been still so able to preserve it for them: he did not remember that the getting of a victory is referred to fortune, but the loss of a kingdom is imputed to the king, who stands then in most necessity of council and discretion, when fortune makes him believe he is in most security: it is familiar with fortune to do more harm in one day, than she doth good in many years, using for her delight to raise up vain men for her glory, and suffer them eftsoons to fall with the weight of their proper vanity and want of government: In this time also held good for Ferdinand, the isles of Yschia and of Lipara, which albeit were near to Sicily, yet they are members of the kingdom of Naples: he held Reggi which he had newly recovered, and even in Calabria, he commanded Villenenfue with the castle, and places about Brondusa where Federyk was retired, also Galipoli, la Mantia, and Turpia.  
Before the king parted from Naples, many things were innegociation between him and the Pope: not without great hope of concord: In which actions was sent from the Pope to the king, and after returned to Rome the Cardinal S. Denys, and for the french king, M. Franci: The king desired greatly th'investiture of Naples, and that the Pope, if he would not join with him, at the lest that he would not be for his enemies & that he would receive him into Rome as a friend: To which demands, albeit at the beginning the Pope bore some inclination, yet, distrusting much in himself of the king, and esteeming that to separate himself from the confederates, and consent to th'investiture, would be supposed a mean sufficient to make a faithful reconciliation with him: he objected many difficulties to tother demands, and to that of th'investiture, (albeit the king would condescend to take it under this condition not to be prejudicial to the rights of an other) he answered, that he wished the laws might be looked into afore, to see to whom the right appertained: And of the other side, seeking to give impediment by force to the kings entry into Rome, he sent to the state of Venice and to the Duke of Milan to refurnish him with succours and strength of soldiers, who, immediately sent him a thousand light horsemen, and two thousand footmen with promise of an aid of a thousand men at arms: with which bands joined to his own forces he hoped to be able to make resistance: But the Venetians and Duke of Milan considering afterwards, that it was a thing too dangerous to send their strength and companies so far from their own estates, seeing that neither the whole army agreed upon was yet in order, and part of their puoples occupied in th'enterprise of Ast, and joining withal to these doubts thinfidelity of the Pope, remembered in a late experience when king Charles past that way, he called Ferdinand into Rome with his army, & suddenly with a council changed, made him issue forth again: They began to persuade him to withdraw to some place of surety rather than to adventure his person to so great a danger in striving to defend Rome. These things increased the 〈…〉 nge hopes to come to composition with the Pope.  
The french king departed from Naples the xx. day of May: But for that he had not taken in the beginning with the ceremonies accustomed, the titles & ensigns regal of the kingdom: A few days afore his departure, he received solemnly in 
The french king crowned king of Naples.  the cathedral Church with great pomp and celebrations the royal ornaments, the honours, oaths and homages, accustomed to be done to new kings: At this coronation, the oration was pronounced in the name of the people of Naples by john jovian Pontan, to whose praises very clear and shining for thexcellency of his doctrine, his life, and civility of manners, this action brought no small stain and a slander for that, as he had been of long a principal Secretary to the kings of Arragon, & of very private and familiar authority, and the teacher and master of Alphonso: So, whether it were to observe justly the parts proper to orators, or to show his affection to the french, he took too great a liberty to speak in the dispraises and derogation of the kings by whom he had been so much advanced. So hard it is sometimes for a man to keep in himself that moderation and those rules, which he following with so great doctrine, had taught to other's writing of moral virtues, & by his wit and knowledge had made himself wonderful to the world in all kinds of philosophy and learning: The king led with him viii. hundredth french lances, two hundred gentlemen for his guard, a hundredth lances under the Lord Triuulce, three thousand Swyzzers footmen, a thousand frenchmen, and a thousand gascoins, having ordained that in Tuskane Camylla Vitelli and his brother should join with him with two hundredth and fifty men at arms, & that the army by sea should draw towards Livorne. Virginio Vrsin and the Count Petillane followed the king without 
Virginio Vrsin and the Count Petillane being the king's prisoners, show reasons to be redelivered.  other guard or surety than their faith not to go away without leave: Their cause, for that they reasoned that they were not justly made prisoners, had been disputed in the kings council, afore whom they alleged, that at the time they yielded themselves, the king had not only granted to those that they sent, but also set down in writing under his own signature their safe conduit, whereof being advertised by their solicitors which attended the dispatch of the Secretories, they had under that trust at the summons of the first Herald that went to Nola, erected and displayed the ensigns of the king, and given the keys to the first captain having with him but a few horsemen, notwithstanding their strength being four hundredth men at arms, they might easily have made resistance: They preferred beside, the ancient devotion of the family of Vrsins, who taking part always with the faction of the guelfs, had always borne both in themselves and in all the predecessors of that house, perpetual impressions of honour, reverence, and service, to the crown of France: And as from those regards had proceeded, that with so great a readiness they had received the kings Majesty into their estates bordering upon Rome: So therefore, it was neither convenient nor just, both having regard to the faith given by the king, and the merit of their operations and actions, that they should be holden prisoners: But they were answered with no less roundness by M. de Lygny, 
Their reasons are disproved by Monsr, de Ligny.  whose soldiers took them within Nola: that the safe conduit, albeit it was determined and subsigned by the king, yet it is to be understand, that it was not perfectly given, but when it was confirmed with the kings seal and with the seal of the Secretary, and so delivered to the party: That in all grants and letters patents such was thancient custom in all courts, to th'end that if any thing were inconsiderately passed the mouth of the Prince by reason of many thoughts and affairs, or for not sufficient information of things, it might be moderated and go forth with his due perfection: he alleged that the confidence of that moved them not to yield to so small a company of soldiers, but they did communicate in the general necessity and fear, for that there remained no mean either to defend or to flee, the whole country about them swarming with the armies of the victors: That what they had alleged of their merits was false, which if it should be affirmed by an other, themselves aught to deny it for their honour: for that it was manifest to all the world, that not of will or free consent, but to avoid danger (leaving in adversity the Aragon's, of whom in prosperity they had received great benefits) they agreed to give the king passage thorough their lands: Therefore seeing they were in the pay of th'enemy, and bore minds estranged from the name of the french, & that they had perfectly no safe conduit or surety, they were made prisoners by good law and right of arms: These reasons thus advouched against the Vrsins, and sustained by the power of M. de Ligny, and authority of the Colonnoys, who aswell for ancient envies, as for the diversity of the factions, quarreled them openly: there was no resolution nor sentence, only they were commanded to follow the king, leaving them naked hopes to be delivered when his majesty was come to Ast.  
But albeit the Pope, (the confederates having counseled him to go his way) was not without inclination to be reconciled with the king, with whom he negociated continually: yet, suspicion and jealousy being strong in him, he nourished the king with hopes that he would attend him: And yet after he had bestowed a sufficient garrison within the castle S. Ange, two days before the king should enter Rome, he went to Oruiette accompanied with the colleague of Cardinals, and two hundred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, and three thousand footmen: he left behind him as Legate the Cardinal of S. Anastasio to receive and honour the king, who entered by that quarter on the far side of Tiber, to th'end to avoid the castle S. Ange: And refusing the lodging that was offered him by the Pope's commission in the palace of the Mount Vatican, he went and lodged in the suburbs: And when the Pope understood that the king came near to Viterbe, notwithstanding he entertained him with new hopes to compound with him in some place convenient between Viterbe and Oruiette, he left Oruiette and went to peruse, with intention (if the king took that way) to go to Ancona, the better to have mean, by the commodity of the sea, to retire to some place absolutely assured: All this notwithstanding the king, being not a little discontented with his unjust fears and jealousies, rendered the castles of Civitavechia and Terracina, reserving Ostia, which when he came out of Italy, he gave up to the power of the Cardinal of S. P. ad vincla, who was bishop thereof: he passed in like sort by the countries of the Church, as thorough the dominions of a friend, saving that they of Tuskanella refusing to receive into their town his vanguard, the soldiers took it by force, and sacked it, not without murder and slaughter of many.  
After this, the king remained without any occasion at Sienna six days, not considering (neither of himself nor by the strait advertisements of the Cardinal de S. P. ad vincla, and by ) how hurtful it was to give time to his enemies to make their provisions and unite their forces: neither did he recompense the loss of the time, with the profit of councils or deliberations: for there was debated at Sienna the restitution of the fortresses of the Florentines promised by the king at his departure from Naples, & confirmed by many voluntary grants on the way: And therefore, the Florentines, besides that they were ready to pay the thirty thousand ducats remaining of the sum agreed at Florence, offered to lend lxx. thousand more, and to send with him till he were arrived at Ast, Francisco Secco their captain with three hundredth men at arms and two thousand footmen: The necessity which the king had of money, the opportunity to augment his army, joined to the consideration of his faith and oath, induced almost all those of his council to persuade effectually the restitution of the castles and pieces of strength reserving Petra Santa and Serezana, as convenient instruments to draw more easily to his devotion the hearts of the Genoese: But it was a resolution in destiny that the matter of new calamities should remain kindled in Italy: for, M. de Ligny, a man for his youth more ready to enterprise, then ripe in council, and whose experience had not yet wrought in him a perfection of judgement, being borne of one of the kings sisters, and of no small favours with him, made his lightness together with the disdain he bore to the Florentines, for that in all their suits they addressed their means to the Cardinal of S. Mallow, the only impediment to this deliberation, alleging no other reason then the piety and compassion of the Pysans: And touching the offer of the forces which the Florentines made, he despised them, vaunting that the army of France was able to fight with all the men of war in Italy knit in one strength: M. de Pienes was a supporter of his opinion, for that he thought the king would bestow upon him the jurisdiction of Pysa and Lyvorne: There was debating also at Sienna of the government of that city, for that many of the orders of the people and of the reformers (to pluck down the brotherhood of the order of Montenove,) made instance, that erecting a new form of government, the guard which they of Montenove kept at the public palace might be taken away, and the place supplied by a guard of french men under the leading of M. de Ligny: And albeit this council was rejected in the council of the king, as a thing of little continuance and impertinent to the time present: yet M. de Ligny who had laid a vain plot to make himself Lord of it, obtained that the king would take into his protection that city under certain conditions, binding himself to the defence of it and all the circumstances except Montpulcian, which he said he would not entangle himself withal, neither for the Florentines nor for the Sienoys: The commonalty of Sienna (albeit no mention was made in the capitulation) choosed by the consent of the king M. de Ligny for their captain, promising him twenty thousand ducats by year upon condition, that he would keep there a Lieutenant with three hundredth footmen for the guard of the place, which strength he left there cooled out of such as were of the french army: The vanity of which deliberations appeared immediately, for that the order of Montnove having eftsoons reconquered with arms their authority accustomed, chassed out of Sienna the guard, and gave leave to M. de lisle whom the king had left there for his Ambassador.  
But there were now great stirs and emotions in Lombardye: for the Venetians, and Lodowyk Sforce (who had even then received from th'emperor with much solemnity the privileges of investiture of the Duchy of Milan, and made public 
The Venetians and 〈…〉 prepare the french 〈…〉 France.  homage and oath of fidelity to th'ambassadors that brought them) raised great preparations to stop the king that he should not return into France, or at lest to assure the Duchy of Milan, to come to the which he must pass over so great a circuit and space of countries: To these ends, every of them readdressed their forces, and levied of new partly in common, and partly at expenses separate, many men at arms, obtaining after many difficulties that john Bentyvole whom they had taken into their common pay, should stick to the league with the city of Bolognia: Lodowyk armed at Genes for the guard of the same city, ten galleys at his own charges, and four great ships at the common expenses of the Pope, the Venetians and himself: And being at the point to execute that whereunto he was bound by the covenants of the confederation touching the town of Ast, he sent into jermany to levy two thousand footmen, and converted to that enterprise Galeas S. Severin with seven hundred men at arms, and three thousand footmen: in so much as assuring him of the taking of that town and to achieve all things to his honour, (he 
〈…〉  was naturally very insolent in his prosperities) he sent this message to the Duke of Orleans the more to terrify him: That hereafter he should for bear to usurp the title of Duke of Milan, which title Charles his father had taken since the death of Philipp Maria Visconte: That he suffered not new bands to pass out of France into Italy: That he caused to return home again such as were already within the town of Ast: And for th'assurance of these things, that he should put the town of Ast into the hands of Galeas S. Severin, in whom the king might reappose trust aswell as in him, having the year before been received by the king into the brotherhood & order of S. Michael in France: he vaunted much in the same kind of boasting of his forces, of the provisions the confederates made to make head against the king in Italy, the great preparations of the king of romans and the king of Spain to move war beyond the Mounts: But the Duke of Orleans was made nothing afraid with these vain threats, and being well assured that there was made a new confederation, he studied to fortify Ast, and solicited with great instance to sand out of France new supplies and companies, who, understanding that they were to be employed in the proper succours of the kings person, began with great diligence to pass the mounts: By reason where of the Duke of Orleans not fearing his enemies, marcheth into the field, and takes in the Marquisdom of Saluce the town & castle of Galfinieres which Anthony Maria of S. Severin possessed: which being known to Galeas, who had a little before taken certain small villages, retired with his army to Anon, A town of the Duchy of Milan near to Ast, neither having hope to be able to offend, nor fear to be offended: But the nature of Lodowyk always inclining to entangle himself with enterprises which demand great expenses, and yet of a condition to flee and fear (yea even in greatest necessities) things that brought costs and charges, was the cause to commit his estate into right great dangers: for that by reason of his very spare and needy payments, a very few footmen came out of jermany, and for the same nygardnes, the bands that were with Galeas were diminished every day: where, of the contrary, were increased continually the supplies that came out of France, who for that they were called to the rescue of the kings person, marched with such diligence, that the Duke of Orleans had already assembled three hundredth lances, three thousand Swyzzers footmen, and three thousand gascoins: And albeit the king by a commandment special and peremptory had advertised him, that abstaining from all enterprise, he should stand upon continual readiness and preparation to meet his majesty when so ever he should be sent for: yet (it is hard for a man not to make reckoning of his proper profit and to resist it) he determined to accept thoccasion to possess the city of Novare, wherein he was offered to be put by two of the Opizins gentlemen of the same city hating much the Duke of Milan, for that aswell upon them as many others of the town, he had with unjust sentence and judgement usurped certain condutes of waters and other possessions: Thenterprise and the manner of it being resolved upon, the Duke of Orleans passed 
An attempt upon the own of Novare.  by night the river of Paw at the bridge Sturo within the jurisdiction of the Marquis of Montferat, having in his company the Marquis of Saluce: he was received by the conspirators of th'enterprise into the town with all his forces, and found no resistance: And from thence making sudden incursions with part of his horsemen even until Vigeneva, it was believed that if he had drawn his whole army with speed towards Milan, there would have risen no small insurrections, for that the loss of Novare and the present face and consideration of troubles towards, kindled in the Myllanoy a wonderful inclination to revolt and change: wherein Lodowyk, no less timorous in adversity, then insolent in prosperity, was seen with tears unprofitable to acknowledge his cowardice (for the most part is joined in one self subject, insolency and tymerousnes:) they also that were with Galeas in whom only consisted his defence, remaining behind, showed themselves in no place to his rescue: but because the conditions and disorders of the enemy, are not always known to the other captains, it happeneth often in wars that many goodly occasions are lost, there being also no appearance that so sudden a mutation could succeed against so great a Prince, seeing withal it is a principal policy in Princes in seasons dangerous and conspiring, to make their strength at home free from fear, jealousy, or suspicion: The Duke of Orleans, to assure the conquest of Novare, determined to have the castle, which the fift day accorded to yield, if within xxiv. hours they were not succoured: during which time, Galeas de S. Severin had leisure to convey his companies to Vigeneve, and the Duke (who the better to reconcile the minds of the people, had by proclamation called in many exactions imposed afore upon the commonalty) good respite to increase and refurnish his army: All which notwithstanding the Duke of Orleans, having ranged his bands where the walls of Vigeneve offered battle to his enemies on whom fell so general astonishment, that they were upon the point to abandon the town and pass the river of Thesin by a bridge they had made upon boats and other matter necessary to their succours in the passage: Thenemy refusing to fight, the Duke of Orleans retired to Trecas: from this time the affairs of Lodowyk began to sail with a better gale, many supplies of horsemen and footmen arriving in his army: for the Venetians being content that the charge to meet the french king should be in effect to them alone, consented that Lodowyk should call back part of those bands he had sent upon the costs of Parmesan, and with all they refurnished him with four hundredth stradiots: Insomuch as the mean to pass further was taken from the Duke of Orleans, who making a road with five hundredth horsemen even to Vigeneve, and the horsemen of th'enemy encountering with them, a great loss light upon the D. of Orleans: This encounter gave courage to Galeas S. Severin, both superior in forces, and nothing inferior in fortune, to present battle to the Duke at Trecas: At length all the army being assembled (wherein besides thItalian soldiers, was arrived a thousand horsemen & a thousand footmen of Alemains) encamped within a mile of Novaro, whether the D. of Orleans was retired with all his regiments.  
The news of the revolt of Navaro procured the king being then at Syena, to make way: And therefore he avoided all occasions that might make his departure slow, or hinder his resolution: wherein being well advertised that the Florentines, warned by the perils past, and newly fallen into suspicion for that Peter demedicis followed him, albeit they had determined to receive him into Florence with honours due to his greatness, yet for their more surety, they filled their town with men of arms and piked bands: he drew to Pysa by the lands of the Florentines, leaving the city on the right hand: In the town of Poggibonse met him jeronimo Savonarola, who according 
jer. Savonarola a freas preacher in Florence.  to his custom using the name and authority of God to his purpose, showed him under vehement invectives and gesture that he aught to restore to the Florentines their towns, joining to his persuasions, threatenings absolute and terrible, that if he observed not that he had sworn with so great solemnity, and that upon the holy Gospels, yea almost afore the eyes and presence of God, a punishment would follow equal to his infidelity and perjury: The king made him sundry answers according to his inconstancy, having as little conscience to keep his faith, as he had regard to give it: sometimes he promised the friar to make restitution assoon as he was come to Pysa, and immediately (wresting his promise and oath) he said he had sworn to the Pysans to protect their liberty afore he made any oath at Florence: and yet he gave hopes always to their Ambassadors for the restitution of their pieces assoon as he was come to Pysa: where being arrived, the matter was eftsoons proponed in the kings council, for that the preparations, unity, and strength of the confederates about the borders of Parma increasing daily, they began to look into the difficulties to pass thorough Lumbardye: for which cause many desired the moneys and other succours offered by the Florentines: But to these councils were contrary even those captains and gentlemen who had resisted them at Sienna: They alleged, that albeit there happened by the opposition of the enemy, any disorder or difficulty to pass thorough Lumbardye, yet it were better to have in their power the city of Pysa (whether they might retire) then to leave it in the hands of the florentines, who, having once reobteined the places they demanded, would be of no better faith, then had been the other italians: They added, that in comparison of commodities, it was very convenient for the surety of the kingdom of Naples, to hold the port of Livorne: for that the plot laid to altar the state of Genes succeeding well to the king (whereof the hope could not be doubtful) he should be sovereign Lord almost of all the seas even to the haven of Naples: sewer these reasons were able to do much in the mind of the king as yet little capable to choose the best council: but of far greater power were the petitions and tears of the Pysans, who in great concourse of men, women, and children, sometimes prostrate at the kings feet, and eftsoons recommending to every one (yea even the lest of his court and the soldiers with lamentable cryings and complaints bewailed their miseries and calamities to come) the insatiable hatred of the Florentines, and the last desolation of their country: which should not have cause to lament for any other thing then for that his majesty had put them in liberty, and promised to protect them in it: In assurance whereof, they believing the word of a right Christian king of France, to be a word firm and resolute, they had taken boldness so much the more to provoke the hatred of the Florentines: with these complaints and exclamations accompanied with the present aspect and view of their miseries, they descended with such compassion into the hearts even of the most simple men at arms, the archers of the army, and many of the Swyzzers: that they went in great numbers and tumult to the king, whom (Salzart one of the Pensioners speaking in the name of them all) they besought with instance vehement and humble, that for the honour of his person, for the glory of the crown of France, and for the consolation of so many of his servants prepared always to put their lives in hazard for him, & who persuaded him with a faith more loyal, simple, and innocent, than such as were corrupted with the money of the Florentines, he would not take from those poor and naked Pysans the benefit which so graciously he had bestowed upon them: They offered him, that if for want of money he suffered himself to be carried into a deliberation so infamous, he would rather take their chains, their jewels, and their treasures, yea and retain in his hand their pays & pensions which they were to receive of him: This vehement affection of the soldiers took so great a liberty, that a simple Archer had boldness to threaten the Cardinal of S. Mallow, and others by his example with jealous and brave speeches quarrelled with the Mareshall of Gie and Precedent of Gannay, whom they knew to labour the redelivery of the Pysans to the servitude of Florence: Insomuch that the king somewhat confused by so great a variety of his people let things hung in suspense, and was so far of to take any certain resolution, that at one time he promised the Pysans never to pass them into the power of the Florentines, and to th'ambassadors of Florence attending at Lucquea, he gave intelligence, that that which he did not at that present for just occasions, he would do immediately after he was arrived in Ast, willing that their common weal should send Ambassadors thither.  
The king departed from Pysa after he had changed the captain and left sufficient garrison within the citadel, doing the like in the other fortresses and pieces of defence: And as it agreed with the greenness of his youth to embrace enterprises, & no less equal to his greatness and title to nourish ambition, so carrying a desire incredible 
The king aspireth to the surprising of Genes.  to conquer the town of Genes, being set on by the Cardinals of Rovere and Fregose, and by Obietto de fiesquo and others of the banished, who gave him hopes of a sudden mutation there: he sent with them from Serezane (contrary to th'opinion of all his council who allowed not to diminish the forces of th'army) the Lord Philip de Brexe brother to the Duke of Savoy, with six hundredth lances, and five hundred footmen newly arrived out of France by sea, ordaining that the men at arms of the Vitellis coming behind with a slow march, and therefore not able in time to join with him, should follow them: And that certain others of the banished, together with the bands supplied by the Duke of Savoy, should enter the river of the West, And lastly that th'army by sea, reduced to seven galleys, two gallyons, and two foists led by the captain Miolaus, should go to make back to th'army by land.  
By this time the vanguard guided by the Mareshal of Gie was come to Pontreme, which town, after it had dismissed three hundred footmen strangers left there for the guard of the place, did yield suddenly by the mean of Triuulce with covenant that they should not be vexed neither in their persons nor in their goods: But the faith given by the Captains, could do little for the surety of the town, for that the Swyzzers, whose fury being long kept smothered, burst out now to a greater flame, and taking occasion of revenge, for that when the army going to Naples passed thorough Lunigiana, about xl. of their nation (for a quarrel happening at adventure) were slain by them of Pontrema: they sacked and burnt the town, after they had made barbarous slaughters of th'inhabitants.  
In these times, the army of the confederates assembled diligently about the borders 
The army of the confederates.  of Parma: they contained about two thousand, two hundred men at arms, eight thousand footmen, and more than two thousand light horsemen, the most part Albanoys & of the provinces near to Grece, who brought into Italy by the Venetians, retained the same name they had in their country and were called Stradyots: of this army the sinews and principal strength were the bands of the Venetians, for that those of the Duke of Milan (having turned most of his forces to the service of Novaro) made not the fourth part of the whole army: over the bands of the Venetians, wherein were many notable Captains, commanded as general Francis Gonzague Marquis of Mantua, a man albeit very young, yet what for his great courage & natural desire of glory, his expectation surmounted his age: with him were joined as commissioers two of the chiefest of the Senate, Luke Pysan and Melchior Trevisan: over the regiment of Lodowyk Sforce, commanded under the same title of general, the Count Caiazze, in whom Lodowyk reapposed much: but for his parts, being nothing equal in arms to the glory of his father, he had rather got the name of a subtle and politic warrior, then of a hardy & resolute Capteyne, and with him was Commissioner Francis Barnardyn viscount chief of the faction of Gebelins at Milan, and therefore used as opposite to john jacks Triuulce. Amongst these Captains and principals of th'army consulting whether they should go incampp at Furnoue, a little village at the foot of the mountain: it was determined, for the straightness of the place, and perhaps (as was afterwards spread abroad) to give occasion to the enemy to descend into the plain: that they should lodge in the abbey of Guiaruola distant three miles from Furnoue: This advise was the cause that at Furnoue was lodged the vanguard of the french, which had passed the mountain much afore the residue of the army being hindered by the great artillery, which with many difficulties was drawn over that sharp mountain of thAppenyn, and yet had passed with far greater troubles, if the Swyzzers (desiring to satisfy the fault they had done to the kings honour at Pontrema) had not applied a wonderful readiness, diligence, and force.  
The vanguard being arrived at Furnoue, the Mareshall of Gie sent a trumpet to thItalian camp to demand passage for th'army in the name of the king, who not offering to offend any person & receiving victuals at convenient prices, had to pass that way to return into his realm of France, dispatching at the same instant certain light horsemen to view th'enemy and the country, who were broken and put to flight by certain Stradyotts which Francis Gonzague sent to thencounter: if this occasion had been followed, and that thItalyans had given upon the trenches of the french, they had easily (by all discourse and conjecture of war) broken the vanguard, and so taken away all possibilities of the kings passage: This occasion remained in their favour also the day following, notwithstanding that the Mareshall after he had considered the danger, had retired his people into a place more high: But there lacked resolution of mind to th'opportunity that was offered, for thItalian captains had not boldness to assail them, aswell for th'advantage of the place whether they were retired: as for that they feared the overgreatnes of the vanguard, and that they were the main army: It is certain that even than the consederats had not assembled all their forces specially the bands of the Venetians who were so slow to join in one strength at Guaruola, that it is manifest, if the king had not dallied so long upon the way at Pysa, Sienna, and other places without all occasion, he might have passed without impediment or encownter of th'enemy: he was joined at last to the vanguard, and lodged the day after with all his army at Furnoue.  
The Princes confederate never believed that the king durst have passed thAppenyn by the high way with so small an army, for they were of opinion, that leaving the greatest part of his people at Pysa, he would return into France with the residue by sea: And afterwards understanding that he continued his way by land, they supposed, that to eschew their army, he would lay his plot to pass the mountain by the way of the boroughs of Vandetar, & by the hill Cent●roig very sharp and hard, and from thence to the borders of Vrtoney hoping to meet the Duke of Orleans upon the confines of Alexandria: But when they knew certainly that he was come to Furnove, thItalian army, very well resolved afore, both for the show of courage in so many valiant captains, and for the reapport of the little number of thenemies, began now to waver and shake, making opinions fearful of the valour of the men at arms of France and the virtue of the Swyzzers, to whom without all comparison, thItalian footmen were esteemed much inferior: they considered much of the agility of such as managed the great artilleries: but specially (which moveth much the minds of men when they have taken a contrary impression.) They redowted greatly the unhoped for hardiness of the french, who, not weighing thinequality of their numbers inferior to theirs, durst yet affronted them: for these considerations, the courage of the Captains being well moderated, they held a council amongst themselves what answer they should make to the trumpet sent by the Mareshall of Gie: on the one side it seemed too dangerous to put the state of all Italy in the discretion of fortune, and on the other side it could not but bring prejudice to the valour of all the soldiers and men of service in Italy, to show that they had no courage to oppose against the army of the french, who, being far inferior in numbers, and less expectation of other opportunities in a country stranger, durst yet offer to pass even in the face and eyes of them: In this council the advise of the Captains being diverse and all the best experienced & stayed, either given over wholly to fear, or at lest very unresolut after many disputations, they lastly agreed to sand advertisement to Milan of the kings demand, and to execute that which should be determined by the Duke and the Ambassadors of the confederates: who being drawn into council as a matter of general importance, the Duke and the Venetians being most nearest the danger, were of this opinion, not to stop the way of the enemy, seeing he would go, but rather according to an old council, to make him a bridge of silver: otherways (according to many ancient examples) there might be danger, that necessity turned into despair, he would not make his own way with great effusion of blood of such as undiscreetly would hinder him: But the Spanish Ambassador, desiring that without the danger of his king, they would make a trial of fortune, persuaded vehemently & almost with protestation not to let pass the king, nor to loose thoccasion to break that army, which passing in quiet, the matters of Italy would remain notwithstanding in greater dangers than before: for that the french king keeping Ast and Novaro, all Pyemont obeyed his commandments: And having at his back the realm of France, a realm mighty and rich, and the Swyzzers his neighbours ready to come into his pay in what numbers he would, And lastly being a great increase of his reputation and courage, if the army of the league so far above him in numbers, would consent so cowardly to his passage: he would eftsoons torment Italy with greater courage, knowing that the Italians either would not or durst not fight with the french men: All this notwithstanding, the sewer opinion prevailing most in this council, they determined to writ to Venice with whom bore rule the same advise.  
But these consultations were in vain, like as the arrow being shot, it is to late to wish it may do no hurt where it falls: for, the Captains of th'army after they had written to Milan, weighing that by reason of th'extremity of time, they could not have return of answer in season convenient, how much it would touch in dishonour all the men of war in Italy to leave the passage free to the french men, sent back the trumpet without any answer certain, being resolved to assail the enemy, and charge them in the passage: the Commissioners of Venice being of the same advise, but Trevisan much more than his companion: The french men marched on with great arrogancy & boldness, as they that till that time having encountered no resistance in Italy, were persuaded that either the army durst not oppose any impediment, or at lest if they did, they judged their proper virtue invincible, and disdaining the strength of thennemiesenemies, they thought their fortune would be the same in this fight that it was in their late conquest of Naples: But when in descending from the mountain, they discovered the army lodged in infinite numbers of tents and pavilions, and in a place so large that (according to the custom of Italy) they might range themselves all in battle: And weighing what by their great numbers, and lodging so near them, with other demonstrations of resolution of mind, that there could want no wills nor disposition to fight: their late arrogancy began to take an other habit, & in their councils began to fall so many conjectures of fear & doubt that they would have received it for a good news, to hear that th'italians would be content to let them pass: This fear was redoubled by this occasion: The king, since the answer, had written to the Duke of Orleans to meet him with all the power he could make, and to march with such speed as he failed not at the day & place appointed: But the Duke returned advertisement that the army of Sforce (opposed against him standing upon a strength of nine hundredth men at arms, twelve hundred light horsemen, and five thousand footmen,) was so mighty, that without manifest peril he could not advance to observe his majesties appointment, considering beside, that he must be enforced to leave part of his bands for the guard of Ast and Novaro: These necessities constraining the king to turn his mind to new councils, he commanded M. D Argenton (who, a little before had been his Ambassador at Venice, where Pisan and Trevisan now their deputy Commissioners persuaded him to dispose the kings mind to peace) to send a trumpet to the said Commissioners to let them understand that he would common with them for the common benefit: they accepted his desire, and appointed the next morning to meet in a place convenient between both the armies: But the king, either for that in that place he had want of victuals, or for some other occasion, changed advise, & would not in that place attend the issue of that meeting.  
The front of the tents and trenches of the one and other army, was distant little less than three miles, stretched out along the right shore of the river of Taro, which is rather a land flood then a river, for that falling from the hill of Appenyn, after it hath run thorough a little valley enclosed with two banks, it descends into the large plains of Lombardye, and so falls into Paw: upon one of these two banks, which was that of the right hand descending even to the shore of the river, was lodged the army of the confederates, encamped by council of the Captains rather on that side, then on the left shore (where must be the ways of the enemies,) to th'end they should not have mean to turn to Parma: of which city for the diversity of factions, the Duke of Milan was not without suspicion, the rather for that the french king had by the appointment of the Florentines for his conduit to Ast Francis Secco, whose daughter was married into the house of jorelli, a family noble and mighty in the territory of Parma: The lodgings of the confederates were fortified with ditches and rampires, & well furnished with artillery, by the mouth of the which, the french men going to Ast, must of necessity pass Taro on the side of Furnoue, and march, no other thing remaining between them and thItalians then the river: All the night the french were in great travel for the vexations of th'italians who made their estradiots to make incursions even to their camp, which was so ready at every brute as if there had been a continual alarm: to this trouble and perplexity of mind, was joined a sudden and most thick rain mixed with lightnings and thunders fearful, with many horrible cracks and flashes, that they took it as a foreshowing of some sorrowful accident, a matter which did more amaze them then the army of thItalians: not only for that, being in the midst of mountains and enemies, & in a place which (if they prevailed not by fight) favoured them with no hopes or means of safety, the consideration of those great difficulties, gave them just occasion of extreme fears: But also (to minds fearful all fancies and conjectures seem things of truth) they made constructions of the threatenings of the firmament not accustomed to show itself ill disposed but towards some great variation, the storm (in their opinions) raging most toward that part where was the person of the king of so great majesty and power.  
The morning following being the sixth of july, the french army began by the 
The battle of Taro.  peep of the day to pass the river: Afore, marched the most part of the artillery, being followed with the vanguard wherein the king (supposing that against it would be bend the greatest forces of the ennemic) had put three hundredth and fifty french lances, Triuulce with his company of a hundredth lances, & three thousand Swyzzers which were the sinews & hope of that army, & with them on foot Eugilbert brother to the Duke of Cleves, & the baylif of Dyon that had levied them: to these, the king adjoined three hundred archers, and certain crosbowmen on horseback of his guard, whom he made alight on foot, and almost all the footmen which he had with him: After the vanguard marched the battle, in the midst whereof was the person of the king armed at all parts and mounted upon a fierce courser: and near to him, (to govern with his council and authority that part of the army) was the lord of Trymoville a leader much renowned in the realm of France: Then followed the arearegarde guided by the Count de fois: and in the last place was bestowed the baggage of the army: Notwithstanding this marching of the army and the present readiness to fight, yet the king, who could have been contented with some accord, solicited Argenton to go and negotiate eftsoons with the Venetian Commissioners, even at the same time that the camp began to move: But the Venetian army being all in arms, and the Captains determined to fight, the shortness of the time and nearness of th'enemy, left no respite or space of time to entertain Parley: for, now began the light horsemen on both sides to skirmish, the artillery from all quarters to shoot of with a noise horrible, and the Italians issued out of their tents, had spread upon the shore of the river their esquadrons and ranks prepared to the battle: These things notwithstanding, the french men forbore not to march, partly upon the breach or grieve of the river, partly by the skirts or stretching out of the bank for that in so strait a plain they could not display their ordinance And the vanguard being now led to the right way of the camp of thenemies, the Marquis of Mantua with an esquadron of six hundred men at arms of the gallantest of all the army, and with a great band of stradiots & other light horsemen followed with five thousand footmen, passed the river at the back of the rearguard of the french, leaving upon the bank on tother side Usum of Montfeltre bastard to Federyk late Duke of Vrbyn with a great esquadron, to pass when he should be called to refresh the first battle: he ordained beside, that when the fight was begun, an other part of the light horsemen should charge th'enemy in flank, & the residue of the estradiots passing the river at Furnoue, to give upon the baggage of the french, which either for want of men, or (as was bruited) by the council of Triuulce, was left without guard to who would make pray of it: of the other side, the Count Caiazze with four hundred men at arms (amongst whom was the company of Dom Alphonso D'este come to the camp without his person, for that his father would it so) and with two thousand footmen, passed the river of Taro to assail the french vanguard: having in like sort left on the bank on the other side Annyball Bentyvole with two hundred men at arms, to give rescue when he should be called: And for the defence of their lodgings and tents, remained two great companies of men at arms and a thousand footmen, for that the Commissioners of Venice would reserve in all fortunes a whole succour for their safety: But the king seeing that (contrary to that his Captains had persuaded him) so great a strength came to charge the rearguard, he turned his back to the vanguard, & began to draw near to the rearguard with the battle, hasting so diligently with an esquadron afore the rest, that when the charge began, he was in the forefront with the first that fought: Some have written that the companies of the Marquis past the river not without disorder, both for the height of the banks, & for the impediments of trees, of blocks, and bows, whereof commonly the rivers of landfluddes are full: To this others have left in memory that his footmen for the same difficulty, & because the water was swelled with the rain that fell in the night, either came late to the service of the battle, or at lest all were not there, a great part remaining on tother side the river: howsoever he was followed, it is most certain, that the charge which the Marquis gave was resolute and furious, & was no less valiantly answered by the french, the esquadron on both sides entering the conflict Pellmelle and not according to the custom of the wars of Italy, which was to fight one esquadron against an other, & in place of him that was weary and began to retire, to supply the fight with a fresh, making in the end but one great esquadron of many esquadrons, in so much as for the most part the skirmish or trial of arms wherein commonly died but very few people, endured almost a whole day, and often times the sudden coming of the night was the cause that they broke of without victory certain of either parties. The lances being broken, at the encounter of whom fell to the earth aswell on the one part as of the other, many men at arms, and many horses, every one began with the same fury, to lay hands upon their masses, estokadoes, and other short weapons, the horses fight with their feet and their teeth, & with the shock, no less than the men that governed them: And truly the virtue of thItalians gave a great show in the beginning, but the valour and resolution of mind in the Marquis, who being followed with a valiant company of young gentlemen and Lancepezzades (these are brave and proved soldiers interteyned above the ordinary companies) forgot nothing which appertained to a captain courageous: The french men sustained with great valour so hot & furious a charge, but being overlayed with such odds of numbers, they began almost manifestly to shake, not without the danger of the king, within a very few passes of whom the bastard of Bourbon was made prisoner, notwithstanding he fought with great virtue: the fortune of him put hope into the Marquis, to have the same success against the person of the king, being undiscreetly led into a place so dangerous without that guard & order which was convenient for so great a Prince: The Marquis with his people, made many adventures to come near him: against whom, the king albeit he had few of his people about him, yet his virtue defended his person, and his natural courage overcame his present danger, the fierceness and agility of his horse doing more to his safety, than the succours of his people: In these greatperills, there wanted not in him, those counsels, which in actious dangerous are wont most to appear in men's memory and fancies: for that in so great a distress of fight seeing himself almost made naked of his guard, and abandoned of fortune & worldly succours, he had recourse to the heavenly aids, making a vow to S. Denys and S. Martin reputed protectors particular of the realm of France, that if he passed safe into Pyemont with his army, he would, assoon as he was returned on the other side the Mounts, make personal visitation & that with great gifts, to the holy temples dedicated to their names, the one standing near to Paris, and the other in the town of Tours: and that every year with most solemn feasts and sacrifices, he would honour and celebrated so great a grace received by their mean: After this contemplation & promise to accomplish these vows, he entered into a new courage, the strength of his body redoubling in the spirit and comfort of his mind, and so began eftsoons to fight with greater valour than his complexion could naturally bear. The danger of the king so touched & inflamed those that were left far of, that ronning to cover with their persons, the person of the king, they sustained th'italians: And his battle which remained behind, pressing in at the same time, an esquadron of the same charged so furiously the enemies in the flank, that it moderated somewhat their heat, and presently rescued the kings danger: whereunto was added this help, that Rodolphe Gonzague Uncle by the mother to the Marquis of Mantua, A captain of great experience, as he encouraged the soldiers & reordered such as he saw out of order, doing always many other good offices of an excellent captain, as he raised by chance his beaver, was so hurt in the face with an estockado by a french man, that falling from his horse, his people could never rescue him in so great a confusion and tumult, and so thick troupes of fierce horses raging without government: But having other men & horses falling upon him, he died rather stifled and smothered with the throng of horses feet and tread, then by the arms or blows of the enemies: A chance truly unworthy such a man, for that in the councils of the day before, & the same morning, he persuaded contrary to the will of his nephew to abstain from fight, judging it a great want of discretion to hazard themselves to the will of fortune without any necessity. Thus the battle changing by diverse accidents, and no advantage appearing more for th'italians then for the french men, the difference was now more than ever to whom the victory would remain: In so much that hope and fear being equal on both parts, they fought with an incredible fury, every one esteeming that the victory rested in his right hand and strength, and not at the disposing of fortune: An ancient persuasion in old soldiers, that in actions of battle and war, the success of the victory followeth not the number of the soldiers, but resteth in the resolution of their minds and innocency of their cause: The french men had a desperate courage, aswell for the presence & danger of their king (for that nation hath always borneno less reverence to the majestic of their kings, then to things of divinity) as for that they were hemmed into such straits and places, as gave no hopes of their safety, but by the only victory: The Italians were encouraged, by the covetousness of so rich a pillage, by the honourable example of the Marquis leading them to the battle with so happy success, and with the great number of their army, by whom they had expectation of great succours from their friends and countries enuyroning, a thing which the french could not hope for, for that either their whole companies were already in the fight, or at lest attended every instant to be charged and brought into the fortune of their fellows: But it is not doubted, that the power of fortune is great in all our human actions, more mighty in matters of war then in any other thing, but most infinite and inestimable in the feats of arms, where, one commandment ill understanded, one order ill executed, one rashness, one vain voice, yea sometimes even of the meanest soldier, carrieth many times the victory to such as seemed even then vanquished and overcome, and where unlooked for do happen many sudden accidents, which it is impossible to the captain by his experience to foresee, or let by his council, or assure by his wisdom: In so much as, in so great a doubt, not failing of her custom, she did that, which neither the virtue of men, nor the force of arms had not yet done: for, the estradiots sent to charge the tents and baggage of the french, having begun to spoil without any resistance, and beginning to lead away to the other side the water, some mulets, some sompters, and some armour: not only the other estradiots appointed to charge the french in the flank, but even such as were already within the fight, stirred up with the sight of the gain wherewith they saw their companions go laden to their tents, left the battle, and turned their weapons to pill & spoil that that was left of the french pillage: And one cause, one respect, and one example drawing the residue, you should see many horsemen, and footmen issue by troupes out of the battle, to do the like: By which occasion, not only the succours ordained, failing th'italians, but even the numbers of those that fought diminishing with so great disorders, and Anthony of Montseltre not removing for that no man called him, Gonzagua being slain upon whose calling he depended: The french men began to win so much ground, that now nothing did more sustain th'italians (manifestly declining) then the virtue of the Marquis, who expressing in his person all the actions required in a valiant captain, made head yet against the new fortune and fury of thenemies, and labouring with every possibility to keep them from the victory, sometimes he encouraged his people by his own example, and eftsoons with sweet and piercing speeches persuaded them rather to loose then lives then their honours, seeking to resolve their minds with all those respects of honour, profit, reputation, and necessity, which make the soldier go the battle. But it was impossible that in a few should be continued long resistance against many, or that the virtue which is not favoured with fortune should not at last fail. The enemies multiplied upon them on all sides, a great part of their own were slain, & many hurt without hope of further help to the service, yea even of the particular band of the Marquis: by which extremities, they were driven to fall into disorder & flee to repass the river, which by the rain over night, and the hails and watery storms falling in great abundance during the fight, was risen so high that it gave great impediments to such as were forced to repass over it. The french men followed the chasse with a fury equal to their fortune even to the river, regarding nothing more than to make slaughter of those that fled, without taking any prisoner or respecting the spoils and gain of the chasse: only they cried with redoubled voices, companions remember Guiguegate: Guiguegate is a village in Piccardye near to Teronave, where, in the later years of the reign of Lowys the xj. the french men almost victorious in a battle against Maximylian king of romans, being disordered because they began to fall to pillage, were put to flight: But at the same time that on that side of th'army the fight was valiant & obstinate, the vanguard of the french (against the which the Count Caiazze led one part of the horsemen, came to the battle with so great a fury, that the Italians astonished when they saw they were not followed of their peoples, inclined of themselves so fast to disorder, that many of their leaders being slain, amongst whom was john Piccingu and Galeas of Correge, they returned in manifest flight to the great esquadron: But the Mareshall of Gie, discerning (besides the squadron of the Count) an other regiment of men at arms prepared to the battle on the other side the river, would not suffer his soldiers to follow them: which afterwards by some was reputed a council discreet and wise, and by others, looking perhaps less into the reason then into the event, it was judged a resolution rather cowardly, then constant: for that, if he had pursued them, the Count and his companies had given him their backs, by which disarray he had so amazed the residue of their strength remaining on tother side the water, that there would have been great impossibility to retain them, seeing that the Marquis fleeing aswell as the others, & repassing the river as strongly and in as good order as he could, found them in such tumults and separations, as every one thinking to save himself with his carriage, the high way that goeth from Plaisanca to Parma was already full of horses, of men, and carriages which drew to Parma: This tumult partly was stayed by the presence and authority of the Marquis, who reassembled them & put eftsoons all in order: But much more did reassure the divided minds of the Italians the coming of the Count of Petillane, who in so general a confusion of both the armies, using thoccasion, fled to thItalian camp: where dispersing comfort to every one, & affirming that amongst the enemies, was no less disorder and amaze, he eftsoons confirmed and reassured their minds: In so much that both by opinion & reason, every one supposed that without him, either at th'instant, or at lest the night following, all the camp had dispersed in great terror: Thus th'italians retired to their camp, except such as being carried by confusion and tumult, and thinking to find safety in fleeing, were separate into sundry places, whereof many falling into the hands of the french men, found at one instant an end of their life and fortunes: The king with his people drew to his vanguard which had not stirred: And there devising with his captains, whether he should suddenly pass the river and give upon thenemies in their lodgings, he was counseled by Triuulce & Camilla Vitelli, (who was come to the battle with a few horsemen, having sent the residue of his company to thenterprise of Genes) to set upon them: And Francis Secco furthering th'expedition more than any other, told the king that the way that was seen so far of, was full of men and horses, which argued that either they were fled to Parma, or having begun the chasse, were eftsoons returned to the camp: But truly the difficulty to pass the river was not little: and the bands that partly had fought, and partly were kept armed in the field, were so weary and overtravelled, that by the council of the french captains, it was determined to seek harbour: And so they went to lodge upon the hill in the village of Medesane, of little more distance than a mile from the place of the battle: there they pitched their lodging without any order, but with great incommodity, for that the most part of their baggage and stuff was made pillage by th'enemy.  
This was the discourse of the battle between the Italians and the french upon the river of Taro, not unworthy of memory for that it was the first of very long time that was fought in Italy with slaughter and blood, seeing that in all battles or actions of war in that country, the lives of men were wont more to be put to ransom, then sold with the price of blood: But in this, notwithstanding of the french part, the slaughter scarcely contained three hundredth bodies, yet of th'italians were found dead more than three hundredth men at arms, and of others as many as made up the number of three thousand persons, amongst whom was Ramicciode farneze leader of the Venetian horsemen with many other gentlemen of mark: Barnardyn de Montone also a captain of horsemen under the Venetians, whose name was more populous and renowned by Braccio de Montone his grandfather, one of the first bewtifiers of thItalian discipline of war, then by his proper virtue or fortune, received a blow with a mass under his helmet, with the which being fallen from his horse, he was left on the ground for dead. This slaughter was so much the more wonderful to th'italians, by how much the encounter endured not above an hour, every one on both sides fight with his proper force and valour without help of the artillery or shot: Touching the honour of the journey, either part laboured to approyat to his particular, the renown and glory of the victory: Thitalians occupied this reason, for that their tents and carriages remained untouched, where the french of the contrary, had their lodgings rifled and lost much of their best stuff, yea part of the proper pavilions of the king: They alleged further, that they had utterly disconfeted thenemies, if one part of their people appointed to enter the battle, had not turned to the pillage of their trenches, a thing which the french confessed to be true: The Venetians were so partial, that with a peculiar glory they made themselves victors, and by public commandment thorough all the lands of their obedience, and specially at Venice they made bonfyers, with other feasts and testimonies of gladness: This public example was followed with no less affection of sundry particulars, for that upon the sepulchre of Melchior Trevisan, were stamped these carecters of letters in the Church of the Frear minors, he fought prosperously upon the river of Taro against Charles king of France: But by the universal consent of men indifferent the palm, merit, and true glory of the victory, was adjudged to the french men, both for the numbers of the dead so far different and unequal, and for the chasse of thenemies over the river, and also for that they won their liberty to pass further, which was the controversy for the which they came to the battle. The king remained all the day following encamped in the same place, procuring by the mean of Argenton a parley with thenemies, by which was accorded a truce till night: that abstinence or truce was not unwelcome to the king, for that he desired to pass with surety, knowing that many of thItalian army had not yet fought, and remaining in order about their trenches, the march of so many days journey thorough the Duchy of Milan with th'enemy in his tail, could not but be dangerous: Besides, he knew not what resolution to take, such was the simpleness of the council with whom he used most conference and direction in his most weightiest deliberations, rejecting for the most part the advises of men grave & experienced: Not less doubt and incertainty traveled also the minds of th'italians, who albeit at the beginning were fallen into no small astonishment, yet they were eftsoons so reassured, that the night after the battle, they held council, (by the encouraging and comfort chief of the Count Petillane) to invade the french camp in the night, being disordered with many incommodities, and not fortified: by the plurality of voices this council was rejected, as bringing more peril than profit. There run a brute thorough all Italy that the bands of Lodowyk Sforce, according to his secret direction, would not fight much, lest having so strong an army of the Venetians upon his estates, he was in more fear of their victory, then of the fortunes of the french, touching whom he was indifferent whether they were victors or vanquished: And therefore for his better surety in all chances, he was blamed for this subtlety to keep his forces whole, upon which was imposed thoccasion that thItalian army did not obtain the victory: This opinion was menteyned by the Marquis of Mantua and the other Venetian captains, to make their reputation the greater: neither was it received with less will of all such as desired the augmentation of the glory of thItalian soldiers: But I have heard this brute confuted by a parsonage of judgement & gravity and remaining then at Milan in such degree, as the absolute & true knowledge of affairs was brought to him: he purging Lodowyk, assured the world, that having sent most of his forces to the siege of Novaro, he had not so many at the battle of Taro as were of great consequence for the victory, which in deed the army of the confederates had obtained, if their proper disorders had not hurt them more than the want of a great number of men, seeing withal, that many whole companies of the Venetians fought not at all: And where the Count Caiazze scent against th'enemy but one part of his companies, and that very coldly: he did it perhaps, for that the vanguard of the french was so strong, that the danger was apparent to commit himself to fortune, and perhaps because ordinarily actions courageous & venturous have made him more wonderful, than such wherein was surety: Notwithstanding, the companies of Sforce were not altogether unprofitable, for that albeit they fought not, yet they kept at a bay the vanguard of the french, and were the cause that it gave no succours to the king, who with the less or most weak part of th'army, sustained with the great danger of his person, all the brunt and swaigh of that days fight: In my judgement this testimony is no more confirmed with authority then with reason: for, how is it likely that if that intention had been in Lodowyk, he would not rather have instructed his captains, to dissuade from letting the french men to pass: seeing that if the victory had fallen on the french, his bands being so near th'enemy, had been no more in safety then the others, notwithstanding they meddled not in the battle: And with what discourse with what consideration, or with what experience of things could he promise' to himself, that coming to the fight, fortune would be so equal, that the french king should neither be victor nor vanquished.  
The morning following the king departed with his army before day, without sound of trumpets to cover his discamping as much as he could: And for that day he was not followed by th'army of the confederates, who though they had had will to have pursued him, yet they should have found impediments in the waters of the river, which were so much increased by reins that fell in the night, that there was no possibility of passage for the day following: Only at the declining of the Sun passed over not without danger the Count Caiazze with two hundred light horsemen, & following the trace of the french men, who marched the right way towards Plaisance, he gave them the day following many alarms and impediments: And yet, all wearied and traveled as they were, they kept their way without disorder, the villages refreshing them with plenty of victuals, partly for fear to receive hurt by them, and partly by the mean of Triuulce, who scouring before for the same effect with the light horsemen of th'army, made persuasions to men, sometimes by threats, & sometimes with his authority, great in that Duchy with all sorts, but more great with the family of the guelfs: The army of the league which removed the day after the discamping of the french, and but little disposed (specially the provisors of the Venetians) to put themselves any more in the arbitrement of fortune, came never so near them, as to annoyed them with any little discommodity: But being lodged the second day upon the river of erebia a little beyond Plaisance, (the Swrzzers & two hundredth lances and almost all the artillery remaining between the river & the city of Plaisance for the commodity of encamping,) the sludds were so great by reason of the rains falling in the night that notwithstanding their extreme diligence, it was impossible that either the footmen or horsemen could pass but at high days and then with difficulty, although the waters began to abate: notwithstanding all which opportunities favouring th'army of the league, yet they never executed any action against the french but a far of, nor yet the Count de Caiazze who was entered within Plaisance for suspicion of revolt or tumult: which suspicion was not altogether without occasion, for that it was believed that if the king according to the council of , had displayed his ensigns under the name of Francis the little son of john Galeas, the Duchy would easily have fallen into some mutation, so plausible was the name of him whom they held for their lawful Lord, and so hateful the remembrance of the usurper, and of special importance the credit and friendships of Triuulce: But the king in whom was settled no other impression then to pass on, would not be entangled with new practices, but followed his way with diligent and speedy march, finding great want of victuals after the first days travel, and in all places, the sorts & pieces well guarded, Lodowyk having distributed what into Tortone under jasper S. Severin surnamed Frecasse, and what into Alexandria many horsemen with twelve hundred lanceknights which he had drawn from the camp of Novaro: After the king was passed Trebia, his army was always vexed in the tail by the Count Caiazze, who had joined to his light horsemen siue hundredth lanceknights of the garrison of Plaisance, not being able to obtain to be sent to him from the army, all the residue of the light horsemen and four hundredth men at arms, for that the Venetian Commissioners, warned by the peril at the battle of Ta●o, would give no consent eftsoons to hazard their forces: At last the french men taking (when they were near to Alexandria) their way more high towards the mountain where the river of Tanaro runs with shallowest water, were brought without loss of men in eight removes or soiornings of the camp afore the walls of Ast: In which city after the king was entered, he dispersed his men of war into the champion with intention to increase his army, and to abide in Italy until he had succoured Novaro: And the camp of the league which had pursued him to the country of Tortone despairing now to vex him more, went & joined itself to the companies of Lodowyk Sforce besieging the said city of Novaro: which even now began to suffer great scarcity of victuals, for that by the Duke of Orleans nor his people had been used any diligence for provision, which by reason of the fertility of the country, they might have done in great plenty and at easy rate: but like men either blinded with security, or else of little policy, they never considered of the dangers, till the mean of the remedy were passed, consuming without sparing all the store of victuals which they found there.  
About this season returned to the king those Cardinals and captains, who with 
The french kings attempt upon Genes sped evil.  ill success had been at th'enterprise of Genes: for after the kings army by sea had taken the town of Spetia, it set upon Rapalle and possessed it easily: But there issued out of the port of Genes a navy of eight light galleys, one carrack, and two barks of biskayes, which by night put on land seven hundredth footmen, who without any difficulty took the borrow of Rapalle with the french garrison that were within, and then accosting the french navy retired to the golffe, after long fight they remained victors taking and burning all their vessels, the Captains made prisoners, and the place, by this victory made more renowned, for that in they year before, th' Arragon's were there defeated: Neither was this adversity recompensed by the army that went by land, who guided by the east river to Valdibisague and so to the suburbs of Genes, found themselves deceived in their hopes that in Genes would rise tumults: And therefore understanding of the spoil and loss of the navy by sea, they took way with no less speed, then fear, to the mountain sharp and uneasy, and from thence descended to the valley of Pozzevere which is of the other part of the city: from whence, notwithstanding their troupes were strong and great by the concourse of peasants and other populars whom the Duke of Savoy had sent in their favours, they drew with the same diligence towards Pyemont: In the action of this enterprise it is certain, that if they within the town had not been restrained from issuing forth for doubt lest the faction of Fregosa would make some innovation, they had wholly broken the french army and put them to flight: The horsemen also of Vitelli (comen now to Chiavere, understanding the success & great disorder of those with whom they went to join in strength) retired with no less haste than danger, to Serezana: In so much, that except Spetia, all the places of that river that had been occupied by the banished, reappealed or called again forthwith the Genoese, as did in like sort in the river of the ponent, the city of Vintemille, which in the same days had been occupied by Pawle Baptista Fregosa, and certain others of the banished.  
In the same times, the war was also as hot in the realm of Naples, as in the parts of Lumbardye, but with a more diverse fortune: for, Ferdinand after he had taken 
Ferdinand to reconquer his kingdom of Naples.  Regge, considered how he might recover the places bordering, having in his army six thousand men comprehending such of the country and Sicily as willingly followed him, together with the horsemen and footmen of the Spanish, over whom was captain, consalvo Eruandes of the house of D'aghilar and country of Cordone, A man very valiant and long exercised in the wars of Granado: This man, at his first coming into Italy, being called (by a Spanish brag) the great captain, the better to signify with this title, the sovereign power that he had over them, did well deserve by many goodly victories which he there achieved, that that surname might be justly appropriated, confirmed, and perpetuated in him by universal consent in testimony of his great virtue and excellency in the knowledge of war: To this army, which had already stirred up a great part of the country, Monsr D'Aubygny presents himself near Somynare, a town upon the sea, with the men at arms of France remaining for the guard of Calabria and such bands of horsemen and sootemen as the Lords of the country of the french faction had sent to him: And being come to the battle, the valour of the soldiers which were oftrayne and exercise, carried the victory against the ignorance of the other little experienced: for, not only the Italians and Sicilyans which Ferdinand had gathered in haste, but also even the spaniards, were soldiers new and untrained to service: with whom notwithstanding, he maintained the skirmish with great stoutness, for that the virtue and authority of the Captains failing nothing of their place and office, sustained such as for all other regards, were much inferior: Ferdinand above the residue, applying virtue to thinnocency of his quarrel, behaved himself as well appertained to his virtue: ●n so much as his horse being slain under him, he had in all conjecture, remained either dead or taken, if john de Capua brother to the Duke of Termyny, (who had been his page from his childhood, & whom he entirely loved in that flower of age) had not alighted and remounted him upon his horse, and with an example of faith and love very notable and worthy, offered his own life for the safety of his Lord, in whose presence he was slain upon the place: consalvo fleeth along the mountains to Regge, and Ferdinand to Palma which lieth upon the sea near to Semynara, and there took galleys and sailed to Messina: And as in adversities necessity is mighty to make men resolute, so by this overthrow, there increased in him a new courage and will to assay again the trial of fortune: for, he was not only advertised that the whole city of Naples thirsted with great desire to have him, but also by secret intelligence he knew that he was generally called by the principals of the nobility & people: And therefore eschewing delays where was so great necessity of expedition, and fearing lest lingering joined to the reapport of his overthrow in Calabria, might not eftsoons make cold that new disposition: After he had assembled (besides the galleys which he had led from Yschia, and the four that served his father's first departure from Naples) the other vessels that brought the spaniards into Sicyle, with all others that he could recover of the cities and Barons of Sicyle: he hoysseth sail out of the port of Messina, not tarrying for that he had not men of war sufficient to arm them: wherein wanting forces convenient for such an enterprise, he was constrained to furnish and serve his turn no less with demonstration and appearance, then with th'effect and substance of things: he departed from Sicyle with lxx. vessels of cable and anchor, and twenty others of less proportion, accompanied with Ricaiense of Catelognia captain of the Spanish vessels, a man whose experience was equal to his resolution in services at sea: he had so small proportions of fight men, that in most part of these vessels there were almost no other sorts of natures of men, than such as necessarily were appointed to the service of the navigation: In this sort his forces were small, but great towards him were the favours and goodwills of the people: in so much that being arrived in the road of Salerne, Salerne itself, the coast of Melff, and of Cavo, hoist their streamers to the wind: After wards he remeined two days above Naples, in expectation to hear of some tumult in the town: But for the time his fortune being slow made his desire vain, for that the french men ronning presently to arms, and planting sure guard upon places of peril, suppressed immediately the rebellion that even already was kindled: yea, they had put remedy to all their dangers, if they had valiantly followed the council of some amongst them, who guessing that the vessels of th' Arragon's were ill manned with soldiers able to fight, advised Monsr Montpensier to refurnish the french vessels which were in the haven with bodies resolute and men of action, and so give the charge to th'enemy: The third day Ferdinand despairing of commotion in the city, turned his sails into the seaward to retire to Yschia: by which it happened, that the conspirators with Ferdinand, considering that their faction and intelligence was now discovered, and therefore his cause was become theirs, and proper and general to every one of them, drew them to an assembly, and determined to be blind against all dangers and difficulties, making of their common necessity a special virtue: This deliberation was followed to effect, for that they dispatched secretly a little boat to call home Ferdinand, beseeching him to put on land either all or the greatest part of his companies, to th'end to join mean and courage to such as were inclined to make insurrection in his favour: upon this intelligence, Ferdinand returned eftsoons above Naples, and the day after the battle of Furnoue, he approached near the shore to take land at Magdalena a mile from Naples, and where the river of Sebeta falls into the sea: it is rather a small brook then a river, which yet had lain unknown if the verses of the Poets of Naples had not given it a name: Monsr Montpensier to whom all things were disclosed, showed himself no less hardy and ready to charge them when was cause to fear them, than he was unresolute and fearful the day before when courage was necessary: In so much that issuing out of the city almost with all his strength to stop the descending of Ferdinand: The Neapolytans 
The city of Naples riseth to let in Ferdinand.  taking th'opportunity of thoccasion (which was such as they could not have desired better) rose suddenly into arms: And sounding a alarm by ringing the great bell of the friars next to the walls of the town, all the other Churches doing the like, they seized upon the gates of the town, and began to publish the name of Ferdinand: This sudden tumult so amazed the french men, that holding it a place of no surety to remain between thenemies and the city rebelled, and less expectation to return by that way they issued out, they determined to re-enter Naples by the gate that belonged to the new castle, for th'accomplishment whereof they must take a long way full of hills & troublesome & compassing the walls of the town: But in this mean while Ferdinand being entered, and mounted on horseback with certain of his followers by the Neapolytaines, road thorough the town to thincredible joy and gladness of every one, the commonalty receiving him with great cries and shewtes, and the Ladies and women beholding him out of windows and casements, could not be satisfied to cover him with flowers and sweet smelling waters: yea many of the nobles run in the street to embrace him & wipe the sweat from his face, not being negligent for all this in things necessary for the defence of the city: for, the Marquis of Piscaire accompanied with the soldiers which were entered with Ferdinand and the youth of Naples, looked to the entrenching and fortifying of all places for their defence against the french: who after they were come upon the green of the new castle, and doing what they could to re-enter into the heart of the city, were so repulsed by crossbow men and small shot, that finding at all the entreyes and comings to the streets, a resistance strong and sufficient, and the night now drawing on, they retired to the castle, leaving almost of all sorts two thousand horses upon the green, having no place nor feeding for them in the castle: within the castle were enclosed with Monsr Montpensier, Messire Yues D'alegro, a captain of reputation, and Anthony Prince of Salerne, with many other's french and Italians of mark: who albeit spent certain days in skirmishing, aswell on the castle green as about the port, discharging their artillery into the town, yet finding in their repulses a redobled valour in th'enemy, they remained void of hope to be able to recover the city of themselves.  
The example of Naples was immediately followed by Capua, Auersa, the rock of Montdragon, & many other pieces there abouts, yea most part of the kingdom was suddenly in revolt: Amongst whom those of Caietta taking arms with more courage than force, and their hopes far greater than their fortune, for that certain galleys of Ferdinand were discovered afore the haven, they were with general slaughter oppressed by the french garrisons there, who with a fury agreeing with the cause given, sacked all their city.  
At the same time the navy of the Venetians being come near to Monopoly one of the cities of Powylla, after they had set on land their estradiots and many of their footmen, assaulted it both by sea & land, where Peter Bembo owner of one of the Venetian galleys was slain with a shot out of the town: But in the end fortune yielding to virtue, the city was taken by force, and the castle likewise rendered for fear which the french captain had that kept it: the said navy took also by composition the town of Puligniane.  
Ferdinand was not without apparent hopes to have the new castle and the castle of the egg, for that famine (which is an enemy troublesome) served more for him then his force or policy there remaining a very small quantity of victuals in regard of the proportion of men that were within: And winning upon them continually the places about the castle, to th'end to keep them at a straighter compass: the french men succouring the adversities of their fortune with industry & policy, seeing their army by sea had no surety in the haven, which contained five ships, four light galleys, a galliot, and a gallion: they retired them between the tower of S. Vincent, the eggecastell, and Pizifalcone, which yet they held, as also the hinder parts or skirts of new castle where were the gardyns of the kings: In so much as keeping pieces even to Capella, and fortifying the monastery of the cross, they made incursions even to Piegrotte and S. Martin: Against whom Ferdinand having taken and fortified Hipodrome, and made covert ways by Incoronato, he possessed the Mount of S. Herme, and afterwards the hill of Pizifalcone, the french holding the castle seated in the highest part of it: To hinder the succours that were to come from it (for in taking it they might endamage and batter from the steep places the navy of th'enemy) Ferdinand assailed the monastery of the cross: At whose first approach they received such harms by the artillery, that despairing to win it by force, they devised to betray it by practice and intelligence: A devise very unhappy and wretched to him that was th'author: for that a Moare which was within, having fraudulently promised to the Marquis of Piscare (aforetimes his master) to put him within the place, and in that action, having made him come by night by a ladder fastened to the wall of the monastery to speak with him, to th'end to agreed upon the manner and time to enter it the same night: he was by great treason and double intelligence slain with the 
Marquis 〈…〉 Pis 〈…〉.  shot of a crossbow ronning thorough his throat.  
It was not of little importance for the affairs of Ferdinand, the revolt first of Prospero and then Fabrice Collonne, who during the bond of their service and oath contracted with the french king, (going with the stream of the time) returned to the pay of Ferdinand almost assoon as he had recovered Naples: They excused themselves that they were not satisfied in time of their due payments promised, And that to Virginio Vrsin and the Count Petillane (with small regard to their merits) were given many favours and advauncements of the king: A reason that seemed to many very weak, and far inferior to the greatness of the benefits which they had received of him: But it may be doubted, that that which reasonably aught to serve as a bridle to restrain them, was the very motion that led them to do the contrary, seeing by how much the benefits they had received were great and many, by so much perhaps was great in them the desire to keep them, looking withal into the ill disposition of the affairs of the french which began even then to shake and decline.  
But now the castle thus hemmed in, and the sea restrained by the names of Ferdinand, the want of victuals increased more and more, and they that were besieged interteyned themselves only with hopes to have succours out of France by sea, the rather for that the king (assoon as he was arrived at Ast) had dispatched Peron de la Basche to rig in the haven of Ville franche near to Nice an army at sea of two thousand Gascons and Swyzzers with provision of victuals, whose leader and captain should be Monsr D'Arban, a man warlike, but not experienced in the service of the sea: This navy being put under sail and arrived as far as they'll of Poreze, discovering thereabout the navy of Ferdinand containing thirty sails and two great ships of Genova, retired and fell forthwith into flight: And being pursued unto they'll of Elba, they made way in such fear to the haven of Livorne, with the loss of a little ship of Biskay, that it was not in the power of the captain to withhold most of his men from going on shore, and against his discipline and will to run amain to Pysa: By reason of the retire & deffeate of this army at sea, Monsr Mountpensier with his companies, pressed with want of victuals, accorded to tender the castle to Ferdinand having now endured the siege three months, & from thence to go to Provence, if they were not rescued within thirty days: This contract included surety of life and goods to all such as were within the castle, giving in hostage to Ferdinand, Yues D'Alegre with three others for assurance of the conditions. But the shortness of time made impossible all hope or expectation of succours, other than such as they had within the realm: In which respect Monsr de Persy one of the Captains of the king, accompanied with the Swyzzers and part of the french lances, and the Prince of Bysignian with many other Barons, drew strait to Naples: Against whom, Ferdinand having espial of their coming, sent out to Eboly the Count of Matalono with an army for the most part confused, compounded upon bodies whom he trusted and esteemed his friends: This army albeit was much superior in numbers and furniture, yet encowntring th'enemy at the lake of Pizzola which is a little borrow near Eboly, they fell into general disorder and present fleeing without fight: In which chase was taken prisoner Venantio son of julius Varano Lord of Camaryn: but being not pursued by the french, they retired without great loss to Nola and so to Naples: The frenchmen (taking courage by this felicity) followed their enterprise to secure the castles, and that with so great reputation for the victory obtained, that Ferdinand was at point once again to abandon Naples: But receiving courage by the comforts of those of the town, who were no less pushed forward perhaps with the fears they had of their lives, (remembering their rebellion) then with the friendship they bore to Ferdinand: encamped at Capella: And the better to let thenemies for approaching the castle, casting a trench from the Mount S. Hermo until the egg castle, he furnished with artillery and footmen all the hills until Capella and above Capella: In so much that albeit the frenchmen, who being come to Nocere by the way of Salerna, passing by the cave and the hill Piegrotte, were guided to Chiaie near to Naples: yet all things having good defence, and by the valour of Ferdinand, the artilleries thundering upon the frenchmen, but specially those that were planted upon the hill of Pizifolcone which commanded the egg castle (where erst were the singularities and pomps so much renowned of Lucullus) they could pass no further, nor approach Capella: And having no mean to make further abode there, for that nature favoureth the place with all pleasures & commodities saving fresh waters, this necessity constrained them to retire sooner than they would, leaving behind at their discamping three pieces of artillery, and part of the releeffes which they had brought to revictual the castles: They took their way towards Nola, against whom Ferdinand opposed himself leaving the castle besieged, and encamped with his companies in the plain of Palma near to Sarny: Monsr Mentpensier seeing by their departure, nothing but an utter loss & privation of all hopes for rescues, leaving three hundredth men within the castle (a number no less proportioned for the victuals which now were short, then for the 
Monsr M 〈…〉 from N 〈…〉.  service and defence) and a garrison within the egg castle: drew away with him the residue (which were in all two thousand five hundredth soldiers) and by night embarking himself and companies in the vessels there, he went to Salerna, not without the great complaints of Ferdinand, who pretended that it was not lawful for him (during the term wherein he had promised to yield) to departed with such a company, unless he had rendered both the castles according to the contract: This escape wrought many passions in Ferdinand, in whom was no want of inclination (according to the rigour of the contract) to revenge the injury and infidelity of Montpensier, upon the blood and life of the Hostages: for that the castles not redelivered at the term accorded, he had abused the words of his promise with a meaning dissembled: Notwithstanding extremities redoubling with time upon those that remained, not able any longer to keep force against the rage of hunger, within less than one month after he was parted, they rendered the castle with conditions to have the hostages delivered: And almost at the same time, and for the same occasion they that were within the egg castle, agreed to yield the first day of the next lent, if they were not rescued before: Much about this time died at Messina Alphonso of 
Alphonso king of 〈…〉 th'.  Arragon: the glory and fortune of whom (by the which whilst he was but Duke of Calabria, his name was made honourable and famous,) were converted into a great infamy & infelicity when he came to be king of Naples: It was said, that a little before his death, he made instance to his son to return to Naples, where the hatreds that were general against him before time, were now almost reconuerted into affections and good likings: To whom it is supposed that Ferdinand (ambition and desire to reign bearing more rule in him then reverence and respect to his father) answered no less subtly than in scorn, that he should attend and expect till he had so assured the realm, that he should not eftsoons be driven to abandon it and flee.  
Ferdinand, to entertain him in the friendships of the king of Spain with a bond more strait and assured, took to wife with dispensation of the Pope, jane his aunt, daughter to Ferdinand his grandfather and of jane sister to the said king of the Spanish.  
In this mean while that the siege was continued with diverse success about the castles of Naples (as hath been set down) the siege of Novaro also was still holden and brought to very strait and hard terms: for the Duke of Milan had there 
The siege of Novaro.  a puissant army, which the Venetians had succoured with such a readiness, that in no enterprise within memory have they been known to make less sparing of charges, nor used more fidelity and diligence: there were in this camp of the confederates three thousand men at arms, three thousand light horsemen, a thousand Almains on horseback, & five thousand footmen Italians: But the principal strength of their army stood upon the ten thousand lance knights (for so are the Almain footmen called) entertained most part by the Duke of Milan, to be opposed against the Swyzzers, for that thItalian footmen could not endure their name, and much less hear speak of them without fear, so greatly were they diminished in reputation and courage, since the french men had action in Italy: over them were governors many Captains of valour resolute, & for experience generally recommended, Amongst whom bore a name most singular George Pietrepante of the country of Ostrich, who a few years before, being in the pay of Maximylian king of romans, conquered with an honourable praise upon the french king, the town of S. Omer in Picardye: The Senate of Venice was not only careful to send to this siege many bands of soldiers, but also to entertain them in a greater courage, they created governor and captain general over the army, the Marquis of Mantua, honouring in him by the collation of that dignity, the virtue he showed in the battle of Furnoue or Taro, and with an example worthy of eternal memory, they had not only increased the pays of such as showed valour there, but also endued with pensions and sundry recompenses the sons of many that died in that battle, and transferred dowry to their daughters: The siege of Novaro was continued with this mighty army, for that the council of the confederates (referring all things appertaining to that action to the will of Lodowyk Sforce) was not to hazard the trial of battle with the french king, unless they were constrained, but rather in fortifying about Novaro the places necessary, their intentions were to let victuals for entering: They hoped that those within could not hold out long, for that they had less store of victuals than would serve their numbers and proportion, and no expectation of remedy in a case so restrained: for, besides the people of the city, and the peasants which were thither retired, the Duke of Orleans had of french and Swyzzers more than seven thousand of choice: In which respects, Galeas de S. Severin, giving over all cogitation to take the town by force, for the multitudes of men of war that were within, had encamped himself with the Duke's army at Mugnes, a place of surety upon the high way very convenient to give impediments to the provisions that might come to Verceill: And the Marquis of Mantua with the bands of the Venetians, taking at his arrival by force, certain pieces there about, together with the castle of Brione, a service of some importance, had also refurnished Camarian and Bolgare which are between Novaro and Verceill, distributing the army into sundry places about Novaro, the better to stop the course of victuals, and fortifying every particular lodging and trench, to be the more easy and ready to resistance.  
On the otherside the french king, to have more opportunity to the succours of Novaro, was removed from Ast to Thuryn: And albeit he made many journeys even to Chyars, to make court to a Lady remaining there, yet that vanity brought no negligence to the common affairs, for that they ceased not without intermission to consider of the provisions for the wars, soliciting continually the companies come out of France, with intention to put to the field two thousand french lances: They were no less diligent to solicit the descending of ten thousand Swyzzers for the levy of whom was dispatched the Baylif of Dyon: Their resolution was, that assoon as the army was possessed of them, to advance all means possible to rescue Novaro: without the strength of the Swyzzers, there was little ability in the french to accomplish any worthy enterprise, seeing the realm of France in those times albeit mighty in horsemen, and well furnished with artilleries and men most apt and nimble to manage them, yet it was very weak in footmen of the proper region: The reason was, that arms and exercises of war resting only in the nobility, the ancient valour of that nation was failed in the multitudes of men of base condition, ignorant in service martial for the long time they had not managed arms, in place of which they had given themselves over to trades, profits, & delights of peace: for, many of the ancient kings before, fearing the fury of the popular sort by the example of diverse conspiracies & rebellions happening in the same kingdom, thought it necessary in policy to disarm them, and draw them from the use and practise of arms: for these reasons the french men, not trusting in the virtue of their own footmen, never went to the wars with courage, unless their army were strengthened with certain bands of the Swyzzers: which nation in all ages resolute and hardy in arms, had about twenty years before much increased their reputation, for that being assailed by a mighty army led by Charles Duke of Bourbon (he that for his power and fierceness was much redoubted not only in the realm of France, but of all his neighbours) they had in less than one month put him thrice to flight, and at the last chase, either as he fought, or as he fled (the certain manner being doubtful) they took from him his life: So that, what for their resolute valour, and that the french had no controversy with them, and less fear to doubt them for their interests particular, as they had of the lance knights, they entertained no other foreign soldiers than the Swyzzers, using their service in all their wars of importance: but more willingly at that time then at any other, for that they saw how hard a thing it was and full of danger, to rescue Novaro environed with so great an army, and wherein were so many bands of lance knights governed by the same discipline that the Swyzzers were.  
The city of Verceill is situated in the middway between Thuryn and Novaro, and having in ancient times been a member of the Duchy of Milan, it was given by Phillipp Maria viscount (during the long wars he had with the Venetians and the Florentines) to Aim Duke of Savoy, to separate it from them: Into this city was not yet entered any bands of either part, for that the Duchess mother and tutor to the young Duke of Savoy, who in her heart was wholly french, would not discover herself for the king till he were more strong, giving in the mean while to the Duke of Milan gracious words and hopes: But assoon as the king was strong in men and come from Thuryn, a city of the same Duchy, she consented that he & his soldiers should enter within Verceill, when by the opportunity of that place he entered into a greater hope to be able to succour Novaro when all his strength should be assembled: And on the otherside the confederates, for the same reason began so to doubt, that to debate with a more ripe and full council how they should proceed in such difficulties, Lodowyk Sforce went to the army with Beatrix his wife, who ordinarily accompanied him no less in matters of importance, then in actions familiar: In the presence of whom, and (as the brute went) chief by her council, the captains after many reasonings, concluded with one consent, that for the more common surety of them all, the bands of the Venetians should be joined to th'army of the Duke of Mugnes, leaving sufficient guard in all the other places about Novaro serving to the siege: That Volgaro should be abandoned, for that being within three miles of Verceile, it was necessary, if the french men came with strength to get it, either to lose it with infamy, or to succour it with the whole army. That in Camarian three miles from Mugnes where the camp was, the garrison should be refurnished: lastly, that the whole camp being fortified with trenches and rampires, and supplied with sufficient artilleries, the Captains and assistants should daily enter into other councils according to the behaviours of th'enemy: They forgot not in this consult to give order to spoil and cut down all the trees even to the walls of Novaro, to give incommodities to men and forage for horses, whereof there were great quantities in Novaro: These resolutions established, and a general mooster made of the whole army, Lodowyk returned to Milan to make with more readiness such provisions as daily should grow necessary for the service: wherein to give favours to the forces temporal, with the authority & arms spiritual, the Venetians & he wrought so much with the Pope, that he sent one of his officers at the mace to the king, commanding 
The Pope commands the french king to go out of Italy.  him within ten days to departed Italy with all his army, and within an other short term to sand all his people out of the realm of Naples: otherways that under the spiritual pains wherewith the church is wont to threaten, he should appear before him personally at Rome: This remedy the ancient Popes have used in times before: for according to traditions written, Adrian first of that name, constrained with no other arms then these, Desiderius king of Lumbards' going with a strong army to trouble the city of Rome, to retire from Terny (where he was arrived) to Pavia: But the reverence and fear which for the holiness of their life, was nourished in the hearts of men, being now sailed, it was a thing hard to hope, that of manners and examples so contrary, would come like effects: The same enabling the french king, scorning at his commandment, to answer the Messenger, that the Pope refusing at his return from Naples to tarry him in Rome, whether he went devoutly to kiss his feet: he could not but marvel, by what reason he could require him now to go thither: Notwithstanding he said, that to obey him, he would look to open his way, and prayed him lest he took those pains in vain, to attend him there till he came.  
In this time, at Thuryn the king contracted with th'ambassadors of Florence new capitulations not without the great contradiction of such as afore times had made resistance: who now had so much the more occasion to impugn it, by howmuch the Florentines (after they had recovered the other borrows and strong places of the hills of Pysa) their camp being afore Pont de Sac, and the soldiers that were within rendering it with condition to have their life saved: they did (contrary to their faith and promise' given) put to the sword almost all the Gascon footmen which were found with the Pysans, and used many cruelties against the bodies dead: This accident albeit happened against the wills of the Florentyn Commissioners, who with great difficulty saved a great part of them, but altogether by the stirring up of certain soldiers, who being prisoners to the french, were very rigorously dealt withal: yet in the court of the king, all being taken by their adversaries as a sign manifest of minds malicious to the name of all the frenchmen, many impediments were objected to the solicitation and practice of th'accord, which notwithstanding had his passage & full conclusion, having more power than all other respects, not 
Capitulation between the french king and the Florentines.  the memory of promises and oaths solemnly made, but the urgent necessity and want of money, and other commodities to succour the affairs of the kingdom of Naples: This was th'accord: That without any delay, all the towns & castles which were in the kings possession, should be restored to the Florentines, upon condition that the state of Florence should be bound to deliver (within two years next coming at the pleasure of his Majesty receiving sufficient recompense for them) Pietrasanta and Serazana to the Genoese, in case their estate should fall to the jurisdiction and obedience of the king: That under this hope, the Florentines should make present payment of the thirty thousand ducats remaining of the capitulacion made at Florence, receiving a pawn of jewels for their surety and restitution, if for any occasion their places were not rendered: That after the redelivery of their places, they should lend to the king upon bonds of the generals of the realm of France (so are called the four officers royal which receive the revenues of the crown) three score and ten thousand ducats, and to sand part of them in his majesties name to the bands which were in the realm of Naples, and an other part to be ministered to the Colonnoys, in case they were not reconciled and reaccorded with Ferdinand, whereof his majesty albeit he had some appearance, was not yet in such certainty as to believe it: That if they had no wars in Tuskane, they should sand to Naples to thaid of the french army there, two hundredth and fifty men at arms: And in case their wars were but for the quarrel of Montpulcian, yet they should be bound to sand them thither to accompany the bands of Vitelli, & not to entertain them in that service longer than the month of October: That they should remit and pardon the Pysans for all their offences committed, giving them a form certain for the restitution of their goods which had been taken from them, together with convenient and liberal means to exercise their traficks and merchandise: That for the surety and observation of these things, they should deliver as hostages at the election of the king, six of the principal citizens of Florence, and they to remain a certain time in his Court: This accord concluded, and the thirty thousand ducats (which were immediately sent to make a levy of Swyzzers) given under gage of the kings jewels, the commissions and commandments of the king were immediately dispatched to the Captains of the places, to make present redelivery to the Florentines without any difficulty or standing.  
But within Novaro albeit the virtue of the soldiers was great, & most great (for the memory of the rebellion) the obstinacy of the townsmen to defend the town, yet things diuolued daily to more hard and difficult terms the store of victuals so fast diminishing that they began even now to be pinched with the want of necessaries, and (according to the nature of extremities) their hopes to be relieved were no less desperate than their desires great, and their present lacks grievous: Notwithstanding the Duke of Orleans, somewhat to ease and favour the hardness of their condition, had rid out of the town all mouths and members unprofitable: yet it was no remedy sufficient to so great a calamity, for that many soldiers of the french & Swyzzers not able to bear the fretting anguish of hunger, and less enured to the other discommodities of a close siege, began to languish in diseases and sickness: By reason whereof the Duke, being also troubled with a fever quartyne, made many solicitations to the king by messengers & letters not to defer their succours: which could not be advanced with such readiness as might be able to minister to their general necessities, for that there was not assembled such sufficient strength as imported the estate of their danger: The french army for their parts, showing more forwardness of action then able to do good, made many attempts to revictual the town by night, using in that purpose the service both of horsemen and footmen: But being always discovered by th'enemy, there succeeded no other fruits of their enterprises then great harms to themselves, and no less disapoyntments to their friends being made more wretched by their ill fortune: But to stop altogether the passage of victuals into the town, the Marquis of Mantua assailed the monastery of S. Francis standing near to the walls of Novaro, and taking it, he manned it forthwith with a garrison of two hundredth men at arms, and three thousand footmen of the Almains: By this means the army confederate was discharged of a great care, the way being now made sure by the which relief was brought into the town, the way also of the gate that leads to the mount Biandrane was stopped, for that in it was most facility to enter Novaro: The day after he took also the bastylle made by the french upon the point of the suburbs of S. Nazare, and the night following were surprised the whole suburbs together with the other plotteformes near to the gate, wherein he bestowed a guard and fortified the suburbs, the Count Petillane (whom the Venetians had taken into their pay with title of governor) being hurt there with a small shot near the girdle place and in great danger of death: For the success of these places, the Duke of Orleans distrusting to be able to defend any more the other suburbs which he had at his entry into Novaro, he set fire on them the night following, & drew all his strength to the defence & guard of the city only: And touching the extremity of famine, he yet nourished himself with hopes of succours, the rather for that the Swyzzers beginning now to arrive at the camp, the kings army passing the river of Stesia was marched out of Verceill a mile to lodge in the field, and having bestowed a guard in Bolgare, expected the residue of the Swyzzers: who being once assembled, the army was resolved to minister succours to Novaro: an action notwithstanding full of many difficulties, for that thItalian bands were lodged in places of advantage well furnished and fortified, and the way from Verceill to Novaro, full of lakes and waters, and very uneasy for horsemen almost impassable for the broad and deep ditches thorough the whole country: Besides, between Bolgare holden by the french, and the camps of th'italians, was Camarian, which the Italians guarded: In respect of these difficulties, there appeared not in the mind of the king nor of the others, a readiness answering th'expectation of those that attended in distress: And yet it was supposed, that if the Swyzzers had sooner arrived, they had adventured the fortune of battle, the event whereof could not but be doubtful to either of the armies: And therefore, they both having regard to the danger present, there wanted no secret travel to solicit an accord between the king and the Duke of Milan, albeit it was with small hope for the indifferent distrust that was between those two Princes, and for that both the one and other, for their greater reputation, made shows that they had no devotion to peace. But fortune laid open an other mean more expedient for so great a conclusion. For about the same times, the Lady Marquis of Montserat being dead, and being in debate, who aught to take the government of a little son whom she had left, to which regentship aspired with one desire, the Marquis of Saluzze, and Constantyn brother to the said Lady decess one of the ancient Lords of Macodonia which Mahomet Ottoman had occupied many years before: The french king favouring much the tranquillity of that estate, sent Argenton to Caesar Ceruas, to ordain and establish a protectorship according to the consent of the subjects: and being gone thither also as a mourner for the death of the Lady one of the principal officers of the Marquis of Mantua, they two meeting upon the way, fell into discourse and devices to have a peace, alleging many benefits that would redound to both parties. This voluntary reasoning between them two succeeded to so good fruit; that the Lord of Argenton took occasion to writ to the Venetian Commissioners, reitterating the reasons and matters which had been begun to be debated ever since they were at Taro: & they favouring the motion with very forward affections, communicated immediately with the Captains of the Duke of Milan, and so with one agreement, sent to require the french king (now come to Verceill) that he would assign some of his council to meet in some place convenient, to common with such as they should appoint in deputation for their part: whereunto the king consenting with a readiness equal to his desire, there assembled the day following between Bolgare and Camarian for the Venetians the Marquis of Mantua and Bernard Contaryn governor of their estradiots: for the Duke of Milan was sent Francis Barnardin Viscounte: & for the french king the Cardinal of S. Mallow, the Prince of Orange (to whom being newly come to the camp, the king had given the principal charge over the whole army) the Mareshall of Gie, Monsr de Pienes, and Monsrd Argenton: who making many meetings and certain particulars of them making many journeys from the one army to the other, the differences and chief controversies fell at last upon the city of Novaro: for that the french king making no difficulty in th'effect of the restitution, but in the manner, the less to offend his honour, laboured that it might be referred (in the name of the king of romans direct Lord of the Duchy of Milan) into the hands of one of the Almain Captains which was in the camp of thItalians: Of the contrary, the confederates required that it might be left frankly: These and other doubts happening, not being able to be resolved with that speed which they that were within Novaro required, being now fallen upon such extremities that what by famine, and other raging diseases rising by it, there were dead of the Duke's company above two thousand bodies: A truce was made for eight days, with sufferance to the said Duke and the Marquis of Saluzze, to go with a small company to Verceyll, but under promise & faith to return to Novaro with the same company, if the peace proceeded not: And for the surety of the Duke's person (for that he was to pass thorough the camp of th'enemy) the Marquis of Mantua went into a tower near to Bolgare in the keeping of the Count de Foix: The soldiers that were to remain in Novaro, would not have suffered him to departed, if he had not given them his faith, that within three days he would return, or else by his mean they should have liberty to go out, the Mareshall of Gie being therefore his conduit leaving also one of his nephews for hostage: for that not only the victuals were consumed which ordinarily served for the sustenance of man, but also the unclean and filthy skrappes, from which they could not abstain in so great an extremity: Immediately after the Duke was come to the kings presence, the truce was eftsoons proroaged for a certain few days, with condition that all his companies should go out of Novaro: that the town should be left in the power of the people, and they to make an oath not to give it to either party without common consent: And that thirty footmen, who should be vittelled daily by the camp of the Italians, should remain in the castle for the Duke of Orleans: Thus all the soldiers issued out of Novaro, whom the Marquis of Mantua and Galeas de S. Severin protected and conducted till they were in place of surety. But so much were they weakened and consumed with hunger, that they were no sooner arrived at Verceyll, than many of them died, and the residue remained altogether unprofitable for the service of that war.  
About this time, the Baylyf of Dyon arrived at the camp with the residue of the Swyzzers, of whom albeit his commission was to leavy but ten thousand, yet he could not choose but at the reapport of the kings money, there descended by troupes a far greater number rising in the whole to an army of twenty thousand: The one half was admitted to join to the camp near Verceill, and the residue remained ten miles of, because in policy it was not thought sure that so great a proportion of men of one nation should be at one time in one camp: if their coming had been somewhat sooner, the practices of peace had been easily broken, seeing without them there were in the camp eight thousand french footmen, two thousand of those Swyzzers which had been at Naples, and eyghtteene hundredth lances.  
But things being now so far advanced, and Novaro already abandoned, the enteruiewes did not discontinue, although the Duke of Orleans used all his labour to the contrary, having many of the greatest of the Court of his opinion: Therefore the Deputies were every day at the camp of th'italians to solicit with the Duke of Milan, who was newly returned thither to th'end to debate himself in a matter of so great consequence, doing all things (notwithstanding) in the presence of the confederate Ambassadors: At length the Deputies returned to the king, bringing the last conclusion of all things that they could for the accord: First that between the 
Peace between the french king and the Confederates.  french king and the Duke of Milan, there should be a peace and friendship perpetual (the Duke nothing derogating notwithstanding his other confederations:) That the king should consent that the town of Novaro should be rendered to the Duke by the people, together with the castle left to his Majesty by the guard of thirty. footmen: That the town of Spetia and all other places occupied by either part, should be rendered: That it should be lawful to the king to arm at Genes (his freehold and chief) so many vessels as he would, serving his turn of all the commodities of that city, so that it were not in favour of thenemies to the state of the same: That for assurance of this article, the Genoese should give him certain hostages: That the Duke of Milan should 'cause to be rendered to the king, the vessels lost at Rapale and the twelve galleys restrained at Genes, and to arm for him presently at his proper charges two gross carrakes of Genes, which with four others of his own he determined to sand to the succours of Naples: That the Duke should also deliver to the king the year after, three others in the same manner: That the Duke should give free and friendly passage to the companies that the king should sand by land to the same succours, under this covenant that there should not pass by his estate more than two hundredth lances at a time: That if the king returned eftsoons to the same enterprise, the Duke should follow him with certain bands of men: That the Venetians should have power to enter this contract within two months, And if they did enter, then to retire their army by sea from the kingdom of Naples, and to be bound to give no succours to Ferdinand: But if they did not observe this & the king should levy war against them, the Duke should be bound to aid him, reaping to his use all that should be conquered of the Venetian estates: That the Duke should pay fifty thousand ducats in the next march to the Duke of Orleans for the charges of the war of Novaro And acquit the king of lxxx. thousand ducats parcel of the money he had lent his Majesty when he marched first into Italy, the residue to be rendered by his Majesty at a longer term: That john jacks Triwlce should be absolved of the confiske and condemnation wherein he had been convicted by the Duke, and enjoy restitution of all his goods: That the bastard of Bourbon taken in the journey of Furnoue, and the Lord of Myolans taken at Rapale, together with all other prisoners should be redelivered: That the Duke should withdraw from Pysa Fracasse whom he had sent thither a little before, together with all his bands and the companies of the Genoese: That he should give no impediment to the Florentines to recover that which appertained to their jurisdiction: That within one month he should put by way of confidence the castle of Genes into the hands of the Duke of Ferrara, who called to that end by both the parties, was now come to the camp of thItalians, and that the said Duke of Ferrara should keep it two years at their common charges, and to be bound by oath to redeliver it within the said time to the hands of the french king in case the Duke of Milan should not hold his promises, who immediately upon the conclusion of the peace, should give hostages to the king for assurance to assign the castle at the time agreed upon: These conditions brought to the king by his Deputies that had debated them, were propounded in his public and private council, wherein being found no less variation of minds than contrariety of reasons, every one disputing particularly, Monsr Trymoville reasoned in this sort. If in the council present we had not to debate but of means to increase 
Monsr Trymouille● 〈…〉.  the glory of the crown of France by actions of valour and virtue, I should not perhaps be so forward to encourage your majesties person to new dangers, although the example of yourself gives you council to the contrary, seeing being carried with no other affection then a desire & ambition of glory, you determined the year past, against the councils and humble petitions of the face and body of your realm, to descend into Italy to conquer the kingdom of Naples: where your enterprise drawing a success happy and with increase of your name and honour, it is a thing manifest that now we have not only to deliberate whether thoccasion to win new honours and glory is to be rejected, but also if we may eftsoons loose again that reputation which you have got with so great adventures, charges, and dangers, and converting the honours already won into imputations & infamies perpetual, whether you aught to be the parsonage so impugnant and contrary to your proper resolutions, as to reprehend and condemn the councils established by yourself: for your Majesty might without any loss to your reputation have remained in France, and that which now the world will wrap in opinions of dishonourable fears and cowardisse, could not as then be referred to any other thing then to negligence, or to an age occupied in pleasures: your majesty assoon as you had been arrived in Ast, might eftsoons have returned into France, with the same speed, & less shame, making as though the matters of Novaro concerned you nothing at all: But now by the presence of your army so long encamping here, you have published your intention, and that you were touched with desire to deliver the town from siege, for which regard also having assembled out of France so great a proportion of nobility and a levy of Swyzzers at a charge intolerable: who will doubt that if you departed and not satisfy these expectations but leave the town to her perils, that your glory, with the reputation of your whole realm, will not take a contrary conversion of just reproach and infamy perpetual. But (if in the hearts of great kings may be motions more violent than desires of renown and glory) there be yet reasons more mighty, or at lest more just and necessary: seeing our retreat into France consenting to the loss of Novaro neither is, nor will be thought any other thing then the loss of the whole kingdom of Naples, and the unworthy slaughter of so many Captains and Nobles of France left there for the defence of the same upon your hopes joined with your faith and promises to send them speedy succours: wherein, how miserable will be their expectations, but more wretched and desperate their estates and conditions, when they shall understand that your Majesty encamping upon the frontiers of Italy with an army so populous, and forces so resolute, shall yet retire & give place to th'enemy: The success of wars, depends partly of reputation, which when it declines, declineth with all the virtue of the soldiers, the faith of the people's diminisheth, and the revenues appointed to sustain and defray the wars, fall to wants and diminutions: As of the contrary, the enemy increaseth in courage, such as wander in fears and doubts, come to be resolute and well assured, and all difficulties are aggravated to their advantage: So that, for so wretched and miserable a news, the strength and virtue of our army falling into faintness and feeble doubts, and the valour and reputation of our enemies rising into greater glory and arrogancy, who dowtes not to see with this alteration and change, the revolt and rebellion of all the kingdom of Naples: together with the disolation of our whole army, And so that honourable enterprise begun with so great felicity to bring forth in the end no other fruit than harms wretched for the present, & dishonourable to all ages hereafter: for he that is persuaded that this peace is made with good faith & meaning, looks with slender judgement into the condition of things present, & much less knoweth the natures of those with whom we deal: seeing it is a thing of easy comprehension, that we shall no sooner have turned our backs to the region of Italy, than all these treatises, promises, and contracts, will vanish and turn into smoke: yea in place to minister those aids they have promised, their infidelity will carry them to apply succours to Ferdinand: Lastly, these bands whose impudency will fill the whole world with brags that they have chased us out of Italy, will march to Naples to make themselves rich with the spoils of our contreymen made wretched by our cowardisse: which infamy me thinks might be easilier borne, if by any probable reason we might doubt of the victory: But it is a doubt vain, & by no sense can settle in the minds of any, who making consideration of the greatness of our army, & the opportunities of the country adjoining, will remember how overwearied and traveled with a long march, disfurnished of victuals, our numbers small, and in the midst of the country of th'enemy, we sought against a most huge army at the river of Taro: making the river by our valour swell higher with the blood of our enemies then with his proper streams: At what time also we opened our way with the sword, and as Conquerors road eight days journey thorough the Duchy of Milan enemy to our enterprises and greatness: We have now twice as many horsemen, the numbers of our french footmen redobled, & in place of three thousand Swyzzers, our army embraceth at this instant two and twenty thousand: And albeit th'enemy is stronger than before in Almain footmen, yet in all discourse of reason, they can not hold comparison with ours: Neither are their horsemen others then the self same, and their Captains even those, that having once yielded under the force of our arms, and by our fury suffered so great harms, will not eftsoons return to the fight but with minds fearful and appalled: But it may be objected that the profits of the victory are so small that they aught not to stand in regard or computation with us: Not, of the contrary, they are such for their nature and so great for their use, that we aught to aspire to obtain with what danger so ever: for that they include not only the preservation of so great a glory gotten, the succours of so rich a kingdoms as Naples, the just safety of so many of your Captains, and the honourable delivery of such a proportion of your nobility: But also they make a secret offer to invest you in the whole empire of Italy, the which if we remeyne here with the upper hand, will be the pray, fruit, and recompense of our victory: for what other bands, what other armies remeyne to thenemies in whose camp are assembled all the forces, all the companies, and all the Captains, which they could leavy, either by favour, authority, or money, one trench which we shall win, one rampire which we shall force, will put into our bosoms (things honourable and great) not only the empire and treasures of Italy, but also the mean to be revenged of all our common and private wrongs: which two spurs or motions always accustomed to prick forward minds base and cowardly, if they stir not with an other quickness our nation warlike & resolute, we may justly say that our valour hath rather failed us then our fortune, by whom is prepared thoccasion to win in so little place, & in so few hours, so great and worthy recompenses, that the wisdom and desires of men reasonable can wish no more: The time, the place, thoccasion, our fortune, & all other opportunities and circumstances to be considered in enterprises, offer us the victory there wanteth nothing but action in men, which for so much aught to be more ready in us, by how much it importeth men of virtue not to loose the honour they have gotten, nor leave suspicion that want of valour makes them unworthy of that which their fortune offereth with so great favour and further reputation. The Prince of Orange having a contrary affection, spoke against this opinion in this sort.  
If your affairs (right Christian king) were not so much pressed with time, but 
The Prince of Orange speaketh.  that they would give you leisure to accompany your forces with industry and discretion: or if they stood not upon degrees and conditions so immoderate, as you are constrained (if you will continued the war) to proceed with importunities contrary to all the precepts and directions of war: I could be one of those that would give council to reject the peace: for that by many reasons we are encouraged not to accept it, as also it can not be denied that it would not be a thing honourable to continued the war, and no less convenient for the affairs of Naples: But the terms whereunto are brought the town and castle of Novaro, not provided of victuals for one day, compel us (if we will succour it) to set speedily upon our enemies, & with a resolution sudden to take away that respitt which makes them strong and able, and increaseth in our army incommodities hurtful and dangerous: And if (in suffering it to be lost) we mean to transport the war into an other part of the state of Milan, The season of the winter now at hand very unfit to make war in places so low and full of waters, and the quality of our army for the nature & great multitudes of Swyzzers who being not speedily employed may be more prejudicial to us then to our enemies: And lastly our general want of money making our abode here impossible for any long time, enforce us (not accepting th'accord) to seek the mean to put suddenly an end to the war: A thing which can not be done otherways, then directly to go & charge thenemies, which aswell for their conditions, as the disavauntages of the country, is so dangerous, that in reasonable conference of things, the action cannot but hold of rashness and indiseression: for that their camp is so strong by nature and art, according to the time they have had to rampire and fortify it: The places round about where their garrisons are so convenient for their defence, and so well manned: the country, for the quantity of ditches and impediment of waters, so unapt to the service of horsemen: That to go seek them directly, and not to accost them with commodities and advantages, and (as the saying is) to win upon them by little and little: is no other thing then to tempt fortune, and adventure upon perils most certain and desperate: for with what discourse, with what reason of war, or with what example of notable Captains, may we with such rashness and importunity invade so great an army, & that in trenches so strong and well furnished with artillery? Not, it is better (if you will proceed otherways then at adventure) to seek to drive them from their trenches by winning some place which they command, or at lest in restraining their victuals: wherein I can see no other thing to assure our hopes, then by proceeding deliberately & with the length of time, which we have no mean to attend, (our affairs bearing nothing more prejudicially then to temporize & expect:) Besides, our horsemen contain neither those numbers, nor that valour, which haply many do ween, for that many are made weak by diseases, many returned into France with leave and without leave, and many of those that remeyne, overtravelled with this long war, have more desire to go home then to fight: And touching the Swyzzers, who for their virtue are the principal forces of our army, yet their great number may haply be more hurtful, then would be unprofitable a lesser proportion: for such hath been always th'experience of the customs and nature of that nation, that to manage them being so strong and many together, can not almost be without certainty of some dangerous tumult, (specially things (as is necessary) proceeding with sufferance and length of time:) During the which, by reason of their payments wherein they are insatiable, and other accidents which follow of course, may happen a thousand occasions to turn and change them, & so we should remain uncertain whether their aid would s 〈…〉 e us as a medicine or a poison: And in such an uncertainty we can not establish any thing in our councils, and much less resolve our minds to any enterprise of valour or importance: No man doubteth but the victory is more honourable and sure for the defence of the kingdom of Naples, than the agreement to peace: But in all actions of men and specially in wars, we must accommodat our counsels to necessity, and not for the desire to obtain that part which is hard and impossible, to put the whole in manifest peril, seeing it is an office as equal and just in a captain to show wisdom in his actions, as courage: The enterprise of Novaro (Sir) was not your principal intention, neither doth it touch you but indirectly, for that you pretend no right to the Duchy of Milan: and much less are you come out of Naples to stay to make war in Pyemont, but to return into France to give order to levy treasure & men, to th'end with more mighty succours to minister aid to your companies at Naples: who in the mean while, what with the rescue of your navy departed from nice, and what with the men & moneys of the Florentines, will have so good mean to defend their condition, that they may without danger attend the great provisions which you are to areare at your return into France: I am none of those that will assure that the Duke of Milan will justly observe these capitulations, yet receiving hostages of him and the Genoese, and the castle also committed according to the form of the contract, you are not without pawn and surety: It is also reasonable in him to demand peace, because lying nearest the danger of your forces, his fears are no less just, than his perils likely: Besides, leagues, which have many competitors, of their proper nature have not that stability and concord, but upon occasions they come to disagree and fall of one from an other, in which case, every little hole that they shall make, yea even the smallest cranell or crevish that shall appear, will make to us the victory no less easy than well assured: So that seeing your affairs stand in these degrees, and that God hath made it impossible to mortal Princes to rule the time, my advise is, that your Majesty strive not against the stream of the time, but to frame your inclinations to the peace, not that it is of itself profitable or commendable, but because it is an office in Princes wise and of stayed condition, in causes difficult and dangerous, to allow for easy and commendable, that that is necessary and convenient, or at lest wise such as are lest entangled with dangers, and nothing at all deerogate reputation and honour. The Duke of Orleans rebuked sharply the speeches of the Prince of Orange, either of them taking such liberty of passion, that falling from words to reproaches and injuries, the Duke gave him the lie in the whole presence of the council: But th'inclination of most part of the council and consequently of the multitude of th'army, was to embrace the peace, bearing so much power in them all, and no less in the person of the king a sweet desire to return into France, that they were not able to discern the danger of the kingdom of Naples, and much less to see how slanderous it was to suffer to be lost afore their eyes the city of Novaro, and lastly to departed out of Italy with conditions so unequal considering the incertainty of th'observation: which disposition was so vehemently favoured by the Prince of Orange, that many doubted jest to gratify the king of romans, to whom he was most affectioned, he had no less regard to the profit of the Duke of Milan them to the commodities of the french king, with whom truly his authority was great, partly for the excellency of his wit, and partly for the credit of his valour, but most of all, for that it is a custom and property with Princes, to esteem most wise, such as are most conformed to their inclinations.  
At last the peace was made, which was no sooner sworn by the Duke of Milan, than the king, rejecting all other thoughts than such as made for his return into France, went forthwith to Thuryn: his haste was the more importunate to departed from Verceill, for that those bands of the Swyzzers that were in the camp, to assure their pays of three whole months (according to the custom of Lowys the xj. as they alleged) began to speak of staying the king or the chiefteines of his Court for the surety of their pay: notwithstanding they could not claim so much by promise, nor yet had served so long time: from which danger albeit the person of the king was delivered by his sudden departure, yet they having made prisoners the Baylif of Dyon and others that levied them, he was in the end constrained to assure all their demands aswell with promises as with hostages: from Thuryn the king desiring to make a perfect establishment of the peace, sent to the Duke of Milan the Mareshall of Gi●, the Precedent of Ganuay, and Argenton, to induce him to speak with his Majesty: The Duke seemed to be of the same desire, but it was not without some doubt of treason: In so much, that either for that suspicion, or objecting perhaps some express difficulties, as not to give occasion of jealousy to the confederates, or for that his ambition would not suffer him to come in a behaviour inferior to the french king: he propownded to have the meeting upon the midst of a river, where a bridge being made either with barks or other matter, there should be between them a bar of wood: A manner of commoning together used heretofore by the kings of England and France, and other great Princes of the West: This the king refused as a thing unworthy his greatness, and therefore without any interview, he received his hostages, and dispatched Peron de la Basche to Genes to receive the two carrakes that were promised him, and to rig four others at his own charges for the succours of the castles of Naples, which he knew had not received the rescues sent from Nice, for that they suffered so many impediments as they could not be profitable to the service of Naples: In which respect, his peoples there besieged had made composition to tender up the castles if they were not succoured within thirty days: The king made his plot to arm the said vessels with three thousand Swyzzers, & to adjoin them to the said navy parted from Nice now retired to Livorne, and to certain other vessels expected from Provence: All which (without the great ships of the Genoese) had not been sufficient for that succours, the haven of Naples being now full of a huge army by sea both for the vessels of the provisions of Ferdinand, and also for twenty galleys and four ships sent thither by the Venetians: The king after he had dispatched Monsr Argenton to Venice to solicit the Senate to enter into the peace and participate with th'accord, took his way into France with all his Court, & that with such equal speed and desire to be there, that there was nothing could stay him any few days in Italy, not not till the Genoese had delivered him their hostages promised upon the contract at Verceill, which certainly they had accomplished, if his hasty departure had not prevented their true intention and meaning. Thus then upon the end of October 1495. his majesty returned on tother side the mounts, resembling rather a parsonage vanquished then a Prince victor (notwithstanding the conquest and victories he had obtained:) he left as his Lieutenant in Ast (a city which it should seem he bought of the Duke of Orleans) john jacques Triuulce with five hundredth french lances, who not many days after of their proper authority followed the king, by whom was left no other succours for the kingdom of Naples, than the navies preparing at Genes and Provence, and the assignation of the aids and moneys promised by the Florentines.  
After the discourse of other things, me thinks it can not be out of purpose (specially 
The french pox & their beginning.  it being a destiny fatal that the calamities of Italy should take their beginning of the passage of the french men, or at lest were imputed to them) to leave to memory and tradition in what sort began the disease which the french call the evil of Naples, and the Italians name the botch, or more commonly the disease of France: It happened as an infection to the french men whilst they were at Naples, and by them in their return from that war, was dispersed and spread thorough all Italy: This disease either altogether new, or at lest unknown in that age in our hemisphere otherways then in the most extreme and furthest parts, was for certain years so horrible, that it well deserveth mention and monument, as a calamity grievous & lamentable: for it appeared always either in vile botches or buttons, which oftentimes proved ulcers incurable, or else they tormented the whole body with pain and aches in the joints and sinews: And the Physicians having no experience in maladies of that nature, and therefore ignorant in the remedies proper and natural, applied oftentimes cures directly resisting and contrary, which inflamed the infection to greater rage, even to the kill of many bodies of all ages and sexes: Many become deformed with them, and subject almost to perpetual torments, yea some such as seemed to be delivered of them, returned eftsoons in short time to the same misery: But after the course of many years (either the influence above being appeased which bred them so horrible and raging, or by long experience their proper remedies and cures being found out) the disease began to be less malicious, changing itself into diverse kinds of infirmity, differing from the first calamity, whereof truly the regions & people of our times might justly complain, if it happened to them without their proper disorder, seeing it is well approved by all those that have diligently studied and observed the proprieties of that evil, that either never or very rarely it happeneth to any otherways then by contagious whoredom or immoderate incontinency. The french think it reasonable to acquit them of thignominy, for that it is known since that such a disease was transported out of Spain to Naples, & yet not proper or natural of that nation, but brought thither from the isles, which in those seasons began to be made familiar to our regions by the navigation of Christofer Colonus a Ganoway: In which isles by the favour of nature, are remedies ready to the cure of that ill, by drinking only of the juice of a wood (most singular for many other worthy properties) which growing plentifully in those places is a remedy no less easy, then absolute and assured to th'inhabitants there.  
The end of the second book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE THIRD BOOK.  
LODOWYK SFORCE keepeth not the treaty of peace: The Venetians take the town of Pysa into their protection: The french king determineth to return into Italy: The king of romans besiegeth Lyvorne: The Pope makes war upon the Vrsins: The french King dieth at Amboyse: Frear jerommo Savonarolais hanged at Florence.  
THE THIRD BOOK OF THE history and discoursse of Guicciardin.  
BY the dishonourable return of the french king over the Mounts, proceeding notwithstanding more of indiscretion and disorders, then by pusillanimity or weakness of his army: wise men grew into hopes and judgements, that Italy, after so many scourges and grievous storms of infelicities, would now at last resume her liberty, or at lest, be redelivered of the insolent jurisdiction of the french: wherein by so much more were worthy and notable the virtues & actions of the Senate of Venice and Duke of Milan, by how much the taking arms with a wise and resolute council, were the only lets, that so goodly a part of the world fell not into the servitude of strangers: But as nothing can satisfy the covetousness of man, so if they had not been carried with ambitious respects touching their interests and desires particular, nor (to their proper infamy and common harms) had so corrupted the universal benefit and common weal of that region: No man might have doubted that Italy, (readdressed by their armies and councils, and eftsoons repossessed of her ancient dignities and prerogatives) had not been for long time assured against the importunities, furies, and violent invasions of the proud nations beyond the Mounts: But ambition, which would not suffer either of them to be contented with his lymitts, was the cause not only to return upon Italy new invasions and troubles, but also that they could not enjoy the fruit of the victory which their fortune brought into their hands against those miserable remeynders of the french in the kingdom of Naples: A victory which the negligence & unwise councils of the king made of easy action to them, for that the succours which he had levied at his departure out of Italy, were either utterly vain, or at lest of so little fruit, that they brought no comfort to his people, his provisions of navigation and the aids promised by the Florentines serving also to like effect.  
This is a rule in the nature of man, that to him that is injuried and can not have justice, nothing is more sweet than the passion of revenge: even so by how much the remembrance of th'offence is green and fresh, by so much stronger is the desire of revenge in the mind grieved, and so much less the trust or confidence in the party that hath offended: Lodowyk Sforce consented not to the peace with the king with a sound faith and meaning, for that remembering the injuries he had done him, he thought it stood not with his surety eftsoons to commit himself to the fidelity of the king: But the desire to recover Novaro, & deliver his own estate from thincommodities of the war, induced him to promise' that which he had no desire to keep, following the kings humour with words, and keeping his intentions dissembled: And it may be supposed, that in the peace made with this semblance, did participate the consent of the Senate of Venice, willing to disburden their state without their infamy, of the very huge and great expenses occupied upon the war of Novaro: But Lodowyk, to whom in actions of shift and cunning, nothing was more 
Lodowyk subtle in dissembling.  familiar than moderation of wit, because he would not in unadvised sort break the articles of the capitulation, but shadow his doings with some collar, accomplished that which he could not deny to be in his power: he delivered hostages: he set at liberty the prisoners paying their ransoms of his proper treasures: he restored the vessels taken at Rapale: he withdrew from Pysa Frecasse whom he could not dissemble to be in his pay: lastly he put the castle of Genes into the hands of the Duke of Ferrare who went thither in person to receive it: But on tother side, he left within 
Shifts of Lod. Sforce to break the peace.  Pysa Luke Maluezzo with many bands of soldiers as though he were in the wages and pays of the Genoese: he suffered that two carrakes which were armed at Genes went to Naples for the service of Ferdinand, using this excuse, that for that he had interteyned them afore the conclusion of the peace, they of Genes would not consent that they should be denied to him: he laboured secretly that the Genoese should not deliver in their hostages to the king: And that which was of greater consequence for the loss of the castles of Naples, after the king had armed and manned the four ships, and that he had furnished him of the two for the which he was bound: he wrought so with the Genoese, that making semblances of fear, they gave impediments that the kings soldiers should not be armed, if first they received not of him sufficient caution that he should not employ them against themselves, nor attempt with that force to change the government of Genes: For these cavillations the king complained by men express to Lodowyk, who (according to his custom in evasions) answered him with exceptions, sometimes that he had promised to furnish him with the ships, but without consent that they should be manned with french soldiers: And sometimes he alleged that the jurisdiction which he had of Genes was not absolute, but limited and restrained to such conditions, as he had no power of compulsion, and much less was his authority to enforce their wills to his desires, specially in things which they pretended to be dangerous for their estate, or to deerogate the liberties of their city: wherein the better to justify his excuses, he wrought so that the Pope commanded the Genoese and him upon pain of the Church censures, that they should not suffer to be drawn from Genes by the french king any vessels of no sort or nature: In so much as the succours expected with so great desire by the french which were wretched in the kingdom of Naples, soarted to no comfort or relief to them: Not more did the aids and moneys promised by the Florentines: seeing after th'accord made at Thuryn, Guind● Anthoine Vespucci one of their Ambassadors assistant at the conclusion, departing immediately with all the necessary dispatches, and passing without suspicion thorough the Duchy of Milan, for that the common weal of Florence was not declared enemy to either part: he was retained in Alexandria by the Duke's commission: And all his papers and dispatches taken from him, he was led forthwith to Milan, where the capitulation and promises of the Florentines being bewrayed, the Venetians and the Duke took council, not to suffer the Pysans to perish: who assoon as the french king was gone out of Italy, had by new Ambassadors recommended their affairs to Venice 
The Venetians in mind to 〈…〉 the Pysans.  and Milan: Their resolution to rescue the Pysans was not without the consent of the Pope and th'ambassadors of the other confederates, under pretence to hinder the money and aids which the Florentines reentring into Pysa and their other places, were to send to the realm of Naples: And also for that being conjoined with the french king, and by the recovering of that city, made more mighty, they might in many sorts endamage the common safety of Italy: but the principal humour that said that motion was their ambition & great desire to make themselves Lords over Pysa: A sweet pray to entice ambitious minds, and as it had been afore time vehemently aspired by Lodowyk, so the Venetians began now in like sort to look into it with covetous eyes, as people, who seeing the ancient unity of other potentates broken, and one part of those weakened which had wont to oppose against them, embraced already with thoughts and hopes the Monarchy of all Italy: Whereunto they esteemed the empery of Pysa a very convenient instrument, to begin with the commodity of his haven (which they thought could not be long kept by Florence not holding Pysa) to stretch out their limits even to the inferior sea: having withal by th'opportunity of that city, an entry of great importance into Tuscan: The Duke of Milan showed most readiness to minister to their succours, who entertaining at the same instant the Florentines with diverse practices, had ordained that Fracasse, under cooler of his private business (for he had possessions in that country) should go to Pysa, and the Genoese to refurnish them with new supplies of footmen: The Venetians also forgot not to nourish them with promises and comforts of speedy succours, and accordingly dispatched one of their Secretories to Genes to make a leavy of footmen, and persuade the Genoese not to abandon the Pysans: yet they were long in sending their strength thither, perhaps by this opinion, that so long as the citadel was holden by the french king, & so long as he were in Italy, it was not convenient to lay any great foundation of those things: On the otherside, the Florentines, advertised of the new covenants made with the king by their Ambassadors at Thuryn, had increased their army, to be the more able to constrain the Pysans to receive them assoon as they saw the dispatches of the king: And albeit as you have heard, they were restrained together with their Ambassador by the Duke of Milan, yet they forbore not to take the borrow of Palay●, and so planted their camp afore Vicopisan: the besieging of which place was of no effect, partly for that the Captains (either by ill council, or for that they judged their strength not sufficient to bring their camp on that side towards Pysa, the Pysans having erected a bastyllyon on a mount near the town) encamped on that side underneath towards Bientina: A place of little commodity to hurt Vico, and keeping it, the way of Pysa and Casina lay open to those that were besieged: partly for that Pawle Vitelli having received three thousand ducats, went thither to defend it, entering with his companies and the bands of his brethren under a feigned cooler to have letters of the king, & commandment from the general of Languedok brother to the Cardinal of S. Mallow remaining sick at Pietra Santa, to protect Pysa and thappurtenance, until other order were taken: Certainly it is a thing right wonderful in reason, and no less rare in experience and example, that the Pysans were at one time defended by the soldiers of the french king, and aided by the succours of the Duke of Milan, and nourished also with hopes by the state of Venice, notwithstanding that Senate & the Duke of Milan were in open war with the french king: But such is the rage of ambition, and so sweet thinsinuation of rule and empery, that in whom they have kindled their infection, they cease not to inflame more and more their desires without respect to fidelity, conscience, difficulty, or common observancy, holding all things lawful that make for their purpose, and nothing unseemly that may serve to satisfy their insatiable aspiring thoughts: with the rescue that came with the bands of Vitelli, Vicopisan defended itself easily, and gave no little damage to the camp of the Florentines, the same being pitched in a place so open and discovered, that it received many harms by the artilleries which the Pysans had carried within Vico: In so much that having endured the harms by many days, the Captains found it necessary to their safety, to levy the siege to their reproach and shame: After this, the kings dispatches being at last come, which written into copies, were secretly sent out by many ways, the town, castle, and port of Livorne were immediately rendered to the Florentines by Salliane Lieutenant to Monsr Beaumond to whom the king had given them in charge: when M. D'isle deputy Commissioner to receive of the Florentines the ratification of th'accord made at Thuryn, and to see the restitution executed, began to treat with Entragues captain of the citadel of Pysa, and of the castles of Pietra Santa and Mutton, to resolve with him of the day and manner to resign them up: But Entragues indused either by the self same inclination common with the other french men that were then in Pysa, or by some secret commissions from M. de Ligni, under whose name and as depending upon him, he was preferred to that charge, or perhaps drawn by the love which he bore to a little Graciana daughter of one of the citizens of Pysa (for it is not credible that only the desire of money led him, since he might receive a greater quantity of the Florentines) he began to oppose many difficulties: sometimes giving to the king's letters patents an interpretation contrary to the true sense: and sometimes he alleged that at the beginning he had commandment not to tender them but by secret advertisements from Monsr de Ligny: upon which impediments, after they had in vain disputed certain days, it was necessary for the Florentines to make a new instance to the king remaining yet at Verceill, to remedy that disorder expressed with so great an offence to his majesty, and hurt to his special profit: The king become much moved with the disobedience of Entragues, and commanded M. de Ligny (not without indignation) to constrain him to obey, determining to send thither a man of authority with new letters patents and threats from the Duke of Orleans whose servant he was: But the resolute obstinacy of M. de Ligny and the favours which he had in court, being of more power than the slender council of the king, the dispatch was delayed certain days, and in the end sent not by a man of authority, but by M. Launcepugno a simple gentleman: with whom went Camylla Vitelli to lead his companies to the realm of Naples, and withal to conduit thither one part of the money to be defrayed by the Florentines, to whose army, assoon as the kings letters patents were arrived, were joined the men of war of both the Vitellis: This dispatch wrought no more effect than the first, notwithstanding the captain had received two thousand ducats of the Florentines, to entertain (until the kings answer came) the bands of footmen which were in garrison within the Citadel: And to Camilla were paid three thousand ducats, because otherways he would have hindered that the kings letters should not have been presented: for the captain of the citadel (to whom as was supposed de Ligni had sent by an other way, commissions quite contrary) After he had many days abused their expectation, and judging that the Florentines (for that there were within the town besides thinhabitants, a thousand footmen foreigners,) could not force the suburbs of S. Mark joined to the gate of Florence leaning to the citadel where the Pysans had made a great bastillion, and that so he might come to the end of his intention without manifest objecting against the kings will: he sent tother Florentyn Commissioners, to present their army afore the said gate, (which they could not do unless they won the suburbs) for that if the Pysans would not receive them in by accord, he would force them to abandon it, the same gate being so subject to th'artillery of the citadel, that it was not able to meinteyne defence against the will of such as had it in guard: The Florentines inclining readily to this devise, went thither with a great preparation, a courage resolute, and an inflamed disposition of all the camp then lodging at S. Remy, a place near to the suburbs: And with such valour they assailed the bastillion on three sides (in the form, seat, and rampires whereof, they had been fully instructed by Pawle Vitelli) that they broke and put to flight such as stood in defence, and pursuing the chase, they enter Pelle Melle the suburbs by a draw bridge which joined to the bastillion, kill and making prisoners the most of them: In this fury there was no doubt, (without the aid of the citadel) but at the same instant they might have made perfect the conquest of Pysa by that gate, many of their men at arms being entered, for that the Pysans put to flight, made no resistance: But the captain of the citadel seeing things succeed otherways then he looked for, began to discharge th'artillery upon the Florentines: with which accident unlooked for, the Commissioners and leaders marveling not a little, many of their soldiers slain and hurt by th'artillery, and Pawle Vitelli wounded in one of his legs, they sounded the retreat, holding it impossible to take Pysa at that time for the furious resistance of the citadel: yea within few days after, they were constrained for the harms they received by th'artillery to abandon the suburbs which they had brought into their power, and so retired with great discourage and no less discontented to Cassina, till the king had reformed so manifest a disobedience of his subjects.  
In this mean while also, the Florentines were not without their perplexities, for 
Peter de medicis at the instigation of the Confederate determineth to return to Florence.  new and dangerous practices stirred up principally by the potentates of the league: Who to give the more impediments to the conquest of Pysa, and by some new necessities at home, to enforce them to leave th'alliance of the french king, incensed P. de medicis to make trial, with the aid of Virginio Vrsin, (fled from the french camp the day of the battle of Taro,) to return to Florence: A matter of right easy persuasion both to the one and other: for that to Virginio it soarted to good purpose (what so ever came to th'enterprise) to reassemble at the charges of others, his ancient bands and partakers, and readresse himself eftsoons in the reputation of arms: And Peter according to the custom of men banished, had no want of diverse hopes for the multitude of friends which he had in the city, by whom he had intelligence that the government popular was displeasing to many of the nobles, and no less intolerable to many of his faction and followers, which by reason of the ancient greatness of his house, was almost universal thorough the whole dominion of Florence: It was believed that this plot took his first devise and beginning at Milan, for that Virginio was no sooner escaped out of the hands of the french, than he made his first office to go visit the Duke: but afterwards the resolution succeeded at Rome, where did negotiate many days with the Pope, th'ambassador of Venice and the Cardinal Askanius, who proceeded by commission from Lodowyk his brother: These were the grounds and hopes of this enterprise: that besides the bands which Virginio should leavy of his old soldiers, and with ten thousand ducats gathered by P. de medicis of his own and by the liberalities of his friends: john Bentyvole being then in the pay of the Venetians and the Duke of Milan, should at the same instant make war against them upon the frontyer of Bolognia: And also that Kattherine Sforce whose son took pay of the Duke of Milan, should vex them by the cities of Ymola and Furly, confining upon the lands of the Florentines: Lastly they made promise to themselves (not in vain) to have at their devotion the Syennoys, no less inflamed with an old hatred against the Florentines, then desirous to embrace occasions to preserve Montpulcian, A town which they disinherited not to be able to defend of themselves, for that having attempted not many months before with their own strength, and the bands of the Lord of Plombyn and john Savelle (whom the Duke interteyned in common with them) to make themselves Lords of the country of the marrysse of Chianes, which marrysse had been long time the limit or markestone of that side between the Florentines and them, and to that end they had begun to make near to the bridge of Valiane, A bastillion to beat a tower erected by the Florentines upon the point towards Montpulcian: things fell out contrary to their hopes and expectation: for that the Florentines, moved with the danger of the loss of this bridge, which not only took from them all means to molest Montpulcian, but also gave entry to thenemies into the territories of Cortona and Aretze and other pieces, which on tother side of Chianes' appertain to their jurisdiction, sent thither a strong succour, which forced the bastillion begun by the Syennoys: And for their full surety of that piece, they planted near the bridge (but on tother side Chianes) a bastillion convenient to bestow many soldiers in: by whose help and commodity they made roads even to the gates of Montpulcian, vexing with like actions all the towns of the Siennoys on that side: To which success was joined this fortune, that a little after the passage of the french king, they had broken near to Montpulcian, the bands of the Siennoys and made prisoner john Savella their captain: But Virginio and Peter de medicis hoped to obtain place of retreat with other commodities of the people of Perusia, not only for that the family of the Baillons, (who with arms and aids of their followers were almost become Masters of that city) were united to Virginio in a common fidelity to the name and faction of the Guelffs, and had withal familiar and strait frendshipps with Laurence and Peter de medicis whilst he ruled in Florence, by whose favours and other ministrations they had special countenance against all action of their enemies: but also being the subjects of the Church (but more in demonstrations then in effects) it was believed that in things concerning principally their estates, they would yield to the will of the Pope, having community therein the consent of the Venetians and Duke of Milan: Virginio then and Peter de medicis departed from Rome with these hopes, & occupying amongst themselves these persuasions, that the Florentines traveled with civil divisions at home, and vexed by their neighbours abroad under the name of the confederates, could hardly make resistance: And remaining certain days between Terni and Todi and these confines, where Virginio studying by all means to pluck down the Gebelyn faction, leavyed men and money of the Guelsses: At last they settled their camp in favour of the Perusins, before Gualde, A town possessed by the commonalty of Fuligni, but sold before by the Pope for six thousand ducats to the Perusins, who were no less inflamed with a desire to have it, then incensed with the contention of the parties, by reason of whose dealings all the towns about inclined then to emotion and insurrection: for not many days before, the family of the Oddies, banished from Perousa & chieftains of the faction contrary to the Bayllions, having aids of them of Fuligni, Ascese, and other pieces there adjoining, which embraced the part of the Gebylins', were entered Corciana, (a strong piece within five miles of Perousa) with three hundredth horse, and five hundredth footmen: for which accident, all the country being risen (for Spolette, Camerin, and other places of the guelfs were favourable to the Bayllons) they of Oddy within few days after entered by night within Perousa, and that with such astonishment to the Bayllons, that having lost hope & ability of defence, they began to put themselves to slight: But the Oddies, by a small and unlooked for adventure, lost that victory, which the power of their enemies could not deprive them of: for that being come without impediment to one of the entries of the principal place, and one of them who for that purpose carried a hatchet, offering to cut in pieces the chain drawn over the way according to the custom of cities in faction: And being so troublesomly environed with the press of his companies, that he had no space to list up his arm to 
A 〈…〉 mi 〈…〉 d 〈…〉 enterprise.  hew the chain, cried with a loud voice give back, give back, to th'end that having more room, his liberty might be more furthering to the action he went about: This voice being wrong understanded, and repeated from hand to hand by such as followed him, and so delivered to others in a sense sounding to retire and flee, it was the cause that all the companies without other encounter or let, fell suddenly to flee, not one knowing by whom they were chased, nor for what occasion they fled: This disorder restored th'adversaries to such present courage, that reassembling their strength, they charged them in the chasse and made great slaughter taking prisoner Troyllo Savello, who for the same affection to the faction, had been sent to the succours of the Oddies by Cardinal Savella: And applying their forces to thoccasion that was offered, they followed the chasse even to Corciana, which they recovered in this action, and with the same fury: And lastly not contented with the death of such as they had slain in the chasse, they hanged many at Perousa, following the cruelty which for the most part other factions are wont to use: of which tumults, many murders happening in the places bordering, for that in seasons doubtful, 
〈…〉 insurrections.  the parties are careful, and do customably draw into insurrection, either for desire to cut of their enemies, or for fear to be prevented by them: The Perusins inflamed against the Fulignians, had sent the camp to Gualda, And having given th'assault to it in vain, with no less distrust to carry it by their own strength, they accepted the aids of Virginio who offered himself to them, to th'end that at the brute of booty and spoil, the soldiers might run with more readiness to the war: And albeit they were pressed by him and by Peter de medicis to minister openly to their enterprise, or at lest to give some piece of artillery or place of retreat for their people at Chastillion du lac confining upon the territory of Cortonne, with commodity of victuals for th'army: yet they consented to never one of the demands, notwithstanding the Cardinal Askanius made in the name of the Duke of Milan great instance, and the Pope commanding no less by writs vehement and full of threats: All this was, for that since the taking of Corciana, the Florentines lending them money, and giving yearly pension to Guido and Radolpho chief of the Baillons, and lastly having taken into their pay john Pawle son to Radolpho, they were of their side & conjoined with them: Besides these, they were estranged from thamity of the Pope, for that they feared he stood favourable and inclined to the cause of their adversaries, or at lest, by thoccasion of their divisions, they suspected that he aspired to put absolutely that city under the obedience of the Church: In this time, Pawle Vrsin, who with three score men at arms of the old company of Virginio, had remained many days at Montpulcian, and afterwards was gone to the borrow of Pieva: entertained (by the direction of Peter de medicis) A practice in the city of Cortone, with intention to execute it at such time as the bands of Virginio should approach, whose numbers nor virtue answered not the first plots: But during that respitt of time, the practice being discovered which was builded upon the foundation and mean of one of the exiles of base condition: one part of their general grounds & devices began to fail, and withal many great impediments to appear: for the Florentines, in whom was always nourished a careful policy to provide for dangers, leaving in the country of Pysa three hundredth men at arms & two thousand footmen, had sent to encamp near Cortone two hundred men at arms & 2. thousand footmen under the leading of the Count Riwcce de Marciane whom they had made Mercenary in their pay: And to th'end the bands of the Syennoys should have no opportunity to join with Virginio according to the practice between them: they sent to Poggi imperial upon the borders of the country of Sienna (under the government of Guidobalde of Montfeltre Duke of Vrbyn, whom they had interteyned into their pay a little before) three hundredth men at arms, and fifteen hundredth footmen, besides many banished from Sienna (with whom they adjoined) to keep the city in greater fear: But after Virginio had given many assaults to Gualda where Charles his bastard son received a wound with a small shot, and having embraced the moneys sent secretly to him as was supposed by the Fulignians, he raised his camp without mention or respect to thinterests of the Perusins, and marched to the tabernacles and so to Panicale in the country of Perousa, making new instance that they would be declared against the Florentines: A thing which they did not only deny to him, but also for the discontentment they had of his actions at Gualda, they compelled him almost with threatenings to departed out of their territories: In so much that Peter and he going first with four hundredth horse to Orsaia a town near to Cortone, hoping that in that city (which to avoid the harms of the soldiers had refused to receive the men at arms of the Florentines) they should found some tumult: After they saw all things in quiet and stability, they passed over Chianes with three hundredth men at arms, and three thousand footmen, but the most part in confusion & ill order, because they had been driven back having but a very small proportion of money: They retired upon the country of Sienna near to Montpulcian between Chianciana, Torrite, and Asinalongue, where they remained many days without other action then certain incursions and pillages, having the bands of the Florentines, (which passed Chianes at the bridge of Valiance) in camped directly opposite upon the hill Sansovyn and other places thereabouts. Neither of the side of Bolognia (as they hoped) was any insurrection, for that Bentyvole, not determining for the interests and regards of an other to enter war with a common weal mighty and his neighbour, refused the quarrel and the defence, notwithstanding the persuasions of the confederates, to whom he made many excuses, and used no less delays, neither was he curious to consent that many demonstrations should be made by julian de medicis, who being come from Bolognia, laboured to stir up the friends which they were accustomed to have in the mountains of that country: Amongst the consederats there was not one consent of will and inclination, for that it was very acceptable to the Duke of Milan that the Florentines should be vexed with those travels, thereby to be less able for the matters of Pysa: but it nothing pleased him that P. de medicis so greatly injuried by him, should return to Florence, notwithstanding (to declare that hereafter he would wholly depend upon his authority) he had sent to Milan in solemn order his brother the Cardinal: And touching the Venetians, they liked not to have the burden of that war imposed upon them, and much less to embrace alone the quarrel: Besides, the Duke and they were buysie to leavy provisions to expulse the french out of the kingdom of Naples: In which respects, failing in Peter and Virginio not only the hopes which they expected, but also the moneys greatly diminishing to entertain their bands of footmen and horsemen: the necessities of their estates, and consideration of their proper safeties, caused them to withdraw to Bagno Rapulano in the country of Chiusa, a city subject to the Siennoys: where not many days after (Virginio being drawn by his destiny) arrived Camylla Vitelli and M. de Gemel, sent by the french king to entertain him into 
Virgini. Vrsin with the french king.  his pay and lead him into the kingdom of Naples, where the king desired to serve his purpose of him, hearing of the defection of the Colonnoys: This offer (albeit many of his friends impugned it, advising him rather to follow the service of the confederates who made great solicitation to him or else to become for tharragons') was embraced and accepted by him, either for that he hoped by that mean to be more able to recover the lands and country of Alba and Taille cousin: or else, remembering eftsoons how things happened in the loss of the kingdom, and seeing the authority of the Colonnoys his ancient adversaries was so great with Ferdinand, that there was no confidence of reconciliation, and much less to be readdressed into his former greatness: or lastly for that he was moved, (as himself did assure) with a discontentment which he had of the Princes consederat failing to accomplish those promises which they made to him to minister favours to Peter de medicis: Virginio then entered pay with the french king receiving contract aswell for him, as for others of the house of the Vrsins for six hundredth men at arms: notwithstanding under this obligation (such be the fruits of those that once have made their faith suspected) to send his son Charles into France for the kings surety: And being possessed of the king's money, he prepared himself to go with the Vitellies to the kingdom of Naples, where both before the loss of the castles and after, was continual insurrection in many places with diverse accidents and fortunes.  
For, after Ferdinand had in the beginning made head in the plain of Sarny, the frenchmen that were retired from Piedgrotte, were encamped at Nocere within four miles of th'enemy, where their forces being equal, it appeared their dispositions did not differ, for that they consumed the time unprofitably in skirmishing without any action worthy of memory: saving that seven hundred of the army of Ferdinand aswell footmen as horsemen, being led by a double intelligence to enter the borrow of Gisone near the town of S. Severin, remained almost all upon the place either slain or made prisoners: But the bands of the Pope being come to the succours of Ferdinand, and by that mean the french made more inferior, they retired from Nocere, which by that occasion, together with the castle, was taken by Ferdinand 
〈…〉 by 〈…〉  with a greater slaughter of such as had followed the french quarrel: In this time Monsr Montpensier had foreseen to furnish of horses and other things necessary for the war, such as were come with him from the new castle: with whom, after he had remounted them in good order, he went to join with the others, and after came to Ariana, A town abounding with victuals: of the other side, Ferdinand seeing himself less strong than th'enemy, stayed at Montfuskule to temporize, without assaying of fortune until the confederates had refurnished him with a greater succour: M. Montpensier took the town, and afterwards the castle of S. Severin, and with that fortune had done far greater things if the want present of money, and the difficulties to get some, had not been impediments to his opportunity and virtue: for having no relief sent out of France, nor mean to leavy any in the kingdom of Naples, he could not pay the soldiers, by which reason the army inclining to discontentment, and the Swyzzers drawing into murmur, he had no possibility to do things whose effects might answer the forces he had: In such like actions were consumed by the one and other army, about three months: In which season, Dom Federyk having with him Caesar of Arragon, made war in Povylla: he was aided by those of the country, against whom made head the Barons & peoples that embraced the french part: of the other side Gracian de Guerres made valiant defence in Abruzze against Ferdinand, and the Perfect of Rome who had the kings pay for two hundredth men at arms, vexed with his estates the lands of Montcasin, and the country thereabouts, where was somewhat declined the prosperity of the french by the long sickness of M. d'Aubigny, the same breaking the course of his victory, although almost all Calabria and the principality remained at the devotion of the french king: But consalvo, who with a strength of the spanish bands, with such of the country as bore friendship to tharragons' (now well increased by the conquest of Naples,) had taken there certain places, and made strong in that province the name of Ferdinand, where the french found the same difficulties which were in the army for want of money: Notwithstanding the city of Cosenze being drawn into rebellion against them, they recovered it and sacked it: But in these great necessities and dangers, appeared no succours at all out of the realm of France: for that the king staying at Lions, amused the time about jousts, torneyes, and other pleasures of Court, leaving there all his thoughts of the war: And albeit he assured his council always that he would eftsoons consider of th'affairs of Italy, yet the effects & actions that proceeded from him, discredited the promises he had made to have remembrance of them: And yet Argenton brought him this answer from the Senate of Venice, that they pretended to have no disfrendship with him, for that they entered not into arms until he had gotten Nocere, and yet for no other cause then for the defence of the Duke of Milan their confederate: and therefore they thought it a thing superfluous, to ratify eftsoons the ancient friendship with a new peace: Besides they offered him, that by the mediation of persons indifferent, they would induce Ferdinand, to give him presently some sum of money, with constitution of a tribute of fifty thousand ducats by year, and to leave in his hands for his security, Tarenta until a certain time: The king, as though he had had a prepared & puissant succour, refused to open his ears to these offers, notwithstanding (besides these perplexities of Italy) he was not without vexations upon the frontiers of France: seeing Ferdinand king of the Spanish come in person to Parpignian had made incursions into Languedoc, where they did no small harms, adding to their present fury other demonstrations of far greater emotions: Besides it was not long since the Daulphyn of France the only son of the king, died: All which things (if he had been capable to make wise election of peace or war) aught to have brought him with more facility to condescend to some accord.  
About the end of this year were determined the controversies happening by reason of the citadel of Pysa: for the french king understanding by good information thobstinacy of the captain, sent thither at last Monsr Gemel with threatenings and commandments rigorous not only addressed to him, but generally to all the french appertaining to the charge and service of the said citadel: And a little after, he dispatched thither expressly M. Bonne Cousin to the captain, to th'end that being informed by a person whom he might trust, both of the kings message, and also the mean to satisfy with present obedience his former faults and contumacy: and of the other part, the danger wherein he stood continuing in disobedience: he might with more readiness proceed to th'execution of his majesties commandment & just will: All these could not remove the captain from his first resolution, who abiding in his transgression, made no reckoning of the message of Gemell staying there a few days according to his commission to go with Camylla Vitelli to found Virginio: And much less was than coming of Bonne (who was hindered many days for that by direction of the Duke of Milan he was retained at Serazena) to any purpose to turn the captain from his obstinacy: But having wrought Bonne to his consent & opinion, he made a contract with the Pysans (Luke Maluezze communicating in the name of the Duke) by virtue whereof he delivered to the Pysans the first day of the year 1496. their citadel, receiving of them twenty thousand ducats, whereof xii. thousand to remeyne to himself, and eight thousand to be divided in shares amongst the particular soldiers: This money was not levied of the stores or wealth of the Pysans, in whom was no mean to entertain their proper condition, & much less to refurnish expenses extraordinary, only not to loose th'opportunity of the citadel, they prayed the aids of their friends, having four thousand of the Venetians, four thousand of the Genoese and Luckoyes, and four thousand of the Duke of Milan: who using at the same time his ordinary shifts and practices (whereunto was given little faith) he solicited faintly to enter with the Florentines into firm intelligence and amity, & was already agreed of conditions with their Ambassadors.  
It can not in any construction carry likelihood of truth, that Monsr de Ligny, or the captain, or any other would have used so great transgression without the kings will and liking, seeming chief the matter was so much to his disadvantage: for that albeit the captain had capitulated that the city of Pysa should continued in the obedience of the crown of France, yet it remained manifestly at the devotion of the confederates: and for that the restitution took not effect, the french men that were left in the realm of Naples were naked of the succours of men and money promised in the contract of Thuryn: The Florentines observing diligently the action of all things, (albeit in the beginning they made great doubt) were possessed at last with this opinion, that all was done contrary to the will of the king: A thing which might seem incredible to all others that knew not what was his nature, nor what were the conditions of his wit and customs, nor how little authority he bore amongst his people, And lastly how easily men are emboldened against a Prince that is fallen into indignity and contempt.  
After the Pysans were entered by heaps into the citadel, they razed it flat with the earth: And knowing their own strength not sufficient to bear out the desense and protection of their cause, they sent at the same instant Ambassadors to the Pope, to the king of Romans, to the Venetians, to the Duke of Milan, to the Genoese, to the Syennoys, and to the Lucquoys, praying succours of every one by particular suit & discourse, but with greater instance of the Venetians & Duke of Milan, towards whom they nourished a frank inclination to transfer the jurisdiction of their city: wherein they had this cogitation and seeming, that they were constrained not so much to look to the preservation of their liberty, as to eschew the necessity to return eftsoons into the power of the Florentines: Their hopes also were more partial in him then in any of the residue, for that beside he was the first stirrer of them to rebellion by reason of neighbourhood, yet reaping from the other confederates no other thing then general hopes, they had always received from him present & ready succours: But the Duke (notwithstanding his desire and ambition were importunate) stood doubtful whether he should accept it, for fear lest the other confederates would grow divided by it, in whose councils was now begun to treat of the affairs of Pysa, as of a common cause: By reason whereof some times he would desire the Pysans to defer, and sometimes advised them that it might be done in public action & in the name of the Saint Severyns, and he to disclose that all was done to his profit, when he should see his time: But in the end (desire of dominion is troublesome till the appetite be satisfied) when he saw the french king was gone out of Italy, and finding withal that his necessities & occasions with the confederates were not now so great, he determined to embrace it.  
But this inclination of the Pysans begins to grow cold for the great hopes they had to be succoured by the Senate of Venice: and withal, they had this council of others, that more easily might they defend their estate with the aid of many, then to stand upon the succours of one alone, finding by this mean a more greater hope to maintain their liberty with full protection: According to these considerations, after they had obtained the citadel, they laboured to bring to their defence & strength, the favours and succours of every one: for the furtherance of which intention, the disposition of the estates of Italy served to good purpose: for the Genoese, for the malice they bore to Florence, and the Siennoys and Lucquoys for hatred and fear, were always to minister aid to them in some sort, wherein to proceed with more resolution and order, they solicited to make a contract with obligations resolute for that effect: To the Venetians and Duke of Milan, entertaining one desire to be their sovereign Lords, it could not but be intolerable that they returned to the rule of the Florentines: And with the Pope and th'ambassadors of the Spanish, much helped them, their common desire to pluck down the Florentines as being too much inclined to the doings of France: So that having been graciously heard in every place, and obtained of th'elect Emperor the privilege of confirmation of their liberty: they brought from Venice and Milan the same promises to preserve them in their liberty which they had made afore with one common consent to help to deliver them from the french: And the Pope in the name and consent of all the potentates of the league, encouraged them by a special signeture, with promise that they should be mightily defended of every one: But in these great promises & hopes, the most apparent succours came from the Venetians and Duke of Milan, the Duke augmenting the number of men that were there first, and the Senate refurnishing them with a proportion sufficient: An action wherein if they had both continued, the Pysans had not been constrained to stick more to the one then to the other of them, & by that mean also the common benefit had been more easily preserved: But as in all things not followed with the same industry wherein they are begun, the end is less than the expectation: so it happened to the Duke of Milan, who (fearing always great expenses, and being inclined of nature to proceed in all actions with appearances and shifts) made his account that the jurisdiction of Pysa could not but fall into his hands, and therefore began with small proportions to furnish things which the Pysans demanded of him: In which distrust and incertainty of dealing, they took occasion to transfer all their inclinations to the Venetians, in whom they found a plentiful relief in all their necessities without any sparing: from whence proceeded, 
The Venetians in mind to take upon them the defence of Pysa.  that a few months after the french had redelivered the citadel, the Senate of Venice required by the general and importunate suits of the Pysans, determined to take the city into their protection, the Duke of Milan rather persuading them to it then making any show of disliking: This was done without the privity of the other confederates, nor once communicating with them either generally or a part, notwithstanding in the beginning they had given them comfort to sand bands of men to their succours: but now they alleged that they were no more bound to those promises, for that without their consent, they had particularly covenanted with the Venetians.  
It is most certain, that neither the desire to preserve the liberty of their neighbours (which in their own country they love much) nor any regard to the common benefit and safety (as they did always publish with honourable words) but the only desire to get the jurisdiction of Pysa, were the causes that the Venetians made this resolution: By the mean whereof they doubted not in short time to reap a sweet fruit of their ambitious desire, even with the will of the Pysans themselves, in whom was a willing election to live under the rule of Venice, the better to be always assured, not to be repassed eftsoons into the servitude of the Florentines: And yet notwithstanding this inclination to protect the Pysans, it was often times and with long 
The Senate of Venice debateth upon the action of Pysa.  discourse debated in the Senate, the general disposition being almost hindered for the authority of some of the most ancient and esteemed Senators, who impugning it with mighty reasons assured the residue, that to appropriate the government and defence of Pysa, was a matter full of difficulties, for that by land it was a state far from their confines, and by sea much farther removed from all their good opportunities, having no mean to go thither, but by the dwellings and havens of others fetching a compass about both the seas that environeth Italy, for which reasons they could not defend it from the continual vexations of the Florentines but with intolerable expenses: They could not deny but such an enlargement would be very honourable for the state of Venice: But they wished there might be made advised considerations of the difficulties to keep it, and much more conference of the conditions of the time present, together with that which might happen by such a deliberation: for that all Italy being suspicious of their greatness, such an increase of Lordship could not but be extremely jealous and displeasing to all, wherein would be bred easily more great and dangerous accidents then haply were looked into of many: such were greatly deceived in whose persuasions was this surety, that the other potentates would suffer without gainsaying, that to their Lordship and empery so redoubted thorough all Italy, should be joined so great opportunities by the demean of Pysa: wherein if they were not (as they have been) so mighty to withstand it of their proper strength, they were not (seeing the way was taught to them on the other side the mounts to pass into Italy) without great occasion to oppose against them foreign force, to the which (no doubt) they would have ready recourse aswell for hate as for fear (this being a vice common to all men, to seek rather to serve strangers, then to give place to their own:) And touching the Duke of Milan, how can it be believed, that he accustomed to be carried sometimes by ambition and hope, sometimes by suspicion and fear, and now being stirred no less with disdain then jealousy to see transferred to the Venetians, that pray which he had sought by so many means and studies for himself: will not rather be ready to bring new troubles upon Italy, then endure that Pysa should be occupied by others than himself: And albeit with words and councils he declared the contrary, yet let it be an opinion absolute, that those appearances were but disguised and far from the intention and truth of his heart (containing no other thing) than ambushes and councils full of art tending to an ill end: In fellowship & company of whom, it were a necessary wisdom to support that city, if not for other respect, at the lest to let that th'inhabitants should not transfer it to him: But to make it a cause proper or particular, drawing after it so great envy and no less charges, were a council neither wise nor well ruled: That they aught to consider how much contrary would be those thoughts, to the works and actions wherein for so many months, they were so much traveled and yet vexed continually: for that no other occasions did move the Senate to take arms with so great expense & danger, than the desire to deliver and reassure aswell themselves as the other regions of Italy from the rule of strangers: wherein having given a beginning with a success so glorious, and yet the french king scarcely repassed the Mounts, and the most part of the kingdom of Naples following his faction with a strong army: what indiscretion, what infamy, what stained reputation would it be, (at a time needful to confirm the liberty and surety of Italy) to replant and sow again seeds of new calamities: which might eftsoons make speedy and easy the return of the french, or else the descending of the king of romans, to whom (pretending as every one knoweth against their estate) could happen no greater occasion nor more strong desire than this: That the common weal of Venice was not brought to those terms, to embrace councils dangerous, nor to go before occasions and much less take them whilst they were green: Not, rather no estate in all Italy stood upon better terms to expect th'opportunity of times, And with less peril could tarry till occasions were ripe: that deliberations headlong, rash, or doubtful, become well those that suffered hard or sinister conditions, or such as being pushed forward with ambition and desire to make their name famous, feared to have want of time: That such resolutions were altogether dangerous to a common weal, who raised into so great power, dignity, and authority, stood redoubted and envied of all the residue of principalities in Italy: And who in regard of other kings and Princes almost immortal and perpetual retaining always one self and settled name of a Senate of Venice, had never occasions to dress or hasten their deliberations afore the time: That it appertained better to the wisdom and gravity of that Senate (considering according to the proppertie of men truly wise the dangers that lay hidden under those hopes and ambitions, and looking more into th'ends than beginnings of things) to reject those rash councils, and to abstain aswell in thoccasion of Pysa, as others offering to astonish or kindle the spirits of others, until at the lest Italy were better assured of the suspicions & dangers of those on tother side the Mounts, forbearing in any wise to give them new occasion eftsoons to re-enter: for that experience had showed in very few months, how Italy when she was not oppressed by strange nations, followed almost th'authority of the Senate of Venice, but so long as the foreign forces occupied place in this empire, in place to be followed and redoubted of the others, they with the others had reason to fear power of strangers: These and like reasons conformed to the desires of the greatest number, were surmounted and carried over with the persuasions of Augustyn Barbarin Duke of the same city, whose rule was become so great and general, that exceeding the modesty of the Duke's past, he aspired rather to a power absolute, than authority limited or regulated: for that, besides that he had many years managed that dignity with happy success, and besides his many excellent gifts & graces of the mind, he had so prevailed with singularity of cunning dealing, that many Senators, (willingly opposed against such, as in a name to be wise for long experience, and for that they had obtained supreme dignities, were of greatest reputation in that common weal) linked to him, and followed commonly his opinions rather in a manner of confederates and partakers, then with that form of gravity & integrity which duly is requisite in the office of Councillors. He desirous to leave 
The Duke of Veni●e reasoneth in favour of the P●sans and prevaileth.  with the increase of the state, a worthy memory of his name, not putting any end to his appetit after glory, and much less contented that during his rule, the isle of Cypress (failing the kings of the house of Lusignian) should be annexed to the Empire of Venice: was importunate to embrace every occasion to make great their estate: In which inclination, opposing himself against those who for the regard of Pysa, counseled the contrary, he showed with round discourse of words and reasons how much it imported the Senate in utility and conveniency to have Pysa, & how much it concerned them to repress by this means the arrogancy of the Florentines, who in the death of Phillipp Maria Visconte, had made them loose thoccasion to be Lords of the Duchy of Milan, & of late in their action of loans of money during the french wars, had done more harm than any one of tother potentates: he declared that seldom are offered so goodly occasions, what infamy to loose them, and afterwards what repentance would follow for not embracing them: That the conditions of Italy were not such, that in the other potentates was power of themselves to oppose against th'enterprise, and much less was their doubt, that for this indignation or fear, they would have recourse to the french king: for that neither the Duke of Milan having so highly offended him, durst never eftsoons trust him, neither such thoughts moved the Pope: And the king of Naples, when he had recovered his kingdom, would hear no more speaking of the french men: Besides their entry into Pysa (albeit grievous to others) was not an accident so furious, nor a peril so near, as in regard of that, the other potentates should run rashly into those remedies which are used in the last despair, no more then in sleight diseases the Physician makes no haste to give strong medicines, esteeming that the patiented hath time enough to take them: That if in this weakness and separation of the other Italians, they were fearful to make reckoning of so goodly occasion, it were an expectation vain, to tarry to be able to do it with more surety, the other potentates being returned into their former strengths, & no less assured from the fear of them on tother side the Mounts: That for a remedy of too great a fear, they had to consider that all worldly actions were ordained to many perils: But wise men knew that there falls not always in question all the ills that may happen: for that either by the benefit of fortune, or by adventure, many dangers are dissolved, and many avoided with industry and help of the time: And therefore it is no office in men deliberating upon enterprises, to confounded (as many affirm considering little the propriety of names and substance of things) fear with discretion, and much less are to be reputed wise, those sorts of people, who making certain all perils that are doubtful, (and therefore have fear of all,) do rule their deliberation as if they should all happen, seeing in no manner can merit the name of wise or discreet, such men as fear more than they aught, things that are to fall: That such title & praise was far more convenient for men valiant and courageous, for that looking into the state and nature of dangers (and in that regard different from the rash sort in whom is no impression of sense or judgement of perils) they do notwithstanding discover how often men, some time by adventure, and some times by virtue, are delivered from many difficulties: So that those that in deliberating call not into council aswell hope, as fear, do most commonly judge for certain, the events that are uncertain, and reject more easily than others, occasions profitable and honourable: In imitation of whom, and withal setting afore our eyes, the weakness and separation of the other potentates, the great power and fortune of the common weal of Venice, the magnanimity and glorious examples of our elders, we may embrace with a frank resolution, the protection of the Pysans, by whose mean, we may in short time see ourselves absolute Lords of that city, A ladder most convenient to raise us to the Monarchy of all Italy: Thus the Senate received the Pysans into protection 
Pysa in the protection of Venice.  by decree public, and special promise to defend their liberty: which deliberation was not in the beginning considered by the Duke of Milan as was convenient: For by this means being excluded to entertain any bands there, he held it very acceptable to be delivered of such expenses: he esteemed it also not out of the way of his profit, that Pysa at one time should be thoccasion of great charges both to the Venetians and the Florentines: Lastly he persuaded himself that the Pysans, for the greatness and neighbourhood of his estate, and for the memory of things done by him for their delivery, would be so dedicated to him, that they would always prefer him before all others.  
He took delight to feed the humour of these devices and deceitful hopes, with a persuasion wherewith (little remembering the ordinary inconstancy of human things) he nourished himself, to have as it were under his feet, fortune, whose son he would not stick with public vaunting to say he was: so much was he puffed up with vain glory by the prosperous succeeding of his affairs, and no lesseoverruled with singular weening, for that by his means and his councils the french 
Lodowyk vaunts himself to be the son of fortune.  king first passed into Italy, appropriating to himself the chasse given to Peter de medicis by the Florentines with loss of his estate, the rebellion of the Pysans, and the fleeing of tharragons' from the realm of Naples: And afterwards with a council changed, he was the cause by his devices and authority, of the confederation of so many potentates against the french king, of the return of Ferdinand into the kingdom of Naples, of the departing of the french out of Italy with conditions unworthy such a greatness: And lastly in the action of the captain who had in charge the citadel of Pysa, wherein his industry or his authority had more power than the will & commandments of his king: with which rules measuring things to come, and judging the wisdom and policy of all others to be far inferior to the excellency of his spirit, he flattered himself to be always able to address & govern the affairs of Italy as he would, and with his industry to turn and wind the minds of every one: This fond persuasion he could not dissemble neither in himself, nor in his peoples, and no more in words and gestures, then in demonstrations and actions, making it a thing acceptable to him that every one believed and spoke so by him: In so much that Milan day and night was replenished with voices vain and glorious, celebrating with verses latin and vulgar, and with public orations full of flattery, the wondered wisdom of Lodowyk Sforce, of the which they made to depend the peace and war of all Italy: they magnified his name even to the third heaven, & the surname of Moore, (imposed upon him from his youth for that he was of complexion brown, and for th'opinion of his crafts which now were manifest) he was contented to retain willingly so long as he remained Duke of Milan: Then no less was th'authority of this Moore in the other castles of the Florentines, than it had been in the citadel of Pysa, so that in Italy, it seemed that aswell enemies as friends were ruled by the measure of his will so cloaking his subtleties with appearances of friendship, that his intentions were not discerned, till his purpose was executed: for albeit the king of the french, hearing the grievous complaints made to him by th'ambassadors of Florence, was not a little discontented, & to th'end at leastwise that their other places might be rendered, had dispatched Robert de vest his Chamberlain with new commissions, and letters special from Monsr de Ligny: yet his authority bearing no more power with others, then with himself, the audacity of Monsr de Ligny was so great (assuring many that he proceeded not but by the kings will) that his majesties commandments bore small reputation by mean of his new commissions joined to the froward will of the castle keepers: In so much that the bastard of Vyenne Lieutenant to Ligny in Serazana, after he had drawn his companies thither with the commissioners of the Florentines, to receive possession of them, he gave them to the Genoese for the price of five and twenty thousand ducats. The captain of Serazanella did the like for a sum of money, of which the author and only mean was the Moore, who having opposed against the Florentines (but under the name of the Genoese) Frecasse with a hundredth horse and four hundredth footmen, gave hindrance that the Florentines, who by mean of their bands sent to receive Serazana, had recovered certain pieces in the country Lunigane, should not recover all their places they had lost there: And a little after, Entragues late captain of the citadel of Pysa, under whose guard also remained yet the castles of Pietra Santa, and Mutron, together with that of Librafrate, which not many months after he gave to the Pysans, sold the residue to the Lucquoys for six and twenty thousand ducats, as precisely was directed to him by the Duke of Milan: who first wished they might fall to the Genoese, but afterwards changing advise, he thought it better to gratify them of Lucque, to th'end they might have occasion to minister ready aids to the Pysans, and to reduce them more to his devotion by this benefit: All these things were carried into France, for the which albeit the king showed himself much discontented with Ligny, and pronounced Entragues banished out of all his realms: yet at the return of Bonne (who not participating with the money of the Pysans, had treated at Genes the sale of Serazana) his justifications were accepted, and graciously received an Ambassador of the Pysans scent with him to persuade the king that the Pysans would remain faithful subjects to the crown of France, and to protest their fidelity by oath, albeit a little after, his commissions not being liked, he had frank leave to departed: to Monsr de Ligny was imposed no other pain, than (to show that he had no more the kings favour) the grace to lie in his majesties chamber as he was wont, was taken from him, to the which he was immediately restored: and Entragues remained only in contumacy, but no long time: to which things gave good aid (besides the kings nature with other means and favours) A true persuasion that was made, that such were the necessities of the Florentines, that they could not endure separation from him: for that the ambition of the Venetians and Duke of Milan being manifest, it was a certain probability in discourse & reason, that if they were not repossessed of Pysa, they would never accord to be consederat with them for the defence of Italy, whereunto they sought to induce them by threatenings and means rigorous, and did not for the present, assay any other thing against them, but rested sufficed, (with the bands they had put into Pysa) to support that city, and not suffer her wholly to loose her jurisdiction (the danger of the kingdom of Naples drawing them from all other care) for Virginio, who had gathered at Bagno de Rapolano and in the country of Perusin, many companies of soldiers, marched with the other Vrsins towards Abruzze, holding also the same way with their bands, Camylla & Pawle Vitelli, by whom the borrow of Montlion (refusing to give them victuals) was put to the sack: which so amazed the other places of the church by the which they should pass, that notwithstanding thexpress defences of the Pope, they were received in all towns and relieved with victuals: By the reapport of these marchings, but much more for the brute of an assured succour coming by sea out of France, by which the french affairs seemed to stand upon good terms in the kingdom of Naples: Ferdinand no less destitute of money, then environed on all sides with aspects of dangers and difficulties of war, and not able without great succours, to sustain so great a burden, was constrained to study for new remedies to his present defence: it is so, that in the beginning the other potentates had not comprehended him in their league: And albeit since he had recovered Naples, the king of Spain made instance to have him admitted to the confederation, yet the Venetians would never agreed to that point, persuading themselves that his necessities would be a ready mean to advance th'expectation of their plot that one part of that realm might fall into their obedience: So that Ferdinand left to the miseries of many adversities, and made naked of all hopes (for he expected no new succours from Spain, and the other confederates would not entangle themselves with so great expenses) was constrained to covenant with the Senate of Venice, (promising with all observances to the Pope and the king of Spain:) That the Venetians 
Covenants be to ●ne Ferdinand king of Naples and the Venetians  should sand to his succours into the realm of Naples, the Marquis of Mantua their captain with seven hundred men at arms, five hundredth light horsemen, & three thousand footmen, menteyning still their army by sea which was there already: with this condition notwithstanding to revoke those aids at all times when they should have need to employ them in their proper affairs: That they should lend to him fifteen thousand ducats to serve his necessities present: And for the security of these expenses, Ferdinand to assign unto them Otrante, Brundusa, and Trane, with consent that they might still retain Monopoli and Puligniana which then were in their hands, under this covenant to tender them, when their expenses should be restored and satisfied: provided always, that neither by reason of the war, nor for the guarding or fortifications which they should make, they should not redemaunde of him above two hundred thousand ducats: Those ports being in the sea superior, & therefore of great opportunity to Venice, augmented much their greatness: which (no man now opposing against them, and since they embraced the protection of Pysa, not hearing more of the councils of such, as wished that to winds so favourable, they had given less sails) began to be stretched thorough all the parts of Italy: for besides the things of the kingdom of Naples and Tuskane, they had of new taken to their pay, Astor Lord of Faenza, and accepted the protection of his estates: A man very convenient to keep in fear the Florentines, the city of Bolognia, with all the residue of Romagna.  
To these particular aids of the Venetians, were added other succours of the confederates, the Pope, the Duke of Milan, and they sending to Ferdinand a joint supply of bands of men at arms interteyned at their common pay: And albeit the Duke of Milan, in whom remained as yet many semblances to keep th'accord at Verceill, (notwithstanding the most part of those things were directed by his councils) would not either in the levies of men or money, or other demonstrations, that his name were used: yet he agreed secretly to contribute every month ten thousand ducats for the succours of the kingdom of Naples.  
The marching of the Vrsins and the Vitellies assured greatly the affairs of Abruzze which were in no small confusion, against the french men: seeing Terame & the city of Chieta were drawn into rebellion, with great doubt that Aquilea the principal town of that region, would do the like: which they at their coming having reconfirmed in the devotion of the french, and recovered Terame by composition, and sacked julyanove, almost all Abruzze was with one fortune eftsoons so re-established, that th'affairs of Ferdinand began to show manifest declination thorough the whole kingdom: for that almost all Calabria was in the power of Monsr dAubigny, notwithstanding his long sickness, for the which he stayed in Terace, gave opportunity to consalvo to keep the war kindled in that province, with the Spanish bands, and strength of some Lords of the country: Besides, Caietta with many places assisting followed the obedience of the french: The Perfect of Rome, with his company and the forces of his estate, after he had recovered the pieces of Montcasin, invaded the land of Lavora on that side: And Monsr Montpensier, albeit by the want of money he was much restrained to use his forces, yet he compelled Ferdinand to enclose himself in strong places, being vexed with the same necessity of money, and many other wants, but wholly reapposed upon the hope of the succours of Venice, which for that contract between them was made not long before, could not be advanced with readiness and expedition equal with the expectation of his affairs: Montpensier laboured to betray Benevent by intelligence, but Ferdinand either having doubt or some advertisement of the practice, prevented th'execution by his sudden entering the town with his bands: The french notwithstanding came near to Benevent, and lodging upon the bridge of Fynoche, they took S●nezana, Apice, and many other towns bordering: But these places bearing no favour to their army for victuals, they discamped, having also regard to the time drawing on to gather the tribute of the cattle of Powylla, one of the greatest revenues of the kingdom, for that it was wont to amount every year to lxxx. thousand ducats, which were all gathered almost in the space of a month: Monsr Montpensier to deprive them of this commodity, and no less for th'extreme necessities of his people, turned his way to Powylla, whereof one part was holden by him, and the other at the devotion of Ferdinand, marching after him by the same way, with intention rather to hinder by art and diligence the actions of the enemy until his succours were arrived, then to fight with them in plain battle.  
About this time arrived at Caietta, an army by sea of the french, of xv. great vessels, 
The henc● navy 〈…〉 at Ca●e. ●a.  and seven others of lesser burden, in which were embarked at Savone eight hundredth lanceknights, levied in the countries of the Duke of Gueldres, and those swissers and gascoins appointed before by the king to be sent with those great ships which were to be armed at Genes: To this navy the army of Ferdinand which were above Caietta to stop the passage of victuals (being in deed for want of money ill appointed) gave such place, that they entered the haven without impediment, set their footmen on land, & with the same fortune took Itry with other places assisting, And after they had made a great pray thorough the country, they hoped to have Sesse by the mean of Dom Baptista Caracciol, by whom they had promise' to be put secretly within it: But Dom Federyk (who with the bands that followed him being withdrawn to the borders of Tarenta, was afterwards sent by Ferdinand to the government of Naples) being advertised of the conspiracy, marched thither with speed equal to the danger, and made prisoner the Bishop with certain others consenting to the treason.  
In Powylla, where was the force and strength of the war, the affairs succeeded with diversity of fortunes to both the one and the other army, which were dispersed into the towns, aswell for the sharpness of the season, as straightness of the place not sufficing to receive one of the armies wholly: Their exercises were to make incursions and roads on horseback to pill and pray the cattle, using rather industry and agility, than virtue or force of arms. Ferdinand was lodged in Fog with one part of his people, and had bestowed the residue, partly in Troy, and partly in Nocere: where understanding that between S. Severa (within which town was lodged Virginio Vrsin with three hundredth men at arms come to be united with the army of Montpensier) and the town of Porcina (where was Marian Savella with a hundredth men at arms) was brought almost an infinite quantity of Muttons & other natures of cattle: he marcheth thither with six hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horsemen, and fifteen hundredth footmen: And coming by the break of the day afore S. Severa, he planted himself there with his men at arms to give resistance to Virginio if he made any eruption, & making his light horsemen to scour abroad, they overspread forthwith the whole country, and led away almost lx. thousand head of cattle: whereto Marian Savella offering to make resistance, and issuing forth of Porcina, they constrained him to retire with the loss of thirty men at arms: This loss and shame procured Monsr Montpensier, (reassembling all his forces) to march towards Fog, for the recovery of the pray and honour lost: where being favoured with a succour above his hopes or expectation, he encowntred between Nocere and Troy, eight hundredth lanceknights newly arrived by sea, and entered into the pay of Ferdinand: These lanceknights departing from Troy where they were encamped, went to Fog to join with Ferdinand: A journey more upon their own brain and rashness, then by the kings commandment, and altogether against the council of Fabrice Colonne, encamped likewise at Troy: And albeit they saw by th'extremity of their peril and place, that their fortune had left them no possibility of safety, either by fleeing or by fight, yet they were obstinate and refused the liberty of the law of arms to be made prisoners, but were killed every creature of them, exchaunginge their lives with a great death and slaughter of th'enemy: After this, Montpensier presented himself before Fog in array of battle: but Ferdinand not suffering others to go out then light horsemen, the french men went to encamp in the wood of Nicoronata where after they had remained two days with no small difficulties for victuals, and having recovered the most part of the cattle, they appeared eftsoons afore Fog, & abiding there a whole night, they returned the day following to S. Severa, but not with all the pray they had recovered, for that in their retreat, the light horsemen of Ferdinand took a great part from them, In so much, as the cattle being harried by the one and the other, neither part drew any great profit of the revenues of that tribute. Not many days after the french men made weary with want of victuals, went to Campobasso which was holden by them, and took by force Coglionessa or Grigonessa A town fast by, where the Swyzzers against the will of the Captains, used such execution and cruelty, that albeit it brought great astonishment upon the country, yet it estranged from them thaffections of many: And Ferdinand laying to defend his estate aswell as he could, whilst he yet expected the Marquis of Mantua, he reordeyned his bands, by the mean of sixteen thousand ducats which the Pope had sent him, and with such other proportions as he could levy of himself.  
About this time, did join with Montpensier the Swyzzers, and other footbands which were come by sea to Caietta, as also on the other part, the Marquis of Mantua, 
The Marquis of Mantua for the Venetians in the kingdom of Naples.  now entered into the kingdom of Naples by the way of S. Germyn, taking in his marching partly by force, partly by composition, many places (albeit of small importance) about the beginning of june, united his forces with the king at Nocere, whether Caesar of Arragon led the bands that had lain upon the borders of Tarenta: And so by reason of the places, the forces of both the factions being almost made neighbours, the french more strong in footmen, and th'italians more mighty in horsemen, the event of things seemed very doubtful, being not possible to discern to whether of the parties the victory should incline.  
In this mean while, the french king made care for provisions to rescue his people, And understanding of the loss of the castles of Naples, and that his bands were not succoured by the Florentines neither with men nor money, for that they had not restitution of their fortresses: seemed to draw to him a new spirit, and awaking out of that slumber of negligence with the which he seemed to have returned out of France: he began eftsoons to turn his thoughts to the actions of Italy: wherein to be more at liberty from all things that might retain him, and (showing to acknowledge the benefits received in his dangers) that he might with more confidence have recourse again to the aids celestial, he takes a journey in post to Tours, & after 
The french king makes a p●sting pugrimage to T 〈…〉 rs and S. 〈…〉.  to Paris, to satisfy to the vows he made to S. Martin, & S. Denys the day of the battle of Furnova: And returning from those places, with the same diligence to Lions, he kindled more and more in those desires and thoughts, whereunto of his own nature he was most inclined: for he interpreted it as an action much to his reputation and glory, to have made a conquest of such a kingdom, being the first of all the french kings, in whose person have been renewed in Italy these many worlds, the memory of the armies and victories of the french: he made persuasion to himself that the difficulties which he encowntred in his return from Naples, proceeded more by his proper disorders then by the powers or virtue of thItalians, whose name (concerning the action of war) carried no reputation with the french: To his inclinations to descend eftsoons into Italy, were not a little furthering th'enticements of th'ambassadors of Florence, of the Cardinal of S. Peter ad vincla, and of Triuulce, who was come to the Court for the same occasion, with whom were assistant in that instance Vitellezze and Charles Vrsin, together with the Count Montoire, sent to his Majesty in that negotiation by the Barons of Naples holding part with the french: as also there came to him at last by sea, the Seneschal of Beaucaire, by whom were declared many hopes of the victory, in case his Majesty did not defer to send a sufficient succour: as of the contrary to delay a relief so necessary, were to abandon the kingdom and be guilty of the death of so many noble Captains and soldiers: To these were joined the favourable persuasions of many the great Lords of France, even such as afore had given council against th'enterprise of Italy: they advised the king to give a new life to that expedition, to avoid the dishonour that would fall upon the crown of France, to loose by cowardisse that which they had conquered with so great felicity and fortune, but much more to prevent the spoil of so great a part of the nobility as lay open to destruction in the realm of Naples: Neither were these councils hindered by the emotions which the King of the Spanish made on the frontyer of Parpignian, seeing the preparations being greater in brute then in effect, and the forces of that king more mighty to defend his proper realms, then meet for thinvasion of an other, it was judged sufficient to send to Narbone and other towns upon the frontiers of Spain, bands of men at arms with convenient companies of Swyzzers: So that in the presence of the council of the king wherein were assembled all the Lords and persons notable then at the Court: it was determined that Trywlce should return to Ast with as much diligence as he could under 
The french king determineth to sand Triwlce into Italy as his Lieutenant.  the title of the kings Lieutenant, leading with him eight hundredth lances, two thousand Swyzzers, and two thousand gascoins: That after him the Duke of Orleans should pass the Mounts with other bands: and lastly should march the king's person with all other provisions: and passing with a power royal, there was no doubt but the states of the Duke of Savoy, of the Marquis of Montferat and Saluce, (very fit instruments to make war upon the Duchy of Milan) would be for him: Like as also it was believed, that except the Canton of Berne, who had promised the Duke of Milan not to move against him, all the other Swyzzers would resort to the kings pay with no less readiness then full numbers: These resolutions were made with consents so much the more general, by how much was great the desire of his Majesty, who afore they entered into council, had much conjured the Duke of Bourbon to set forth with vehement & lively speeches, how reasonable and necessary it were to make a strong war: and of himself in open council, with the same affection he refuted th'admiral, who (not so much in impugning directly, as propownding many difficulties) assayed to qualify indirectly the wills of the council, having but a few favourers of his opinion: The king advancing his particular desire above all council, assured them publicly that it was not in his power to make other resolution, for that such was the will of God that he should in person march eftsoons into Italy: it was agreed in the same council, that a navy of thirty ships, (whereof was one most huge carrack called the Norman, and an other gross carrack of the region of the roads) should pass along the coast of the Ocean into the havens of Provence, where should be armed thirty galleys and galleons with a mighty succour of men, money, munition and victuals for the service of Naples, which was supposed to stand upon such conditions of necessities and wants, that afore this navy could be digested into order and point, it was determined to sand forthwith certain vessels charged with victuals and soldiers: it was ordained also in this council, that Rigault the kings Steward should go to Milan, for that the Duke, (notwithstanding he had not redelivered the two carrackes, nor suffered to rig a navy for the king at Genes, but only restored the vessels taken at Rapale, & not the twelve galleys restrained in the port of Genes) laboured to excuse himself upon the disobedience of the Genoese, and had always with sundry practices interteyned some of his people about the king, to whom he had newly sent Anthoyne Maria Paluoisin, both to assure his Majesty that he was disposed to observe th'accord past, and to demand prolongation of term to pay to the Duke of Orleans the fifty thousand ducats promised in the same accord: of which deceits and subtleties, albeit he reaped but a very little fruit, the king being well informed of his intention, aswell by th'examples of his actions past, as for that by his letters and instructions which were surprised, it came to light that he stirred up with continual solicitation the king of Romans and king of Spain to make war in France: yet hoping that fear perhaps would induce him to things whereunto his will was estranged, Rigault was charged, that (without speaking of the disobedience passed) he should signify to him that it was in his power, to deface the memory of offences, in beginning now to observe, as to restore the galleys, to redeliver the carrackes, and by giving sufferance to arm a navy at Genes: And that he should add to these advertisements that the king was determined to return into Italy in person, which should be to his great harms, if whilst he was offered the mean, he would not re-enter into that amity, whereof his Majesty was persuaded, that he had undiscreetly made account, rather by vain suspicions, then for any other occasions: This brute of these great provisions being come into Italy, much troubled the minds of the confederates: but above all Lodowyk Sforce standing in the mouth of the danger, & to be the first opposed to the fury of th'enemy, suffered no less perplexities than the consideration of his peril required, specially understanding that since the departure of Rigault, the king had dismissed & given leave to all his agents with hard words and bitter demonstrations: By reason whereof, looking deeply into the greatness of his danger, as upon whose estate would fall the substance of the war: he had easily accorded to the king's demands, had it not been for the suspicion and conscience of th'offences he had made to him, the same causing on all sides such a distrust, that it seemed more hard to found a mean to assure both the one and the other, than not to accord to the articles: for taking from the surety of the one, that which was consented to assure the other, the one would not refer to the faith of the other, that which the other refused to refer to his own: So that necessity compelling Lodowyk to take the council that was most grievous, he thought (at lest to make slow his dangers) to entertain Rigault with the same connings which he had used to that present, assuring him with great firmness, that he would bring the Genoese to obey whensoever the king would give into the city of avignon sufficient sekuritie for the restitution of the ships, & that both parties would promise' (giving mutually hostages for all observations) not to enterprise any thing prejudicially one to tother: which practice continuing many days, had lastly for many cavillations & difficulties objected, the same effect which others had had before: But Lodowyk to whom it belonged not to waste time unprofitably, dispatched during these areasoning, Ambassadors to the king of romans, to induce him to pass into Italy with the aid of him and the Venetians, to whom also he sent messengers to require that Senate, (to th'end to provide for the common peril) to contribute to that charge, and to sand into Alexandria a sufficient proportion of force to make head against the french: To this they offered a ready action: But they showed not such facility to assist the passage of the king of romans bearing little friendship to their common weal for those pieces which they possessed in the firm land appertaining to th'empire and house of Ostrich: Neither were they content, that at a common expense, should pass into Italy an army, which should wholly depend upon Lodowyk: Notwithstanding Lodowyk continuing still to solicit & make instance, for that besides the other reasons that moved him, the only forces of the Venetians in the state of Milan were suspected to him: The Senate also fearing lest he, in whom they knew was no little fear, would suddenly draw to reconcilement with the french king, gave in the end their consents, and for the same occasion, sent Ambassadors to the king of romans: Besides these conjectures, the Venetians and the Duke feared, lest the Florentines, assoon as the king were passed the Mounts, would not make alteration or insurrection in the river of Genes: To meet with which accident, they sent to john Bentyvole interteyned in the pay of the confederates with three hundredth men at arms, to make war upon the Florentines in the frontyer of the country of Bullognia, promising that at the same time they should be vexed by the Syennoys: wherein as to give him more courage to this action, they offered to be bound, that if he took the town of Pistoya, to keep it for him: so albeit he fed them with hopes, yet his mind was far removed from that service, and fearing not a little the coming of the french, he sent secretly to the king, to excuse himself for matters passed upon the necessity of the place wherein Bolognia was seated, & to offer a good will to depend upon his Majesty hereafter, & for his sake, to abstain from vexing the Florentines.  
But touching the provisions for Naples, the will of the king (albeit very vehement and forward) was not sufficient to put in execution the resolutions of the council, notwithstanding aswell for his honour, as for the dangers of the kingdom, there needed a most ready expedition: for the Cardinal of S. Mallow, in whose direction, besides the managing of the treasure, rested the substance of the whole government, albeit he impugned not these doings apparently, yet he made so slow all expeditions with delaying the necessary payments, that not one provision was advanced in due time: it was thought that he did thus, either for that he judged it was a better mean to perpetuate his greatness (not making any expense which appertained not to the present profit or pleasures of the king) not to have occasion to propownd every day the difficulties of th'affairs and necessities of money: or else for that (as many doubted) being corrupted with presents and promises, he had secret intelligence with the Pope, or with the Duke of Milan: To which dilatory and jealous dealings, the express commandments of the king full of disdain redoubled with words reproachful, could give no remedy: for that according to th'experience he had of his nature, he satisfied him always with promises contrary to the effects: In so much as th'execution of things determined, having been begun to be lingered by his mean: there happened an accident, by the which they become more subject to delays, and almost desperate altogether: for the king in the end of May, and when was general expectation of his speedy passage into Italy, determined to go to Paris, alleging these reasons, that following the custom of the ancient kings of France, it was necessary afore he parted out of France, to take leave of S. Denys with all the ceremonies usual, and likewise of S. Martin in passing by Tours: And that being determined to march into Italy with a great provision of money, it was needful (to avoid the necessities wherein he had fallen the year before) that he induced the other cities of France to contribution by th'example of Paris, of whom he should not obtain that he desired, unless he went thither in person: That being in those quarters, he should make to march in greater diligence the men at arms that came from Normandy and Picardy: he assured them that afore he departed from Lions, he would dispatch the Duke of Orleans, and would make his return thither again within one month: But it was supposed that the most true & principal cause of his going, was for that he was amorous of one of the ladies of the Queen's chamber, being gone a little before to Tours with her Court: wherein he was so resolute, that neither the counsels of his peoples, not thimportunate humilities followed with tears of th'italians, could withdraw him from a voyage of such devotion: They showed him how hurtful it would be to waste time proper for the war, specially in so great a necessity of his service in the kingdom of Naples: to what slander he should be subject in the mouths of all Italy, to draw back when he aught most to go forward: That the reputation of enterprises changed for every little accident and light brute: That it was hard to recover it, after it began once to decline, yea though he should make greater offers, than afore were either promised or needful: That of all worldly things, nothing was more voluble than renown, which falling once into a cloud or shadow, shines never after with a clear light: These persuasions much less that they could draw his wavering mind from wandering, seeing with an obstinacy unruled, he utterly dejected them, esteeming it perhaps a breach of his religion, to go out of France afore he had gone on pilgrimage to the Saint he so devoutly worshipped: In so much that after he had yet tarried a month longer at Lion: he took his way to go to Tours, not having otherways dispatched the Duke of Orleans then only by sending Triuulce into Ast with a very slender company, not so much provided for the wars, as instructed to confirm in his friendship and devotion, Phillipp new succeeded to the Duchy of Savoy, by the death of the little Duke his Nephew: And touching the provisions for Naples, all that was done afore his departure, was the dispatch of six ships loaden with victuals to Caietta, carrying many hopes that the main army by sea should follow with speed: And to set order with the Merchants (but very late) to advance forty thousand ducats to Montpensier, to whom the Swyzzers and the lanceknights had protested, that if they were not paid before the end of june, they would pass to the camp of thenemies: The Duke of Orleans, the Cardinal of S. Mallow, and all the council, remained at Lion, with commission to hasten the provisions, wherein if the Cardinal proceeded slowly in the presence of the king, it was nothing to the lingering he used in his absence.  
But the affairs of Naples could not attend such slow remedies, the dangers being drawn into those terms (both for th'assembly of armed bands on every side, and many difficulties disclosed by both the parties) that if the delays were long, the war would determine by necessity: for Ferdinand after he had joined to his peculiar force, the bands of the Venetians, took the town of Castelfranke, where arrived at his camp accompanied with two hundredth men at arms john Sforce Lord of Pesere, and john Gonsague brother to the Marquis of Mantua, Captains of the confederates: In so much as the proportion of his camp amounted to xii. hundredth men at arms, fifteen hundredth light horsemen, and four thousand footmen: At the same time the french men were encamped at Circelle ten miles from Benevent, towards whom Ferdinand marched, and approaching them within four miles, he pitched his camp before Frangette de Montfort, A place of so good provision & providence, that it was not taken at the first assault: The french raised their camp from Circella to rescue it, but they came not in time, for that the lanceknights which were within, yielded themselves for fear of the second assault, and left the place to discretion: which occasion known to the french, had been the cause of their felicity, if either by indiscretion or ill fortune, they had not suffered it to be lost: for (as was confessed generally) they had at ease that day broken the whole army of th'enemy, so universally confused in the sack of Frangette that they gave no regard to the directions of the Captains, who seeing no other distance between the french and them then a valley, laboured with all diligence to reassemble them: Montpensier saw well enough into thoccasion, and Virginio was not ignorant in th'opportunity offered, the one commanding, and the other persuading the victory to be certain, desired with tears in their eyes, to march over the valley, whilst in the camp of thItalians all things were in tumult, some of the soldiers busy in the pillage, and some labouring to pack away the things they had pilled, no one within rule or commandment of his captain: But Monsr de Persy one of the chiestaines of th'army next to Monsr Montpensier, overruled either with the natural lightness of a young man, or else envying the glory of the D. Montpensier, persuaded vehemently against the passage over the valley, alleging that they should rise even under the feet of th'enemy, which weighed with the strong situation of their camp, he made an argument to the soldiers of no small danger, And therefore wishing openly that they should not fight, he was the only hinderer of so good a council, and joined to their misfortune a perpetual dishonour, the rather for that the Swyzzers & lanceknights receiving courage by him, drew into mutiny and demanded money: for this cause Montpensier compelled to retire, returned to Circelle, where, as they were 
Cam●lla Vitelli slain.  the day after in the action of th'assault, Camylla Vitelli, whilst about the walls he did th'office of an excellent captain, was stricken in the head with a quarrel, whereof he died: for which accident the french men leaving thinvasion of the place, broke up from thence, and marched towards Argana, disposed to assay the hazard of battle if occasion were offered: To which resolution was flat contrary the council of the army of tharragons', with whom specially the Commissioners of the Venetians consented in opinion, for that seeing into the condition of thenemies, they judged that to their present want of victuals was joined a general lack of money, & weighing withal that the succours out of France were entangled with delays and respites, they hoped that their misadventures and necessities would rise daily growing and increasing, standing subject to as great displeasures in other parts of the kingdom: for that in Abruzze, Annyball natural son to the Lord of Camerin, being voluntarily gone to the succours of Ferdinand with four hundred horsemen levied at his proper charges, had newly broken the army of the Marquis of Bitonte: beside there was expectation of the coming of the Duke of Vrbyn with three hundredth men at arms lately entered into the pay of the confederates, whose fortune and greater conditions having determined to follow, he had abandoned th'alliance of the Florentines (to whom he was yet bound for more than a year) under this excuse, that being feodary of the Church, he was bound in reason and equity of office to obey the commandments of the Pope: And Graciano dAguerre, who had taken the field to encownter him, was charged in the plain of Sermon by the Count of Celane and the Count de Popoli, with three hundredth horses and three thousand footmen, whom he put to flight: But with the loss of thoccasion of the victory about Frangette, the fortune also of the french began manifestly to decline, concurring in them at one time these natures of difficulties, extreme want of money, scarcity of 
The french begins to decline in Naples.  victuals, hate of the people, disagreement of Captains, disobedience of soldiers, & the stealing away of many from the camp, partly by necessity, and partly by will: They had no mean to draw out of the kingdom any great proportion of money, neither had they received from France any sum notable, since the forty thousand ducats levied for their relief, were too late sent from Florence: In so much as no less for that cause, then for the neighbourhood of many towns supported by th'army of th'enemy, they could not raise provisions necessary for their food and sustenance: And in their army was nothing but disorder, aswell for that the courages of the soldiers were abated, as for that the Swyzzers & lanceknights drawing into tumult, demanded importunately their pays: And touching the discord of the Captains, that which most hurt all their deliberations, was the continual contradiction of Persy against Montpensier: to be short, such were their necessities and disorders, that the Prince of Bisignian was compelled to departed with his people to go to the guard of his own estate for fear of the bands of consalvo, by whose examples, the particular soldiers of the country abandoned the camp by troupes, wherein they had reason, for beside they never received pay, yet the french and Swyzzers' used them very ill, aswell in the division of booties, as in distribution of victuals: These difficulties, but chief th'extreme want of victuals, constrained the french army by little & little to retire and wander from one place to an other, which diminished greatly their reputation with the people: And albeit the enemies followed them as it were in a continual chasse, yet they had no hope to be able to fight as was specially desired by Montpensier and Virginio: for that not to be enforced to battle, they encamped always in places of strength, & where no impediment could be given to their commodities: At last, the french being encamped under Montcaluole and Casalarbore near to Arrtana, Ferdinand overtaking them within the shoot of a crossbow (but always keeping him in strong places) brought them into great necessity of victuals, taking from them in like fort the use of fresh water: In so much as by the aspect and consideration of these perils, they thought it best to draw towards Powylla, where they hoped to found commodity of victuals, And fearing by reason of the nearness of thenemies, the difficulties that ordinarily follow armies that retire, they raised their camp in the beginning of the night, not making any brute to bewray their going, and marched xxv. miles afore they rested: Ferdinand followed them in the morning, but despairing to make that speed to overtake them, which they did to go from him, having so much less time, as they had more, he encamped before Gesnaldo, A town which heretofore had sustained a siege of fourteen months, and now taken by him in one day, greatly to the disapoynting of the french: for that determining to put themselves within Venousa, A town strong by situation, and most plentiful with vettells, the opinion they had that Ferdinand could not so easily take Gesnaldo, was the cause that they amused themselves about the sack of Atella which they had taken, & for the time they lost there, afore their departure, they found th'army of Ferdinand at their backs, who assoon as he had taken Gesnaldo, dispatched way: And albeit they repulsed diverse scouts and fore-riders, yet seeing the main army marched after with such speed, as they had no mean nor ableness to recover Venousa which was eight miles distant, they remained in the town of Attella, with intention to expect if succours would come from some part, hoping that for the nearness of Venousa and many other pieces thereabout holding yet for them, to receive favours with many commodities of victuals and releeff: Ferdinand with a speed according to his fortune, encamped before Attella, labouring only (for the hope he had to obtain the victory without peril and blood) to cut them from victuals: for the better advancement whereof, he cast many trenches about Attella, and lost no opportunity to make himself Master of the places adjoining, forgetting no diligence, travel, or action of a captain politic and valiant: And as in wars, there is no further assurance of the soldier Mercenary, than he finds surety of his pay, and less confidence in his faith and service, by how much he is so strange of his own nation, that he feareth not the discipline of his patron: So the difficulties of the french, made every day all things more easy to Ferdinand, for that the lanceknights in the french camp, having received but two months pay since they departed from their houses, and seeing by so many disappoyntments of days and terms past, all further expectation was vain, 
Mercenary 〈…〉 the m●st part unfaithful.  they drew into council & went wholly to the camp of Ferdinand: In so much that having mean so much the more to grieve th'enemy, & to enlarge his army with more scope, he suffered a more hard passage of victuals which came from Venousa and other places about, to Attella, wherein was not refreshing to suffice to feed the french numbers a very few days: for beside, that corn bore a very scant proportion, yet the Arragon's plucked down a mill standing upon the river which runneth near to the walls, whereby they wanted mean to turn their little store of corn into meal: neither were their discommodities present, recomforted by hoping in any good to come, seeing that from no part appeared so much as one sign of succours: extremities so much the more intolerable to the french, by how much their felicities in the conquest had sailed with so full gales, that they never looked back to those revolutions which naturally do follow all human actions: not that fortune doth so provide (a reason which many vain men occupy) but that so it is set down in th'eternal council of God, who by the same power doth dispose and govern all things of the earth, by the which he created them of nothing. But the cause of their full ruin, 
The declination of the french in the kingdom of Naples.  was the misaventures that fell in Calabria: for by occasion of the sickness of Monsr d'Aubigny, in which infirmity many of his people went to th'army of Montpensier, consalvo serving his turn of his sickness, took many pieces in that province, encamping at last with his Spanish bands & strength of popular soldiers of the country, at Castrovillare: where having advertisement that the Count Melete, and Albert de S. Severin, with many other Barons were at Lain with bands of soldiers almost equal to his, and that increasing their numbers daily, they made their plot to assail him, when their whole strength was assembled: he determined to prevent them, hoping to surprise them unprovided by the confidence they had in the situation of their place, the castle of Lain standing upon the river Sabry which divideth Calabria from the principality: & the borrow is on the other side the river, wherein being entrenched, they were guarded by the castle against all invasions by the high way: lastly between Lain and Castrovillare was Murana, with certain other pieces of the Prince of Bisignian which held for them: But consalvo with a council all contrary, departed a little before night from Castrovillare, accompanied with all his bands, and leaving the high way, he took the large way notwithstanding it was both more long and hard, for that he was to march by certain mountains: And being arrived near the river, he commanded the footmen to take the way to the bridge which is between the castle of Lain & the borrow, which bridge was but negligently guarded 
consalvo surpriseth the french.  for th'opinion of the surety of the place: And himself with his horsemen passing the river at a ford two miles higher, was at the borrow before day, where finding thenemies without watch and guard, he broke them in a moment sleeping in the security of the place: he made prisoners xj. Barons, and almost all the soldiers, for that fleeing to the castle, they fell amongst the footmen, which now were possessed of the passage of the bridge: By this honourable victory being the first which consalvo had got in the kingdom of Naples, his strength was so increased, that having also with the like virtue and fortune, recovered certain other places in Calabria, he determined with six thousand men to go and join with the camp of Ferdinand, which was afore Attella: And in that camp was arrived a little before, an hundredth men at arms of the Duke of Candia, captain of the confederates, but himself with the residue of his bands remained in the town of Rome.  
By the coming of consalvo, (caused by the surprise of those which were for the french in Calabria:) they that were besieged were brought into hard straits, their town being environed on three sides, tharragons' occupying one, the Venetians an other, and the Spaniards the third: In so much that there was almost left no entry for victuals, specially the Venetian stradiots ronning over the whole country, and taking many french men which brought relief from Venousa: They also that were within, had no mean to go on foraging but at hours extraordinary, & that with a strong guard: And Pawle Vitelli making a saylly at midday with a hundredth men at arms, was drawn by the Marquis of Mantua into an ambush, where he lost part of his company.  
And being thus deprived of all commodities without, they were at last reduced to that extremity, that they could not with guard and strength serve their use of the river to water their horses: and within the town their necessities were no less of fresh water for the refreshing of their persons: So that being overwearied with so many adversities, and no less abandoned of all hopes, their perils more general & present, than their succours likely or assured: After they had endured the siege two and thirty days, and being now left to the last remedy in war, they demanded a safe conduit, which was granted, under the protection whereof, they sent to capitulat with Ferdinand, Monsr de Persy, Bartholomew d'Albyane, and one of the Swyzzer 
The french sand to capitulat with Ferdinand.  Captains: Amongst whom were agreed these covenants following: That there should be no enterprise attempted by either part one upon an other for thirty. days: That during that time, not one of the besieged, (to whom should be ministered day by day by tharragons' necessary victuals) should departed out of Attella: That it should be suffered to Montpensier, to advertise his king of th'accord: That if he were not rescued in the said term of thirty days, he should leave Attella, and all that he had in his power in the kingdom of Naples, together with all th'artilleries that were there: That the soldiers should be in safety for their persons and jewels, and with them it should be lawful to every one to go into France either by land or sea: And to the Vrsins and other Italian Captains, to return with their bands whether they would out of the kingdom: That to the Barons and others which had followed the faction of the french (In case they would return to Ferdinand within xv. days) all punishments should be remitted, & restitution of all the goods they possessed when the war began: The term of this abstinence expired, Monsr Montpensier, with all the french, and many Swyzzers, together with the Vrsins were conduted to sea castle of Stabbie, where they began to dispute, if Montpensier as Lieutenant general under his king, and by that means above all others, were bound (as Ferdinand said) to make to be rendered all that was possessed in the kingdom of Naples in the name of the french king: for that Monsr Montpensier pretended that he was bound to no more than was in his own power to tender, and that his authority stretched not to command other Captains and castellkeepers which were in Calabria, Abruzze, Caietta & many other towns & pieces, which the king had given them in charge, and not to him: The argument being traversed by many reasons on both sides for certain days, they were at last conduited to Baia, Ferdinand making semblance that he would let them go: And there (under cooler that the vessels wherein they should be embarked, were not yet ready) they were so long retained, that being dispersed between Baya and Pozzola, they fell into such diseases by the ill air and many other incommodities, that both Monsr Montpensier died, and of the residue of his 
Montpensier dieth.  company which were more than five thousand bodies, there scarce returned into France safe and sound, five hundredth. Virginio and Pawle Vrsin (at the request of the Pope who was now determined to take from that family their estates) were sent prisoners to the egg castle, and their companies conduited by john jordan son to 
Virginio Vrsin prisoner.  Virginio, and Bartholomew d'Aluiano, were by the appointment of the Pope, stripped in Abruzze by the Duke of Vrbyn: john jordan also and Aluiano, leaving their people in the way, & returning to Naples by the commandment of Ferdinand, were made prisoners: but Aluiano, either by his industry, or by the secret sufferance of Ferdinand (who loved him much) had mean to escape.  
After Ferdinand had taken Attella, he made division of his army into many parts, for the more easy recovering of the residue of the kingdom: he sent before Caietta, Federyk of Arragon & Prospero Colonne: And to Abruzze, where the town of Aquila was already revolted to his devotion, he dispatched Fabrice Colonne: And himself taking by force the rock of S. Severin, and cut of the heads of the castle keeper and his son the more to terrify others, went to encamp before Salerna, where the Prince 
The Prince of Bisignian compowndeth for himself and others.  of Bisignian had parley with him, and compounded for himself, for the Prince of Salerne, for the Count of Capaccie, & for certain other Barons, with condition that they should remain possessed of their estates, but that Ferdinand for his surety should keep in his hands the fortresses for a certain time: After which accord they went to Naples: In Abruzze was not made any great resistance, for that Graciano, who was there with viii. hundredth horsemen, having no more mean of defence, and less expectation of succours in a fortune so declining, retired to Caietta: Into Calabria, of which the greatest quantity held yet for the french, returned consalvo, against whom, albeit Monsr d'Aubigny made some resistance, yet being in the end driven to take Groppoly after he had lost Manfredonie and Consensa, which had been sacked before by the french, And lastly seeing all hopes become desperate, and no appearance 
Monsr d'Aubigny consents to departed the kingdom of Naples.  of succours from France, he consented to deliver up all Calabria, upon sufferance to return by land into France.  
It is certain that many of these revolts and changes happened by the negligence & indiscretion of the french: for albeit Manfredonia, for the situation of the place was strong, for the favours of the people there free from suspicion, and for the fertility of the country full of plentiful means and provision of victuals, And that the king had left for the guard of it Gabriel Montfalcon esteemed a captain valiant: yet after it had endured a very short and easy siege, they were constrained to tender it for famine: Like as also (in misfortunes examples do much) other pieces of good ability to defend themselves, become recreant, and yielded, either for fear, (which is proper to cowards) or for impatience of thincommodities, which such must suffer as are besieged: Some castellkeepers finding their rocks well provided for, sold the victuals at their first entry, and so assoon as th'enemy appeared, made their willing necessities and wants a slanderous detection of their infidelity & cowardice: By these disorders, joined to the negligence of the king, the french lost in the kingdom of Naples that reputation, which the virtue of that man had won unto them, who holding many years after the victory of Ferdinand, the castle of the egg which john of Anjou had left in his charge, could never be brought to tender it, but by compulsion of victuals altogether consumed.  
Thus no more remaining for the recovery of the whole realm than Tarenta and Caietta, with other pieces holden by Charles de Sanguyn: and Mont Saint Ange kept by Dom julyan de Lorraine, who with great merit and praise, made his virtue known in all the places thereabouts: it happened that Ferdinand, raised into great glory, and no less hopes to be equal in greatness with his predecessors, went to Somme, A towneseated at the foot of the hill Vesune to see the Queen his wife, where he become very sick, either for his travels past, or by new excessive disorders: And feeling by his disposition no hope of recovery, he caused himself to be carried to Naples, 
Ferdinand dieth.  where he died not many days after, somewhat before the end of the year after the death of his father king Alphonso: he left behind him, not only in his kingdom but also thorough all Italy, a singular opinion of his valour, not so much for his victories obtained, which in times and conditions so divided merited much, as by the life and readiness of his spirit, wherein he was found resolute in both fortunes, with many other royal virtues, wherein he become a worthy example to many: he died withoutyssue and therefore his Uncle Dom Federyk succeeded him, being the fift king seen to succeed in that kingdom in three years time.  
Assoon as Federyk was advertised of the death of his Nephew, he levied his siege from before Caietta, and went to Naples where was the old Queen his mother in law, who put into his hands new castle, albeit many were of opinion that she would retain it for her brother Ferdinand king of the Spanish: In this accident 
Federyk made king of Naples.  were most singular towards Federyk, not only the wills of the peoples, but also thinclinations of the Princes of Salerne, and of Bisignan, together with the faith of the Count Capaccie, all which were the first that pronounced his name within Naples, & going to meet him saluted him as king at his descending from the ship: They were far better content with him, then with the last king, no less for the mildness and moderation of his mind (which they honoured with great reverence and humility) then for the surety of their own estates, having no small suspicion that Ferdinand assoon as he had addressed his affairs, had intentions to call to answer all those that in any sort had been favourers of the french.  
But these alterations and disorders happening with so great dishonour and damage to the french faction, had no power to give a new life to the king, & much less hasten his provisions, who standing entangled with the delights & pleasures of the court, made it four months afore he returned to Lions: And albeit in this amorous negligence, he often times recommended to such as he had left there, the solicitation and dispatch of all provisions aswell for sea as land, and the Duke of Orleans was prepared to departed: yet by the ancient connings of the Cardinal of S. Mallow, the men at arms which were slenderly paid marched as slowly towards Italy, And the navy by sea which was to be assembled at Marseilles, advanced so slackly, that the confederates had leisure enough, to send first to Ville franche a large haven near to Nice, and afterwards even to the roads of Marceilles, an army by sea levied at their common charges at Genes, to give impediments to the vessels of France that were to go to the realm of Naples: And to these great and general delays proceeding principally from the Cardinal of S. Mallow, wise men doubted, that there was joined some other cause more secret, interteyned in the kings mind with a singular art and diligence of such as with many reasons laboured to turn him from the enterprises of Italy, for that they thought, that for his proper regard and interest, he aught to beielous over the greatness of the Duke of Orleans, on whom (if the victory succeeded) the Duchy of Milan should fall: Besides they occupied with him this discourse of persuasions, that it was far from policy and his proper surety to go out of France, afore he had made some contract with the king of Spain, who expressing a desire to be reconciled, had sent Ambassadors to his Majesty to induce a truce, and insinuat an agreement: Many counseled him to tarry till the Queen was brought to bed, for that it agreed not with his wisdom, & was contrary to the love he aught to bear to his peoples, to object his person to so many perils, afore he had a son & heir to receive so great a succession: A reason which made the delivery of the Queen more painful, and her fruit more wretched & unfortunate, seeing that not many days after, the masculyn issue which God had given him, died: So that partly by particular negligence in the king, but more by the errors & vices of his simple council, and partly by the difficulties which others suggested, the provisions waved so long in delays, that the ruin of his people, and whole loss of the kingdom, made lamentable unto them, the operations of their own indiscretion: yea the like had happened to his friends and confederates in Italy, if of themselves they had not constantly defended their proper estates.  
It hath been set down before, how for fear of the french provisions, and more for the contentment of Lodowyk Sforce, than any thing agreeable to the Venetians, there was a plot laid to make pass into Italy Maxymilian Caesar, with whom whilst that fear endured, it was agreed that the Venetians should give him for three whole months twenty thousand ducats for every month, to th'end he should bring with him a certain proportion of horsemen and footmen, upon the which passing of accord, Lodowyk accompanied with th'ambassadors of the confederates, went to Manza (a place on tother side the Mounts upon the confyns of Almaigne) to communicate with his Majesty: where after they had used great conference, Lodowyk came back again the same day to Bormy, A town of the Duchy of Milan on this side the Mounts, whether came Maxymilian the day following under cooler of going on hunting: And after in that interview of two days, they had set down the 
Lodowyk will aswell serve his turn of the king of romans for his ambition, as he had done of the french king in his necessity.  time and manner of his marching into Italy, Maxymilian returned into jermany to solicit th'execution of things that were contracted: But the brute of the provisions of France inferior to all expectation, growing now so cold, that for that regard it seemed not necessary that the king of romans should march: yet Lodowyk determining to serve his ambition of that which afore he had procured for his proper surety, continued still to solicit him to descend into Italy, wherein to remove all impediments that might hinder his desire, albeit the Venetians would not be concurrant in the promise of thirty thousand ducats which he demanded over and above the lx. thousand that were accorded to him: yet he forbore not to bind himself alone to that demand: Inso much that in the end Maxymilian marched and passed into Italy, a little afore the death of Ferdinand: of the which when he was advertised, being near to Milan, he entered into thoughts and devices so to handle things, as by his mean the kingdom of Naples might come to john the only son of the king of Spain, and his son in law: But that being far from the purpose of Lodowyk and his secret ambition, he told him that in that action he should discontent and trouble all Italy, and be the cause to dissolve the unity of the confederates, and consequently to make easy the enterprises of the king of France, occupying such other cunning persuasions, that his subtleties so vanquished all the intentions of Caesar, as he did not only give over and denownce his first cogitation, but also favoured and ratified by letters the succession of Federyk: he descended into Italy with a very small company of men, but the brute run, that there marched after even to the proportion and quantity which he had promised: And being come to Vigeneva, where he sojourned, Lodowyk and the Cardinal of Santa Croce (sent unto him as Legate by the Pope,) together with the Ambassadors of the confederates, assembled with him in council to resolve what were best to be done: therein this was thought the first and most necessary action, that he should march into Pyemont to take the town of Ast, and separate from the french king the Duke of Savoy, and Marquis of Montferat, as members depending of the Empire: to them he addressed advertisements to come to speak with him in a town in Pyemont: but his forces being inferior to his title & dignity, and by that occasion th'effects not answering th'authority of the name imperial, they showed contempt, not one of them consenting to go to him: like as also for th'enterprise of Ast, there was no appearance that it should happily succeed: he made like instance to come to speak with him, to the Duke of Ferrara, who under the name of Feodarye of th'empire, possessed the town of Modene and Regge: And albeit he offered him for his surety, the faith of Lodowyk, his son in law, yet he refused to go to him, alleging that the action were not convenient for his honour, for that he held as yet in deputation, the castle of Genes. Finally Lodowyk (led still with humours of his ancient covetousness, and no less discontented that Pysa so ambitiously desired of him, should fall with the danger of all Italy into the power of the Venetians, sought wonderfully to hinder such a matter) and counseled th'emperor to go to Pysa, persuading him with discourses full of deceits, that the Florentines, 
Lodowyk persuades Caesar to go to Pysa.  being not mighty enough to resist him and the strength of the confederates, would departed by necessity from th'alliance of the french king, and could not refuse to refer th'accord and arbitration of all their controversies to the person of Maxymilian, to th'end that, if not by reconcilement, at lest by way of justice, might be determined the differences between them and the Pysans: In which regard as Pysa should be put into the hands of Caesar, and all the appurtenances appertaining to it: So he hoped by his authority to make the Pysans consent, and that the Venetians (being concurrant in this action the wills of all the other confederates) would not oppose themselves against a conclusion so conducible to the common benefit, and no less just & honest of itself: for Pysa being anciently a town of the Empire, the reknowledging of the rights of such as aspired to it, appertained to no other than to Caesar: & so being committed of trust into the hands of Caesar, Lodowyk hoped that he should easily come by it, either by money, (which makes way into great kingdoms) or for the grace and authority which he had with him, the same serving as an instrument to advance his ambition: This devise was propounded in the council under cooler, that seeing for the present, the fear of the french wars ceased, the coming of Caesar might be used to induce the Florentines to knit with the other confederates against the french king: A devise not displeasing to Maxymilian, who was not a little discontented that his descending into Italy bred no effect, hoping withal, that where by reason of his infinite plots and inventions, and no less for his disorders and unbridled prodigalities, he had always want of money, Pysa would be an instrument convenient, to gather some great quantity either of the Florentines, or others. The devise also was approved by all the confederates as a thing very profitable for the surety of Italy: The Ambassador of Venice not impugning it, for that that Senate, perceiving well enough to what ends tended the thoughts of Lodowyk, doubted not to beguile him easily, and hoped that by mean of the presence of Caesar might be gotten the haven of Livorne, which being united once to Pysa, the Florentines had no further hope to recover that city.  
It hath been declared how the confederates afore made many means & requests to the Florentines to enter unity and league with them, And at the times when most they feared the descending of the frenchmen, they gave them hopes so to work & travel in things, that Pysa should eftsoons return under their jurisdiction: But the covetousness of the Venetians and Lodowyk being suspected to the Florentines, who would not lightly divide themselves from the amity of the french king, bore no ready devotion to those suggestions: wherein as one thing that kept them back, was a hope to recover by the coming of the french king, Pietra sancta, and Serazena, places which they could not expect by any working of the confederates: so that which turned them & drew them quite away, was an overweening no less unprofitable to the condition of their affairs, then contrary to the course of the time: They measuring rather their own merits, and that which they endured for the king, than his nature, or his customs, promised to themselves by the mean of his victory, not only the city of Pysa, but almost all the residue of Tuskane: In which persuasion they were nourished by the opinion and words of jeronimo Savonarole, who in his sermons pronounced many felicities and augmentation of empery appointed to that common weal after so many travels & afflictions, publishing in like style most grievous calamities and evils to happen to the court of Rome, and all the other potentates of Italy: wherein albeit this fond Preacher was not without his adversaries scorning at this particular doctrine, yet what for his own authority, and the simple inclinations of many, there was no little faith given to his holy advertisements, no less by most part of the popular multitude, then by many of the principal citizens, whereof, some of innocent devotion, some by ambition, and some for fear, reapposed such religion in his vain forewarnings, that the whole estate of Florence carried such general disposition to continued in the french amity, that the confederatts thought it not unreasonable to labour to reduce them by force, to that whereunto their wills were so strange and contrary: They supposed th'enterprise to invade them could not contain many difficulties for that they were hated of all their neighbours, and no expectation or hope of succours from the french king, who abandoning the safety of his own people in Naples, could not in any reason be thought careful to minister to the wants of others: Besides their great expenses for these three years, with so general diminution of their revenues, had so drained them, that it was not credible that they were able to sustain long travels: seeing withal they had for this year passed continually followed the wars against Pysa, wherein thaccidents have been diverse and notable, more for the resolution of courage showed in many valiant acts and factions of war by either part, and by the desperate obstinacy wherewith such things were done, then for any huge proportion or greatness of armies, and much less for the quality of places for the which they fought, being but villages and borrows not famous, & therefore of themselves of no great consequence: for (to use more large discourse) a little after the citadel was given to the Pysans, and afore the succours of Venice arrived there, the bands of Florence having taken the borrow of Buty, & from thence encamped at Calcy, and before they took it, beginning (for their better surety of victuals) to build a bastillion upon the Mount of Dolorosa: the bands of footmen that were there for the guard of the place, were broken by their own negligence, by the ensigns of the Pysans: And a little after, as Francisco Secco was encamped with a great troop of horsemen in the borrow of Buty to see to the safe convey of victuals to Hercules Bentyvole, encamped with the footbands of the Florentines about the little castle of the hill Verrucole: he was so charged at unwares by the footmen that came out of Pysa, that by thinconveniency of the place to apply the service of his horsemen, he lost a great part of them: for which successes the affairs of Pysa seeming to rise increasing in fortune and that with hope of greater prosperity for that the succours of the Venetians began to arrive: Hercules Bentyvole lodging in the borrow of Bientina, hearing that john Pawle Monfrin captain of the Venetians, was with the first part of their companies come to Vicopisan two miles from Bientina, feigned to have fear, In so much that presently he raised his companies and went into the field; and immediately assoon as the Venetian bands were discovered, he eftsoons retired into Bientina. But after he saw his enemy full of boldness and security, he trained him one day with great policy into an ambush, where he put him to the worse, with the loss of the most part of his companies, giving him the chasse even to the walls of Vicopisan: In which encownter the victory was not in all points happy, for that Frauncisco Secco, come to the camp that morning to join with Hercules, in the retire was slain with a shot of arqebus: After these followed the other bands of the Venetians, amongst whom were eight hundredth stradiots led by justynian Morosin: By whose coming the Pysans being now far superior, Hercules Bentyvole to whom the parts of the country were well known, neither willing to put himself in danger, nor altogether disposed to abandon the field, encamped in a very strong place, between the borrow of Pontadere, and the river of Ere: with th'opportunity of this place, he restrained much the importunity of thenemies, who in all that time took no other place or piece then the borrow of Buty which yielded to their discretion: And as they sent out their stradiots to make pillage of the country, there were three hundredth of them ronning up even to Valdere, charged and broken by certain bands which Hercules sent after them: The Florentines were in the same seasons vexed by them of Sienna, who by thoccasion of the harms they suffered in the country of Pysa, and at the incensing of the confederates, sent to encamp afore the bastillion of the bridge of Valiane, the Lord of Plombyn and john Savelle: But hearing that Riwccio de Marciano arrived with succours, they retired in great haste from before the bastillion, leaving behind them one part of their artillery: by reason whereof the Florentines seeing themselves assured on that side, caused Riwccio to turn his force to the quarter of Pysa: In so much that their strength being almost equal, the war was now brought to the borrows about the hills: But for that they were at the devotion of the Pysans, things fell out more to the disadvantage of the Florentines: for that the Pysans entering by intelligence into the borrow of Pont de sac, stripped a whole company of men at arms, and took prisoner Lodowyk Marciana, yet they abandoned forthwith the said borrow for fear of the Florentyn bands which were not far of: But the better to command and govern the hills, which were of great importance to them, aswell for the victuals brought from thence to Pysa, as for that they gave impediments to the Florentines in the traffic of the haven of Livorne: they fortified the most part of those borrows, amongst the which Soiana was made noble by one accident by chance: for the camp of the Florentines being marched thither with intention to take it the same day, and for that cause, having spoiled all the passages of the river of Cascina, and put their men at arms in battle upon the bank, to cut of the succours of th'enemy: It happened that Peter Capponi a 
Peter Capponi.  chief commander amongst the Florentines, as he was about to plant th'artilleries, was stricken in the head by a bullet out of the town, whereof he died presently: An end unworthy of his virtue, aswell for the ignobility of the place, as for the little importance of such an enterprise: By the chance of this accident, they raised the camp without attempting any further action: Besides, the Florentines even in those times were compelled to send bands of men into Lunigiana to the succours of the castle of Verroncole which the Marquis of Malespina held besieged, by the aid of the Genoese, from whence he easily gave them the chasse: So that the strength of the Pysans was mighty for certain months, for that besides the townsmen and popular soldiers levied of the country become bodies warlike by long experience, the Venetians and Duke of Milan had there many bands of horsemen and footmen, the Venetian numbers being greatest: But for that afterwards the Duke's companies began to diminish because they were not paid as appertained: the Venetians using that defect to their advantage, sent thither a new supply of a hundredth men at arms, and six galleys loaden with provision of victuals, wherein they spared no necessary expenses for the surety of that city, the same happening in good season to win, and draw to them the affections of the Pysans, who every day more and 
The Pysans begin to disclaim the Duke of Milan.  more estranged their minds from the devotion of the Duke of Milan, as neither contented with his nigardise in thexpense and provision of things necessary, nor with his incerteinties and variations, expressing rather a mind neuter, than affection resolute, for that sometimes he would be forward in the succour of their affairs, and eftsoons careless and cold, leaving all to adventure: In so much as beginning almost to doubt of his will, they imposed upon him by imputation that john Bentyvole did not advance to endamage the Florentines according to the commission he had of the confederates, the rather for that they knew he had failed him in a great part of his payments, either through his covetousness, or else, that the displeasures of the Florentines were acceptable to him, but not their whole ruin and oppression: By mean of which operations, he had laid of himself (touching the state of Pysa) foundations contrary to his chiefest ends and intentions, for th'advancement whereof he only induced the council of the confederates to determine that Maxymylian Caesar should go to Pysa.  
But now returning from whence we came: after it was resolved that Caesar should march to Pysa, he dispatched two Ambassadors to Florence to advertise them, that by 
Caesar sends Ambassadors to Florence.  reason of an enterprise which he intended with a mighty army against the Infidels, he judged it first an action chief and necessary to pass into Italy, the better to pacify and assure the controversies there, for which cause he exhorted the Florentines that they would communicate together with the other confederates in the common defence of Italy, or at lest if they had an other inclination, that they would make manifest their will and intention: That for the same occasion, and for that it appertained to th'authority imperial, he would know the controversies that were between them and the Pysans, requiring them, till he had taken knowledge of the reasons of both the one and other, that they would surcease the war, which he assured would not be refused by the Pysans, to whom he had imparted the like significations: lastly, he gave them great surety with sweet and familiar words, that he would be ready to administer justice indifferently: To which message (receiving the offers of th'emperor with reverence and recommendation, & expressing no less shows of singular confidence in his justice and piety) was answered by the Florentines, that they would give him particularly to understand of their intention by special Ambassadors to be addressed to his Majesty with speed.  
But in the mean while the Venetians, not to leave to Maxymylian or the Duke of Milan, any mean to be Masters over Pisa, sent thither with consent of the Pisans a new supply of a hundredth and fifty men at arms, some stradiots, and a thousand footmen under the leading of Hannibal Bentivole, signifying to the Duke that they had sent those succours thither, for that their common weal, which loved to cherish free cities, was universally inclined to aid the Pisans to recover their country, as indeed by the succour of those bands, they went thorough with the recovery of almost all the borrows of the hills: In regard of which benefits, and for the frank readiness of the Venetians to gratify their demands which were in great number, sometimes wanting men, sometimes lacking money, and most commonly suffering necessities of victuals and munitions: The will of the Pisans was become so conformable to the desires of the Venetians, that all that office of devotion and confidence which they were wont to own to the Duke of Milan, being now transported into them, they greatly desired that that Senate would continued their protectors, defenders, and patrons: And yet they solicited still the coming of Caesar, for hoping that what with the strength they had already within Pysa, and the bands which his Majesty would lead with him, they should with more facility get Livorne: On the other side, the Florentines, who besides other encumbrances, were at that time pressed with a great scarcity of victuals, were occupied with no small fears, being left alone to resist the power of so many Princes: for that in Italy, there would not rise one in their aid and favour, and from their Ambassadors in France, they were certified 
The Florentines have small hope to be succoured by the french king.  by letters, that they could hope for no rescue in the king, to whom they had recommended their dangers with many suits and humilities, though not to have of him a full succour, yet to be relieved with some quantity and proportion of money: But their petitions were in vain, and all their requests embraced with the same coldness of care wherewith he comforted the perplexities of his peculiar peoples in the kingdom of Naples: Peter de medicis alone did not molest them, because it was an article in the council of the confederates, not to use in this action, either his name, or his favour, knowing by experience, that the Florentines for that fear, did the more increase their unity for the preservation of their liberty: And Lodowyk Sforce, under cooler to be jealous of their safety, but more discontented with the greatness of the Venetians, ceased not to apply all his discourse of wit & persuasion, to induce them to refer all things to the arbitration of Caesar, wherein he alleged many great and sensible dangers, and insinuated with arguments and reasons, that this was the only mean to draw the Venetians from Pysa, and so consequently to accomplish their full reintegration: A thing very necessary for the universal stability of Italy, and no less (for that occasion) desired by the king of Spain, and all the other confederates: But the Florentines not suffering themselves to be carried with fair and deceitful appearances, and much less amazed with the contemplation of so many dangers and difficulties, determined to make no declaration with Caesar, neither to refer their rights to his arbyttrement, if first they were not restored to the possession of Pisa, for that they were not assured either of his will or of his authority, being manifest that having not of himself any forces, or money, he proceeded as it best seemed to the Duke of Milan: Neither did they discern in the Venetians, any disposition or need to leave Pisa: Therefore they prepared with a frank and liberal resolution of courage, to fortify and refurnish Livorna aswell as they could, and to draw all their strength into the country of Pisa: And yet, for that they would not appear estranged from the league, labouring withal to appease Caesar, they sent Ambassadors who found him at Genes where he was then arrived: Their commission was (for 
The Florentines sand answer to th'emperor.  answer of the things propounded by his Ambassadors at Florence) to advertise him and persuade him, that it was not necessary to proceed to any declaration, because, for the reverence they bore to his name he might promise' to himself of the common weal of Florence, even as much as he would desire: And to beseech him to think, that for his most holy resolution to reduce Italy to peace, there was nothing more convenient then immediately to restore Pisa to the Florentines, for that it was the root and river from whence sprung all their deliberations so discontenting to his Majesty and the confederates, & Pisa also being in that regard, the cause that made some to aspire to the Empire of Italy, who to that end laboured to keep it in continual travels of war, by which words (notwithstanding it was not otherways expressed) was signified and meant the ambition of the Venetians: That also it was not agreeable to his justice, that such as had been despoiled by force, should be constrained contrary to the disposition of the laws imperial, to refer their rights to compromise, if first they were not restored to their possession: concluding that the common weal of Florence obtaining this beginning of him, and by that mean, remeyninge no cause to desire any thing but peace with every one, they would make all such declarations as he should think convenient, and reapposing wholly in his justice, would with ready humility recommend unto him the knowledge of their rights.  
This answer satisfied not Caesar, who desired above all things that they might enter into the league under faith and promise to be restored to the possession of Pysa within a term convenient: notwithstanding after many discourses and debating of reasons, they could draw no other answer from him, than (upon the platform of Genes as he entered the sea) he told them they should understand further of his will by the Pope's Legate which was at Genes, by whom, being sent back again to the Duke, who from Tortone whether he had accompanied Caesar, was returned to Milan, they went into the same city, where as they were demanding audience, they received Commissions from Florence, (already understanding the fruit of their legation) commanding them without seeking other answer, to return home: So that being come to the hour appointed for their audience, they turned their demand to have answer, into a signification of their office, that returning to Florence, they were bold to lengthen their way, to come to do him reverence afore they parted out of his country, as well appertained to the friendship which their common weal had mutually with him: The Duke thinking they would demand answer according to their direction from the Legate, had assembled all the Ambassadors of the confederates, and the whole majesty of his own council, to make show (according to his manner) of his eloquence, and his art, & to take pleasure in the calamities of others: But being not a little confused with the nature of their proposition altogether disappointing his expectation and looking, he asked them suddenly what answer they had of Caesar: to which demand they answered, that according to the laws of their common weal, they might not communicate nor treat of their commission, with any other Prince, then with him to whom they were assigned Ambassadors: he replied somewhat troubled: If we give you answer, for the which we know that Caesar hath referred you to us, would you not hear it: It is not forbidden to hear (say they) & much less can we let an other to speak: he answered, we are content to give you the answer, but that can not well be done, if you pronounce not that which you have said to him: The Ambassadors eftsoons answered, that beside they had no power for the self same reasons alleged before, yet it would be superfluous, for that it was necessary that Caesar had imparted their proposition with those, to whom he had given thimmediate charge to make the answer in his name: for these resolute dealings of th'ambassadors, he could not, neither in words, nor in gestures dissemble his indignation, And with moods full of variation and discontentment he dismissed th'ambassadors with all the residue which he had assembled, receiving in himself one part of the mockery, which he meant to have given to an other.  
In the mean while, Caesar departed from the haven of Genes with six galleys which the Venetians had in the sea of Pysa, and with many other vessels of the Genoese very well furnished with artillery, but not with fight men, for that there was no other men of war, than a thousand lanceknights: with whom he sailed 
Caesar is come to Pysa.  to the haven of Spetia, and from thence went by land to Pysa: And there having joined to his army five hundredth horsemen & a thousand other lanceknights which had marched by land, he determined to encamp before Livorne, having for his back the companies of the Duke of Milan, and one part of the Venetian bands: his intention was to charge it both by sea & land, sending the other Venetian companies to Pont de sac, to th'end the Florentyn camp which was not strong, should not be able to molest the Pysans, nor give succours to Lyvorne: But there was no enterprise which less astonished the Pysans, then that of Livorne, sufficiently furnished with men and artillery, with daily expectation of succours from Provence: for that a little before, to augment their forces with the reputation wherein were at that time in Italy, the armies of the french, they had with the consent of the french king, entertained to their pay, Monsrd Albigois one of his captains with a hundredth lances, and a thousand footmen aswell Swyzzers as Gascons, which were to come by sea to Lyvorne upon certain ships, which by their directions were laden with grain, to relieve the general want of victuals reigning in all the lands of their obedience: This deliberation, made with other thoughts, and for other ends, then for their defence against Caesar, albeit it was full of difficulties, for that both Monsrd Albigois with his company already conduted to the ships, refused to take the sea, only six hundredth footmen being embarked: yet it found such plentiful favours of fortune, that there could not be desired a provision, neither more great nor more convenient: seeing that the same day that a Commissioner of Pysa, (sent before by Caesar with a great strength of horsemen and footmen to make bridges & planks for the army which was to follow) arrived before Lyvorne, the navy of Provence containing five ships and certain galleons, together with a great carrack of Normandy which the king appointed to revictual Caietta, were discovered above Lyvorna with so favourable gales and tides, that without any resistance of the fleet of Caesar (for they were constrained by the time to spread abroad above Melorie, a rock very famous, for that in a sea battle made there in times passed between the Genoese and the Pysans, the Pysans were overthrown) they entered the port without other loss, then of one gallion laden with corn, which was taken, as being strayed from the other navy.  
This succour gave no less life & courage to those that were within Lyvorne, then much assured the minds of the Florentines, who interpreted this sudden coming of the ships to a sign, that though earthly and worldly forces would fail them, yet God beholding their calamities, would not abandon them according to th'assurance which often times Savonarola had preached to the people even when every one was most astonished: But notwithstanding these discouragements of victuals & succours, the King of Romans ceased not to march with his camp to Lyvorna, whether 
Caesar marcheth to Lyvorna.  having sent by land five hundredth men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, & four thousand footmen, he passed upon galleys even to the mouth of the pool which is between Pysa & Livorna: And having appointed the one part of the place to be invaded by the Count Caietta whom the Duke of Milan had sent with him, he presented himself afore the other: wherein albeit the first day he had no small a do to settle his camp there for the perilous impediments which th'artilleries of Lyvorna gave to him: yet after he had approached his army before day on that side to the fountain, and having a chief desire to be first master of the haven, he began to batter with the cannon, Magnane, which was well fortified by them within, who seeing the camp drawn on that side, had on tother side ruyned Polazzotte and the tower standing on that side to the sea, as a thing not only not gardable, but also convenient to make them loose the new tower. He caused at the same time to come near the haven, his army by sea, to beat the parts on the sea side: for the french ships, after they had landed their men, and unladen one part of their corn as they were bound, returned into Provence, and the Normans set sail to Caiette, notwithstanding many importunities & requests to have them tarry, thinking to have made them to the service of this defence: The battery that thundered against Magnane, nourishing an intention to assault the town afterwards by sea, profited very little: for that the defence was sufficient against all assaults, and had little regard to the fury of the shot, the defendants also very often making sayllies to entertain skirmish with th'enemy. But as the hopes of the Florentines began by the favour of the winds, so it was a destiny that in the benefit of the winds should be wrought their whole perfection, for by a great storm rising upon the sudden, the winds and all the ill disposed weathers agreeing, the navy of Caesar was greatly crushed, and the great ship Grymawda Genua which had carried his majesties person, after she had long endured the conflict of the weather and waves, and wrought against the rage of the storm, she was drowned right against the new tower of Livorne with all the men & artillery that she bore within board: the like happened at the point towards S. jacques, to two galleys of the Venetians, and all the other vessels so dispersed and shaked by this calamity, that they become unprofitable for the present enterprise, specially the defendants following the favour of this accident, issued out and recovered the gallion, which before had fallen into the power of the enemies: The consideration of the losses and miseries happened by this shipwreck, procured Caesar to return to Pysa, where after many counsels, every one distrusting the possibility of th'enterprise of Livorne, it was agreed to levy the camp from thence, and transfer the war to 
Caesar leavieth his camp from Lyvorna  an other part: And therefore Caesar went to Vicopisan, and caused to be built a bridge upon Arne, between cascine and Vico, and an other upon Cilecchio: But whilst he occupied men with expectation that he would pass over, he departed upon the sudden, and returned by land the right way to Milan, having brought forth no other action in Tuskane, saving that four hundred of his horsemen sacked Bolgheri, a town almost unknown in the shores of Pysa: he excused his sudden departure upon 
Caesar excuseth his sudden departure.  the difficulties that increased upon him every day, aswell for that they supplied him not with money as often as he demanded, as for that the Venetian Commissioners would not consent that the greatest part of their bands should issue out of Pysa for the suspicion they had of him, besides that they had not fully satisfied him of their portion of the threescore thousand ducats, for which injuries (extolling greatly the Duke of Milan) he made many grievous complaints against them: he passed by Pavya, where was taken a new council: And albeit he had published that he would eftsoons return into Almanie, yet he agreed to reappose in Italy all the winter with a thousand horsemen, and two thousand footmen, so that they would make pay to him for every month, of xxij. thousand florins of Rhein: wherein whilst the action of this plot was solicited, with expectation of answer from Venice, he went from thence to Lomelline, at the time when there was looking to receive him at Milan, being a thing fatal & ordained to him (asw as well approved by thexperiences following) not to enter into that city: from Lomellina, with a mind changed, he turned his way to Cusagne six miles from Milan, from whence contrary to all opinions, & unwitting to the Duke and his Ambassadors which were there, he went to Coma: where understanding as he sat at dinner, that the Pope's Legate, to whom he had sent that he should not follow him, was arrived: he arose from the table, & embarked 
Caesar stealeth in haste into jermany.  with so great haste, that there was scarce leisure to the Legate to deliver to him a few words within the bark: to whom he answered in short, that he was constrained to go into Almanie, but that he would return with speed: And albeit, after he was brought by the lake of Coma to Vellasie, he was advertised that the Venetians would condescend to all things that were agreed upon at Pavya: yet he continued his voyage, and gave them new hopes to return to Milan: But a very few days after, according to thinconstancy and variation of his nature, he left one part of his horsemen and footbands, and sailed directly into Almanie, having showed with a very little honour to the name imperial, his weakness in Italy wherein long time before had not been seen any emperors armed: Lodowyk despairing now by the going away of Caesar (without new remedies for new accidents) to be able any more to draw Pysa to himself, and much less to keep it out of the hands of the Venetians, withdrew from thence all his people, making it some consolation to his displeasurs, that the Venetians only should remain entangled with the war against the Florentines: wherein also he nourished this persuasion, that the long travels and perplexities of both the one and other part, might with time raise up some occasions favourable to his desires: By the departure of the bands of Lodowyk, the Florentines whose power was strongest in the country of Pysa, recovered again all the borrows about the hills: by reason whereof the Venetians, constrained to levy new provisions to hinder their further proceedings, adjoined so many bands more to the companies 
The computation of the Venetian army within Pysa. Tarente and Caiette are rendered to Federyk new king of Naples.  they entertained already within Pysa, that in all, their army contained four hundred men at arms, seven hundred light horsemen, & more than two thousand footmen: In this mean while in the kingdom of Naples, there was almost an end put to all the residue of the war against the french: for that the town of Tarente, pressed with famine, was rendered with her castles to the Venetians, who had besieged it by sea, and who, after they had kept it certain days, growing into suspicion that they would appropriate it to themselves, rendered it at last to Federyk, by the great instance of the Pope and the King of Spain: And as it was understanded at Caietta, that the greatship Normain, having fought above the port Hercules with certain Genua ships which she encowntred, and sailing afterwards in her course, was overbeaten with the rage of storms, and drowned: So the french men that defended Caietta, whether the new king was eftsoons marched with his camp, albeit the brute went that there were victuals & munitions enough to bear out the siege certain months: yet entering into th'examples and actions of their king, in whom they judged would be as slow disposition to minister to their succours, as he was careless of so great a part of his nobility, and to rescue so many places holding for him: they accorded with Federyk, by the solicitation of Monsr d Aubigny (who for some difficulties happening in the assignment of the fortresses in Calabria, was not yet departed from Naples) to leave the town and castle, and return by sea into France with safety and protection of their lives and goods: By reason of this agreement, the french king seeing himself delivered of so many cares and thoughts to minister succours to the kingdom of Naples, and on tother side, being indifferently grieved with the harms and infamies of those wars, determined to set upon Genes: 
The french king determineth to set upon Genes.  wherein he hoped much in the faction of Baptistyn Fregosa (aforetimes Duke of that city,) and in the train and followers which the Cardinal of S. Peter ad vincla, had in the town of Savone, and in those rivers: he applied also to the favour of his devise, the occasion and consent of the time, for that in those seasons john Lowys de fiesco, and the family of the Adorns, were in discord, and all the Genoese generally ill contented with the Duke of Milan, both for that in the sale of Pietra Sancta, he had preferred the Lucquoys before them, and also, having promised to reduce it eftsoons to their hands, using in that action (the better to appease thindignation conceived against him) the authority of the Venetians, he had nourished them many months with vain hopes: But for fear of this determination of the king, Lodowyk (who for thoccasion of Pysa was almost estranged from the Venetians) was compelled to knit of new with them, and to sand to Genes the horsemen and footmen of the Almains which Caesar had left in Italy, for whom (if this necessity had not happened) there would have been neither employment nor provision made.  
Whilst these things were thus in devise & solicitation, the Pope (finding now a great opportunity to occupy the estates of the Vrsins, for that the principals of that famulie were restrained in Naples) pronounced rebels in the consistory, Virginio & the residue of that race, & confisked their estates, for that contrary to his commandment they had taken pay of the french: After which beginning he proceeded in further action to assail their lands, having ordered that the Colonnoys should do 
1497.  the like in all those places where they confyne with the Vrsins: This enterprise was much comforted by the Cardinal Askanius, no less for the ancient amity he had with the Colonnoys, then for a settled dissension and disagreement interteyned of long against the Vrsins: The Duke of Milan also gave readily his consent, but it displeased not a little the Venetians, in whom were secret desires to win that family and draw them to their devotion: And yet not being able with any justifications to hinder the Pope from pursuing his rights, and withal holding it nothing profitable in that time to alienate him from them: they consented that the Duke of Vrbyn, Mercenary in common to the Pope and to them, should march to join with the bands of the Church, over whom was captain general the Duke of Candia, and in the office 
The Duke of Candia general of the Pope's army.  of Legate, the Cardinal La luna borne at Pavya, A Cardinal wholly depending upon Askanius: to this army also, king Federyk of Naples sent Fabricius Colonne: This army now drawn into a camp, after it had compelled many pieces to be rendered, marched to encamp at Tryvignian, which town menteyning a valiant defence for certain days, yielded at last to discretion: But during the defence of that town, Bartholomew d'Aluyano issuing out of Bracciane, put to flight within eight miles of Rome, four hundredth horsemen that guided the artilleries to the camp Ecclesiastic: And an other day ronning with the same fortune even to the cross of Montmarie, he lacked not much of taking the Cardinal of Valence, who coming out of Rome to the chasse, found his best safety in the swiftness of his horse: After the rendering of Tryvignan the camp drew to the isle, where after they had battered one part of the rock with th'artillery, they obtained it by composition: At length all the war was reduced to Bracciana, where the Vrsins had laid up all the hope of their defence: for that the place which had been made strong before, was of new refortefied with munitions and rampires, and the suburbs reenforced, having at the entry thereof erected a bastillion, and bestowed within it a sufficient strength of men under the government of Aluyano, whose youth gave him a body disposed, and his wit no less quick and resolute, than his diligence incredible, increased in him (with exercise in arms) those hopes & expectations to the which in times succeeding, his actions were nothing inferior: The Pope ceased not to increase daily his army which he had of new refurnished with eight hundredth lanceknights of those that had been employed in the wars of Naples: There were daily skirmishes and trial arms on both parts, and that with great contention, the camp without planting their artillery in many several places, and they within, not forgetting to repair and fortify with present diligence and assurance: And yet within few days, the defendants were constrained to abandon the suburbs, which being taken, the ecclesiastics gave a furious assault to the town, wherein albeit their fortune made them able to advance their ensigns upon the walls, yet by the virtue of the defendants they were eftsoons forced to retire, suffering a great loss, in which action was hurt Anthony Savelle: The defendants expressed the like valour in an other assault, repulsing the enemy with a fury more resolute & a loss more general, for that two hundred of them were either slain or very sore wounded, wherein appeared with great merit the particular valour of Aluyano, to whom was justly given the principal glory of that defence: for that within, he was of a lively readiness to all offices necessary, and without, with continual eruptions and sallies, he kept th'army of th'enemy day and night in alarums: In this special action, he added much to his reputation, that by his disposing, certain light horsemen issuing out of Ceruette (which the Vrsins held) should make incursions even to the camp, and he himself taking thoccasion of this tumult, charged them out of the town, & put to flight the footebands that guarded the artilleries, of which, he carried into Bracciana certain small pieces: And albeit at length, rather overlayed with numbers, then overcome in valour, he and his companies were overwearied with the continual travels and perplexities of that war, having neither the day nor the night favourable to their quietness: yet they began eftsoons to readresse themselves with hope of succours, for that Charles Vrsin, and Vitellozze, who was knit to the Vrsins by a bond of the faction of guelfs, & being now passed into Italy upon the vessels of Provence come to Livorne, with money of the french king to reerect their bands dispersed in the kingdom of Naples: they prepared to succour them in so great a danger: for which cause Charles went to Soriana, to reassemble the old soldiers, friends and followers of the Vrsins: and Vitellozzo in Citta de Castello made the like levy of the soldiers and footmen of the country, adjoining with great diligence, his whole strength to Charles at Soriano, having in his regiment two hundredth men at arms, and xviij. hundredth footmen of his own, with proportion of great artillery upon wheels after the manner of France: By reason whereof the Captains ecclesiastic, foreseeing that if they marched forward, it could not but be dangerous to be enclosed in the midst of a circle, between the new succours, and the old enemies within Bracciana, and withal, holding dishonourable to the renown of merit and valour, to leave them in pray all the country thereabouts, wherein he had sacked and made havoc of diverse borrows: they levied their camp from before Bracciana, and retiring all their great artilleries within Anguillare, they marched directly to that quarter where thenemies 
The encounter of Soriana  were: And encowntring them between Soriana and Bassan, they fought together with great fury for certain hours: But in the end (the success of wars depending chief upon the innocency of the quarrel) albeit at the entry into the encounter, thecclesiastics took prisoner Franciot Vrsin, yet their whole camp was put to flight, with the loss of their baggage and artilleries: They lost, what in the slaughter, and by taking prisoners, more than five hundred men, Amongst which prisoners were the Duke of Vrbyn, john Peter of Gonsague Count of Nugolare, with many other bodies of mark: the Duke of Candia, lightly hurt in the face, and with him the Pope's Legate, and Fabrice Colonne found safety by fleeing into Roncillon. Above all the residue, Vitellozze carried the honour and merit of this victory, for that the bands of footmen of Citta Castello, who had been afore trained and managed by him and his brethren, with the orders and disciplines of the french, were that day greatly aided by his industry, & having armed them with pikes longer by an arm length then those which were customably used, they had so much advantage when they came to the shock with the footmen of thennemiesenemies, that wounding them with the odds of length in their pikes, they put them easily to the chase, so much the more to their greater honour, by how much in the contrary battle, there were eight hundred footmen of thAlmaines, of which nation the infantry of Italy, have had a continual fear ever since the descending of king Charles: After this victory, the victors begun to run without resistance over all the country on this side Tiber, And afterward having passed part of their companies over the river beneath the hill Rotonde, they still invaded those ways where they supposed was any retreat for th'enemy: In regard of which dangers, the Pope applying his wits to the necessities of his affairs, studying to make a new levy of men of war, called to his succours from the kingdom of Naples, consalvo, and Prospero Colonne: And yet not many days after, what by the diligence of th'ambassadors of Venice, to do pleasure to thVrsins, and the solicitation of the king of Spain, fearing lest these beginnings would draw some ill consequence or innovation to the league: A peace was made, with a most ready inclination aswell of the Pope, who naturally hated expenses, as of the Vrsins, who being no less poor in money, then naked in friends, knew that their necessity in the end would compel them to yield to the power of the Pope: The articles 
Capitulations between the Pope and the Vrsins.  of the Pope were these: That it should be suffered to the Vrsins to continued in the pay of the french till the end of the time for the which they were hired by the king, with express mention that they should not be bound to take arms against the Church: That all the places which they had lost in this war should be restored, paying to the Pope fifty thousand ducats, of the which thirty thousand to be paid assoon as john jordan and Pawle Vrsin should be set at liberty, (for Virginio not many days before died within the castle of the egg, either of an ague, which was natural, or by poison which was violent and therefore much suspected) and the other twenty thousand ducats within eight months: for assurance of which payment, Anguillare and Ceruetre should be committed of trust into the keeping of the Cardinals Askanius and S. Severin: That all the prisoners taken in the journey at Soriana, should be redelivered, except the Duke of Vrbyn, for whose liberty, albeit th'ambassadors of the confederates made great travel, yet the Pope would solicit nothing: for that he knew the Vrsins had ho mean to raise the money they were to pay to him but by the ransom of the Duke, for whom a little after, was agreement made for xl. thousand ducats, but with this adjection, that he should not be delivered afore Pawle Vitelli (who remained prisoner to the Marquis of Mantua at the rendering of Atella) had obtained his liberty without paying any ransom.  
The Pope having thus to his little honour dispatched his hands of the war against the Vrsins, made distribution of money to the companies which consalvo brought with him, whom joining to him his own bands, he sent to take Ostia as yet holden in the name of the Cardinal of S. P. ad vincla: wherein his success communicating with his common fortune, was no less easy than speedy, for that assoon as he had braked his artilleries, the castle keeper rendered all to discretion: After which victory, 
consalvo entereth Rome.  consalvo made his entry into Rome almost in manner triumphant, with a hundredth men at arms, two hundredth light horsemen, & fifteen hundred footmen, all soldiers of the spanish, leading before him as prisoner the castle keeper, whom a little after he set at liberty: There came to meet him many Prelates of the Pope's household, with Cardinals, followed with much people, and almost all the Court ronning with great desire to see a captain whose name bore so great fame and merit in Italy: By those Prelates he was led to the presence of the Pope sitting in the consistory, who receiving him with great honour, gave him in testimony of his valour, the rose which Popes are wont to bestow every year: After this, consalvo returned to rejoin eftsoons with king Federyk, who had invaded the estate of the Perfect of Rome, and resumed all those places, which taken from the Marquis of Piscaire in the conquest of the kingdom, were bestowed upon him by the french king: And having taken Sore and Arci (but not the castles,) he lay encamped before the rock Guillaume, for that he had had by accord the estate of the Count d'Olyuer, before he sold his Duchy of Sora to the Perfect of Rome.  
But as there is no earthly bliss so perfect, which hath not his aleye with some bitterness or bale, nor no prosperity so well assured, which draweth not with it his proper adversities: So notwithstanding these felicities heaped upon Federyk, yet he was not without his perplexities, not only by his friends, seeing consalvo kept one part of Calabria in the name of the king of Spain, but also of his enemies reconciled: for that the Prince of Bisignian, being one evening sore hurt by a certain Greek, as he went out of the new castle of Naples, the Prince of Salerne was in such fear that the blow was given by the king's commandment in revenge of th'offences passed, that immediately (not dissembling the cause of his suspicion) he went from Naples to Salerna: And albeit the king sent to use at his will, the Greek detained in prison, to justify (as the truth was) that he had given the blow for an injury to him done by the Prince of Bisignian in the honour and person of his wife: yet (in ancient & great grudges it is hard to establish a faithful reconciliation, for that it hath his proper impediments either by suspicion, or desire of revenge) the Prince of Salerne could never after dispose himself to trust him: which jealousy, giving yet some hope to the french (keeping still the Mont S. Ange, and other strong places,) of some new innovation or insurrection in the kingdom of Naples, procured them with more constancy to stand to their defences.  
In these seasons, were tokens and demonstrations of far greater dangers in 
The french prepare new enterprises against Italy.  Lombardye, by the emotions of the french, assured for the present by the threatenings of the Spanish: for that passing between them, rather light incursions and appearances of war, than any thing of notable action, saving that the french burned the town of Sausses: They had begun a parley of accord, and for the more easy negotiation of it, had made a surceasing of arms for two months: By mean whereof the french king, having a more facility to hearken after the affairs of Genes and Savona, dispatched to Ast an army of a thousand lances, three thousand Swyzzers and a like number of gascoins, advertising Trywlso his Lieutenant in Italy, to apply aids to Baptistyn and the Cardinal of S. P. ad vincla: his intention was to sand after, the Duke of Orleans with a strong army, to execute in his proper name th'enterprise of the Duchy of Milan: And to make more easy thaction of Genes, he sent Octavyan Fregose to require the Florentines to invade at the same time Lunigana and the river of the East, ordaining also that the sowtherne rivers should be troubled by Pawle Baptysta Fregose with seven galleys: This enterprise was begun with such astonishment to the Duke of Milan, not prepared sufficiently of himself, and less surety of the aids promised by the Venetians: that if it had proceeded with the same directions and councils, it could not but have brought forth some effect of importance, and more easily in the Duchy of Milan, then in Genes: for at Genes john Lowys de fiesque, & the Adorns, who were entered into reconcilement by the mean of Lodowyk, had levied many bands of footmen, and rigged at the charges of the Venetians and Lodowyk an army at sea, to the which were joined six galleys sent by Federyk: But the Pope entertaining the name of a confederate, more in councils and demonstrations, then in works and meanings, would not in those dangers contribute to any expenses, neither by sea nor land: The proceedings of this expedition were that Baptistyn, and with him Trywlce, marched to Nonny, of which town Baptistyn had been despoiled afore by the Duke of Milan, but not of the castle, which he had always kept, and held yet: But by reason of their coming in such strong order, the Count Caiezze, which was there in garrison with threescore men at arms, two hundredth light horsemen, and five hundred footmen, distrusting much to be able to defend it, retired to Saravall: The conquest of this town augmented greatly the reputation of the banished: for besides that the town is capable of many people, it stops the passage from Milan to Genes, and by reason of th'opportunity and seat of the place, it is very convenient to endamage the country assisting: After this, Baptistyn made himself Lord of certain other pieces near to Nonny, and at the same time the Cardinal with two hundredth lances, & three thousand footmen, having taken Ventimille, coasted over to Savona, where finding no insurrection by the inhabitants, and having espial that john Adorn approached with a strong band of footmen, he retired to Altar, A place of the Marquis of Montferat distant eight miles from Savone: But Tryuulce in the beginning, did an action of greater importance: for that having a desire to give occasion to kindle the war in the Duchy of Milan, notwithstanding the kings commission was to execute first the affairs of Genes and Savone: he took Bosco a borrow of great importance in the country of Alexandria: Wherein this was his pretext & cooler, that for the surety of the bands which were gone to the East rivers, it was necessary to take from those of the Duke, the mean to go into Alexandria upon the lands of the Genoese: But tempering his desire, with regard to the kings commandment, which he thought not reasonable to impugn manifestly, he forbore to pass further, losing a most fair occasion: for that all the country there about drew into great stir and tumult for the taking of that place, some for fear, as the multitude popular, some for desire of innovation, which commonly is familiar with the condition of wits least moderate: And of that side, there was no greater strength for the Duke, than five hundredth men at arms, and six thousand footmen: beside, Galeas de Saint Severin, who was with in Alexandria began to distrust his defence without greater forces: And Lodowyk himself, being vexed yet but with appearances and threatenings, showing himself no more timorous in this adversity, then by the property of his nature he expressed in all other accidents, solicited the Duke of Ferrara to work some accord between the french king and him: But the sojourning of Tryuulce between Bosco & Nonny, gave sufficient time to Lodowyk to furnish himself, and good respite to the Venetians (who seeming most ready and prepared for his defence, had sent afore to Genes fifteen hundredth footmen) to sand into Alexandria, bands of men at arms & light horsemen: yea the Venetians appointed the Count Petillane general of their regiments, (for that the Marquis of Mantua was withdrawn from their pay) to march with the most part of their companies to the succours of that state: Thus things begun with so great hope, now growing cold, Baptistyn having nothing profited at Genes, (for the city was quiet for the provisions that were made) returned to join with , publishing that his exploits brought forth no success of service, for that the river of the levant was not assailed by the Florentines, who judged it not a council wise to enter into war, if first the things of France appeared not more prosperous and more puissant: In like sort came and joined with , the Cardinal ad vincla, by whom was done no other execution, then that he had taken certain places of the Marquis of Finale, for that he declared himself for the defence of Savone: The french army drawn now all into one strength, made certain offers to Castellat, a place near to Bosco which had been afore time fortified by the Captains of the Duke: But the army of the confederates which reassembled in Alexandria, increasing daily in quality of soldiers and quantity of provisions: And of the contrary, both money and vittells' beginning to fail amongst the french, and their Captains not a little impatient to obey Tryuulce, it was necessary for him to leave Nonny and Bosco to garrison, and retire near the town of Ast.  
It was believed that the distribution of the bands into several places, brought great harm to th'enterprise, as often times happeneth in the like examples: And that if they all joined into one strength, had been at the beginning addressed to Genes, th'expedition perhaps had drawn some better success: seeing that beside th'inclination of factions, and indignation conceived for Pietra santa, one part of the horsemen and footmen of the Almains, which the Duke sent thither, revolted from the service and returned upon the sudden into their country: It might be also, that even those who the year before had hindered the kings descending into Italy, and the succours of the kingdom of Naples, applying now the same means, did give impediments to the present enterprise by the difficulty of provisions: This likelihood of truth was justified with a brute that run, that the Duke of Milan (to the oppression of his subjects) made great presents to the Duke of Bourbon, and others that had grace and favour with the king, in which infamy the Cardinal of S. Mallow had not the lest interest: But whatsoever was in it, it is most certain that the Duke of Orleans appointed to pass to Ast, and called upon by the vehement solicitation of the king, made all his preparations necessary for th'expedition: But he lingered, either for that he disinherited the continuation of the provisions, or, (as some interpret) he had no forwardness to departed out of France, the king being continually ill disposed of his health, and (in case of sterility) the succession of the crown appertaining to him.  
But the king reaping no fruit of his hope for the mutation of Genes and Savona, continued with more diligence his practices begun with the King and Queen of Spain, which hitherto had been lingered for this only difficulty, that the french king desiring that he might be in liberty to prosecute his enterprises on this side the Mounts, would not that in the truce then in negotiation, should be comprehended the things of Italy: And the kings of Spain, showing that they made no difficulty to consent to his will for other respect then in regard of their honour, solicited much that the Italian actions might be comprehended, alleging that the common intention of them both being to make a truss, to th'end a peace might more easily succeed, they might afterwards with greater liberty of honour & honesty, departed from the confederation which they had with th'italians: In so much that after many meetings and discourses of th'ambassadors of both sides, (the Spanish subtleties in th'end carrying it) they made a truss for them, their subjects, and dependents, and also for such as either of them should name: which truss beginning between them the fift day of march, (but between such as should be nominated, fifty days after,) should last until the end of the next October: Every one of them named those estates & potentates of Italy which were their confederates & adherents, but the kings of Spain named moreover king Federyk and the Pysans: After this, they agreed to sand men to Montpellyer to solicit a peace, where were to assemble th'ambassadors of the confederates: In this practice the kings of Spain gave hope to unite themselves with the french king against th'italians under a certain occasion iustificable, and from that time, they commoned of factions & means to divide the kingdom of Naples: The truss, albeit it was made without the participation of the confederates of Italy, yet it was agreeable to them all, but specially acceptable to the Duke of Milan, to whom nothing was more welcome than the mean to make cease the war in his quarter: But the power remaining free to offend one an other in Italy, until the xxv. of April, , Baptistyn, and Serevon taking the advantage of that article, returned with five thousand men to the river of the South, where they assaulted the town of Albinge, which albeit they had almost carried at the first assault, yet they suffered repulse by a very small strength of th'enemy, for that their entry was in disorder: Afterwards they fell upon the Marquisdom of Finale, to give occasion to thItalian army to make to their succours, hoping by that means to draw them to battle: which not succeeding according to their expectation, they did no further action of importance, the discord of the Captains continuing in increasing, & their payments failing daily more and more by reason of the truss: In which times, the confederates had recovered all their places lost before (except Nonny) which also they obtained at last by composition, notwithstanding the Count Caiazze which had besieged it, had been repulsed: There remained in the power of the french no other thing of the places conquered, then certain little towns in the Marquisdom of Finale: during all which emotions and styrrs, the Duke of Savoy, who had been solicited on all parts with no small promises, and the Marquis of Montferat (whose government had been confirmed by the king of Romans to Constantyn of Macedonia) stood neuter, declaring neither for the king nor for the confederates.  
In this year was nothing done of importance between the Florentines & the Pysans, notwithstanding the war continued without intermission: saving that the Pysans led, under the direction of john Pawle Mantfron four hundred light horsemen, and fifteen hundred footmen, to recover their bastillion upon the bridge of the pool, which they lost when the Emperor went to Lyvorne: The Count Riwcce having espial of this enterprise, put himself upon the way of Livorne, to rescue the bastillion with a good troop of horsemen: the Pysans not looking to be charged but by the way of Pontadere, were set upon as they begun to assault the bastillion, & being easily put to the chasse, many of them were made prisoners: But at last, arms and actions of war ceased also between them, by reason of the truss, notwithstanding it was with an ill will accepted of the Florentines, who judged it very inexpedient for their affairs to give leisure to the Pysans to take breath, seeing withal, that notwithstanding the truss, necessity compelled them to continued the same expenses, both for doubt of Peter de medicis, always conspiring against them, and for fear of the Venetian bands within Pysa, pyring to the sovereign empery of the whole.  
Thus arms being laid a side on all parts, or at lest at point to cease from all action: 
The Duke of Milan practiseth against the Venetians touching Pysa.  The Duke of Milan, albeit in his latest dangers, he had expressed with what great contentment he embraced the Senate of Venice for the ready and full succours he had received from them: no less exalting with public and heroical words the virtue and power of the Venetians then greatly commending the providence of john Galeas first Duke of Milan, for that he had committed to the faith of the same Senate th'execution of his Testament: yet having no patience to endure that the pray of Pysa, followed by him with so many pains and practices, should be transferred to them, as was likely in manifest appearance of reason, And therefore assaying to obtain with industry and council, that which he could not win with arms and force: he so wrought, that the Pope, and the Spanish Ambassadors (to both which such a greatness of the Venetians was displeasing) should set down, that to leave to the french no foundation in Italy, as also to reduce all into one concord, it were necessary to induce the Florentines to enter into the common league, causing Pysa to be restored to them, seeing otherways they could not be brought to it: for that so long as they were separated from the residue, they would not cease to stir up the french king to descend into Italy, to whom in such an action, they might (having their situation in the midst of Italy) with their money, and with their forces, do things of great importance: But this proposition was impugned by th'ambassador of Venice, as very prejudicial to their common safety, alleging withal th'inclination of the Florentines to be such to the french king, that not with this benefit, it was not reasonable to trust them, if they delivered not sufficient security to observe the things they should promise': And that in a matter of so great estate, there was no other surety, then to put Lyvorne into the hands of the confederates: This was very artificially alleged by him, to th'end to have always a greater mean to gainsay the proposition, knowing well they would never consent to commit to deputation a place of such respect for their estate: wherein, the matter drawing afterwards such success as he looked for, he still opposed against it with such vehemency, that the Pope and the Duke of Myllans' Ambassador, not daring to object against him for fear to estrange the Venetians from their friendship, the devise rested there: And there begun between the Pope and the Venetians a new plot to turn away with violence the Florentines from the amity of the french: (The ill conditions of that city giving courage to whom so ever would offend it.)  
For from the beginning that th'authority popular was founded, there was not introduced those temperatures, which assuring the liberty with due and reasonable means, might have been the let, that the common weal should not have been disordered 
Disorders in ●loren●● for the government.  by the ignorance and licence of the multitude: In so much that the citizens of greatest quality and condition, being less esteemed than seemed convenient, and on tother side, their ambition being suspected to the people, and many oftentimes intruding into deliberations weighty who were but little capable, and the sovereign Magistrate to whom was referred the sum of the most weighty affairs, being changed from two months to two months, the common weal was governed with a great confusion: To this was added the great authority of Savonarola, whose auditories were almost entered into secret intelligence: And albeit there were amongst them many honourable citizens, and they surpassing in number such as were of th'opinion contrary, yet it seemed Magistracies and public honours were distributed rather to those that followed him, then to others of better merit: And therefore the city being manifestly divided, in thassemblies and counsels public, one faction charged an other, no man making conscience (which happeneth in states fallen into division) to hinder the benefit public, to embase the reputation of his adversaries: These disorders were so much the more dangerous, by how much, for the long travels and great expenses suffered by the said city, there was that year a general dearth and want of victuals of all natures, by reason whereof it might be presumed that the people vexed with hunger, would be desirous of new things.  
This ill disposition of the civil affairs of Florence, gave hope to Peter de medicis, 
P. de medicis determineth once again to return to Florenes.  (who besides those occasions was pushed on by certain particular citizens) to be able with ease to be Master of his long and just desire: And therefore applying industry and diligence to th'opportunity of the time, he communicated his intention with the Cardinal Saint Severyn his ancient friend, and with Aluyano in whom he much reapposed for the merits of his valour and long familiarity: And herein being also secretly encouraged by the Venetians, to whom it seemed that by the travels of the Florentines, the affairs of Pysa would be assured: he determined to surprise the town of Florence, the rather being advertised that they had created their supreme Magistrate (which they call Gonfaloniere of justice) Bernardyn de Nero, A man of ancient gravity and authority, and had been of a continued frendshipoe with his father and him: having in the same election joined to him in assistance of that Magistracy certain others, in whom (for ancient merit and benefits) he supposed was no small inclination to his greatness: The Pope favoured this plot with his full liking and consent, desiring to divide the Florentines from the french king with injuries, seeing he could not separate them with benefits: Neither was the Duke of Milan against it, to whom it seemed that albeit he could not make a foundation or intelligence stable with that city, because of the disorders of the present government: yet, on tother side, he took no delight in the return of Peter, aswell for the wrongs he had done him, as for doubt lest he should depend too much of the authority of the Venetians. But assoon as Peter had levied, what by his own means, and with the aid of his friends and favourers, as much treasure as he could possible, having received (as was believed) some small quantity in priest of the Venetians, he went to Sienna, and after him Aluyano with the horsemen & footmen, marching always by night, and by ways particular, to th'end his coming might be concealed from the Florentines: 
P. de medicis aided by the of Sienna.  At Sienna, by the favour of john jacques, and Pandolphe Petrucci principals in that government, and assured friends to his house, he was secretly refurnished with bands of soldiers: So that with six hundredth horsemen, & four thousand footmen of choice, two days after the truce was begun, (wherein they of Sienna were comprehended) he put him on the way to Florence, hoping that arriving there by the break of the day, and at unwares, he should find his entry easy, either for the general disorder or special tumult, which he expected would rise in his favour: A plot which happily had drawn some good issue for him, if fortune had not supplied the negligence of his adversaries: for, as in the beginning of the night, he was lodged in the tabernacles (certain small houses upon the high way) with intention to march the residue of the night, so he was so hindered by wonderful rains and storms continuing long, that he could not present himself before Florence, till long space after 
P. de medicis faileth of his enterprise.  the sun rising: A chance which gave leisure to such as made profession to be his particular enemies (for the commonalty and all the rest of the citizens stirred not, expecting quietly what would be the issue of things) to take arms with their friends and followers, and to provide that the citizens suspected should be called & restrained in the public palace by the Magistrates: And lastly to make themselves strong at the gate which leads to Sienna, was at their request Pawle Vitelli arriving there the night before, in his return from Mantua: In so much as no commotion appearing in the city, & Peter not strong enough to force the gate (which he had approached within a bow shoot:) And after he had remained there four hours, fearing with his danger the sudden coming of their men at arms, whom he thought (and his conceit was true) the Florentines had sent for from the service of Pysa: he returned to Sienna where Aluiano parting from him, and let into Tody by the Gu●lffes, he sacked almost all the houses of the Gebelyns, and put to the slaughter liij. of the principal bodies of that faction: According to which example, Anthony Savelle entered into Terny, and Gattesquys, by the favour of the Colonnoys, and let into Viterby, did the like executions against the guelfs in both the one and the other place, and all the pieces thereabouts: without that the Pope provided for so great disorders in the state ecclesiastic, because he abhorred all expenses in like cases, & bearing by the property of his nature, no compassion to the calamities of others, he was nothing troubled with those things that offended his honour, so that his profits or pleasures were nothing hindered: yet he could not avoid the secret justice of God, expressed in domestical miseries, troubling his house with examples tragical, and a whoredom and cruelty horrible above all the barbarous regions: for where he had determined from the beginning of his election pontifical, to appropriate all temporal greatness to the Duke of Candia his eldest son: The Cardinal of Valence (who altogether estranged from priesthood, aspired to th'exercise of arms) having no patience to suffer that place to be usurped by his brother, & envying withal that 
The Cardinal of Valence killeth his brother the Duke of Candia, being both the Pope's sons.  he had better part than he in the love of Madonne Lucretia their common sister: inflamed with lust, and with ambition (mighty ministers to all mischiefs) caused him to be killed one night as he road alone in the streets of Rome, casting his body secretly in the river of Tiber: The brute was (if such an enormity be worthy to be believed) that in the love of Mad. Lucretia were concurrant, not only the two brethren but also the father, who when he was chosen Pope, taking her from her husband being inferior to her degree, he married her to john Sforce, Lord of Pesere: And afterwards, not able to suffer her husband to be his corrival, he made dissolution of the 
The Pope abominable in the lust of his daughter.  marriage already consomated, having made proof, before judges & delegates of his own creation, by witnesses suborned & afterwards confirmed by apostolical sentence, that her husband was imperfect in the operation of nature, and unable to cohabitation: The death of the Duke of Candia, afflicted not a little the Pope burning above all other Popes in a vehement love to his children: And as it is the greatest trial of wisdom and courage of men, to be temperate in mortal chances: so, such as are not accustomed to adversities, have lest rule over their passions, & they that never felt but prosperity, can little judge of the worthiness of patience: This Pope was so unacquainted with the accidents of fortune, & much less enured with earthly losses and privations, that from his infancy to that age all things had happily succeeded to him: the same making this affliction so grievous and intolerable to him, that in the consistory, after he had with a great compassion of mind, and public tears, grievously bewailed his misery, accusing many of his proper actions, and manner of living which he had used till that day: he assured with words full of efficacy, that hereafter he would govern his life with other thoughts, and with a form of living more moderate and ruled: And for a beginning he assigned presently certain of the number of Cardinals, to join with him in the reformation of manners & orders of the Court: wherein after he had employed certain days, at what time began to be manifest the author of the death of his son, (for the which at the first, he had the Cardinal Askanius and the Vrsins in strong suspicion) he left there his former holy intention, his tears, and all his complaints, and returned more disorderly than ever, to those thoughts and operations, wherein he had consumed his age till that day.  
There happened in those seasons new travels within Florence, by reason of th'enterprise 
The faction and intelligence which Peter de medicis had in Florence is discovered.  of Peter de medicis: for thintelligence and faction which he had with certain particlers in the city, was disclosed: by reason whereof many noble citizens were imprisoned, and some fled, And after the Magistrates had used means judicial to verify the order of the conspiracy, not only many were condemned to death which had solicited him to come and given him relief of money: but also Bernardyn de Nero, to whom was imputed no other thing, then that knowing the practice, he had not revealed it, which fault (of itself punishable by the head by the statutes of the Florentines, and by th'interpretation which most part of lawyers give to the common laws) was found so much the more heinous in him, by how much he was chief Magistrate when Peter came to Florence, as if he had been more greatly bound to do the office rather of a person public, then private: But the parents and kindred appealing from the sentence, to the great council of the people, and that by virtue of a law made when the popular government was established: Those that had been authors of the condemnation, fearing lest the compassion of the age, of the nobility, and of the multitude of parents, would moderate in the minds of the people, the straightness of the judgement, wrought so much that they obtained, that to the lesser number of the citizens, should be referred the resolution, whether the appeal should be suffered to be prosecuted or restrained: wherein, being more strong the authority and number of them which held it a thing dangerous, and no less drawing to sedition, seeing that the Laws themselves suffered, that to avoid tumults, the statutes in like cases might be dispensed withal: some of those that held the chief offices, were with great importunities, and almost by force, and with threatenings, constrained to consent, that notwithstanding thappeal interposed, execution was done the same night: To which extreme justice, appeared more affectioned then the others, the followers of Savonarole, not without his proper infamy, forbearing to dissuade (even his auditors) the violation of a law published a few years before by himself as a statute convenient and necessary for the preservation of the common liberty.  
In this year, Federyk king of Naples, having obtained of the Pope th'investiture 
The Pope investeth Vede 〈…〉 the kingdom of Naples.  of the kingdom, and making his coronation perfect with all solemnities, recovered by accord, Mont Saint Ange, which had been valiantly defended by Dom julian de Lorraine, whom the french king left there: he reconquered also Civita, with other pieces holden by Charles de Sanguyn: And assoon as the truce was ended, he chassed out of the realm the Perfect of Rome, converting his forces to execute the like action upon the Prince of Salerne, who being at last besieged, in the rock of Dyana, & abandoned of all succours, had permission to go his way in safety with his goods, leaving that part of his estate which he had not yet lost, in the hands of the Prince of Bisignian, with condition to pass it over to Federyk, assoon as he understood that he was conduted in safety to Sinigale.  
About the end of this year (the diet which had been transferred from Montpellier 
New practices betvene the kings of France and Spain.  to Narbonne, being afore interrupted by the immoderate demands of the king and Queen of Spain) the french king & the said king of Spain, returned eftsoons to new practices, wherein were found the same difficulties that before: for that as the french king had determined not to consent to any accord wherein Italy should be comprehended: so it was against the policy of the Spaniard to leave him a liberty free, & a way open to subdue the jurisdiction of it: And yet it was far from the desires of the Spanish to entertain wars with him on tother side the Mounts, because it was a war full of troubles and expenses, and no hope of honour or profit: At last the truce was concluded between them, to endure (without limitation) till it were revoked and two months after: There was no Potentat of Italy comprehended in it to whom the king of Spain gave signification of the truss and the articles and capitulations of the same, alleging that in him was no less power to resolve the contract without the knowledge of the other confederates, than the duke of Milan made it lawful (without their consent or privity) to conclude the peace of Verceill: And albeit (according to the form and covenants of the league) he had begun the war in France, and continued it many months, without receiving one portion of the money promised by the confederates, wherein he had just occasion not to make care of them that had consented to his disappointing: yet he had by many means and times advertised them, that if they would make payment of the hundredth and fifty thousand ducats, which they aught to him for the expenses of the war he had made, he was contented to accept that payment, in reckoning of all other actions and enterprises hereafter (having determined to enter France with a strong army:) Whereunto as the confederates would show no will or inclination, and much less keep faith, or be careful over the common safety: So he in that regard, and seeing withal that the league made for the liberty of Italy, was turned into an usurpation and oppression of the regions of the same, for that the Venetians not contented with so many ports fallen to their share in the kingdom of Naples, had made themselves Lords over Pysa without any right he could not but hold it indifferent, reasonable, and just, seeing by others, the affairs common were disordered, to provide for his own particular with a truce, bearing notwithstanding such a form and manner, that it may rather be called an admonition, than a will to separate from the league: for that it was always in his power to dissolve or revoke it, which he would do, when he should discern an other intention, with other provisions, in the potentates of Italy, for the stay of the common benefit: About this time died john Prince of Spain, only son to the King and Queen, to whom the accident brought no small sorrows and heaviness, for that, besides disappointing of the succession, his death gave no little impediments to the sweet delights & pleasures which they reckoned to reap in their new tranquillity and rest.  
To this was also joined the death of Philip Duke of Savoy, leaving for a posterity, 
Philip Duke of 〈…〉  one son of little age, and therefore of no judgement touching his expectation or towardness: This late Duke, after he had wavered long time in suspense and neutrality, beholding all their actions without motion or inclination particular, seemed at last to favour the faction of the confederates, who had promised to pay him every year, twenty thousand ducats: And yet every one of them had so great doubt of his faith, that they could assure nothing of his promises and truth, if the french king should descend to make any strong enterprise.  
With this year, ended the two years touching the deputation of the castle of 
The castle of Genes rendered 〈…〉 Duke of 〈…〉  Genes, which the Duke of Ferrara, (receiving it in trust) did eftsoons tender to Lodowyk his son in law: he first demanded of the french king, that according to the capitulations of Verceill, he would see him satisfied of the half of thexpenses employed in the guard and keeping of it, whereof the king consented to make payment, so that the Duke would put into his hands the castle, as he said he was bound for the inobseruation of the Duke of Milan: To this the Duke of Ferrara answered, that that was not verified, and that to put the Duke of Milan in contumacy, it were necessary to have interpellation: The king offered to commit the money into a third man's hand, to th'end that afore payment were made, there might be construction in justice, reason, and law, whether he aught not to tender to him the castle: But the instance made to the contrary by the Venetians and his son in law, carried far more force in the fancy of the Duke of Ferrara: wherein he was not only moved by the prayers and solicitations of Lodowyk, who not many days before, had endued the Cardinal Hippolyta his son, with tharchbishopric of Milan: but also he had regard to the dangers that threatened him, if he should provoke the malice of so mighty enemies, specially at a time wherein was continual diminution of the hope that the french men would descend: So that, applying his actions to th'inclination of the time, he first called home from the Court of France, his son Ferrand, and then surrendered the castle to Lodowyk, who satisfied all charges for keeping it, together with the portion which appertained to the king to pay: By reason whereof, the Venetians, to express how much they congratulated his doings, took his said son into their pay, with a hundred men at arms: This restitution made with no justice, albeit was of great importance against the kings reputation in Italy, yet he dissembled the wrong, and made no such appearance of disliking as was convenient to the gravity of the dishonour: And that which more is, the Duke of Ferrara, excusing the action by an Ambassador sent to his Majesty, that by reason of the neighbourhood of the Venetians and Duke of Milan, (both prepared to pronounce war against him) he was constrained to obey necessity: yet the king gave as negligent ear, as if the nature of the matter had been light and trifling: Wherein this might be one reason of the kings negligence, that, beside he proceeded almost at adventure in all his actions, yet he was overwearied with a continual care and travel of mind, joined to his ancient devotion to repass into Italy, having now greater occasions than ever, for that he had made truce with the king of Spain, renewed th'alliance with the Swyzzers, and many late causes of disagreement happened amongst the confederates: But as for the most part, matters of enterprise do nourish their proper impediments, and to Princes their desires do seldom succeed, when their negligence is more common than their resolutions certain: so, the kings disposition was overruled with new means suborned by such as were in most principal grace about him: Whereof some set afore him his pleasures, others encouraged him to embrace th'enterprise, but with so mighty preparations both by sea and land, and with so great provisions of money, as could not be refurnished but with a long space and interposition of time, others made the action slow & impossible by many difficulties and objections: And the Cardinal of S. Mallow forgot not his accustomed delays in th'expedition of money: In so much, that not only the time to march into Italy, was more incertain than ever: but also many things were suffered to suspend and miscarry, which were almost brought to their perfection: for the Florentines (continually incensing the king to march) had contracted with him, to take arms on their sides, assoon as the war should begin by him, and for that effect, they did agreed that Monsr d'Aubigny with an hundred and fifty french lances (the hundred to be paid by the king, and the fifty to be mercenary by them) should pass by sea into Tuskane, to be general of their army: And the Marquis of Mantua, who when he returned victorious from the kingdom of Naples, had been dishonourably disappointed of the pay of the Venetians, for suspicion that he solicited to be mercenary to the french king: did now with great diligence and in good earnest, negotiate with him to that end: The new Duke of Savoy was confirmed in his good amity and alliance: Bentyvole promised to follow his authority, assoon as he were come into Italy: And the Pope, doubting whether he should join with him, (as he was continually laboured) determined at the lest not to be against him.  
But all expectations began now to dissolve, and men's motions and minds to grow cold for the detraction and negligence which the king used: for that, neither his men of war, (as was promised) passed into Italy to reassemble at Ast: neither was Monsr d'Aubigny dispatched, and much less money sent to pay the Vrsins & the Vitellis his soldiers, (A thing of no little importance for the war he meant to make) By reason whereof the Vitellis inclining to enter pay with the Venetians, the Florentines who feared they should not have sufficient respite to give advertisement to the king, kept them interteyned for one year in common, for the service of the king & themselves: The king commended much these actions in them, but he made no ratification nor provision of payment for his part: only he sent Gemell to them, to entreat them to lend him for the furniture of his enterprise, an hundred & fifty thousand ducats: Lastly, the king (as he did at other times) measuring the wills of others by his own, left all things to confusion, and departed almost upon the sudden from Lion, to go to Towars, and then to Amboyse, with his accustomed promises to return immediately to Lyon.  
For which respects, hope failing in all those that followed his faction in Italy: Baptistyn 
The Duke of Milan prosecutes his practice against the Venetians.  Fregose was the first that reconciled himself with the Duke of Milan, who taking courage by these good events and successes, discovered every day more and more, the ill disposition he bore towards the Venetians for the regard of Pysa, soliciting (with continual importunities) the Pope, and the king of Spain, eftsoons to call into question (but with more efficacy) A parliament for the restoring of the same city: And the better to advance the practice, the Florentines, receiving council and direction from him, dispatched an Ambassador to Rome, but with a commission qualified to proceed so advisedly, that the Pope & the residue might perceive, that if Pysa were rendered to them, they would join in unity with the others for the defence of Italy, against the french: But in case the restitution of the city succeeded not, to keep all things from the knowledge of the french, to whom they were careful to give any occasion to hold them doubtful or suspected: This conference continued many days at Rome, wherein was omitted nothing by the Pope, th'ambassadors Spanish, the Duke of Milan, and the king of Naples, that might reasonably induce the Venetian Ambassador to hold it necessary for the common surety of Italy, that by the redelivery of that city, the Florentines might participate in the general league against the french: They told him that the Senate of Venice aught to consent thereunto together with others, to th'end, that the roots of all emotions and troubles being supplanted, there should remain to no estate or degree in Italy, any occasion to call eftsoons foreign arms over the Mounts: They told him also that if in that regard the unity of Italy suffered impediment, there would perhaps be given, matter & occasion to others to take new councils, by the which (to the common prejudice) might happen some alteration of importance. But to this, was quite contrary the deliberation of the Senate of Venice, who covering their covetousness with many coolers, and no less perceiving from whom proceeded principally so great an instance, made answer by the same Ambassador, complaining not a little that such a motion proceeded not of a respective care to the ●niuersall benefit, but of an ill tempered affection which some of the confederates bore to them: for that (saith he) the Florentines, having with the french men a secret affinity and conjunction of mind, and being persuaded that by their returning into Italy, the most part of Tuskane would devolve to their rule and jurisdiction: it was without doubt, that to re-establish them in Pysa, would not suffice to draw them from so ambitious inclination: But of the contrary, the restitution was a thing dangerous, for that by how much they should be mighty and strong, by so much would they be hurtful to the surety and quiet of Italy: he said that in this restitution, it went of the honour and faith of every one, but principally of their common weal, seeing the confederates having promised the Pysans with one consent to protect their liberty, & afterwards (every one in particular putting an unwilling hand to furnish thexpenses of the common business) imposed the whole burden upon them alone, who (for that cause) had refused no charges, cares, nor travels, it could not but turn to their special dishonour, to leave them abandoned when they were in most necessity of stay and comfort, and to withdraw their faith and promise, which though others esteemed little, yet with them it had always carried this reputation, not to suffer stain or violation in any sort: he alleged it was a thing most grievous to the Senate of Venice, that (without respect reasonable) others sought to lay upon them by imputation, that which had been begun with one common and general consent, and continued for the benefit of every one, and that with so great an ingratitude, they were punished for their good works: That th'intolerable expenses which they had defrayed in this enterprise and many others, joined to so many perils and travels sustained since the creation of the league, deserved not such recompense & retribution, their actions bearing that nature and quality both for expenses, policy, and care, that they may say with reason and justice, that Italy hath been preserved by their mean: for that neither the battle of Taro was fought with other arms than theirs, nor the kingdom of Naples recovered with other forces then of their common weal: That no other army constrained Novare to tender, and chased the french king to return beyond the Mounts: That no other strength than theirs, was opposed against him in Pyemont, as often as he assayed to return: And that it could not be denied that those actions proceeded not principally of the desire they had to protect the safety of Italy, seeing as their estates were always furthest removed from perils, so, for their occasion, there were no disorders happened which they aught to readdress or amend: for they called not the french king into Italy, nor accompanied him when he was come over the Mounts, & much less for sparing their proper treasures, have they suffered to fall into peril, the affairs common and universal: Not, rather necessity and occasion have so required, that the Senate of Venice did give remedy to the disorders happened by the faults of others, to the common harms of the whole: All which operations, albeit they were not known, or though they were so soon committed to forgetfulness, yet they would not for all that (forbearing the ill excusable example of others) defile neither the faith nor dignity of their common weal, the rather, for that to the preservation of the liberty of the Pysans, was joined the surety and well doing of all Italy.  
Whilst things passed in these practices amongst the confederates, with a manifest 
The death of king Charles the eight.  and general disagreement, there happened a new accident, which engendered effects diverse and much different from the thoughts of men: The night before the eight day of April, king Charles died at Amboyse, of a catter he which the Physicians call apoplexy, the same rising in him with such abundance, as he beheld a match played at tennysse, that in few hours he ended at the same place his life, during the which, he had with greater importunity than virtue, troubled the whole world, with great appearance of danger to kindle eftsoons new fires of innovation and troubles: for that it was believed of many, that being pushed forwards with a vehement desire to return into Italy, he had in the end, either of his proper knowledge, or by the emulation of such as bore envy to the Cardinal of S. Mallow, removed all the difficulties that had withholden th'action: In so much, that albeit in Italy (according to his variations) sometimes he increased, and sometimes he diminished the opinion that men had that he would march: yet he kept them in continual suspicion, and made his intentions to trouble their conjectures and councils: And for that cause, the Pope puffed with ambition to raise his sons, had begun already to solicit with him touching some secret innovation, the Duke of Milan having done the like (as was bruited) to th'end he would not live in continual fear.  
King Charles dying without issue, the realm of France descended to Lowys 
Lo●●ys Duke of Orleans 〈…〉 the crone.  Duke of Orleans, as nearer in blood then any other of the masculine line: to whom (remaining then at Bloys) came to do reverence, the kings guard, and all the general train of the Court, together with the nobility of the kingdom, by whom he was saluted as king with titles and invocations royal, notwithstanding some did secretly murmur, that (according to thancient statutes of the land) he was unworthy to aspire to the crown, against the which he had taken arms in the wars of Britain.  
The day after the death of king Charles, (a day observed in many places by a celebration 
The death of Sauonar●●a.  and solemnity of palms) took end the authority, life, and doctrine of Savonarola: who having been long time before accused by the Pope, that he preached slanderously against the manners of the Clergy and Court of Rome, that he nourished sects and discords in Florence, & that his doctrine was not fully catholic, and for those reasons called to Rome by many writs, refused to appear there, alleging many excuses: and therefore after much a do he was at last (the year before) separated by the Pope with censures from the fellowship of the Church: of which sentence (having abstained from preaching for certain months) he had easily obtained absolution, if he had longer continued, for that the Pope, who held slender reckoning of Savonarola, had proceeded against him more by the incensing and persuasion of his adversaries, than any other occasion: But he judging that it was for his silence, that his reputation came so to be diminished, or at lest, that it broke the purpose for the which he stirred (for he was principally advanced for his vehemency in preaching) he fell eftsoons to despise the Pope's commandments, and returned publicly to his old office, wherein affirming that the censures published against him were unjust & of no force, he opened his mouth eftsoons to blaspheme the Pope and the whole court of Rome with great vehemency: of this arose no small emotion, for that his adversaries (whose authority increased daily in greatness with the people) detested such inobedience rebuking the action, for that by his innovation and rashness, the Pope's mind was drawn in uncerteinties and alteration, in a time specially, wherein the restitution of Pysa being negociated by him and the other confederates, it was necessary to do all things to confirm him in that inclination: On the other side, his disciples and partakers defended and justified him, alleging that men aught not for the regard of human things, to trouble the operations divine, nor consent that under such coolers, the Popes of Rome should begin to intrude into th'affairs of their common weal: But after there were certain days spent in this contention, & the Pope wonderfully inflamed, sending out new thunderbolts with threats of censures against the whole city: he was at last commanded by the Magistrates of the city to forbear to preach, to whom though he obeyed, yet diverse of his brethren supplied his office in sundry Churches: And the division being no less amongst the spirituality than the laity, the Friars and brethren of other orders ceased not to preach fervently against him: arising at last into such high and malicious inflammation, that one of the disciples of Savonarole, & one of the Frear minors, agreed to enter into the fire in the presence of the whole people, to th'end that the disciple of Savonarole either being burned or preserved, the people might be left satisfied and certain whether Savonarole were a Prophet or an abuser: seeing that at times afore, he had affirmed in his sermons, that for the justifications of the truth of his prophecies, he could in all necessities obtain of God the grace, to pass without hurt, thorough the midst of a flaming fire: And yet notwithstanding grieving not a little with the resolution made without his privity touching a present experience, he laboured to break it with all his devices and diligence: But the matter being so far proceeded of itself, and earnestly solicited by certain citizens desiring to have the town delivered of so great troubles, it was necessary at last to pass further: In so much as the two religious brethren, accompanied with all their brotherhoods and covent, came at the day appointed to the place afore the public palace, where was not only a general concursse of the people of Florence, but universal assemblies of the cities adjoining: There the Friar Minors were advertised that Savonarole had ordained, that his disciple and brother entering the fire, should bear in his hand the Sacrament: which devise they impugned greatly, alleging that there was sought by that mean to put in danger th'authority of Christian faith, which in the minds of thignorant would not a little decline if that holy host should be burned: by which contention, Savonarole being there present, & persevering in his resolution, there arose such factions and disagrements, that the action of experience proceeded no further, the same diminishing so much of his credit, that the day following in a tumult then happening, his adversaries took arms: whereunto being joined th'authority of the sovereign Magistrate, they entered the Monastery of S. Mark where he was, and drawing him out of the place, they led him with two other of his brethren to the common prisons: In this tumult, the parents of those that had been executed the year before, killed Francisque Vatori a citizen of great authority, and the most apparent favourer and follower of Savonarole: the chief motion inducing this quarrel, was, that above all others, his authority had deprived them of the faculty to have recourse to the judgement of the council popular: Savonarole was afterwards examined with torments but not very grievous, and upon the examination, a process published, which (taking away all imputations that were laid on him for covetousness, corruption of manners, or to have had secret intelligence or practice with Princes) contained, that the matters by him prophesied, were not pronounced by revelation divine, but by his proper opinion grounded upon the doctrine and observation of holy Scripture: Wherein he had not been moved by any wicked intention or purpose, & much less by that mean, to aspire to any office or greatness in the Church: only he had a holy desire, that by his means might be called a general council wherein might be reformed the corrupt customs of the Clergy, and the estate of the Church of God, (so far wandered and gone astray) to be reduced, as near as might be, to the resemblance of the times drawing nearest the Apostles: A glory, which, to give perfection to so great and holy an operation, he esteemed far above the obtaining of the popedom: for that the one could not succeed but by mean of an excellent doctrine and virtue, and a singular reverence of all men: where the Popedom most often was obtained, either by sinister means, or else by the benefit of fortune: upon which process confirmed by him in the hearing & presence of many religious persons even of his own order, but (if that be true which his own faction bruited afterwards) with words dark, and such as might receive diverse interpretations: there were taken from him and his two other companions with ceremonies instituted by the church of Rome, the holy orders, and that by sentence of the general of the jacobins and of the Bishop Romolyn, Commissioners delegate by the Pope: And so being passed over to the power of the secular Court, they were (by their judgements) hanged and burned, being at the spectacle of the degradation & execution, no less multitudes of people, then at the day of the experience of entering the fire, when was an infinite concursse to behold the issue of the miracle promised by Savonarole: This death constantly endured (but without expressing any word whereby might be discerned, either their innocency or fault) quenched not the diversity of judgements and passions of men: for that many supposed he was but an abuser: and others (of the contrary) believed, that the confession that was published was falsely forged, or perhaps, in his aged and weak complexion, the torments had more force than the truth: wherein they excused that manner of frailty with the example of S. Peter, who neither imprisoned, nor constrained with torments, or by any other extraordinary force, but at the simple words of the handmaids and servants, denied that he was the disciple of his Master, in whom he had seen so many holy miracles.  
The end of the third book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE FOURTH BOOK.  
Louis Duke of Orleans succeedeth to the crown of France: he determineth to recover his Duchy of Milan: Pysa and Florence make war: Lodowyk Sforce fleeth from Milan: the Florentines give battery to Pysa, and agreed with the french king: Pope Alexander aspireth for his son to the jurisdiction of Romagna: Lodowyk Sforce recovereth Milan, but being betrayed by the Swyssers, he is taken, and led into France.  
THE FOURTH BOOK OF THE history and discoursse of Guicciardin.  
IT was almost an universal conjecture amongst thItalians, that by the death of king Charles, all the regions of Italy were now delivered of those fears, afflictions, & dangers which the power and nation of the french did threaten: Their opinions were induced by this reason, that the new King Lowys presently ascended to the crown, would not entangle 
Louis 1●.  the beginning of his reign with foreign wars, having first to look with great study into the state of his own government at home, which commonly to kings newly invested, brings many causes of new councils & alterations: But the spirits of such as discoursed with judgement upon the train and event of things, nourished always a secret suspicion, that thafflictions that then were but deferred, would with time redouble, and rise growing to greater dangers and more general harms, specially so great an Empire being fallen upon a king ripe in age, full of experience, ruled in his councils, resolute in action, moderate in expenses, and in all things (without comparison) holding more of himself, than did his predecessor: and to whom withal, did appertain (as in the right of the crown of France) not only the inheritance of the realm of Naples, But also he menteyned that the Duchy of Milan was his freehold by the succession 
The title of the french king to the Duchy of Milan.  of the Lady Valentina his grandmother, who was married by john Galeas Visconte his father (afore that, of viccare of thEmpire, he had obtained the title of the Duke of Milan) to Lowys Duke of Orleans, brother to king Charles the sixth: At which marriage, there was added to the state of the dowry (which was the city & country of Ast with great sums of money) an express condition, that as often and when so ever as the line masculine of the said Galeas should fail, the Lady Valentina should succeed to the Duchy of Milan, or she being dead, her next heirs and discendents: which covenant albeit strong enough of itself, was confirmed (if the french traditions be true) by the authority of the Pope (th'imperial seat being void at that time, for the Popes of Rome pretend that the administration of thEmpire vacant belongeth to them:) by which means, the blood male of john Galeas, determining afterwards by the death of Phillipp Maria Visconte, Charles Duke of Orleans, son to the Lady Valentina, began to pretend to the succession of the said dukedom: But as thambition of Princes is ready to help on their titles with every apparent collar, so there aspired at the same time to the said dukedom, not only th'emperor Federyk, alleging that it was reverted to the Empire, for that the line nominated in th'investiture made to john Galeas by Vincislaus king of romans, was extinct and dissolved: But also Alphonso king of Arragon and Naples, who was instituted heir by the Testament of Duke Phillipp: And amongst the residue, Francis Sforce with a fortune, force, and felicity, more favourable than the others, quarreled the same title, who to give a better shadow to the armies which he levied in that cause, alleged that his wife Blanch, the only daughter (but a bastard) of Phillipp, had peculiar interest in that succession: So that Charles Duke of Orleans, who (being taken prisoner at the battle of Agincourt in the wars between thenglish and french, and remaining restrained in England xxv. years) was able to do nothing, by reason of his poverty and hard fortunes to justify his title, and much less could he obtain aid of king Lowys the xj. notwithstanding he was his nearest kinsman: the reason was, that the same king, in the beginning of his reign, was much molested and manifestly invaded in diverse parts of his kingdom, by the great Lords and Barons of the same, shadowing their conspiracies with a show of public profit: But because the king saw that their intentions drew with them private regards and particular interests, he kept them always in bridle, and esteemed his estate and surety to consist in the embasing of the great ones of his realm, but chief his nearest competitors: And for that reason, Lowys Duke of Orleans son to Charles, albeit he was his son in law, could draw no favours or succours from him: the same driving him, after the death of his said father in law, together with his impatience that the Lady Anne Duchess of Bourbon the kings sister, was preferred afore him to the government of Charles the eight then in minority, to trouble France with a very slender success, and after retired into Britain with a worse fortune: for joining with those that were against th'intention of Charles, to obtain Britain by marrying with Anne heir of the state by the death of Francis her father leaving no issue male, (yea aspiring secretly to the same marriage) he was taken in an encounter between the french and the Britons near S. Aulbyn in that country, & from thence led prisoner into France, where he remained two years: In so much as failing then of means, and finding no succours in king Charles after he was out of prison, he joined no further action to that enterprise, but when the king left him within Ast, he made himself Lord of Novaro with a very little profit: But being now become king of France, he held nothing of greater affection, then to reconquer the Duchy of Milan as a succession justly appertaining to him: This desire planted in him from his youth, was eftsoons wonderfully increased and advanced, by the success he had at Novaro, and withal, for that he greatly hated Lodowyk Sforce by reason of the insolent demonstrations and behaviours which he used to him, when he had the king's deputation in Ast: Therefore, not long after the death of king Charles, by resolution set down in his elect council, 
〈…〉 12. 〈…〉 of Milan. ●●  he entitled himself not only king of France, and (for the regard of the realm of Naples) king of jerusalem & both the Cycillyes, but also sovereign Duke of Milan: And because he would make known to the world what was his inclination to the things of Italy, he wrote letters full of amity and congratulation touching his ascending to the crown, to the Pope, the Venetians and the Florentines, and withal dispatched men of special credence, to give hopes of new enterprises, but chief of his determination to conquer the Duchy of Milan: wherein the time running, nourished for him many favours and opportunities, for that the death of his predecessor had innovated in the minds of the Italians many new humours & inclinations, much differing from the cogitations & purposes they had afore: for the Pope (whose ambitious thoughts could not be satisfied if Italy stood in tranquillity) wished that things might grow to hurly burly, seeking his peculiar advancement in the common division of principalities and states: A desire not unlikely to derive from such a mind, to whom all things were hateful that held of equity, conscience, or religion, and nothing unsavoury that smelled of troubles, innovation, and change: And the Venetians, being now delivered of the fear they had of king Charles for the wrongs & injuries they had done him, expressed manifestly that they had no distrust in the new king, which disposition increased daily more and more: for that Lodowyk Sforce (notwithstanding he knew that he had to do with an enemy more mighty and less pliable) feeding himself with this hope, (the same also beguiling Federyk of Arragon) that the french king could not with such expedition execute any action on that side the Mounts, forbore not to oppose himself against the Venetians in the quarrel of Pysa, wherein his spite present would not let him see the danger that was to come: an error familiar with Princes ambitious, who measuring the event of things more by their proper fancy and imagination, then by any rule or comparison of times and reasons, are often in that security, carried to their undoing, as men that wander and believe an echo which beguiles them to their extreme ruin: The Florentines only began to estrange themselves in mind from the amity of the french: for albeit this new king had been their protector afore, yet now that he is made great with the estate & dignity of the crown, he had with them no league of amity, neither in regard of faith given, nor for benefits received, as his predecessor had by mean of those capitulations which were made at Florence and Ast: for regard of which they would always lay themselves open to many perils and perplexities, rather than to abandon his alliance: Besides, the discord which continually increased between the Venetians and the Duke of Milan, was the cause that the fear being ceased which they had of the forces of the confederates, and withal hoping more in the favours certain and present of Lombardy, then in the succours absent & doubtful of France, they took occasion to hold less reckoning of his friendship or confederation: In this different disposition of minds, were also no less diverse, thembassages that were sent: for the Senate of Venice dispatched with great speed to the king, one of their Secretories remaining at that time in negotiation with the Duke of Savoy: And to establish with these beginnings, the foundations of a well assured alliance, as the daily affairs and occurrants of times required, they made an election of three other 
The Venetians sand Ambassadors to the french king.  Ambassadors to go to his Majesty, not only to congratulat his right worthy ascending to the crown, but also to protest in form of excuse, that what they had done contrary to the liking of the late king Charles, proceeded of no other motion, then of a timorous suspicion (confirmed by many apparent signs and demonstrations) that not contented with the kingdom of Naples, he would lift up his mind to those means which might make him Lord over the whole Monarchy of Italy: The Pope also, whose devotion had this determination, sto appropriate to his son Caesar at that time Cardinal, all temporal greatness, rayed his thoughts to high 
The Pope apt t● dispense with all things for the greatness of his son.  things, and sending Ambassadors to the french king, was at a point to cell to his Majesty spiritual graces, receiving in recompense, possessions temporal: for he was not ignorant that the french king had great desire to refuse jane his wife, both barren & deformed, who was given to him almost by force by Lowys the eleventh: And that he had no less liking to marry Anne now widow by the death of the late king, not so much for the ancient affection thatwas between them afore the encounter of S. Aulbyn, as that by the prorogatiue of that marriage, he should insinuate into the Duchy of Britain, an estate great and very convenient for the crown of France: this change could not be done without the authority of the Pope: The Florentines in like sort failed not to send Ambassadors to the king, aswell to testify thancient custom and devotion of that city to the crown of France, as to put his Majesty in remembrance of their merits, and the bonds and promises of the late king: wherein they were much solicited by the Duke of Milan, having two intentions, the one that by their means the practices of the Venetians might be hindered, (both the one and other common weal entreating of the affairs of Pysa) and also that if they obtained any credit, amity, or authority, they might under some occasion, employ all to work an accord between him and the french king, A thing not a little desired and sought by him: All these Ambassadors were well received of the king, who began even at the first to sound every one of them severally, notwithstanding he had no meaning to put any thing to action in Italy, afore he had first assured the realm of France, by new leagues and confederations with the Princes his neighbours and borderers.  
But it was a thing fatal, that the fire of Pysa, to the which the Duke of Milan gave the first kindling, & nourished by an inflamed desire to assubiect it to himself, should in the end break his brand upon the head of the author, and consume him with his proper flame: for that aswell by his natural jealousy which was infinite in him, as for danger of the greatness of the Venetians, which he saw to aspire not only over him, but also above the other potentates of Italy, he could not endure with reasonable patience, that the fruit of his devices & travels, should be gathered by them, or transferred to the reputation of their empery: wherein, taking occasion upon the disposition of the Florentines, resolute to pursue in all accidents the quarrel of Pysa, And seeming to him that by the death of Savonarola and Francis Valory which were strong parties against him, he might now reappose mo●e in that city than he could do in times past: he determined to aid the Florentines in the recovery of Pysa with arms, seeing neither with his practices, authority, nor the power and means of others, he could hetherunto work no good effect of that plot: he persuaded himself vainly, that either afore the french king could execute any action, Pysa would be reduced by composition or force to the jurisdiction of Florence, or else the Senate of Venice, (guided by that wisdom which he would never suffer to govern himself) would never desire either for envy, or other less occasion, that, (to the common danger of the whole) the french armies should eftsoons return into Italy, seeing it was an universal travel to chase them out so lately.  
This indiscreet resolution was furthered by a disorder which happened against the Florentines in the country of Pysa: for their people which were at Pontadere, having advertisement by their espyals that a troop of seven hundred horsemen, & a thousand footmen of the Pysans, were returning home with a great pray of cattle which they had taken in the fields of Voltere, issued out almost all under the conduit of the Count of Riwcce & Guillaume of Pazzi, Commissioner for the Florentines, to cut between them & home for the recovery of the booty: And encowntring with them in the valley of S. Real, and as they had almost put them to disorder and recovered the most part of the pray, there joined to the Pysans an hundredth and fifty men at arms sent out of Pysa to the succours of their fellows, who finding the Florentyn army both weary and disordered with the trouble of the pillage, and the authority of the Count not able to range the horsemen to the fight, they were put all to the chase, notwithstanding the footmen made some head and resistance, among whom many passed by the sword, & most of their horsemen taken prisoners with the chiefest of their leaders: in so much as the Count and Commissioner for Florence, saved themselves with great difficulty within S. Real, where they imposed one upon an other (as is the custom in chances of adversity) the fault of the disorder happened.  
This journey brought no little affliction to the Florentines, who to readdress with speed so great a danger, and not able to refurnish their companies with expedition, and Count Riwcce general of their whole army, having lost his reputation, for that his regiment was broken, determined to turn to the affairs of Pysa, the Vitellies who were then in the country of Aretze: But afore that contract was perfected, they were constrained to accord to Pawle Vitelli the title, dignity, and reputation 
paul Vitelli captain general of the Florentyn army.  of captain general of their army: This overthrow constrained them eftsoons to demand succours of the Duke of Milan, and that with so much the more instance, by how much since the chasse, they had besought the french king, that to put them out of danger with his forces and with his authority, he would sand three hundred lances into Tuskane, and ratify the retaining of the Vitellies according to the contract made in the time of the late king Charles, providing his portion of their payment, and also that he would 'cause the Venetians to abstain from further vexing them: of all which requests, they reaped but gracious words without any effect, for that the king would not bring himself suspected with the Venetians, nor make any stir in Italy afore he put beginning to the wars of Milan: But in these necessities and estate of things, the Duke of Milan was neither cold nor negligent, who doubting lest the Venetians (by the occasion of this victory) would enter further into the jurisdiction of Pysa, than they could be afterwards repulsed but with great difficulty, made known to the Florentines that he had a firm intention to succorthem, but first he would establish with them, what sorts and proportions of provisions were necessary not only for his defence, but also to achieve the enterprise of Pysa, to the which (for that there was no fear of any action in the french king for that year) were turned universally the eyes of all Italy, being then free from all other troubles: for albeit in the territories of Rome the families of Colonne & Vrsin had taken arms, yet their wisdoms prevailed more in the quarrel, then either their hatreds or their injuries.  
This was the substance of the quarrel: The Colonnoys and Savelles, stirred up belike 
Quarrel between the families of Colonne and Vrsin.  for th'occupation which jacques Count made of la tour Mathias, had invaded the places and territories of the Counts: And of the other part, the Vrsins (for the affinity and conjunction of factions) took arms in their favour: So that many borrows and villages, being usurped both by the one and other party, they fought together at last with all their forces at the foot of Motitelle in the country of Tyvoly, where, after a long and brave battle, the inflamed passion of the parties pushing them on no less than either regard of glory, or consideration of danger of their estates, the Vrsins (whose army contained two thousand footmen & eight hundred horsemen) were broken and put to the chase, their ensigns lost, and Charles Vrsin taken prisoner, and of the side of the Colonnoys was hurt Anthony Savelle a captain of no small reputation, who died of his wound not many days after: After this success of the battle, the Pope, seeming that commotions in the country so near to Rome, were displeasing to him, made as though he would solicit an accord, which, whilst he entertained in action (not with good meaning and faith, for he was disguised in all his doings) the Vrsins readdressed their army with new supplies & planted a camp afore Palombare, A principal town belonging to the Savelleis, which the Colonnoys (who after the victory had occupied many places of the Counts) prepared to rescue: But both the parties finding at length the dissembled behaviours of the Pope, sometimes giving courage to the Colonnoys, and eftsoons comforting the Vrsins, and that he did but nourish the war & give them medicines to weaken them both, to th'end he might with more facility oppress them when their strengths were consumed: they came altogether to a parley (without ths of a third) at Tyvoly, where, of themselves, they established an accord by the which Charles Vrsin was set at liberty, the places taken in the controversy restored to their proper owners, & the quarrel for the Earledoms of Albe and Tailleconsse referred to th'arbitration of king Federyk, to whom the Colonnoys were mercenary soldiers.  
These storms thus resolved into calms, and the quarrels that erst carried apparent shows of blood and murder, being now qualified by wisdom and temperance, there was not discerned in any part in Italy any tokens of war, but about the country of Pysa: wherein, albeit the Duke of Milan had determined in the beginning not to succour the Florentines openly, but to minister to their wants with secret aids of money: yet suffering his mind to be continually over ruled with passions of disdain and envy, and not abstaining from words insolent and full of threats against the Venetians, he determined now to declare himself publicly, and to cut of all regards and considerations of things, denying even then, passage to their bands and soldiers which marched to Pysa by the way of Parma and Pontrema, & put them in necessity to pass by the Duke of Ferrara's country, A way of far more travel and greater trouble: he wrought so that th'emperor commanded all those Ambassadors which were resident in his Court (except the Spanish) to return home, revoking them all within few days after except the Ambassador for the Senate of Venice: he sent also to the succours of the Florentines three hundred shot with crossbow, & contributed to the levying of three hundred men at arms partly under the Lord of Plombyn, and some under john Pawle Baillon: he lent them at sundry times more than three hundredth thousand ducats, and lastly made continual offers of greater aids, if their necessities so required: Besides all these, he made great instance to the Pope (the importunities of the Florentines greatly inducing him) to aid them in some sort: The Pope knowing how hurtful & intolerable it would be to the estate of the Church, that the Venetians should prevail to make a foundation of Pysa, promised to refurnish them with a hundred men at arms, and the three galleys which were in his pay under captain Ville Marine, and they to give impediments to the provisions of victuals that should enter Pysa by sea: But afterwards (being familiar to him to protract and delay) he deferred with diverse excuses to send to them any proportion, and in the end refused them with open denial, for that drawing daily more & more into other devices and thoughts, he made his resolution to restrain himself only to the french king, by whose means he hoped to obtain no small nor common recompenses: yea (it is oftentimes the property of men to make easy with will and hope, that which in reason and wisdom they know to be hard) he ascended in weening to the crown and kingdom of Naples: It was almost a thing fatal, that the refusing of the alliance which the king of Arragon made to the Pope, should breed in him the beginning of new things and changes: for long before he had wholly determined to join himself with the french king, he had made great instance to king Federyk to give to the Cardinal of Valence (who was resolved to forsake the habit and profession of the Church upon the first occasion) his daughter in marriage, with the principality of Tarente in dowry wherein he persuaded himself that if his son whose wit was subtle, and his heart haughty, and raised, were once become Lord of so large and general a member of the kingdom of Naples, that then there would be little difficulty, (having the cooler of a daughter descending of the king) to take occasions, what by force and strength, and what by th'authority and rights of the Church, to despoil his father in law of the kingdom, both weak in men of war, and poor in money, and from whom also were estranged the affections of most of his Barons: This matter was hotly furthered and favoured by the Duke of Milan, who debated with king Federyk (by his Ambassador the Marquis Stamp sent specially to Rome and Naples) how dangerous it would be for him, if the Pope (made frustrate of this desire) went suddenly to join with the french king: And withal he preferred to the kings remembrance how much it would savour of pusillanimity and indiscretion (specially the matter concerning wholly his safety) to put in consideration indignity only, and not to have so much rule over himself, as to prefer the protection of his estate, afore his proper will: But Federyk fearing that in this subtlety of Lodowyk was laid the foundation of his ruin, refused the plot with continual obstinacy, confessing that the alienation or estranging of the Pope was a degree to put his kingdom in danger, but he stood assured that to give his daughter with the principality of Tarente, to the Cardinal of Valence, were to put his life in danger, and therefore in two perils he had rather abide the hazard of that which he might run into with most honour and honesty, & which proceeded not of any fault or error of himself: By this mean, the Pope turning wholly his mind to join with the french, and desiring that the Venetians would do the like, (whom he was loath to offend) abstained altogether to minister any favours or succours to the Florentines: who receiving courage by the ready succours of the Duke of Milan, and for the recommendation of the valour of Pawle Vitelly their new captain, forgot nothing that might advance the enterprise, notwithstanding they esteemed it of very hard action: for that besides the numbers, experience, and resolute courage of the citizens and contreymen of Pysa, there was within Pysa, a strength of the Venetians of four hundred men at arms, eight hundred estradyots, & more than two thousand footmen: They were also (as occasion required) ready to refurnish them with stronger succours, for that even such as at the beginning had no will to consent to accept the protection of the Pysans, were now no less ready than the rest to support their quarrel for the regard of common honour: The contract made in common by Lodowyk and the Florentines, gave such an increase to the army, that it seemed now to carry proportion sufficient not only to recover all the places within the country of Pysa, but also to make a wonderful industry that the neighbours should forbear to give aid and favour to the Pysans, or at lest eschewing th'example of the Venetians, not molest any more the Florentines in other places: Lodowyk having afore he determined to protest himself openly, interteyned in common with the Venetians, john Bentyvole with two hundred men at arms, laboured him so much, that he bound him with the state of Bolognia, to himself only: wherein the better to confirm Bentyvole, the Florentines took into their pay, Alexander his son: And to make a more general resistance against the Venetians making invasion on the side of Romagna, (who for such a purpose had taken into their protection the Lord of Faenza) the Florentines won also to their appointments & devotion, together with fifty men at arms, Octavyan de Riare, Lord of Ymola & Furly, who was governed according to the direction & will of Katherne Sforce his mother: She followed without any regard, the faction of Lodowyk and the Florentines, many occasions moving her, but principally for that she was married to john de medicis, whom the Duke of Milan (nothing liking of the government popular) laboured to make great at Florence, and also his brother: Lodowyk had no small credit with the people of Lucques, whom he solicited with all his authority and means, not to comfort any more the Pysans with those properties of succours and favours which they had accustomed to minister to them: which request albeit they did not observe so fully as he required, yet they withdrew and abstained from many helps for his regard: There remained only they of Genes and Sienna ancient enemies to the Florentines, having equal occasions of controversy against that state: the one for the interest of Montpulcian, and the other by reason of the country of Lunigiana: Touching the Siennoys, it was a thing much to be feared, lest (being made blind with hate & envy) they fell not into their ancient error, in giving to every one commodity to trouble and molest the Florentines by the opportunity of their lands and estates, such sufferance sometimes not being without their proper damage: And for the Genoese, albeit by reason of ancient injuries, it grieved them not a little, that the Venetians should be Masters over Pysa, yet (in that city there is little care of the common weal) they gave sufferance to the Pysans and vessels of the Venetians to exercise a traffic in their rivers and streams in regard of a private gain which some particulars got by it, by the which the Pysans received many great commodities: For these respects, and also by the council of Lodowyk still soliciting, the Florentines sent Ambassadors to Genes and Sienna, to solicit (the rather by his means) an accord and final resolution of all their quarrels: But as touching the Genoese, the practice and negotiation was frustrate and brought forth no effect, for that they demanded to be acquitted frankly of Serezana without giving other recompense then a simple promise to bereave the Pysans of all opportunities and commodities of their countries, wherein the Florentines making conference of the quality of the demand, found the loss so present and certain, in regard of the profit so incertain and little, that they refused to buy so dearly their friendships.  
But whilst these devices occupied the reasons and minds of men in diverse places, The Florent) n army, more mighty in horsemen then strong in footmen, advanced into the field under their new general: By means whereof, as the Pysans, whose estradiots since the victory of S. Real had made incursions at pleasure over the whole country, retired from Pont desac where they last encamped: So Pawle Vitelli having taken Calcinaia, and settling his army there in expectation of a new strength of footmen, bestowed one day one part of his soldiers in ambush near to Cas●●na, whether the regiment of the Venetians were retired, who governed by Mark Martinenguo were not only without obedience, but without order, In so much as when Pawle Vitelli gave the charge to them, he slew many of the stradiots, with john Gradania captain over men at arms, and took prisoner Franque colonel of thestradiots, with the pray of a hundredth horses: The success of this encounter much amazed the companies of the Venetians, and therefore supposing Cascina not sufficient for their safety, they retired to the borrow of S. Mark, expecting new succours to come from Venice: But Pawle Vitelli, after he was refurnished with his strength of footmen, and making as though he would assail Cascina (which the Pysans believed by many appearances) turned his march, and beguiling the conjectures of his enemies, passed over the river of Arne, and pitched his camp before the borrow of Buti, having sent afore, three hundred footmen to keep occupied the hills & frontyer places: And having drawn thither with the strength and working of a number of Pyonners, th'artillery by the way of the mountain not without great difficulty for the troublesome ways, he took the town by force the second day after he had braked his artillery: Pawle made choice of this enterprise, for that he judged that Pysa, (in the which was an incredible obstinacy aswell of th'inhabitants as others retired out of the country, in whom by long use was great sufficiency touching actions of war) could not be taken by force, the city of itself being proud in strength of walls and rampires, and having within it many bands of the men at arms of Venice: he held it an action of better policy, to devise rather to languish & consume them, then to execute and enforce them, and settling the war in that part of the country which is on the right hand of the river of Arne, he esteemed it a good council in war to lay plots to take the pieces in that quarter, and to command all those places by whose help and opportunity, he might give impediment to the succours that might come to them by land from any foreign country: And therefore after the taking of the borrow of Buty, having raised a mount or fort upon the mountains which be above S. john de la Vene, he drew his camp right afore the sort which the Pysans had made near to Vicopisan, drawing thither his artillery with the same difficulties he did before: And taking almost in one season Valdecalcio & building above Vico in a place called Pietro Doloroso, an other bastillion, to keep that no succours enter there, he held besieged the castle of Verrucola: In these policies of this new general, to th'end the Pysans (doubting that he would not assail Librafratto and Valdes●r●lo,) might be less ready to be far from Pysa, the Count Riwccio was encamped with other companies at Valdmievolo: All which notwithstanding, four hundred footmen issuing out of Pysa, broke all the regiment of footmen which were negligently bestowed in the church of S. Michael to keep Verrucola besieged: But Pawle Vitelli, after he had got the bastillion, which yielded upon condition to carry their Artillery to Vicopisan, encamped afore Vicopisan, not on that side where the Florentyn camp was when he was within to defend it, but he lay towards S. john de la Vene, to give impediments to the succours that were to come from Pisa: After the fury of his Artillery had brought down to the earth a great quantity of the walls, the defendants, despairing belike of rescue, rendered the place, their life 
Vicopisan rendered.  and goods saved: They were perhaps discouraged to hold out to thuttermost, for that Pawle when he took Buty (to give terror to others) cut of the hands of three Cannonyers Germains which were within the town, and used his victory with many cruelties: immediately after the success of Vicopisan, there followed an other occasion of happy exploit, for that the bands which were within Pisa supposing it would be very easy to surprise the bulwark of Pietro Doloroso, they sent thither afore day, two hundred light horsemen with many troupes of footmen, who finding a stronger resistance than they looked for, lost more time than the action of their enterprise required, in so much that whilst they were giving the assault, the general of the Florentines, discovering himself upon the mountains there abouts, and with part of th'army descending to succour the fort, sent Vitellettze with the residue of the bands to give impediment to their return: against whom as they entertained skirmish in the plain towards Calcy, the general fell upon them on the backs, and put them to flight, not without the loss of many horsemen, and the most part of their footbands.  
But in this discourse and event of things, the Florentines, having some likely advertisements 
Ambassadors of the Florentines at Ven●●●.  from the Duke of Ferrara and others, that the Venetians were not without a willing inclination to peace, whereunto they would be more easily induced, if in the action (as belonged to the dignity and respect of so great a common weal) they proceeded with tokens and demonstrations, as though they negociated not with equals, but with a state of more greatness: They sent as Ambassadors 
The 〈…〉 yns sand Ambassadors to Ven●●e to treat of the affairs of Pisa.  to Venice to found their intentions Guid' Antonio Vespuccio & Bernard Rucellai, two of the most honourable citizens of their common weal: A matter from the which they had abstained till that time, partly for that they would not offend the mind of king Charles, but more for that as they knew themselves not to be strong enough to oppress the Pisans, so they judged that their petitions would be unprofitable being not accompanied neither with reputation nor forces: but now that they were the stronger in the field, and that the Duke had publicly declared himself against the Venetians, their hopes were greater than their doubts, to find some convenient means of honourable composition. The Ambassadors were received with great office and reverence, and immediately brought into council, the Duke sitting and the whole resort of Senators, in whose presence after they had formed many excuses for not sending Ambassadors to them afore, the same being refrained for many regards proceeding of the quality of times and sundry accidents of their City: they required frankly that they would abstain from the defence and protection of Pisa, a request whose moderation put them in hope not to be denied, seeing that both in the common weal of Florence, had been found no occasions of offence or displeasure to them, and also according to the rumour and recommendation that went of the equity of the Senate of Venice, they hopes they would not in this case abandon justice, which being the pillar and foundation of all other virtues, it was but reasonable to prefer it afore all other respects. To these the Duke made answer, that as they could not charge the Florentines with any trespass or injuries 
The Duke of Veni●e answereth the Florentine Embassad●●●.  in these times, so also the Senate was not entered into the protection of Pisa for any desire to offend them, but for that the Florentines only, having supported in italy the factions of the French, mere and simple regards to the common profit and safety, had induced all the Potentates of the League to give faith to the Pisans, to help them to defend their liberty: wherein, though some others of the residue did fall into the error of forgetfulness after they had given their faith: yet the custom of others should breed no law in them, and much less contrary to the use of their common weal, would they follow them in a matter so unworthy: Only if the state of Florence would propound some mean, by the which the liberty of the Pisans might be preserved, they would make known to all the world, that neither for their general ambition, nor for their particular or proper profit, they have thus long continued the desense of Pisa: upon this answer, they drew certain days to disputation upon some mean which might leave satisfied both the one and other parties, wherein some contention rising, for that neither the Venetians nor the Florentyn Ambassadors would propound the mean, they agreed that the Ambassador of Spain, who encouraged them to thagreement, should interpose between them: this was the mean he opened, that the Pisans should return to the devotion of the Florentines, not as subjects, but as people recommended, and under the same capitulations which had been agreed upon at Pistoia, as a thing indifferent between servitude and liberty: But the Venetians answered, that they could not acknowledge any part of liberty in a City wherein the fortresses and administration of the Laws were in the power of others: by reason whereof th'ambassadors of Florence interpreting this answer to a denial of their demands, departed from Venice with this conjecture, that the Senate, unless they were compelled by necessity, would not abandon the defence of Pisa, whether they sent supplies of soldiers continually: beside, they had in the beginning no great fear of th'enterprise of the Florentines, for that deferring the action till the most part of the spring was passed, they could not long keep the field, the country of Pisa, by reason of his baseness and lownes, being much subject to waters: And lastly having of new taken to their pay under the Duke of Vrbyn (to whom they gave the title of governor) and under certain other captains, fine hundred men at arms, being holpen with all with diverse good intelligences: they had determined, (the more easily to turn the Florentines from offending the Pisans) to begin the war in an other place, joining also to their plots the opportunity of Peter de Medicis, at whose persuasions they entertained into their pay Charles Vrsin and Bart. Alviane with two hundred men at arms: They were not also without hope, to be able to induce john Bentivole to consent that they might make war upon the Florentines on the side of Bolognia, for that the Duke of Milan (stirred belike for that in the retaining which was made of Annyball his son the Venetians were preferred before him, and joining to that new offence a recordation of old injuries done against him, as he said, when the Duke of Calabria passed into Romagna) had occupied certain castles which belonged to the Duchy of Milan, and possessed by right of dowry, by Alexander his son: For these causes albeit he forbore not to vex him upon every occasion, yet the castles being at last restored to him again at the request of the Florentines, the devise to make war on that side, was broken: Therefore the Venetians laboured to dispose them of Sienna to grant that they might begin the war in their Quarters, wherein they grew into hope to prevail (besides their ordinary disposition against the Florentines) by a division that was in Sienna amongst the citizens: for Pandolphe Petruccio with his wit and subtlety, having drawn to himself almost a special authority over the councils and business of the city, Nicholas Borghese his father in law and the family of the Belantis, to whom his greatness was displeasing, laboured that passage might be granted to the Duke of Vrbyn and the Vrsins, who, with four hundred men at arms, two thousand footmen, and four hundred estradyottes, were stayed by commission of the Venetians at Fratte in the country of Perowse: They alleged also that to make truce with the Florentines according to the solicitation of the Duke of Milan and continual instance of Pandolfe, was no other thing, then to give them opportunity and means to dispatch the affairs of Pysa, which being resolved, they would be so much more mighty to bring injuries and subjection upon them and theirs: And therefore they aught (making their profit of occasions, as appertained to wise men) to be resolute in this, not to make other accord with them then a peace, which might make them give over the right they pretended to Montpulcian, a grant whereunto they knew the Florentines would never agreed: And then it would follow by necessity, that the demands of the Venetians must be consented unto, with whom having obtained this first place of grace, they hoped easily to embase the authority of Pandolfe, who, having made himself author of the contrary opinion at the persuasion of the Duke of Milan, found enough to do to maintain it, for that the hatred which the people bore naturally to the Florentines could do much, and it was not unlikely that by this fear, it might be brought to pass, that they would disclaim the right of Montpulcian: This covetousness accompanied with hatred, had more force than the considerations alleged by Pandolfe, either touching the travels that would follow the war, if it were drawn upon their country, or in regard of the dangers, which with time would afflict Tuskane by the greatness of the Venetians: for justification whereof (saith he) we need not have recourse to th'examples of others, seeing even of late memory, for favouring the faction of Ferdinand 
1578.  king of Naples against the Florentines, they were in peril to fall into servitude, if Ferdinand, for the occupation which Mahomet Ottoman made of the town of Ottrante in the kingdom of Naples, had not been compelled to call home from Sienna the person of Alphonso his son, and his Regiment: And that their histories and traditions tell them (without these examples) that the same desire to offend the Florentines by the mean of the earl of Vertus, together with the disdain conceived for the respect of Montpulcian, was the cause that of themselves, they had assubiected to him their proper country: These reasons, albeit they were true, yet not sufficient to repress the fury & affections of the others, so that he was not without apparent danger of some tumult to be raised by his adversaries: Notwithstanding to prevent them, he caused suddenly to enter into Sienna, many of his friends thereabouts, by whom he wrought with so great courage and wit, that at the same instant, the Florentines sent to Poggi Imperial three hundred men at arms and a thousand footmen, with whose reputation & force, confounding the audacity of his adversaries, he brought to pass a truce for five years with the Florentines: who, preferring a servile fear of perils present, afore regard to dignity and honour, bound them 
Truce between the Siennoys & Florentines.  selves to pull down one part of the bridge of Valiane, and to dismantle even to the earth, the bastillion which had so much molested the Siennoys: they condescended further, that the Siennoys within a certain time, might build such forts and fortresses as they would between the shore and channel of Chianes, and the town of Montpulcian: By this accord Pandolfe, rising into a stomach and greatness more than before, found means soon after to kill his father in law, who, with too liberal a disposition of mind, objected himself against his purposes: and so by the dispatch of him, increasing terror in the residue, he confirmed himself daily more & more in tyranny. By this accord, the Venetians, being deprived of the hope they had to divert or torn by the way of Sienna, the Florentines from th'enterprise of Pysa, and being not able to obtain licence of the Perusins, to manage the war by their countries, They determined to vex them on that side to Romagna, hoping with the ancient favours and factions which Peter de Medicis had there, to aspire easily to th'occupation of those places which they held in thApennine: In so much, that having obtained passage of the little Lord of Faenze, by the vale of Lamone, with one part of their regiment which they had in Romagna, with whom Peter and julyan de Medicis were joined: they occupied the borough of Maradi scituat upon thApennine on that side which looks towards Romagna, where was made against them no resistance, for that Dennys of Nalde a man of the same vale, interteyned by the Florentines with three hundred footmen to defend it, together with the strength of the country, led thither so small a force of footmen, that he durst not abide there: By means whereof they encamped afore the Rock of Chastillion built in a place above the said borough, which they hoped to carry, though by no other mean, yet by want of many things which they knew to be within it, but specially the lack of water, and so by th'opportunity of that, to have free way to pass into Mugelle, which is a country near to Florence: But as it is hard to assure any thing that depends upon the will of an other, and much less can the wisdom of man warrant all those things which imagination and conjecture do suggèst: So, they found themselves deceived in the judgement of those wants which they supposed the Rock did suffer, for that the constancy and diligence of the Castle keeper, supplied the slender provisions of victuals that were within it, and the liberality of heaven avoided the penury of water, raining so much in one night as all the vessels and cisterns being full, they were delivered from that pain: And in the mean while, the Count Riwcci with the Lord of Plombyn & other captains, being stolen upon the enemy by the way of Mugelle, enforced them to the chasse, having undertaken this enterprise with a greater confidence in their diligence, then with sufficient strength: Besides, the Count Caiazze scent to Cotignole by the Duke of Milan with three hundred men at arms and a thousand footmen, together with Fracasse interteyned by the same Duke, who was within Furly with a hundred men at arms, prepared to charge them upon the back: The consideration of these dangers, and to avoid the harms that threatened, they went and joined with the Duke of Vrbyn, then departed from the country of peruse, and with other Regiments of the Venetians, who altogether were bestowed between Ravenna and Furly, but with a very small hope of happy enterprise, for that, besides the bands of the Florentines, there was in Romagna a strength of five hundred men at arms, five hundred crossbow shot, and a thousand footmen of the Duchy of Milan, the impediment also which Imola and Furly gave to them, being of great importance.  
But in this mean while Pawle Vitelli who, after the taking of Vicopisan had remained there certain days expecting provisions necessary that were to come, and continuying in one intention to cut of from the Pysans the commodity and means of succours, was gone to th'enterprise of Librafatte: And the easier to approach that part of the town which was most weak, and to prevent the disposition of the enemy to invade his army much troubled with artillery and carriage, he left the way which descends by the mountains to the plain of Pysa, and cutting by force of Pionners a new way through the mountains, he took in his marching the same day, the bastillion of the Mont Mayor, which the Pysans had built upon the top of the mountain, and so descended with great surety into the plain of Librafatta: where, having easily the day after, brought into necessity to yield the bands of footmen that had the charge of Potito and the old castle, (two towers answering one an other very near Librafatta) he bestowed in the second tower and in other places, certain pieces of artilleries to govern the town, which was well manned and guarded, containing two hundred footmen of the Venetians: from these places he battered the wall both on high and below, and from the first day had hope to carry it: But after the wall was shaken with th'artillery, there fell by chance so great a part of it in the night, that the ruinous matter raised the rampire which was begun there above four cubits: In so much as Pawle, assaying in vain three days together to mount up with ladders, began to doubt much of the success, the rather for that the army received great harms by a piece of artillery which came from the town by a low lowpe hole: But his industry & virtue was aided by the benefit of Fortune (without whose favour great captains are oftentimes deceived in their enterprises) for that with a great shot out of the camppe, the piece which bet them was broken, and one of the best Cannonyers within the place killed, the boollett passing through the town: which accident so amazed 
Librafatta taken by paul Vitelli.  those within the town, being so commanded by th'artillery of the second tower, that they durst not assemble to make head: but yielded the fourth day, and not long after, the castle abiding some shot of the cannon, did the like: After the conquest of Librafatta, he devised to make certain bastillions upon the hills thereabouts, but chief he erected one of capacity to receive great numbers of men, above Santa Maria in Castello, called by the name of the mount, where was built the bastillion of la ventura commanding the country thereabouts: This and Librafatta being guarded, troubled all commodities that might come to Pysa by the way of Lucque and Petra sancta, and brought beside, general distresses to the state of the common cause of Pysa.  
In this variation and fortune of things, the Venetians ceased not to study means 
The Venetians careful to secure the Pysans.  by the which they might minister comfort to Pysa, sometimes with immediate succours, and sometimes by diverting and drawing away the forces of th'enemy: Wherein they hoped to prevail the rather for the differences which happened between the Duke of Milan and the Marquis of Mantua, entered of new into the appointments and directions of the Duke: who, because he would not take away the title of captain general over all his companies from Galeas de S. Severin more great with him by favour then by virtue: had promised to the Marquis to honour him within three months with the place of captain general in common either with the Emperor, or with the Pope, or with king Federyk, or with the Florentines: which being not performed by Lodowyk at the term promised, Galeas giving many impediments against it, and adding to the wrong, many other difficulties upon the payments of his interteynments: The Marquis determined to re-enter into the pay of the Venetians, who practised to send him to the succours of Pysa, with three hundred men at arms: whereof Lodowyk having a lively doubt, and dreading by the property of his wit (sounding the bottom of things) the dangers that might grow by the loss of a man of that importance, declared him immediately by the consent of Galeas, captain to th'emperor and to him: But such is the mutability of men marcenorie, that as their profession is to live by occasions & divisions of times and Princes, so, oftentimes they interprette small faltes to great causes of their revolt and change, holding it no injustice to disappoint those that break the first promise with them, according to th'example of this Marquis, who, having already been at Venice, and communicated with the Senate the great confidence he had to enter Pysa in despite of the Florentyne bands, was re-entered into their pay: And receiving part of his pay in priest, he returned to Mantua, preparing himself to th'expedition, which he had further advanced, and put his companies to march, if the Venetians had used the same diligence to dispatch him, which they did to entertain him: But because they began to proceed slowly upon thoccasion of a new hope they had, that by certain ancient favourers of the Medicis, they should be able to obtain Bybiene, a borough in the country of Casentin, they were of opinion that in regard of the difficulties to pass to Pysa, it would be more profitable to divert then to succour: The Marquis taking his advantage of these delays, and justly displeased with the form of their dealings, returned eftsoons to the pay of Lodowyk with three hundred men at arms and a hundred light horsemen, under the honour and title of captain to th'emperor and to him, retaining the money he had received of the Venetians upon an account or reckoning for pays due of old: The practice which was debated with the Venetians, was not without suspicion to the Florentines, who, besides their general means of advertisement, had certain days before, a particular intelligence from Bolognia: But it often happeneth, that diligent and wise councils be unprofitable when they are executed with negligence and indiscretion: for, the commissary or commissioner whom they sent thither to assure them from such a danger, after he had apprehended such as he doubted most and bore apparent guiltiness of the practice, turning their dissembled faith into true meaning, and their offence into innocency, he set then eftsoons at liberty, and in other things was so negligent, that he made the action easy to Alviane appointed for th'execution of this practice: for, he having sent before certain horsemen attired like victuallers, & they marching all night, were at the gate by the point 
Alviano taketh Bybienna.  of day, which they won and occupied without difficulty, for that the negligence of the commissary had not only left it without guard, but also not set order that the gate should be opened later than was wont in times nothing dangerous: After these first troops, followed with a ready speed & diligence, other bands of horsemen, who named themselves by the wars to be of the regiment of the Vitellis: Assoon as the gate was possessed by the soldiers foreign, the parties to the conspiracy within the town, drawing to commotion in their favour, they embraced immediately the whole town, and were absolute masters of th'enterprise: At what time they were also encouraged with the presence of Alviano, who arriving the same day, and albeit had but a small proportion of soldiers (his nature being always to follow the aid and benefit of occasions, yea to prevent them with his incredible diligence) yet he went suddenly to assail Poppi, the principal borough of that valley, but finding a resistance above his strength, he devised to occupy the places nearest to Bybienne, albeit but little and of no great importance: The country of Casentyn, amid the which runneth the river of Arne, is a country narrow, barren and full of hills, seated at the foot of the Alps of Appenyn, at that time laden with snows for that the spring was but then begun: Nevertheless it had been a passage very commodious to go to Florence, if th'enterprise of Poppy had succeeded well to Alviano, and no less convenient to make entry into the countries of Aretze and Valdarno, countries which for the plenty of great towns and boroughs, were of great importance to the state of the Florentines: who taking occasion of the present peril, not to be negligent, refurnished with a ready speed, all places needful, breaking by that means th'execution of a conspiracy pretended in Aretze: And studying above all other things to cut from the Venetians all means of new succours and supplies to the country of Casentyn, they called from Pysa the Count Rinucce, and dispatched him speedily to occupy the ways of th'apennine between Valdibagna and the strait of S. Stephen: who, albeit he disposed his Regiment into troupes and companies as the nature of the place and present service required, yet was both their strength and industry unprofitable to let the Duke of Vrbyn, Charles Vrsin and other captains from passing, whose strength in the said valley being seven hundred men at arms and six thousand footmen with some bands of Lanceknights, commanded all the country of Cassentyn, except a very few places, and eftsoons gave a new life to the old enterprise to take Poppy, but their diligence was unprofitable and the whole action in vain: By means whereof the Florentines were compelled (according to the proper intention of the Venetians) to call back from the affairs of Pysa Pawle Vitello with his bands, leaving sufficient guard in the places of importance, and also in the bastillion of Laventura: his coming into the country Casentyn, caused to retire the Venetians, who were removed to incamppe the same day about Pratto Vecchio, and Fracasso being joined with him (sent by the Duke of Milan with five hundred men at arms & five hundred footmen in favour of the Florentines) he brought presently into hard terms and difficulties the state of thenemies, who were dispersed into diverse places, both for thin commodity of the country, which was strait and narrow, and also for that (to th'end they might have free entry and going out of the country Casentyn) they were compelled to keep the ways of Vernia, Chiusa, and Montalona, places very high upon the Alps: By which mean, being enclosed in that valley in a season very sharp, they were without all expectation of advancement either there, or in any other place, the Count Rinucce being within Aretze with two hundred men at arms: And in the country Casentyn, the enterprise of Poppy not succeeding in the beginning, & the name of the Medicis bearing no further power or authority, for that the spirits and affections of the men of the country were against them, they had received many harms of the peasants afore the coming of Vitello: In which regard, together with an assured intelligence of his coming, and the marching of Fracasse, they sent back beyond the Alps, one part of their carriage and artillery, & drew themselves all together into one strength as the nature of the place would suffer: Against whom, Pawle Vitelli determined to use his costume, which was (to carry the victory with more ease and surety) to bear no regard neither to the longness of time, nor to great pains and travel, and much less to expenses, esteeming it a better office in a general to proceed with all necessary provisions, then, for a desire of glory to make the victory speedy, to put in peril the issue of things, and the whole army in hazard: In so much as (touching the country Casentyn) his counsel was, not to attempt suddenly any action upon the places most strong, but in the beginning to make the enemy abandon the pieces most weak, and to choke and close the ways of the Alps and the streytes of the country, with bastillions, guards, and entrenched ways, with other fortifications, both to cut of all succours and supplies, and to take from them all means of mutual aids and rescue from one place to an other: hoping that this form and manner of proceeding would in the end breed occasions to oppress them further, besides that the great numbers that were within Bybyenna could not but consume, both by the incommodity of horsemen and want of victuals: With this councils, having recovered certain places near to Bybienna, for their quality but of small importance, but for their commodities very proper for his intention (with the which he looked in the end to prevail) And winning every day more and more, he stripped every day many men at arms bestowed in diverse pieces near to Bybienna: And to cut of all ways from the bands of the Venetians assembling beyond the mounts to minister rescue to their peoples, he devised to command all the places about the mount la Vernia, & to entrench all the ways thereabouts: In so much as many difficulties increasing to the enemies together with necessities and want of victuals, many of them refused the camppe, who stealing away by sundry ways, fell every day into change of distress and fortune, sometimes vexed with troublesome passages, and sometimes stripped by the peasants, & oftentimes slain by the soldiers: These were the actions of arms between the Venetians and Florentines.  
Now in these times, albeit th'ambassadors of Florence, were departed from Venice 
Means of accord.  without any hope of accord, yet was there holden at Ferrara, a new practice of composition moved by the Duke of Ferrara at the instance of the Venetians: Amongst whom many of those which held the greatest authority in that Senate, no less weary of the war drawing with it increase of expenses and difficulties, than now made void of all hopes to prevail further in the country of Cassantyn, desired to shake of the studies and travels they suffered for the defence of Pisa, the cares and charges of that war being greater without comparison, than the commodities or fruits of the service, in which regard they were ready to omit no occasion which might minister any honest cooler to be discharged of it.  
But whilst the regions of Italy were in these afflictions for the quarrels of Pisa, 
The doings of the fre●h king during the war of Pisa.  the new french King forgot not to make preparations to execute the conquest of Milan the year next following: Wherein he hoped to have in his favour and on his side the freindshippe of the Venetians, who, carried with an incredible hate against the Duke of Milan, held strait negotiation with his majesty: Not less did solicit with the King in no little secrecy & earnestness the Pope, who, excluded from the alliance of Federyk and embracing still the desire to the kingdom of Naples, was wholly converted into the hopes of the French, by whose means he sought to obtain for his son the Cardinal of Valence, Charilotta, daughter to Federyk, who was not yet married, but trained up in the court of France: Wherein the king nourrishing him with some tokens of hope, for that he supposed the power over her marriage rested in his majesty, the Cardinal (joining with the intention of his father) 
The cardinal of Val●●● the Pope's son re●●i●●s this profession.  entered one morning into the consistory, and with an action in speech and gesture far from the office and modesty of his profession, besought his father and the whole college of Cardinals, that seeing he entered not into priesthood of his proper will and disposition, that they would make it lawful to him, to leave the dignity and the habitte, to follow the exercise whereunto his destiny and inclination drew him: This request being made easy in the Cardinals by purchase and corruptions, was not denied of his father, whose authority going with the infected partialities of the Cardinals, made his demand lawful, and ratified it: And so resuming the habit of a person secular, he prepared speedily to go into France, by whom the Pope sent this comfort and promise' to the King, to make it lawful by th'authority apostolic to refuse his wife: And the king, for his part, become bound to aid him (assoon as he had conquered the Duchy of Milan) to reduce into th'obedience of the holy sea, all the towns possessed by the Viccairs of Romagna, and withal, to give him presently thirty thousand ducats under this cooler that he was constrained to entertain a greater force for the guard of his person: as though to knit himself with the French king were to stir up many of the Potentates in Italy to seek to hurt and oppress him: For th'execution of these covenants, both the king began to make payment of the money and the Pope committed the action of the divorce to the bishop of Setto his Nuncio, and to th'archbishops of Paris and Rouen: And albeit in the traverse of the cause, the kings wife impugned the judgement: yet in the end, holding for no less suspected the consciences of the judges, than the might and greatness of her adversary, she took comfort in her innocency and disclaimed her suit, receiving for thentertainment of her person, the Duchy of Berry, with thirty thousand Frankes of Revenue: And so the divorce confirmed by sentence of the judges, there rested nothing else expected, for the dispensing and and accomplishing of the new marriage, but the coming of Caesar Vorgia, lately of a Cardinal and Archbishop of Valence, become a soldier and Duke of Valentinoy: 
The Cardinal of Valence Duke of Valentynois.  the king having given him a company of a hundred Lances and twenty thousand Frankes pension: and for his title of dukedom, he endued him with Valence a City of Danphyne, with twenty thousand Frankes of Revenue: he embarked at Ostia upon the Galleys which the king sent him, and arrived about the end of the same year at the french Court, where he entered with a pomp and pride incredible, and brought with him the cardinals hat for George Amboise Archbishop of Rouen, Who, having always afore, participated in the dangers and fortunes of the king, held with him great authority, grace, and reputation. This new Duke albeit he was received of the king with great honour and all other offices of court, yet his manner of dealing was not well liked in the beginning, for that, according to the direction and council of his father, he denied that he had brought with him the bull of dispensation, hoping that the desire to obtain it, would make the king more easy to assist his plots and purposes, than would do the remembrance that he had received it, using this reason, that there is nothing endureth so small a time as the memory of benefits received, & the more great they be, the more commonly are they recompensed with ingratitude: But the bishop of Setto revealing the truth secretly to the king, who making it sufficient to godward, that the bull was dispatched and ratified, consommated the marriage openly with his new wife, without making more demands for the bull: the same being the cause that the Duke could no longer keep from him the bull Authentyke and justified: And finding out after by subtle inquiry that the bishop of Setto had revealed the matter, he caused him soon after by secret means to die of poison, the unfortunate bishop not remembering that in matters of estate between princes he that discloseth his secret to another worketh to himself the occasion of his death. The king being now in some stability of mind by his new marriage, began to be careful to renew leagues & amities with his neighbours, 
The French king maketh peace with his neighbour's.  making presently a firm peace with the king of Spain, who, bearing now no more regard to the things of Italy, called home all his Ambassadors remaining there, except him that lay resident with the Pope, and readiourned consalvo into Spain with all his regiment, leaving to Federick all those pieces in Calabria which he had holden till that day: he had a great deal more trouble to accord with the king of Romans, who was newly descended into Burgongny by occasion of some commotions stirring there, being for that expedition, aided with a round sum of money by the Duke of Milan, in whom prevailed much this kind of persuasion, that either the war which he should make upon the french king, would turn him from th'enterprise of Italy, or at lest, if any agreement succeeded between them, he should be comprehended in it as the king of Romans had assuredly promised him: But at last, after much discourse of reasonings and meetings, the king made a new peace with Tharchduke, by the which were to be rendered unto him the places of the country of Artoys, a thing which to th'end it might bring effect and profit to his son, the king of Romans consented to make truce with him for many months, without making mention of the Duke of Milan, against whom he seemed at that time much discontented, for that he had not always satisfied his infinite demands of money: Lastly, the french king, ratifying the peace made with the king of England by his predecessor, rejected all solicitations and suits made to him to receive the Duke of Milan to any composition, who for his part albeit he protested large offers & offices, & used no less corruptions to induce him, yet all his industries and practices were vain in the king's sight, who to lay a more sure foundation of the war pretended, sought how he might at one time, tie to him in surety of amity the Venetians & Florentines, and therefore he required with great importunities that ceasing 
The french king requireth Pisa in trust.  to vex the Pisans, the Venetians would put Pisa into his hands: whereunto the rather to draw the Florentines to consent, he offered secretly to restore it to them within a short time: This practice being found full of many difficulties, and concurring in it divers ends and intrestes, was for many months debated with delays: for that the Florentines (holding it necessary that in that case they should make alliance with the french king, and fearing by the remembrance of thinfidelity of Charles, the present business should suffer no less breach of promise in the king reigning) could not agreed amongst themselves, nor consent in unity of opinion and council: wherein one reason of their disagreement was, that their city was unquietly tossed between thambition of some of the greatest Rulers, and the unbridled liberty of the government popular, and being reapposed (by reason of the war of Pisa) upon the Duke of Milan, the whole city was fallen into such general division, that it was hard to deliberate in peace and quiet upon matters of importance, some of the principal citizens desiring the victory to the french king, and others of the contrary, bearing their whole affections to the Duke of Milan: The Venetians also, notwithstanding all other difficulties had been overcome which might hinder the accord, had yet determined not to consent to put Pisa into a third hand, hoping that for the regard of the repayment of their charges, and to leave Pisa with less dishonour, they should obtain better conditions in the negotiation that was holden at Ferrara, which was vehemently solicited by Lodowyk, both for fear lest the deputation of Pisa falling to the french, both those common weals would knit with the king: and also hoping that the controversy being accorded for the profit of Italy, the Venetians would shake of & leave there the malice they had to hurt him: which respects & consideration together with the practice that continued at Ferrara, displeased not a little the french king: like as also the Pope, to make his profit of the travels of others, sought indirectly to hinder it, For that standing in great place of credit & favour with the king so far as concerned the affairs of Italy, he hoped that making Pisa to devolve by deputation to the king, he should in some sort participate with a plentiful share.  
But as in matters of enterprise, wise men will debate all things at large, and by how much the cause is weighty and may nourish occasion of many accidents and fortunes, by so much it concerneth the reputation of magistrates and councillors, not only to look into the general estate & nature of the business, but to examine every particular circumstance with a full discourse 
The Venetians take council whether they should join with the french king.  of reason, wisdom, and foresight: even so in these actions of practice and intelligences, they consulted at Venice, whether, if the king miss of his demand for the deputation whereunto they had determined never to consent, they might enter confederation with him touching the war against the Duke of Milan, as the king with great importunity had solicited, and offered them for the reward of the victory the city of Cremona and all Guiaradadda: an offer, which albeit was greatly desired of them all with no small ambition, yet the deliberation seemed to some of them to carry so many respects & considerations of importance, & that the power of a french king in Italy could not but bring danger to their estate, that the matter was brought into the council of the Pregati (the chiefest assembly amongst them) & there was disputed with no small diversity of opinions & reasons: Among whom, one day wherein the last resolution should be set down, Anthony Grymany, a man for his authority much reverenced, & for his wisdom no less respected, persuaded the residue of the Senate in this sort.  
It is (my Lords) in the disposition of men, a custom vile & odious, to forget what 
The oration of Anthony Grymany.  they have received of their friends even when they were at point to fall into their full ruin & desolation: But it is an unthankfulness too intolerable & even slanderous to nature & all natural office, to requited benefits with injuries, & make recompense to the merits & good wills of men, with conspiracies & harms stretching to the spoils of those by whose helps & ministrations they were erst preserved: And as in cases of harms and damages, there is no man that can tell how sweet is the passion of revenge, better than he that hath received the hurt: So, the despite of the injury drawing with it a desire of revenge, I can not think that it is any injustice to be revenged of him that hath done the first wrong: if therefore (my Lords) you well consider the greatness of the good turns which the Duke of Milan hath received of our common weal, by the which in these latter years, his whole estate hath received his whole protection and preservation: and of the contrary, look thoroughly into the parts of his ingratitude training many gross injuries done to us, to compel us to abandon the defence of Pisa, whereunto he gave us the first suggestion & encouragement: I doubt not, but making a right collection of his dealings & behaviours past, you will judge against his corrupt properties & conditions, & so not think it unnecessary to be revenged of him, that hath not thought it dishonest to requited our friendships and well meaning, with injuries and actions of conspiracy: There can not happen a greater infamy to this common weal, then by the toleration of so many apparent wrongs, to express to all the world that we are come to degenerate from the magnanimity of our elders, with whom this was an ancient and settled custom, that as often as they were discontented with offences, they never refused to embrace any peril or danger, to preserve the dignity, reputation, and honour of the name of the Venetians: and not without reason: for that the deliberations of common weals require not regards and ends abject and private, and much less that all their councils and actions stand only upon respects to profit. But it is also convenient that they aspire to ends more excellent and honourable by the which may be increased their glory, and their reputation preserved: A matter which nothing makes so soon to be lost and defaced, as when there is occasion given to the world to think that there is neither valour, virtue, nor ability, to be touched with the remembrance of injuries received, nor no readiness showed to be revenged: An action not a little necessary, not so much for the sweetness and pleasure in the revenge, as for that the justice and punishment of the offender, breeds such example to others, that they will have less courage to attempt the like: of such consequence is that glory which is found to be joined with utility, high and honourable deliberations always declaring themselves full of commodities and profits: Thus one displeasure takes away from men many other, and oftentimes, by one only & short punishment they are found to be delivered from many and very long pains: And yet if we consider the state of th'affairs of Italy, and the disposition of many great Princes against us, together with thambushes which Lodowyk Sforce dresseth continually against us, we may know, that we are led to this deliberation, no less by the necessity present, then in consideration of other things: for, Lodowyk pushed on by his natural ambition equal with the hate he bears to this most excellent Senate, hath nothing in more great care or study, then to dispose the minds of all the Potentates in Italy against us, to set the king of Romans in discontentment with us, to make us hateful to the whole nation of the jermains, and lastly, he begins for the same effect to entertain intelligence and practice with the Turk: you see already with what difficulties (by his means & working) yea almost without hope, we sustain the defence of Pisa, and manage the war in Casentyn: which if it be continued, it can not be without heaping greater effects of dangers and disorders: And if it be abandoned without laying other foundation to our affairs, it can not be but with so great a diminution of reputation, that it ministereth a wonderful courage to who so ever hereafter shall have disposition to oppress us: and it can not be unknown to all your wisdoms, that it is more easy to oppress him that begins to decline, then him that stands able to justify himself in the full of his reputation: of which things the effects would clearly appear to us, and we should also see our estate full of tumult and brutes of war, if Lodowyk were not kept in suspense by the fear he hath, lest we join with the french: A fear which long time is not able to contain him: for who knoweth not that the king, made frustrate of the hope which he hath that we will join with him, will either attempt some other enterprise beyond the mounts, or at lest, overcome with the persuasions & offers of Lodowyk, by the means of his corruptions & favours he hath in the french court, will fall to some accord with him: So that in the consideration and comparison of things, necessity to maintain our ancient dignity and glory constrains us to knit with the french king, but much more are we compelled by the aspect of the great and imminent dangers, which can not be avoided by other means: wherein it seems that fortune followeth us with a special favour, seeing she brings to pass that we are sought to by so great a king, whom it is a just office in us to seek and beseech with humility, besides that he offereth us so great and honourable recompenses of the victory, as by those helps and means this Senate may fashion great hopes, and employ their conceyptes in the plot and compassing of great things, specially the victory being to be gained with so great facility, and Lodowyk so far too weak to resist two powers so mighty and well united: it is a vain fear in my opinion to doubt that the neighbourhed of the french king when he shall have conquered the Duchy of Milan, willbe either suspicious or dangerous to us: for that in judgement and forecast it may be seen, that many things which seem now contrary, will then be changed into favours and good disposition towards us, seeing that such an increase and amplitude of greatness to the french Crown will breed suspicion in the minds of all the principalities of Italy, and stir up the king of Romans with the regions of jermany, to be discontented that a french king should occupy so noble a member of th'empire: In so much as even those whom we fear to join in unity with Lodowyk to vex us, would then desire (for their proper interests) to preserve us and be conjoined with us: And (my Lords) being great throughout the world the reputation of our dominions & jurisdictions & no less great the renown of our riches, and most great the opinion confirmed with so many honourable examples of our union and constancy to preserve our estate: what mean, what courage, what opportunity hath the french king to execute any invasion upon us, unless he have conjunction with more, or at the lest, with the king of Romans: the unity & agreement of whom, seems for many reasons so hard, that it is too vain, to occupy our minds either with the hope or fear of it: Besides, the peace which now he hopes to establish with the princes his neighbours beyond the mounts, will not be perpetual, seeing jealousy, injuries, and fear of his greatness will always keep waking all those that hold him in hatred or bear envy to his glory: Lastly, looking into the properties of the french natures, we need not doubt that they are not more ready to get and conquer, then discreet to preserve and keep, yea, it is annexed to their destiny to fall easily into the hatred of their subjects by their pride and insolences: upon which reasons I make this conclusion, that after they have got Milan, they will have more need to study how to preserve it, than any opportunity at all to occupy their thoughts with new enterprises, for that a jurisdiction newly gotten, failing in order and wise government, doth rather weaken than make more mighty him that hath got it: wherein we can not have an example more fresh and notable, than the victory of the late King Charles, against whom were converted into extreme hatred, the incredible desires and gladness with the which he was received into the kingdom of Naples: So that the perils which may fall upon us at any time after the victory of the French King, are neither so certain, nor of such nature, as for the avoiding of them, we need to remain in a danger present and of great consequence: And to reject (for fear of dangers to come and uncertain,) so large and convenient a part of the Duchy of Milan, could not but merit imputation of pusillanimity and faintness of courage: A thing reproachful even in men private, but much more infamous to a common weal more mighty in glory, riches, and reputation then ever was any (except the Roman state) in any part of the world: There happen seldom so favourable and fit occasions which being transitory & fleeting, it is an office in wisdom & magnanimity to embrace them when they be offered: A wit to curious & standing to long in considering of things to come, is often hurtful and reprovable: for that the things of the world are subject to so many and sundry accidents, that rarely doth that come to pass which the wisdom of man seems to have foreseen & imagined would happen: and he that leaveth the benefit present for fear of the danger to come (if the peril be not certain and near at hand) finds himself to have lost oftentimes (to his slander and displeasures) occasions full of profit and glory, and all for standing in fear of dangers which afterwards turn to nothing: it is no great matter to suffer a mischief when we are sure of the remedy, and in this case, if there be any mischief other than such as we may discern before, which is never so grievous as when it chanceth upon the sudden: yet I have borne always this judgement, that that adversity is honourable which brings with it prosperity, glory, and reputation: for these reasons (my Lords) I wish us to accept the confederation against the Duke of Milan, for that it puts us in surety for the present, protectes us against all dangers to come, breeds our credit with all other Potentates, and offereth us the possession of those great things, which an other time we would be glad to get with intolerable expenses and travels, aswell for their proper importance, as for that they be lines to lead us to high and honourable actions, drawing with them a marvelous augmentation of the glory and empire of this flourishing common weal.  
This council and four me of reasoning made no small impression in the minds of the others, who hard his reasons with judgement, & favoured his opinion, recommending much the lively valour of his spirit accompanied with a resolute love to his country: Against him stood up and reasoned Melchior Trevisan singular for his wisdom, and excellent in all graces and gifts of the mind.  
This hath been always (touching offences and wrongs) a wise observation in 
The ●●●●ell of 〈…〉  countries and common weals well governed, to make true conference between the nature and estate of the injuries, and the opportunities to revenge: not that those wise men beheld altogether the property and manner of the wrongs (for that belongs to passion) but withal they used to foresee whether the hurt in revenging would not exceed the harms already happened by the trespass committed, a form of dealing which carried not their affections afore their wisdoms, but bridling the readiness of nature, they oftentimes found more security to dissemble an injury than to revenge it: And albeit it can not be denied that the injuries done by Lodowyk Sforce to our common weal, are not many and great, and offend much our dignity: yet, by how much they are great, and by their property offend our reputation, by so much more belongs it to our wisdom to moderate our just anger with maturity of judgement & consideration of the public interest & benefit: for that, for men to command over themselves and vanquish their proper passions, is so much the more commendable, by how much less often it happeneth in use, & by how much more just are the occasions that kindle that anger or any other human affection: And therefore (my Lords) it appertaineth to this Senate to the which is ascribed of all other nations the true parts of wisdom & discretion, & who not long since made profession to have delivered Italy from the french: it is our office I say to consider well not only of thinfamy that will rise, if now through our occasion they prepare their return, but also to look carefully into the dangers that may threaten us if the duchy of Milan fall into the power of the french King: perils, which if we can not consider of ourselves, let us call to memory what fears were brought upon us by the conquest which the late King Charles made of Naples, of whom we held not ourselves assured, but when we conspired against him almost with all princes Christians: But in true comparison there is great difference between the one danger and the other: for, the late king, naked almost of all the virtues of a King, was a Prince more in shadow and show then in body and substance: and as the kingdom of Naples, so far removed from France, held his forces so divided, that they weakened more than strengthened his power, so that conquest, (for the fear of their estates so near neighbours to the realm of Naples) procured him two great enemies the Pope & the King of Spain, in whom touching the one are occupied for the present many divers intentions, and the other made weary with the things of Italy, will make himself no party without very great necessity: But the new King both for his proper virtue is to be feared, and for his wise proceeding in this action to be doubted: as also the estate of Milan bordreth so near France, that in respect of commodity to secure or rescue it, there is no hope to drive him back, but by setting all the world in a stir: In so much, that we being neighbours to so great a power, shallbe sure to be exercised in travels and perplexeties both in peace and war, In times of peace, subject to expenses and suspicions, and during the wars, so entangled with dangers, that we shall find many difficulties to make our own defence: And sure I can not but marvel much at him that hath reasoned afore me, who on the one side makes no fear of a king of France being Lord over the Duchy of Milan, and on the other side holds for terrible Lodowyk Sforce, a Prince for power much inferior to us, and with whom this hath been always a custom, either with fearfulness or covetousness, to put in danger all his enterprises: he alleged fear of succours which others might make to him, as though it were easy, in so great diversity of spirits & wills, & in so general variety of conditions, to make such an unity: or rather, as if the absolute concord & union of a great and strong power, were not more to be feared, than the power of many, which as it hath divers ends & motions, so doth it bring forth actions diverse and discordant: he seems to have a confidence, that in those, who for hate and many other reasons, desire our embasement, would be found that wisdom to vanquish disdains & covetousness, which we find not in ourselves to retain his ambitious thoughts. Besides, I know not why we may make promise, that the jealousies and new and ancient disdains against the french king (aspiring to the conquest of Milan) may do more on the behalf of the king of Romans & the Almain nation, than the rooted and settled hatred which both they bear to us by reason of so many towns which we hold appertaining to th'empire & house of ostrich: Neither can I see upon what ground or discourse of reason the king of Romans will more willingly join with us against the french, then take part with the french quarrel against us: Not, rather the union of the barbarous and perpetual enemies to the name of Thitalians, carrieth a more likelehood of truth and seems more proper to make a pray: for that being united with him, he may rather hope to be victorious over us, then over him if he were knit with him: Besides these, such were his actions during the league past, and when he came into Italy, that he left no reason why we should so much desire to have him eftsoons reunited with us: I deny not, but Lodowyk hath done us many injuries, but even so it is far from council and wisdom, for a passionate desire of revenge, to put in peril the whole estate of things: And seeing times keep their certain measure and course, and every time is enabled to his proper function, it is neither shame nor ill policy to expect those accidents and occasions to revenge, which a common weal may very well attend and tarry for: Not, rather it is infamous and meriteth imputation, to be carried with affection, and prefer the suggestion of disdain afore th'opportunity of the time, and in matters of state, it is no small slander, when rashness and indiscretion are accompanied with damage and general harms: Not man will say that for such reasons, we were moved to make an enterprise so rash, but all the world will judge that the desire to have Cremona hath pushed us forward, the same giving cause of question to every one, what is become of the ancient wisdom and gravity of this Senate: And justly may all the world marvel that we are fallen into the same rashness to be guides to the french king into Italy, into the which ourselves wondered so much that Lodowyk Sforce ran so far: Great is the profit of Cremona and the place very convenient for many respects: But we aught to consider whether it be not a greater loss to have a king of France Lord of the state of Milan, yea, we aught to consider whether our greatness and reputation be stronger in Italy, when of ourselves we are chiefest and most absolute there, or when there is in the heart of the same region a prince so mighty and so near our neighbour: we have occupied at other times with Lodowyk, both disagreements and friendships, as eftsoons may happen daily between him and us, neither is the difficulty of Pisa such but there may be applied some remedy, and much less doth it deserve that for it we make us subject to so great dangers: But having the french to our neighbours, we shallbe always traveled in discords, for that occasions will daily arise in the diversity of our own minds, in the haughty pride of the french nation, in the hatred wherein princes do always pursue common weals, and in the ambition which the most mighty have to oppress the most feeble and weak: for which regard, not only the respect of Cremona, can not allure me, but it doth even astonish me, for that in it is aggravated the occasion to the french king to vex us, which willbe so much the more set forward by those of Milan, by how much less they can suffer Cremona to be dismembered from the Duchy: And the same occasion will also stir up the jermain nation and the king of romans, for that Cremona and Guiaradadda be also members of the jurisdiction of the empire: At the lest our ambition would not be so much blamed, and we should not search with new conquests to get us every day new enemies, and to make us suspected to every one. By reason whereof it must needs come to pass in the end, that either we must be sovereign and masters over all, or scourged and beaten of all, & which of these two is soon to happen, it is easy to consider by such as take not pleasure to beguile themselves: The wisdom and gravity of this Senate by how much it is known and published throughout Italy and all the world, by so much more would the action be infamous and slanderous to defile our doings with a deliberation so rash and dangerous: seeing, to be carried with passion against our proper profit, is nothing else but lightness, and to esteem more dangers that be little than such as be great, can not but hold of folly and indiscretion: which two things being directly contrary to the wisdom and gravity of this Senate, I hope you will set down a resolution so moderate & well advised, as both your reputation shallbe preserved, and your custom not broken.  
This council, albeit was sustained with so many mighty reasons, and favoured of many of the principal and most wise of the Senate, was not for all that of such force, but that the contrary advise carried the resolution, aswell for respect of hatred, as for desire to bear rule, two things which lead men easily to dangerous deliberations: for, in the hatred which every one had conceived against Lodowyk, was neither measure nor limit, and no less was the desire to adjoin to the jurisdiction of Venice the city of Cremona with all the country about it, and all Guiaradadda: an enlardgement of no small value, for that it yielded yearly a revenue of a hundred thousand ducats: but more to be esteemed for his opportunity, for that embracing by this increasement almost all the river of Oglia, they stretched out their limits even to Paw: they amplified also their jurisdiction along the river of Adda, and approaching within fifteen miles of the city of Milan, and somewhat nearer the cities of Plaisance and Parma, it seemed in their conjectures that they had the way opened to occupy all the Duchy of Milan, as often as the French King was either carried with new thoughts, or troubled with great impediments on the other side the Mounts: which they hoped would happen within short time, both for the nature of the Frenchmen who are more apt to get then able to keep: & also for that their common weal is perpetual, where, in the kingdom of France, it often happeneth by the death of kings, that things divolue to alteration, and governments and counsels change. They brought also into consideration the difficulties of the french to continued the amities and goodwills of their subjects no less for the general diversity of blood, then for the difference of the french manners from the customs of Thitalians: So that that sentence eftsoons confirmed by the voices of the greatest number, they sent to their Ambassadors resident with the King to conclude the confederation upon the offers they made, not speaking in any respect of the affairs of Pisa.  
This exception of Pisa did not a little trouble the King, for that he hoped by th'opportunity of that deputation, to unite the Venetians and Florentines with him: And knowing that the Venetians were inclined to withdraw themselves by composition from the defence of Pisa, he held it but reasonable, that in that action they should rather have regard to him to make easy th'enterprise of Milan as a thing nourishing common benefit, to them both: then that having better conditions in the composition, to be the causers that the Florentines should remain joined with Lodowyk Sforce, by whose mean the king knowing that the Negociation continued at Ferrara, was in no little doubt, that he should not have on his side either the Florentines or the Venetians, if Lodowyk had power to bring the conference of Ferrara to a good conclusion. And so the king wavering in many varieties and fancies of mind, and judging that to be a resolution both vain & ill advised, which should leave in neutrality and doubt both the one and other common weal, and lastly being moved not a little with the distrust which they expressed to have against him: he began to incline rather to conclude the peace which continually was solicited with the king of Romans, bearing this condition, that it should be lawful to the one to make war upon Lodowyk Sforce, and to the other to vex the Venetians: In which disposition of mind, he made answer by the deputies which debated in his name with Thambassadors of Venice, that he refused to accord with them, if for their parts, they gave not perfection to the deputation of Pisa, wherein he had solicited them before: And in his own person he assured the Florentine Ambassadors that he would never make other agreement with the Venetians: But the Duke Valentinois and the Agents of the Pope with the Cardinal of. S. P. advincla, Tryvulce, and the other Italians, to whom appertained many particular respects and interests touching this war, would not suffer him to remain constant in that devise: They persuaded him with many and great reasons, that weighing with the power of the Venetians, the opportunities they had to annoyed the Duke of Milan, his majesty could not follow a council more hurtful then to suffer himself to be deprived of their aid and succours, for fear to lose the favour of the Florentines, from whom, by reason of their own troubles, and that they were far removed from the Duchy of Milan, could be drawn no great profit or commodity to his purposes: Besides, in that action, the occasion would be made easy to Lodowyk, not only to forsake the favours of the Florentines, but also in reconciling himself to the Venetians (a matter which had been the very spring and original of all the disagreements between him and that state) to be eftsoons reunited with them: by which alteration if there were no other mean to discern what difficulties and impediments might ensue to th'affairs of his majesty, at the lest, the experience of things paste gives sufficient warning of it: for that albeit in the league that was made against king Charles, the names of so many kings were concurrant, yet the only forces of the Venetians and Lodowyk, took from him Novare, and always defended the Duchy of Milan against him: They told him that it was a council dangerous and deceitful, to make a foundation upon the unity with Maximilyan: In whom the world had seen even till that day far greater attempts and dispositions to enterprises, than were his means and wisdom to colour them: But if his actions brought forth more happy success then in times past, it aught to be well considered, how evil would agreed with thintentions of the king, the augmentation of so great & perpetual an enemy to the Crown of France: with these reasons they so altered th'inclination of the king, & changed his former counsels, that, without speaking further of Pisa, he consented and concluded the confederation with the Venetians, wherein was agreed, that at the self same time that 
〈…〉 of the league between the french l●ng and the state of Venice.  his majesty with a mighty army should assail the Duchy of Milan, they for their parts, should do the like upon their frontiers: That the king having conquered the residue of the Duchy, Cremona with all Guiaradadda should be for the Venetians except four furlongs along the river of Adda: Lastly, that after the king had conquered the Duchy of Milan, the Venetians were bound to defend it for a certain time and with a certain proportion of horsemen and footmen, the king promising to do the like office for Cremona, & all the rest that they possessed in Lombary even unto the marshes of Venice: This confederation was so secretly contracted, that Lodowyk for many months could not understand, whether they had made between them a league only for their common defence as from the beginning had been published both in the french court and at Venice, or whether there was any article that touched him, or made mention to manage war against him: Such were the respects to keep the covenants of this league secret, that the Pope himself notwithstanding his strait familiarity with the king, could have no certain advertisement of them, but very late.  
The league thus concluded with the Venetians, the king (without speaking further of Pisa) propounded to the Florentines conditions much differing from the former: By which occasion, accompanied with the displeasures which the Venetians did to them, they were eftsoons and further constrained to make their stay upon the Duke of Milan, by whose aids as their affairs continually prospered in the country of Casentyn, so the enemies receiving many hurts by the soldiers and Paisants and suffering want of victuals and forage for their horses of service, were retired within Bybiena and other small places, forgetting a necessary diligence to command the straits of thApennine, to th'end the way of their succours might be kept open, and the mean more assured (upon the first necessity,) to abandon the country of Casentyn with less damage: By reason whereof Charles Vrsin was bestowed with his men at arms, and a hundred footmen, for the guard of the strait of Montalona, and a little more below, Aluiana defended the passage of La Vernia: But on the other side, Pawle Vitelly proceeding discreetly and substantially according to his custom, after he had so restrained them into straits and hard terms, laboured to compel them to abandon the country of Montalona with intention afterwards to drive such as kept the passage of La Vernia to do the like, to th'end that the regiment of the Venetians being wholly penned in Bybienna, and environed on all sides with enemies and hills, they might either be the easilier vanquished, or at lest, be driven to consume themselves: seeing their numbers were already much diminished, for that besides those that were stripped here and there, there were departed from the army at sundry times, both for want of victuals, and ill sueritie of their lodgings, more than fifteen hundred horsemen with many troops of footmen, who, being set upon in the passage of the Alps by the peasants, received great harms: In the end the consideration of these difficulties constrained Charles Vrsin with his regiment to abandon the strait of Montalona, not without danger to be put to the chasse, for that many of the Florentyn bands (to whom his distresses were known) and companies of Paisantes embracing the present occasion, set upon them on the way: yet the Vrsins, having already taken the advantage of the strait, albeit, they lost a great part of their baggage, performed notwithstanding such defence, that the companies that followed the chase in disorder, tasted of their valour: The example of Charles Vrsin (in regard of the same difficulties) was followed by those of La Venetian and Chiusa, who forsaking that passage, were retired to Bybienna, wherein were enclosed the Duke of Vrbyn, Aluyano, Astor Bayllon, P. Marcell superintendant to the Venetian companies, and julyan de Medicis, who were reserved for the guard of that place (their only fortress in the country Casentyn) with a strength of threescore horses and seven hundred footmen: In which distress they were nourished with no other comfort then a hope in the succours which the Venetians prepared, judging that for the regard of honour, but much more to have better conditions by agreement, it imported them much not to abandon wholly the enterprise of the country of Casentyn: And as for that cause, the Count Petillane mustered at Ravenna with great diligence the bands appointed for that rescue: whereunto he was solicited by the perpetual complaints of the Count of Vrbyn and the rest, who signifying that their misery & want of victuals had brought them to such estate of necessity, that without speedy succour they should be constrained to offer composition with the enemy: even so, of the contrary, the Duke of Milan and the Captains that were in the country of Cassentyn, nourished a special desire to prevent that succour by thexpugnation of Bybienna, demanding for that end to be sent four thousand footmen to join with the strength of the Campp: But their desire found many impediments, both for that in that country cold and full of hills, the nature of the time hindered much all actions and exercise of war, and also there was no frank readiness in the Florentines to furnish such provision, partly being overwearied with the long and intolerable expenses growing daily to increase and renovation: And partly for that in the city (not in great stability and quiet) was disclosed a new dissension, some of the citizens favouring Pawle Vitelly for his late merits in the war, and others desiring to raise the Count Rinucce for that he had been an ancient and faithful Capteyne to their common weal, and had parentage of great authority within Florence: he lost the hope to manage the first place or dignity in their service, by his misfortune at. S. Real, and very unwillingly did he endure to have that degree of reputation transferred to Pawle Vitelly: And therefore leading his regiment in the country Cassentyn, he expressed no disposition nor readiness to advance th'enterprises, by the which might grow increase of reputation to him whom he had desire to embase: These difficulties also become the greater by the natural property of Pawle, who seeking to have his pays before the time, could not agreed with the Florentyne Commissioners, and who oftentimes in the deliberation and expedition of affairs, possessed himself of more authority than seemed reasonable, and had even at that time without the privity of the superintendents, given to the Count Vrbyn being sick, safe-conduct to repass in surety out of the country Casentyn: under the warrant of which safeconduit, julyan de Medicis was also gone with him, to the special displeasure of the Florentines, who occupied this reason, that if they had made difficulty to suffer the Count Vrbyn to pass, his desire to go to recover his health in his own dominions, would have constrained him to agreed to the delivery of the bands that were within Bybienna: but much more did they complain that julyan de Medicis should communicate in such a liberal favour, expressing a foretime manifest actions of rebellion, and even then was in arms against his country: Those differences hindered much that at Florence they neither believed counsels, nor agreed to the demands of Pawle Vitelly, but much more did they prove impediments to the proceedings of the war which was not continued with his reputation towards the people, for that not only many executions of importance were performed more by the Paisants then by the Soldiers, but also, considering the great opinion they had of his valour, they promised to themselves with a quicker expedition, the victory of the enemies: wherein perhaps (according to the nature and judgement of peoples) they attributed to want of will, that which with more equity they might have referred to want of power, having regard to the sharpness of the time, and want of things necessary: By these occasions (hurtful to their affairs) and the strength of the four thousand footmen being too slow in coming, the Count Pettillano had leisure enough to come to the borough of Elcy appertaining to the Duke of Vrbyn, and very near the limits of the Florentines: A place where were before, Charles Vrsin and Peter de Medicis, and where were assembled all the bands to pass Thappenyn, whose strength and order (as best agreeable to that country desert and rude) stood more upon footmen than horsemen, and the most part of them armed after the light horsemen: This was the last strength which the Venetians made in the country Casentyn, and to break it, Pawle Vitelly leaving about Bybienna a certain form of a siege and sufficient guard in the straits and passages most necessary, marched with the residue of his army to the strait of▪ S. Stephen, (a town of the Florentines seated at the foot of the Alps) to withstand the enemies descending from the hills: But as in matters of danger, discretion and council are remedies no less assured than courage and execution: So, the Count Pettillano, having before him, the Alps loaden with snows, and at the foot of the Alps so great an impediment, together with the strait passages very troublesome to pass even when the season is fair: was content to forbear to descend or pass, notwithstanding with great complaints he was persuaded to it by the Senate of Venice, perhaps more vehement to push him forward, then able to foresee the perils: But albeit they propounded to him divers plots and means to retire Pawle from whence he was, & that already in Valdibagna was done some enterprise of vexation upon the Pieces of the Florentines, yet he stood resolute in his determination, and would not stir in any sort.  
But by how much more coldly the war proceeded, by so much more hotly were 
The Duke of Milan made astonished with the league, sol●●●teth an accord between the Venetians and the Florentines.  recontinued the solicitations and practices of accord, equally desired of both the one and other party for divers regards, and no less followed and solicited by the Duke of Milan: the reason & reapport of the league made between the french king and the Venetians, made him somewhat amazed, and with all drew him to dispositions of hope, that the accord being made, the Venetians would have less desire to the passage of the french, persuading himself also, that at the lest, (contenting themselves in that regard with his good will and with his works) they would be somewhat appeased, and cut of the rigour of their indignation conceived against him: Therefore interposing amongst them a mean by Hercules D'este his father in law, he constrained the Florentines to condescend somewhat to the desire of the Venetians, not so much with authority (for they seeing into his intentions, began to hold him for suspected) as with letting them know, that if thagreement went not forward, his necessities would compel him, for the fear he had of the french king, to turn to their disfavour, and to take from them either all his men of war, or at lest the best part of his trained bands: The matter was debated many months at Ferrara where, after many difficulties disputed, Hercules was required by the Venetians, to come in person to Venice for the more facility of th'expedition, whereunto he made some resistance: but much more the Florentines, for that they knew that the Venetians desired that a compromise might be made in the person of the Duke of Ferrara, against the which they stood, & were very far of: But such were th'importunities of Lodowyk Sforce, that at last he consented to go thither, & the Florentines to send with him john Baptista Rodolpho, & Pawle Anthony Sodoryn, two of the chiefest and wisest citizens of their common weal. The first thing that was disputed upon at Venice, was to know if Hercules as Arbitrator would put an end to the controversy, or as a friend indifferent, would labour to bring them to accord, interposing, between the parties according to their order of proceeding at Ferrara, where they were notfarre of from resolving the articles most principal and importing: The Florentines desired that the custom begun should be observed, knowing that Hercules, in as much as might depend upon his arbittrement, would hold more account of the greatness of the Venetians, then of them, and pronouncing the sentence at Venice, he should be so much the more compelled to bear respect to the Venetians: And yet though he would do nothing of himself, they were assured the Duke of Milan would induce him, for that he desired greatly to make known to the Venetians that he had served their turn in that action: And albeit many difficulties were almost resolved at Ferrara: yet both in their last perfection, and in many perticularities, the power of the arbitrator was not little, who, notwithstanding the compromise would yet have a liberty to departed from that which was first debated: On the other side, the Venetians were at a point, if the compromise went not forward, to pass no further, not so much for that they were promised more in the Arbitrator than the Florentines, as for that there were risen amongst them many contrarieties & objections touching the present matter: for, albeit the greatest part of them were weary with the intolerable expenses that increased daily with a very small hope of profit, which not a little advanced their dispositions to agreement: yet were there many even in the Senate, who for their experience not so well stayed as the rest, & for their motions of youth, more forward then would council or reason, would not consent to agreement, unless the liberty of the Pisans were wholly preserved, or at lest unless that part of the country remained still to them which they possessed when they took them into their protection: To which opinion they joined many reasons, but chief they urged a promise ratified by decree public to the Pisans to protect their liberty, which they could not break without apparent blemish to their common honours, and perpetual stain to the reputation of their common weal: Some others made easy touching all other articles, were immoderate in the quantity of expenses, which they required to be repaid by the Florentines in abandoning of Pisa: A request which they commended to be very reasonable, for that it was no less just for the Florentines to make recompense of the charges, then for the Pisans to make restitution of that they held in possession: But the chief wisdom and authority of the Senate, had a council contrary: who, sounding more deeply the estate of things, preferred still with many importunities the consideration of the great charges, wherein as good stewards of the treasures of their common weal, it was a just office in them all, to be careful and circumspect: They saw nothing but despair in the defence of Bybienna, and less possibility to sustain any longer the general quarrel of Pisa, without increase of new troubles and charges, for the many difficulties that still appeared aswell in succouring them, as to divert and draw away the forces of thenemies the Flerentyns having objected impediments far above their espectation in the beginning: Besides, they considered that albeit th'enterprise against the Duke of Milan might be supposed easy, yet the french king, being not pacified with the king of Romans, & standing subject to divers impediments ordinarily happening at home, might by many adventures be hindered & made slow to prosecute the wa●●e: And though he should put it to action, yet in the business of war, many dangers unlooked for & difficulties no less intricat, may chance daily either to the utter disappointing of his purposes, or at lest to altar his disposition: But above all, trembling at the great preparations which was said Bajazet Ottoman made both by sea and land to invade those parts towards Grece, their resolution was, (seeing their necessity was more mighty than their inclination) that it was both just, reasonable, and necessary, rather to consent that honesty in some part should give place to utility, then, in standing obstinately upon their promise and faith given, to persever and nourish as it were a perpetual interest in troubles, charges, and perplexities: And because they were well assured that these conclusions would be hardly consented to in their councils, (albeit they knew from the beginning that of necessity they must be allowed) they had (whilst the negotiation was at Ferrara) wisely procured, that by the council of the Pregati should be given fullness of authority touching th'affairs of Pisa, and the resolution of th'accord, to the council of the Dieci, which is a council compounded of a lessor number, none being called unto it but such as be of greatest gravity & authority which contained the most part of those that most desired th'accord: But now the solicitation continuing at Venice, and being in no trust to be able to dispose the council of the Pregati to consent to the articles which had been debated at Ferrara, and knowing withal, that if only the council of the Dieci condescended to them, there might rise occasions to charge those that assisted it: they solicited that the compromise might be made, hoping that touching the judgement that might come of it, men would rather transfer thimptuation to the Arbitrator then to them, and that more easily would that be ratified which had been already published in sentence, than that which should be consented unto with the party entreating by way of accord: So that after those things had been debated for certain days, (the Duke of Milan threatening the Florentines refusing to compromit to withdraw immediately all his companies out of Tuscan) there was a free and absolute compromise for eight days in the person of Hercules Duke of Ferrara, who, after he had well considered of all things, pronounced the sixth day of April, that within eight days next following the Venetians and Florentines should cease to offend one an other, and that by the next Saint Marks tide all the bands, succours, and aids of either parties, should retire and return into their countries, that the Venetians at the same time should make issue out of Pisa and all the places thereabouts all their regiments of Soldiers, which they entertained there: That they should abandon Bybyenna with all other pieces taken upon the Florentines, & they to pardon to those of Bybienna all their faltes & trespasses: That for the recompense of all charges (which the Venetians assured to amount to eight hundred thousand ducats) the Florentines should be bound to repay them in. xii. years, xv. thousand ducats by the year: That all offences should be pardoned to the Pisas', to whom should be suffered to exercise by sea & land all sorts of sciences & merchandise, & to remein in their guard, all the fortresses of Pisa & other those places which were held by them the day of the sentence: but under this charge, that if they bestowed Garrisons of the countrymen or others, that they should not be persons suspected to the Florentines, and that they should be paid of the revenues which the Florentines should collect of Pisa, increasing neither the numbers of men, nor the pays accustomed afore the rebellion: That if the Pisans thought good, they might deface & dismantle all those citadels & fortresses of the proper country of Pisa, which had been recovered by the Florentines for the time the Venetians held them in their protection: That within Pisa the first instances of causes civil should be judged by a Podestat stranger chosen by the Pisans of a place not suspected by the Florentines, that the captain chosen by the Florentines should not meddle but with causes of appellation, & have no power to proceed in any case criminal concerning blood, banishment, or confiscation without the council of a superintendant to be chosen by Hercules or his successors, & of five Doctors of law which the Pisans should name to him: That the goods movable & unmovable occupied by the one & other party, should be restored to whom they appertained, not making restitution of the fruits, of the which every one was absolved: That in all other things, they should suffer the Florentines to enjoy fully their rights in Pisa & the territory, forbidding, the Pisans, that neither for the regard of the Citadels & fortresses, nor for other cause what so ever, they should practise or conspire any thing against the common weal of Florence: This sentence was no sooner published at Venice, but there were heard thorough the city great complaints even of the nobility, against the Duke of Ferrara & those special Senators which had managed the whole action: The most of them, construing to great blame that faith should be broken to the Pisans with so many infamies to the majesty of the common weal, complained vehemently, that the article touching the expenses of the war was passed over with so light consideration: The discourse of this agreement inflamed not a little Thambassadors of the Pisans, who, being before the sentence cunningly entertained by the Venetians in many promises & hopes, that undoubtedly they should remain in full liberty, & that not only the residue of the country should be adjudged to them, but haply also the port of Livorne, made the resolution so much the more grievous to them, by how much the effects felout contrary to the persuasions wherein they had been nourished: In so much as they began with public cries to appeal to the equity of the Senate, to whom they complained, that the promises to protect their liberty so oftentimes reiterated by the Senate, under th'assurance of whose faith they had not only rejected thamities of all other Potentates, but also refused far better conditions offered by the Florentines, were unworthily defiled & broken, their security being not provided for but with vain appearances: for, what degree of safety was that, or how could they be assured that the Florentines re-establishing their magistrates within Pisa & their merchants & subjects returning to traffic there, & on the other side their Paisants, who had served as a principal member in the defence of the city, retiring to their houses & farms would not bring under their jurisdiction by some property of fraud, the whole government of their town? having withal so many opportunities but chief the guard & commandment of the gates: And how could there but lurk intention of infidelity under that surety, where we holding the fortresses, & such as were appointed to the guard of them, were to be paid by the Florentines, & not to be lawful in a time so doubtful, to bestow a stronger guard them had been accustomed in seasons peaceable & assured: The pardon for the trespasses committed, was likewise a thing vain, seeing the Florentines had good mean to destroy them by ways judicial & by judgements: for that the merchandises & other goods as had been made pillage in the time of rebellion amounted to such a value, that in recompense they would not only dispose & confiske our substances, but also in such a revengeful authority our persons should not be assured from imprisomment: But to cut of the importunity of these complaints, the principals of the Senate brought to pass the day, following (although the term of the compromise was expired) that Hercules, (to whom the general indignation of the city brought not a little fear) added to the sentence published, a declaration without the knowledge & privity of the Florentines: that under the name of fortresses, was comprehended & meant the gates of the town of Pisa, with other pieces that had fortresses, for whose guard, & interteinmentes of the podestat & superintendant, should be assigned to the Pisans a certain part of the revenues of Pisa. And that the places not suspected, whereof mention was made in the sentence, & from whence they might draw soldiers, should be thestate of the church, of Mantua, of Ferrara, & of Bologna, not comprehending therein soldiers of other places: That touching restitution of goods, there should never be speech of it: That it should be in the power of the Pisans, to name the superintendant, borne in any place not suspected: That the captain should not proceed in any cause cryminal, (how little so ever it were) without the superintendant: That the Pisans should be well entreated of the Florentines according to the custom of other noble cities of Italy, and that there should not be imposed upon them any new charges.  
This declaration was not solicited for any desire the Venetians had that it should be observed, but somewhat to qualify the just importunities of the Pisan Ambassadors, & so to justify themselves to the council of the Pregati, that if the liberty of the Pisans were not altogether obtained, at the lest they had so well provided for their surety and commodity, that they could not be charged to have passed them over as a pray, or jest them abandoned: So that in this council of the Pregati, after much discourse of disputation & reasoning, at last what with the consideration of the conditions of times, & the difficulties to maintain Pisa, but specially for fear of the Turks armies, it was resolved, that the sentence should not be ratified, with an express consent, but that things which were of greatest importance should be put in execution, making to cease within viii. days all offences, & drawing all their bands out of Tuscan at the time determined, with intention to meddle no more with the quarrel: yea many of the Senators begun to desire, that the Florentines should rather recover Pisa, then that it should fall into the power of the Duke of Milan. At Florence, after the tenor of the sentence was communicated to the city, most of the multitude began to murmur in their minds, & not only held themselves oppressed in this, that they must make repayment of thexpenses of the war to those who had unjustly vexed them: but much more for that it seemed to them they had obtained no other thing but the naked and simple name of Lords, seeing, both the fortresses were in the guard of the Pisans, and thadministration of cryminal justice (one of the principal members to preserve estates) could not have his course without their Magistrates: Nevertheless, the same protestations of the Duke of Milan which had induced them to compromit, constrained them to ratify it, and hoping withal that within a little time, by industry and good behaviour to the Pisans, they might redress things in a better form: they ratified by name the sentence published, but not the additions & declarations which were not yet come to their knowledge.  
But far greater were thindignations and doubts of the Pisans, who moved not a little against the name of the Venetians, and jealous of some greater deceit, assoon as they understood the reapport of the sentence, discharged their soldiers from the guard of the fortresses & the gates: And not suffering them any more to lodge in the city, they stood many days in great variation and doubt, whether they should accept the conditions of the sentence or not: On thoneside, fear, being the instrument of compulsion, overruled their wills, standing now abandoned of all comfort and council: And on the other side, the general hate they bore to the Florentines, made their passions redouble and kept them resolute: But much more did retain their inclination to constancy, their desperate expectation to obtain pardon for their heavy & infinite transgressions, whose quality they held so much the more great and intolerable, by how much they had put the state of Florence to infinite expenses and harms, & many times had brought into terms dangerous, even their proper liberty: In these doubts & diversities of minds, the Duke of Milan counseled them to give place, offering that he would work so much with the Florentines that the conditions of the sentence should be more in their favours & to their advantages: yet, they, to make trial if he remeined still possessed with his ancient covetousness, determining in this case to give themselves wholly to him, they sent to him Ambassadors: But at last (such are the destinies of minds drawn & divided) after many thoughts & variations, they determined rather to make trial of all extremities, them to return under the yoke of the Florentines, whereunto as the Pisans had secret incitation to by the Genoese, Lucquoys, & Pandolffe Petrucci: So also it was not doubted of the Florentines but that the Duke of Milan (the truth being otherways) had encouraged them to that obstinate resolution, so little expectation is there of sincerity and faithful actions in that man, whom the world hath taken into opinion to be double and subtle.  
Thus the Florentines, being out of hope to reconcile Pisa by accord, thought they 
The Pissns not keeping 〈…〉 rd are besieged by the Flor●tins.  had a great occasion to vanquish & force the city: And therefore, causing Pawle vitelli to return eftsoons into that country, they levied with ready diligence the provisions demanded by him: But whilst that strength was assembled & in preparing to action, the dangers of Lodowyk Sforce increased wonderfully for that his interposition into th'accord had in no sort appeased the minds of the Venetians, who, for hate to the man, & hope of their profit, were wholly in desire to conspire his ruin: To these distresses of Lodowyk, was joined this further adversity, that Maxymylian was nothing so ready to make war on the french king, as he was importunate in continual demands of money of Lodowyk: yea, contrary to his many promises, he prolonged the truss for the whole month of August next, taking from him at one time the hope that he had that his succours would stand him in more stead, than had done his council to divert the war: Maxymylian also, being united with the league of Sweaden, began war upon the swissers declared rebels of the Empire for many controversies between them: which war continuing on both sides in great fury, with sundry accidents and fortunes on both parts: Lodowyk began to assure himself, that in no necessity, he could hope for succours from Maxymylian, until that war against the swissers, took end either by victory, or composition: And yet Maxymylian, promising him that he would never accord with the french king or with the swissers, without comprehending him in it, Lodowyk was still constrained to refurnish thexpensesexpenses of that war, & to entertain Themperors prodigalities with new supplies of money. This occasion was not unknown to the new king of France, who, considering how much it imported him, to have the Pope & the Venetians for him, esteemed little the persuasions of many of his council, that in regard he was newly ascended to the Crown, and his treasures very ill furnished, he might put of the war till the year following: But the king framing his hopes according to the importunities of his desire, imagined a possibility to obtain the victory in few months: And therefore casting in his conjecture that in such a shortness of time, the service could not suffer great necessities of money, entered into open preparation for the war always furnishing the swissers afore hand with some proportion of money, to th'end to keep Maximilian in business: for which cause the Duke of Milan, discerning such manifest tokens of the war, laboured with a wonderful diligence and care not to be alone in so great dangers: wherein having an absolute distrust in all possibilities and means of accord or reconciliation with the Venetians, & finding in the king of Spain an inclination suspicious, & (notwithstanding his many solicitations) a careless remembrance of his perils: he turned his eyes to the contemplation of other helps, and founding in one instant the wills almost of all other Potentates, he sent Galeas Viscomte to Maxymylian and the swissers to negotiate an agreement between them: And as adversity is mighty to make men search th'operation of all counsels: So, Lodowyk knowing, that according to the Pope's desire, the marriage of Charlotta with his son Caesar Vorgia, could not well succeed, for that the young Lady either moved with the love and authority of her house and parents, or else governed by the persuasions of the french king (in whom notwithstanding were expressed many fair appearances to the contrary) refused with great constancy & resolution of mind, to make him her husband, if with all he put not an end to the affairs of Federyk her father, who offered to the french king yearly tribute with very large conditions: Lodowyk labouring upon these occasions, had hope, to alien and estrange him from the favours he bore to th'enterprises of France, soliciting him with many importunities to draw him into consederation with him, wherein he promised th'association of king Federyk and the Florentines, with many fair offers that aswell he as the confederates, would contribute with him in a common succour against the Viccaires of the church, & endue him beside with a great quantity of money to purchase some honourable estate for his son: These offers, as the Pope at the first motion seemed to hear them with a dissembled ear, so, in the end he was content to give them leave to vanish and become merely vain: for, hoping to receive by the society and favours of the french king, benefits and far greater liberalities, than those which he looked to obtain if Italy were not filled full of the foreign armies of France: he consented that his son excluded already from the marriage of Charlotte, should take one of the daughters of the Lord Albrett, who, for his affinity with the blood royal, and for the greatness of his estates and livings, was one of the greatest in all the kingdom of France: But Lodowyk to whom appeared daily more tokens and testimonies of the evil inclination of the Venetians, ceased not by express solicitors (but in secret manner, king Federyk concurring in the same action) to stir up against them the Prince of the Turks, hoping that being assailed and vexed by him, they would have no opportunity to molest the state of Milan: And being with all well advertised of the preparations which the Florentines made to have Pisa, he laboured, under offers of all sorts of succours to them, to bind them to his defence with three hundred men at arms & two thousand footmen after they had recovered Pisa: On the other side, the french king required importunately their promise to refurnish him for one year with five hundred men at arms: And for recompense he offered to bind himself, assoon as he had accomplished the conquest of Milan, to minister to them for one whole year the succours of a thousand Lances, for th'advancement of their enterprises, with promise that he would make no accord with Lodowyk, if not at the same time they were not repossessed of Pisa, & their other places withholden beside, he would bring to pass that the Pope and the Venetians should join to their protection, if (afore the conquest of Milan) they fell into any necessity of defence: for which demands so contrary & full of variety, the Florentines stood wavering in their resolution, no less for the difficulty of the matter then for their division of minds: for, Lodowyk requiring their aid (but in case that they recovered Pisa,) the succours that he promised were far more present and certain, than the helps promised by the french king, in whom they judged little opportunity of action to the aid of Pisa, for that, being abandoned of every one, they determined to have it that summer: Besides, many were moved with the memory that the Venetians were confederate with the french king against Lodowyk, for that he had ministered to them in their perils: But much more moved them the fear of despite, lest in refusing to gratify his demands, he would not hinder them to get Pisa, a thing which he might easily do: And of the contrary, looking into their own infirmities, and seeing no possibility of power to resist the french king & the Venetians, it seemed a council dangerous to make themselves enemies with a king whose armies they expected within few months to run over all Italy: And the memory of the favours received of Lodowyk in the war against the Venetians (to the which they referred the original of all their dangers) was easily defaced by this consideration, that the rebellion of Pisa was first kindled by his means: And that nourishing always ambitious desires to aspire to the jurisdiction of it, he had sustained them, and for many months, joined the supportation of others, conspiring in those times many other wrongs and injuries against the Florentines: So that, they referred more imputation to his offences, than benefit by his favours, which yet he did not communicate in liberality and frankness, but by the impatience & intolleration he had that the Venetians should not take from him that which with hope and ambition he had long since judged to be duly appertaining to him: they fell at last into this last doubt, that if they declared themselves for Lodowyk, the french king advancing the means and opportunities he had by the Pope and Venetians, might many ways hinder them in the recovering of Pisa: In so much, as conferring the nature of the perils on both sides, with their condition present, they determined in the end, not to stir either in the favour of the french, or the Duke of Milan, but to apply the time to thadvancing of the enterprise of Pisa, wherein they reapposed nothing in fortune nor foreign aids, but judged their proper strength able & sufficient, not forgetting for all that, to entertain Lodowyk with shows & shadows & near tokens of hope, lest he should take occasion to object impediments, dallying with him in those deceits which to their hurts, they had oftentimes experienced in him: Therefore after they had for many days made delays in answering, they dispatched at last a secretary public to give him understanding, that th'intention of the common weal was conformable to his desires as touching th'effect, but concerning the manner there was some difference: for that as they had made a full resolution, that assoon as Pisa was recovered, he should not fail of the succours he had demanded: so they desired him to consider how perilous it was to contract their promise under express covenant, for that in free cities, such things being not to be dispatched without the consent of many, there was no possibility to hold them secret, and being disclosed, they would give occasion to the french king to draw the Pope and the Venetians to readminister succours to Pisa: by which it would come to pass that their promise would bring harm to themselves, and prove unprofitable to him, for that Pisa being not taken, neither should they be bound to him, neither were they able to help him: for these reasons they said and esteemed that faith and promise might suffice given in words with the consent of the chief citizens, upon whose authority all their public deliberations depended: That for other occasion they refused not to covenant with him by writing, but offered him for end for better declaration of their will and intention, that if he knew any other mean whereby his desire might be satisfied, and so great damages annoyed, they would be as ready to execute it in deed as they required him to hold them assured in good will and affection towards him: By which answer subtle and full of art, and for that also they did not accept the offers of his succours, Lodowyk saw there was no hope left to have bands of soldiers from them, and less expectation of succours from other parts: for that the comforts promised so continually by the king of Romans proved very uncertain, no less by his natural inconstancy, then for th'impediment of his wars with the Swissers: And for Federyk, where he promised to send him a strength of four hundred men at arms and five thousand footmen under the leading of Prospero Collonne, he doubted not so much of his will (for the defence of the Duchy of Milan turned to his profit) as of his disability and delays: And Hercules, his father in law (reproaching almost the ancient injuries done by him in the composition of Polesma) answered him with excuses, & that it brought no small grief to him to be restrained to secure his distress, for that the lands of the Venetians joining so near to the gates of Ferrara, he was constrained to be careful over the surety of his own estate.  
Lodowyk thus made naked of all foreign hopes, and driven altogether to reappose 
Lodowyk strengtheneth himself against the king.  in his strength and comforts at home: began carefully to fortify avon, Novare, and Alexandria de la Paille, towns standing in the mouth of the first perils and invasions of the french: his resolution was to sand out against the fury of the french army, Galeas de. S. Severyn with the greatest part of his strength, and to oppose the residue against the Venetians, under the government of the Marquis of Mantua, notwithstanding a little after, either by indiscretion or by covetousness, or for that there is no power to resist the counsels of God, he become estranged from the Marquis: for that falling into this vain persuasion, that the Venetians (against whom the Turk had opened the war aswell by land as by sea with a wondered preparation) would have no opportunity to molest him, being constrained to defend their own estates against so strong an enemy: And desiring withal to satisfy a particular humour in Galeas. S. Severyn, whose ambition could not brook that the Marquis should enjoy a title more honourable than he, he began to make difficulties, as refusing to pay him a certain remainder of old pays, and required of him oaths and cawtions not accustomed for th'assurance of his faith: And also notwithstanding that, afterwards being advertised that the Venetians dispatched many bands of men into Bresse, to be ready to enter into the war at the same time that the french should begin it, he sought by the mean of the Duke of Ferrara his father in law, to reconcile him to him, yet the difficulties could not so soon be resolved, as the dangers appeared, growing daily both more great and terrible: for the Duke of Savoy, being eftsoons conjoined with the king, set at liberty all opportunities and passages for his bands to march continually thorough Piedmont, and to be bestowed about the confines of Ast: And to the hopes of Lodowyk appeared daily tokens of declination, for that king Federyk, either by disability or by negligence, was slow to minister to his perils: And that small remainder of hope which he entertained as his chiefest comfort, that the Florentines having once gotten Pisa, would send to his succours Paul Vitelly (whose valour held great reputation in all the parts of Italy) was cut from him by the diligence of the french king, who, debating with their Ambassadors with words sharp and full of threatenings, wrought so much with their common weal that they made him secret promise by writing to minister no aid at all to the Duke of Milan, a promise, for the which they received in recompense no covenant or grant of him: Lodowyk, leaving the Count Caiazze on that side to the Venetians with a very small company not sufficient to any great resistance, sent Galeas de. S. Severyn beyond the river of Paw, with an army of a thousand six hundred men at arms, a thousand five hundred light horsemen, ten thousand footmen Italians, and five hundred footmen Allemains, but more with intention to defend his places, then to resist in the plain field: for that he esteemed it most to his profit to entertain and hold things in delay, chief for that he had daily expectation of the conclusion of an accord solicited in his name by the Viscount, between Maximilian, and the swissers: which if it were accomplished, he was fed with many promises of mighty succours, which other ways he could not only not hope for, but it was very hard for him to draw any proportions of footmen from those quarters, for that by the troubles that were thereabout, all the country was almost kept traveled in that war.  
Touching the wars of Milan, there was performed neither of the one nor other part, any exploit of war, other then certain light incursions, until the regiments of the Lord de Ligny, Eberard, Aubigny, & Tryvulce, were passed the mounts: for that, albeit the king was come to Lion, and the bruit ran that he would pass 
The french king descendeth into Italy.  into Italy in season convenient, yet he referred things to direction, appointing the march of the army to be governed by his Captains: The strength of the french army was a thousand six hundred Lances, five thousand swissers, four thousand gascoins, and four thousand of other natures of soldiers in France: with whom, assoon as they were drawn into an army accomplished and bestowed under their several Guidens and leadors, the Captains erected a Camp, and the thirteenth of August, planted it afore the Rock Arazze, situate upon the shore of the river Tanare: And albeit, it was guarded with a strength of five hundred footmen, yet was it taken within a very short time, the fury of the Artillery being the 
The frenchmen take divers pieces in the Duchy of Milan.  cause, and no less the cowardice of the Garrison that were within: from thence they drew their Campp to avon, a little village along the high way to Ast & Alexandria, upon the banks of Tanara and right over against Arazze: And being strong by the property of his situation, the Duke of Milan had eftsoons fortified it certain months before: And albeit Galeas. S. Severyn who with his army had taken the field near Alexandria, was well advertised of the loss of Arazze, and had determined to send to the succours of the other bands of footmen better resolved, for that the seven hundred bestowed there first, were of the new levies and not trained to the war: yet he could not put his devise in execution, for that the Frenchmen, to cut of all recourse of succours thither, had manned Sillizana which is between Alexandria and avon, and that by the sufferance and consent of the Marquis of Mont Ferat Lord of the place: In so much, that they that were within avon expressing in action and experience no better proof of their valours, than answered th'expectation and opinion of most men, fell into the danger of the french, who, after they had first battered the Suburbs, and afterwards shaked the walls of the town in four several quarters, they enforced it in two days and likewise the Castle, making slaughter of all the footmen that were thither withdrawn: The success of which enterprises whose fury vanquished all resistance, and the sodeines overcame all opinion and expectation, brought such astonishment to Galeas. S. Severyn, that he retired with all his army into Alexandria coollouring his fear with an excuse, that both in his soldiers wanted valour, and in the people was little faith towards Lodowyk: which timorous resolution staying not a little the reputation of a general, gave occasion of greater courage to the french, who drew their Camp within four miles of Alexandria, and at the same season took Valence plentifully stored with Artillery and soldiers, and that by the treason of Donat Raffaguin of Milan, at that time captain of the Castle corrupted by the promises of Tryvulce: This captain let them into the town by the Castle, beheld with his eyes all the soldiers that were within either slain or taken, & Octavyan bastard brother to. S. Severyn made prisoner: so busy is the humour of treason that in whom it aboundeth, it rageth without respect to time, person, or the self party in whom it worketh: for, this captain twenty years before falsifying his faith to Madame Bonne and the young Duke john Galeas, delivered up to Lodowyk Sforce one of the Ports of Tortona, the self same day that he put the frenchmen into Valence: Thus fortune following the victors, and the victors applying to the favour and opportunity of the time, the frenchmen as a violent thunder running over the whole country Basigniana, Voguera, Newcastle, and Pont Corona, yielded to them without resistance, as also the Castle and town of Tortona, from whence, Anthonio Maria Paluoisui governing the Garrison there, retired beyond the River of Paw without tarrying for any assault: The advertisement of these accidents being come to Milan, Lodowyk Sforce, seeing afore his eyes nothing but a lamentable face of all extremities, & that his estate hastened with a violent swiftness to his ruin, become confused (as happeneth in sudden extremities) both in council and courage, and had recourse to those remedies, wherein (men being accustomed to run to them when things be so far afflicted, that they be almost brought to the last despair) they declare to every one rather the greatness of the danger wherein they are, then that they receive profit or comfort by them: he caused to mooster and enrol all the men of the town of Milan 
Lodowyk mustereth all th'inhabitants of Milan, and laboureth 〈…〉 the people.  that were able to bear arms, and causing to assemble the people, which hated him not a little for the many exactions he had imposed upon them, he acquitted them of one part of the tributes and impositions whereunto they were bound, using persuasions accompanied with words and gestures pitiful, that if they thought he had at any time too heavily burdened them, that they would not ascribe it to his disposition and nature, nor to any desire to heap to himself a particular treasure, but rather to the estate of the times, and dangerous conditions of Italy, no less for the greatness of the Venetians, then for the descending of the late king Charles of France, matters for their importance very jealous, and for which, his particular interest constrained him to those actions, to th'end to be the better able to protect the peace and surety of that state against all oppressions and invasions, judging that he could not show a greater affection to his country and his people, then to foresee that they should not be traveled with wars: That the fruits which they had reaped made good testimony of thinestimable profits they had gathered by such a policy and council, seeing they had lived many years under him in great tranquillity, and by that benefit their city raised into a wonderful estate and majesty of riches, reputation, and glory, as was well expressed in the aspect of so many pomps, glories, and honours, with the multiplication almost of infinite sciences and inhabitants: benefits, wherein the town & Duchy of Milan, doth not only not give place, but doth exceed all other Climates and regions of Italy: That they should remember, that he had governed them without blood and cruelty, and with what affability and readiness he had hard every one, and that he only (above all the Princes of his time) without bearing respect to the pains and travels of his person, observed the days appointed for public audiences, and always had given to every one a ready expedition and upright justice: That they should bear respect and remembrance to the merits and gracious behaviours of his father, who had governed them rather in an affection of children, then in the property and condition of subjects, and withal to set before their eyes how hard & grievous it would be for them to bear the proud and insolent yoke of the french, who, for the neighbourhead and nearness of the realm of France (if they once came to command over thestate of Milan) would plant there their perpetual dwelling, and chasse out the ancient inhabitants, an impiety which heretofore they had exercised upon all Lombardy: To these reasons he added the consideration of the barbarous manners of the french nation, and to join all together with minds resolute for the defence of their country and proper safety, not doubting but if their resistance vanquished the first brunt of dangers (which like a storm would be violent and but short) but the residue of the action would be easy, for that this was a property infallible in the french nature, to be more furious to assail, then constant to continued, and for that also he had in expectation a speedy and mighty succour from the king of Romans, who, being already compounded with the swissers, prepared to rescue him in person, like as also the regiments which the king of Naples sent to him under the leading of Prospero Colonne, were on the way, and did march: Lastly he made them believe that the Marquis of Mantua (all the controversies between them being now resolved) was already armed, & with three hundred men at arms entered the country of Cremona: to which succours and forces, if he might adjoin the readiness and faith of his people, he made himself assured against his enemies, yea if their army contained all the power of France. These persuasions were heard with more diligence than profit, & served him to as little purpose, as the forces which he opposed against the french: for fear of whom weighing lightly the present danger of the Venetians, who had begun the war in Guiaradadda, and taken the town of Caravage with other pieces near the river of Adda, he called back the Count Caiazze with the most part of those bands which he had sent for the defence of that quarter, and caused him to march to Pavya to join with Galeas for the defence of Alexandria: But, as such as have their destruction determined, are seen to decline by degrees, so his ruin was advanced on all sidea: for, the Count Catazze, was a little before at a secret accord with the french king, being more carried with disdain that Galeas his brother, younger in years, and 
The Count Caiazze leaveth the Duke of Milan.  of less exercise and experience in arms was preferred before him in the government of the army, and in all other honours and favours then with the memory of the innumerable benefits which he and his brethren had received of Lodowyk: Some are of opinion, that Lodowyk was advertised of his revolting certain months before, and after many deep cogitations of the disposition of the man, he answered at last with many sighs to him that gave him thadvertisement, that as he could not be persuaded of so great an ingratitude, so, if it were a thing true, it was an evil whose nature resisted all remedies, and for his part, he knew not in whom to reappose confidence, since in his favourits, and familiars, & such as had most communicated with his liberalities & benefits, were found dispositions of treason: Affirming (with compassion bringing tears) that he esteemed it not a calamity less hurtful to deprive himself by a vain suspicion of the service of personages faithful, then by too hasty & light credulity, to reappose his surety in the faith of those whose behaviours gave occasion to doubt them: But in the mean while, the Count Caiazze makes a bridge over Po to join with his brother, & entertaining with cunning delays th execucion, whilst the bridge is in work and labour he deferreth to pass, notwithstanding the french army was two days afore, entered into Alexandria which they did batter: And Galeas whose strength was a thousand and two hundred men at arms, a thousand and two hundred light horsemen, with three thousand footmen, in the night of the third day without the privity of any the Captains except Luke Maluezze, fleeth secretly out of Alexandria with a part of the light horsemen, giving the whole world to know to his great dishonour, and no less reproach to the wisdom of Lodowyk, how great difference was between the sport to manage a Courser, & run at tilt and tourney with huge Lances (exercises wherein he exceeded most Italians) and the office to be a captain of an army: And how much those princes beguile themselves to their harms, who, in the election of men to manage and command over affairs of dangerous importance, bear more regard to the favour of such whom they choose, then to their virtue and ability: Assoon as it was known in Alexandria that Galeas was fled, such as remeined in the army (example doing much in cases of adversity) began in general tumult, to show disorder, disobedience and all the other evils that inflict an army abandoned: some fled, some hid themselves, & some wandered at adventure without all hope of fortune: by occasion whereof, the french army (running with th'opportunity) entered the town at the break of day, and not only stripped all the souldioars that were there, but with an unbridled liberty of war, put the whole city to sack: There ran a bruit, that Galeas was commanded by secret letters subsigned with the name of Lodowyk Sforce, that for a certain mutiny then risen at Milan, he should retire thither immediately with all his bands: But some were of opinion that the letters were falsely made and forged by the Count Caiazze, as by that mean to make more easy the victory of the french: The letters Galeas was wont to show afterwards for his justification, as though he had been charged by the same, to abandon rashly his army, and not to lead it safe into places where he knew he knew he could leave it in security: But to what invention so ever the letters were referred, or to what intentions so ever they were interpreted, his excuses are not so credible, as it is holden most certain with all men, that if in Galeas had been found any reputation of a general, any council of a captain, or any courage of a man resolute, he might have made easy the defence of Alexandria, and all the residue beyond Po, with the strength he had: wherein happily fortune would have honoured his valour with good success, for that one part of the french army, being passed the river of Bornia a few days before, and by reason of the sudden rains falling, albeit they were enclosed between the Rivers of Bornia & Tanaro, yet Galeas, had not the heart to set upon them, notwithstanding he was told that certain of his light horsemen, issued out of Alexandria by the bridge upon Tanaro which joineth the suburbs to the City, had charged them, and almost put to the chase the first battle.  
The loss of Alexandria brought no little astonishment to all the residue of the Duchy of Milan, not only afflicted more and more with fresh calamities, but also so much the more near his peril and ruin, by how much the french men having passed their army over the river of Po, were gone to besiege Mortaro, which made them of Pavya put themselves into accord with them: And the Venetians, having taken the Rock of Caravage & passed the river of Adda upon a bridge made for present service, commanded almost all the country even to Loddy, the whole residue of the places being for the most part drawn into rebellion: And as, when adversities come they thunder all at once, so even at Milan there was no less confusion and fear, then in the other places, for that the multitude, being now weary of their long expectation of change, and the particular factions of citizens drawing to Monopolies and private counsels, the whole city conspired and took arms, and that with so slender reverence to their Lord, that his treasurer general coming from the Castle from soliciting affairs with him, was slain at noon days in the streets, (particular hatreds working no less in the conspiracy, than the councils of such as desired innovation and new things: by reason of which accident, no less insolent in the manner, then bloody in the matter, Lodowyk entering into a great fear of his person, and standing naked of all hopes and possibility, determined to avoid the present danger, not by his virtue to resist, but by his policy: & devising to leave the Castle of Milan in good guard, he found no better remedy for his safety, 
Lodowyk abandoneth Milan.  then to flee into jermany with his children, where carrying with him in his person the true aspect of his calamities, he said he would solicit Maxymylian to come to his aid and succours, having already concluded, or at lest held for resolved, the peace with the swissers: following this resolution, he sent away his children accompanied with the Cardinal Ascanius (come from Rome not many days before to secure aswell as he could the affairs of his brother) and with Cardinal. S. Severyn, with whom also he sent his treasure, very much diminished from his ancient proportion: for, it is credibly known to many that not eight years passed, Lodowyk, to make a glorious brag of his power, showed to many Ambassadors and others of respect, the estate and substance of his treasure which at that time, aswell in money, as in plate of gold and silver, (besides jewels & wealth of other natures in no small number) amounted to a Myllion and an half of ducats: but at his departure, according to th'opinion of men, it contained not a reckoning of two hundred thousand: Assoon as his children were departed, he appointed (notwithstanding many of his friends laboured to turn him) for the guard of the Castle Barnardin de Corto borne at Pavya, whom he had nourished and broughtup of long, and being at that time captain of the Castle, he preferred the faith of him, afore all opinion & trust in his brother Askanius offering to take upon him that charge: he left for that defence three thousand footmen under the authority of Captains in whom he reapposed most, with proportions of victuals, munitions, and money, sufficient for many months: Touching Genes and the affairs there, he determined to recommend them to the honour and confidence of Augustyn Adorn (governor present) and to his brother john, to whom (the better to assure his faith) he had joined in marriage one of the sisters of the▪ S. Severins, and sent them forthwith the assignation of the Castle: To the Baromoyes, gentlemen of Milan he restored Augniara, Arona & other lands upon the lake Maior which he had taken from them: And to Isabella of Arragon the widow of Duke john Galeas, he gave by reason of her dowry, the Duchy of Bary and the principality of Rossano for thirty thousand ducats, notwithstanding she denied to trust him with the son of john Galeas, whom he desired to send with his children into jermany.  
After he had established this form of direction, and in his own seeming had set down as much as might suffice for the surety of things, leaving the town to the government of itself, he departed the second of September with his eyes full of tears, accompanied with the Cardinal of Este, and Galeas. S. Severyn, and for his safety by the way, he had Luke Maluezze with a good troop of men at arms and footmen: And as he was issuing out of the Castle (decay of fortune trains with it all sorts of discomfort) The Count Caiazze, seeking to shadow his disloyalty with some cooler, met him and said that, seeing he abandoned his estate, he held himself acquitted of the oath of war which he had made to him, and from thence forward to be in full power to profess what service he would: And at th'instant the Count disclosed to him the titles, names, & ensigns of the army of the french king, into whose pay he entered immediately with the self same regiment which he had levied with the treasures of Lodowyk: who from Coma where he left the Castle in the power of the people, went along the river, to Belleasia & from thence (being set on land) he passed by Bormy & all those places, where at other times when he was in glory & felicity he had received Maximilian passing then into Italy, rather as a captain to him & the Venetians, then with a majesty & estate of a king of Romans: Between Coma & Bormy, he was pursued with bands of the french & the companies of the Count Caiazzo: from which places, leaving garrison within the Castle of Tyrant occupied not many days after by the Grisons, he took his way towards Spruch, where he understood was the person of Themperor: After the seeds of adversity be sown, there is no long expectation for the fruits, which draw to their effects with a swift course, even as when the cloud is gathered to his thickness, there is an appearance of rain with a disposition ready to disperse the storm that long hath been in breeding: for Lodowyk was no sooner departed, them the inhabitants of Milan, dispatching Ambassadors to the french Captains (approached with the whole army within six miles of the city) consented with ready & frank wills to receive them, reserving the conditions & capitulations 
The town of Milan yieldeth to the frenchmen.  till the kings coming, in whom they had many hopes to find great favours & graces (regard to particular profit prevailing more in them, than any consideration or conscience of obedience to their Lord:) Most of the other places of the duchy of Milan made their example a sufficient occasion to revolt: The city of Cremona which was beset with bands of the Venetians (whose yoke the inhabitants abhorred) would also have done the like, if the french king, that yet would not break the contract made with the Venetians, had not compelled the town to be rendered to them: And as in calamities, general examples induce wonderfully, so the city of Genes, followed this universal revolt, (the people, & the famuly of the Adorneys with john Lewis de Fiesque, striving who should give up the city unto the king): And to th'end that with so great & sodem ruins against Lodowyk (losing in eight days so mighty an estate) the world might also discern th'examples of ingratitude: the captain of the Castle of Milan, choose above all others for the reputation of his faith & virtue, not abiding so much as one boollet or any form of assault, delivered to the french king within twelve days after the departure of Lodowyk, the Castle which was supposed to be impregnable: And received in recompense of so great disloyalty a great proportion of money, a company of an hundred Lances, a perpetual pension, with many other privileges & graces: But with such infamy & hate even amongst the french, that being eschewed & rejected of every one, & persecuted with scorns & reproaches, he died of thought within few days after, tormented belike with shame & the spirit of his conscience which are two mighty & most assured scourges to vex traitors & faithbreakers: The Captains assigned to him for the service of the castle, did communicate in that infamy, but chief Philippin de Fiesque, who, trained up & advanced by the Duke, & left there for the credit & opinion of his faith, joined himself to the consent of the castle keeper to betray their charge (being both made blind with one powder of corrupt promises): The king receiving at Lion the news of so great a victory succeeded with a speed swifter than his expectation, made way with great diligence 
The french king 〈…〉 to Milan.  to Milan, where, being received with a joy of the people, equal to the fortune of his victory, he agreed to the deposing of divers tributes and impositions, which as it is an action first requisite in Princes newly possessed of conquest, and a favour most plausible to people altered, So yet they of Milan, raising their desires above reason or order, were not fully satisfied for the opinion they had that the kings liberality would make them free from all exemptions: he distributed honourable gifts of revenues to many Gentlemen of Milan, and amongst other things gave Vigeneva to john jacques Tryvulce in recompense of his merits.  
In the self same seasons that the french king run this fortune against the Duke 
The taking of Cascina.  of Milan, Pawle Vitelly, having now reassembled the bands and provisions of the Florentines to carry with more ease, the victory of Pisa, planted his Camp afore the town of Cascina, which, notwithstanding it was sufficiently manned and vittelled, with a wonderful strength of trenches and Rampires, was taken, after the summons of the artillery, within less than six and twenty hours: for that, the defendants, beginning now to fear the great ruin which the artillery had made of their walls being of no strength, joining with the foreign soldiers that were within, rendered the place, and compounded only for their lives and goods, leaving the Commissioners and soldiers of the Pisans wholly in the arbitration of the Victors: Immediately after this, (one evil following an other,) the Tower builded to guard the mouth of the river of Arne, and the Bastilion of the pool, being abandoned of the Pisans, yielded at the summons of one only Trumpet: (The malice of fortune confounding the valour and virtues of men) So that the Pisans held no other pieces within the whole country than the Castle of Verrucole and the little Tower Askanius, which suffered no vexation of thenemies, both for thincommodity of the river of Arne which hindered all actions of invasions or assault, and also being so near Pisa, it stood possible to speedy and ready succours, th'importance also of th'enterprise required not the loss of so much time: In so much as there remained now no more to get but Pisa, which was an enterprise very hard (according to the discourse of such as founded things with discretion) aswell for the fortress of the town, as for the numbers, virtue, and resolution of the men that were within it: For, albeit there were within Pisa no foreign soldiers other then Gurlyn de Ravenna with some very small troops, who coming at first in the pay of the Venetians, remained still possessed of that service after their regiment was withdrawn: yet there were no small numbers of Citizens and Paisantes well worthy of account, both for that by a continual experience of five years, they were made serviceable and fit for the war, and also they nourished such an immovable resolution of mind not to return eftsoons under the power of the Florentines, that they held for nothing all other adversities how grievous so ever they were: And albeit there were no ditches nor trenches before the walls of the city, yet were they very thick & of ancient building with stones so well couched by the faculty of the lime and sand proper to that country, that their resistance was more mighty against th'artillery than is in the common sort of walls, and by that benefit, afore they were beaten flat with the earth, the defendants had good time and leisure to reinforce and reedefie their Rampires: But these defences, considered with all the other strengths of the City, could not stay the disposition of the Florentines, who, being determined to assault it, were stirred to it the rather by Pawle Vitelly, and Rinucce de Marciano, who gave no small hopes to take it within fifteen days: And having mustered together a strength of ten thousand footmen, with many Guidons of horsemen, and drawn together according to direction, many other great provisions Paul planted his 
Pisa is besieged.  Camp there the last of july, not (as many advised him, and the Florentines desired) on that side to Arne to intercept the succours that might come from Lucqua: but on the other side the river right over against the bastillion and Tower of Stampace: wherein he occupied this reason, that either in taking that fortress he might the easilier carry the town, or in respect of the great commodity of victuals brought from the boroughs about the hills, or at lest by some special foresight or conjecture that he had, that the Pisans not suspecting the siege to be planted on that side, had not begun any Rampyer there as they had done on the other side: The battery containing twenty pieces of great artillery, beaten upon the Bastilion of Stampace and a great part of the wall aswell on the right as left hand, namely from S. Anthony until Stampace, and from thence until the watergate, or gate towards the sea built upon the bank of Arne: And of the contrary, the Pisans (joining their labours to their dangers) traveled day and night, and with them their wives and other sorts of women no less resolute and well disposed then the men: In so much that their valour and labours were some resistance to the fury of the enemies, for that in very few days, they had made right against the wall that was battered, a Rampire of a great height and largeness, and a ditch of more than common depth, being nothing amazed to see many of their companies slain directly with the Boollet, and many wounded with the reverberation of the same: The shot also so thundered upon the soldiers in the Camp, together with the great artillery from the town, specially from a plot form that was upon the Tower of Saint Mark, that the whole Camp was constrained either to remove their tents to have better coverture, or else to pitch their Cabinettes within the ditches: Many days paste in this form of action, wherein albeit they had thrown to the ground a great quantity of the wall from S. Anthony until Stampace, & had reduced that fortress into such terms, as the General hoped to obtain it without great difficulty, yet, to make the victory more easy, he continued the battery from Stampace till the gate to the sea, entertaining in the mean while many skirmishes between the wall which they battered, and the Rampyer, so far separate from the walls that Stampace remained wholly without the Rampire: In one of these skirmishes the Count Rinucce was hurt with a shot of a Harquebus: The General determined that assoon as he had won Stampace, to plant there his artillery and also upon the wall which he had battered, by which means, giving (in the Flank) upon all that side which the Pisans defended, he made his hope of the victory almost certain: he made at the same time fall towards the Rampire (to th'end the ditch being filled, the soldiers might enter with more ease) one part of the ruin of the wall which was between Stampace and the Rampire, which being already shaked, was not now supported but with props and matter of wood: On the other side, the Pisans, who, in defending were altogether directed by the council of Gurlyn, had made towards S. Anthony certain murdering houses within the ditch, to th'end that if the enemy descended, it should not be filled up by them: they had also bestowed upon the Rampires towards S. Anthony, much artillery, and placed their footmen at the foot of the Rampire, to th'end that things drawing to straits and extremities, they might be opposed with their proper persons against their enemies: At last, Pawle Vitelly not willing to deferred any longer the taking of Stampace, the tenth day after he had planted his Camp there, gave th'assault at the break of day: And notwithstanding his soldiers were grievously vexed with th'artillery of the old Citadel, yet, their proper virtue prevailing above their present danger, and the presence of their general assuring much the victory, they took it, both with a fortune more speedy, and an action more easy than was looked for, and with such a terrible amaze to the Pisans, that abandoning their Rampires, they fled in all the quarters of the City, yea many, amongst whom was Peter Fambecourte a noble citizen with forty Crossbow shot on horseback which he had in charge, fled out of Pisa: many did the like, without that the Magistrates made resistance at the gates, in so much as if others of the Camp had followed the fortune of that mourning, they had carried the town to the great glory of the captain to whom had been most happy the success of that day, which indeed was the beginning of his calamities: for that, not knowing (so he excused himself) of thoccasion that happened without thinking of any such, and being not determined to give th'assault with all the Camp, nor to other place then to that Tower, he sent not his men only to assault the Rampire where they should have found no resistance, but also he made retire most part of his footbandes, & they understanding that the fortress of Stampace was won, desiring to make a pillage & pray of the town, run thither by heaps to enter: And in the mean while the Pisans (a bruit running thorough the City that the enemies followed not the victory) pushed forwerd by the lamentable cries of their wives & women, who encouraged them rather to choose death, than to live under the yoke of the Florentines, began to return with a new valour to the guard of the Rampires: Among whom, Gurlyn remembering that from a part or jawme of Stampace bending towards the town, there was a way that led to the gate of the sea which they had before filled up with earth & wood, & fortified on that side to the Camp, but not on that part that looked to Stampace, he caused it to be rampired & filled up on that side, & casting a plot form of earth, he cut of the entry on that part with the artilleries that were bestowed in flank: Assoon as Stampace was won Pawle caused to be mounted there certain Falcounets & port pieces, which shot thorough the town of Pisa, but offended not the Rampires, which albeit were much afflicted with the artillery that was planted below, yet the Pisans redobling in courage by th'importunities of their dangers, abandoned them not at the same instant they battered the murdering house towards. S. Anthony, & the water gate, & the defences, (Paul Vitelly not ceasing to labour to fill up the trench with earth baskets, the more easily to take the Rampire:) Against which oppressions the Pisans, rising in courage in that they had received the night following from them of Lucqua a succour of three hundred footmen, hurled into the trench many sorts of wildefyers: And labouring with a wonderful resolution of mind and diligence to constrain the Camp to abandon the Tower of Stampace, they turned directly thither a very great Port piece called Bufole, by whose fury the Camp was compelled to dismount the artillery which they had mounted above: And albeit Paul caused to be braked against it certain Port pieces of his, by the which the mouth of Bufole was choked and broken, yet, sparing not for all that to shoot, they brought in certain days the Tower to that reason that Pawle was constrained, not only to remove his artillery, but also to abandon the place: Notwithstanding all this, the General would not make himself frustrate of the hope he had to carry in the end the victory, which, (according to his custom) desiring to have with the most surety, & the lest hurt to the army that could be, albeit in many places there was more than five hundred yards of the wall upon the earth: he laboured continually to increase the battery, to fill up the ditches with earth, and to fortify the Tower of Stampace, to replant new artilleries, and to beat in flank the great rampires which the Pisans had made, labouring with all his policy and industry to win always some commodity to give with more surety, the assault general & determined: which last exploit, (notwithstanding he had brought things into that estate that as often as he would have followed the assault he might have had great hope of the victory) he prolonged willingly, to th'end the harms of the army might not deface the honour and reputation of the victory: And albeit the assistants of the Florentines (to whom every little respite was troublesome) and the continual letters and messages from Florence, ceased not to hasten him to the assault, the better to prevent those impediments that might happen: yet Pawle stood firm in his own council, which, albeit might happily be discreet & according to th'experience & discipline of war, yet, it had a contrary fortune: for that the country of Pisa, which is full of lakes & marshes between the next sea & the city, being in that season of the year subject to airs pestilent, and specially on that side towards the Camp, there came upon the army in two days many diseases, which so wasted and weakened the body of the Camp, that when Pawle gave order to prepare to the assault the four and twentieth of August, he found so many of his regiments made unprofitable and unable for service, that those that remeined whole and disposed, sufficed not to meinteyne th'assault: which unhappy accident, albeit the Florentines and he (who was also sick) laboured to help by levying new bands of footmen, yet, the influence of the air contending against their industry, made thinfection so vehement that every day the diminution was found greater than the supply: In so much that their long hope of the victory being now turned into an other habit both doubtful & desperate, & fearing harms both more special and importing, he determined 
paul leavieth the siege.  to levy & break up the Camp: A resolution much resisted by the Florentines, who advised him that leaving garrison sufficient within the fortress of Stampace, he would repose with the army about the confines of Pisa: But he, making this council no direction to him, abandoned the Tower of Stampace, which he held not tenable, for that it had been first shaked with his artilleries and then battered with the great shot of the Pisans: And drawing the whole army to the way of the sea the fourth of September, and not able to trail his artilleries by land to Cascina, for that the ways were drowned with waters, he embarked them in the mouth of the river of Arne to convey them to Livorne! But fortune striving against him in this last action; many of thartilleries were sunk in the waters, and a little after drawn up again by the Pisans, who at the same time recovered eftsoons the Tower that guards the mouth of the river: By these occasions (the services yea and faith of men, are interpreted by opinion) the ill disposition conceived already by the people of Florence, was so redoubled with the Magistrates, that within few days being called to Cassina by the Commissioners, under cooler to consult into what places they should distribute the companies, he was made prisoner by commandment of the sovereign Magistrate of the town, and from thence sent 
The Florentyn●●●● P. 〈…〉 to death.  to Florence: where the same night he arrived, being painfully examined by torments, he was executed by the head the day following by sentence of the Magistrate, his brother being almost taken in the same danger and fortune: for that as the Commissioners sent to apprehend him in the same instant: So, being sick of the disease he had taken in the Camppe, he made semblance to obey them: And rising out of his bed, he converted the time that they gave him to array him, into devices & directions to steal away: In so much as beguiling with diligence, the security of the Florentines, he was in one instant with the help of his servants, well mounted upon a horse of speed, and fleeing to Pisa, he was received with general gladness of the whole inhabitants. The principal points wherein they quarreled with the life of Pawle Vitelly, & condemned him, were these: That it proceeded of his will only that Pisa was not taken, having good mean and opportunity thereunto the same day that the rock of Stampaco was forced: That he only did defer to give the assault: That he had many times given audience to men coming to him from Pisa, and never communicated with the Florentines: That he had levied the Camp against the public commandment, and with the like contempt had abandoned Stampace: That he had drawn divers others of the Captains to occupy with him, Cascina, Vicopisan, and the artileries, to th'end that in payments and other conditions, they might manage the Florentines as they thought best: That in the country Cas●tyn, he had had secret intelligences with the Medicis, & at the same time treated and almost concluded with the Venetians, to serve them when the time, of his pay with the Florentines should be determined, which now was almost expired: That, in that respect he had given safeconduit to the Duke of Vrbyn and to julyan de Medicis: he was straitly examined upon all these points, & albeit he confessed nothing particularly, yet they cut of all further examinations, & fearing lest the french king (now come to Milan) would urge his delivery, they proceeded to execute him speedily: Not one of his servants which after his death were examined at leisure, would confess any thing, saving that he was much discontented with the Florentines, for that they had made the Count Rinucce concurrant with him in authority, and for the difficulties they used in th'expedition of provisions which he demanded, and sometimes in his affairs particular, not forbearing at Florence to speak ordinarily to his dishonour: by which testimonies and confessions of his servants, albeit some remained possessed of this opinion, that he behaved himself not loyally in his charge, having a pretence to be Lord of Pisa, and to occupy some other part of the demeyne of Florence, where he entertained many intelligences and amities: yet the most part believed well of his innocency, and were persuaded that he nourished a great desire to take Pisa, for the reputation & glory that would redound to him, the principal end and respect of every great captain.  
The french king, being now arrived at Milan, all the Potentates of Italy except 
The french king being at Milan compoundeth with the most part of the Potentates of Italy.  king Federyk came to him, some in person, and some by Ambassadors, some to congratulat his victory, and some to justify themselves of th'imputation to be more inclined to Lodowyk Sforce then to him, and some to seek surety of him hereafter of their proper estates: The king received them all graciously, and compounded with them all, but diversly according to the diversity of conditions, and according to the greatness of the profit which he might draw: he took the Marquis of Mantua into his protection, and endued him with a company of an hundred Lances, with an honourable pension and the order of. S. Michael: he received likewise into his protection the Duke of Ferrara (he and the Marquis were with his majesty in person) who pertaked not in that benefit without well paying for it, with other difficulties, for that ever since he rendered the Castle of Genes to Lodowyk, he hath been esteemed to bear a mind contrary to the french: he accepted also into his grace and protection (but under a great sum of money) john Bentivole who had sent to him his son: But of all the residue, the Florentines compounded with him most hardly and chargably for that (their merits all forgotten, and the harms they had so long time endured during the late king, in following the friendships of France) all the court almost was against them, those reasons were not accepted that, (not to stir up Lodowyk Sforce against them, for the matters of Pisa,) had constrained them to remain neuter: for that thimpression which the frenchmen took when king Charles gave liberty to the Pisans, remained yet firmly fixed in their affections, besides that the men of war of the Camp, judged them (both by brute and experience) to be men of merit, valour, and reputation for service, which drew not a little their dispositions to bear them favour: Besides, the authority of Tryvulce was no small impediment to the purposes of the Florentines, for that aspiring ambitiously to the Lordship of Pisa, he favoured wholly their cause, who desired to receive for their Lord either him or any other in whom was ability to defend them against the Florentines: who were generally blamed by the mouths of the whole Court for the death of Pawle Vitelly, as to execute without occasion, a captain of so great merit, and to whom the Crown of France owed much in honour and friendship, for that his brother was killed and he made prisoner in the french service during the wars of Naples under the late king Charles: But in the end, the king inclining more to his proper profit than to things vain, entered into composition, by the which his majesty receiving them into his protection, bound himself to defend then against all men with six hundred Lances & four thousand footmen, as also the Florentines to defend his estates in Italy with four hundred men at arms & three thousand footmen: That the king at their requests, should apply that aid of Lances, & (if need were) a strength of artillery, for the recovering of Pisa & the places occupied by them of Syena and Lucqua, but not of those pieces which the Genoese held: And that, if these companies were not demanded of him before, he should be bound, when he sent an army to the enterprise of Naples, to convert either the whole or part of it to this expedition: That the Florentines, if they recovered Pisa and not otherways, should be bound to minister to him for the conquest of Naples five hundred men at arms, and fifty thousand ducats to defray the pays of the swissers for three months, that they should restore to him thirty thousand ducats which Lodowyk Sforce had lent them, rebating (according to th'account which john jacques Tryvulce should make) so much as they had paid or dispended for him: Lastly, that they should take for captain general of their men of war, the Perfect of Rome, brother to the Cardinal. S. P. ad Vincla, at whose instance it was demanded: In so goodly an occasion, the ambition of the Pope slept not, who, soliciting earnestly to have promise kept with him, the king gave to the Duke Valentynois (comen with him out of France) three hundred Lances defrayed upon the treasures of the king, and guided by Yves D'alegre & four thousand swissers under the charge of the Bailiff of Dyon, but paid of the Pope's purse, which companies were for his aid in the war which he meant to make upon the Viccaires of Romagna.  
The towns of Romagna, vexed with others that are subject to the church with sundry accidents, have been for many years governed with a jurisdiction almost separate 
The state of Romagna in the time of the Duke Valentynas.  from the demayne of the church: for that some of the Viccaires paid not their tributes as they aught in homage of superiority, others paid them but with difficulty and hardness, and for the most part out of season: But they all indifferently without licence of the Popes, put themselves in pay with other Princes: wherein much less that they made exceptions not to serve them against the church, but of the contrary, they bound themselves to protect them even against the authority and arms of the Pope's being so much the more plausible to those Princes, by how much they were convenient for their service, both for th'opportunity of their estates & forces, & withal to hinder that the power & pride of the Popes should not swell and rise above order: In that time the Venetians possessed in Romagna the cities of Ravenna & Ceruia, which they had (not many years before) taken from the family of Polenta, a people who, of Citizens private of Ravenna, were become Tyrants over their country, & afterwards had thinvestiture of Viccaires: Faenza, Furly, Ymola, & Rimini, were in the power of Viccaires particular: Cesena, that had been long commanded by the family of Malateste was eftsoons returned to the church Domynick, the last Viccaire of the same City, being dead without children certain years before. Therefore the Pope (whose ambition was greater than his doctrine) pretending that those Cities for many respects were diuolued to the sea Apostolic, and that he would reestablish and reduce them to their ancient jurisdiction (but indeed had intention to appropriate them to Caesar his son) had contracted with the french king, that when he had accomplished his conquest of the Duchy of Milan, he should contribute and communicate with him for the recovery only of those towns which were possessed by the Viccaires, comprehending the City of Pesera, whereof was Viccaire john Sforce, aforetime his son in law: for, the greatness of the Venetians did not suffer, that those thoughts should stretch out against them, who did not aspire at that time to those little towns, which confining upon the river of Po, were holden by the Duke of Ferrara: In so much that the Duke Valentynois, assoon as he had obtained of the king the bands promised, and joined them to the regiments of the 
Duke Valentyn●is takes Ymola by the aid of the french men.  church, he entered into Romagna, where he took with a speed and fortune above his expectation, the City of Ymola by accord, and that about the later end of the year a thousand four hundred nienty and niene, a year wherein Italy being afflicted with so many emotions, felt also a scourage by the Turks armies: for, Bajazet Ottoman having assailed with a mighty army by sea, the pieces which the Venetians held in Grece, sent by land an army of six thousand horsemen to pray the country of 
The descending of the T●●ke.  Fryull, and finding it without guard, they overran it making Pillage and burnings even until Lyvence: And having taken an innumerable proportion of prisoners, when they came near the river of Tagliament (to return with the more ease) they reserved such as they thought they might lead with them in safety, and made cruel murders of the others: And as it is a custom infallible with fortune, not to let happen one mischief unaccompanied, so in Grece, the affairs of the Venetians trained no better success, for that Anthony Gryman captain general of th'army which the Venetians opposed against th'enterprise of the Turks, was accused to have let slip thoccasion to vanquish the enemies that issued out of the port of Sapience, and an other time at the mouth of the Gulf of Lepanto: And after he was deposed and an other preferred to his place, they acyted him to Venice, recommending th'information of the cause to the council of the Pregati, where that cause was debated many months with no small expectation of thissue, (his authority and greatness defending him on the one side and on the other part, his accusors pursuing him with many arguments and testimonies: At length, standing in great likelehood to have the upper hand, either by his authority, or the great number of his parents, or lastly for that in that council compounded upon many wisemen, there should not be so much regard to the general bruits and slanders which were not well proved, as to a desire to understand ripelie the truth of the fact: the knowledge of the cause was transferred over to the judgement of the great council, by the magistrate of the advocates of the commonalty, where favours ceasing, or rather the lightness of the multitude carrying more than the gravity of the Senators, he was in the end passed into exile perpetual in the isle of Essera.  
Such and so great matters were brought to pass in the year. 1499. But in the year. 1500. were accomplished things of no less importance, nor less worthy of memory, specially for the full remission of that vain and superstitious jubilee, which being instituted in the beginning by the Popes to be celebrated the Jubilee from a hundred years to an hundred years, not for pleasure and pomp as the Romans did in their sports and feasts secular, but for an opinion (vain and erroneous) of the health of souls, for that in the same (according to the fantastic belief of Christian people) were abolished wholly all the sins of those who, acknowledging with true repentance their faltes committed, made visitation to the churches of Rome dedicated to the Prince of Thapostles: It was afterwards ordained to be celebrated from fifty years to fifty, and in the end reduced to five and twenty: But for the more solemn memory of his primitive institution, the hundredth year was celebrated with a greater affluence of people than the others.  
In the beginning of this year, the Duke Valentynois, obtained without resistance the City of Furly, the Lady of the place having sent her children and riches most 
Duke Valentynois take●● Furly.  precious to Florence, and abandoned that which she could not defend, did determine to hold only the Cytadel & Rock of Furly refurnished with sufficient strength of men and Artilleries: She had a valour above the property of that sex, and a resolution more resembling a man then a woman, wherewith entering the place, she studied to her great glory how to defend it: But the Duke Valentynoys, after he had assayed in vain to dispose her to yield, began to batter the wall of the Citadel with a great fury of artillery, the same bringing down to the ground a great quantity of the wall, with the which the earth of the Rampire which was behind being choked, filled almost the depth of the ditch or trench, and made the entry more easy to his soldiers: By mean whereof, the defendants falling into fears and doubts, gave place to their perils and abandoned the place, seeking to retire into the Rock, whether the Lady made also her retreat after she had performed all that could be required in the office of a defendant: But, as when things are in adversity, many occasions concur to advance the end, so, as she entered the Rock, fear raised a tumult and confusion, and the Duke's soldiers coming fast upon them, almost all her companies were cut in pieces, and the Victor's entering with the same fury into the Rock, took it and made slaughter of all such as were there for defence, except certain of the chiefest which were retired with the Lady into a Tower, who were made prisoners, & she also communicating in their fortune, whom the Duke, (having more regard to her valour, then to her kind) sent prisoner to Rome where she was kept in the Castle of. S. Ange, being notwithstanding delivered a little after at the request of Ive D'alegre.  
After the Duke had obtained Ymola and Furly, he marched to th'execution of other towns, but new accidents happening unlooked for, hindered his expedition: for, after the french king had established the things he had gotten, with orders convenient, and having prolonged the truce with the king of Romans, (comprehending therein the Duchy of Milan and all that he held in Italy) until the month of May 
The french king returneth into France having first ●●● order in the Duchy of Milan.  next ensuing, he returned into France, leading with him the little son of john Galeas given to him indiscreetly by the mother, he dedicated him to a monasticallyfe, and left john jacques Tryvulce governor general of the Duchy of Milan in whom he reapposed much aswell for his valour and merits, as for the great envy he bore to Lodowyk Sforce: But (the faith of men changing with the alteration of kingdoms) the peoples of that state kept not fidelity with the king: partly for that the customs & behaviours of the french were intolerable to many, & partly for that they had not found in the king that liberality in deposing all their tributes, which unwisely they persuaded themselves to obtain: And lastly it imported much and was very grievous to all the Gebelyn faction which was mighty in the town of Milan and confines, that Tryvulce chief of the guelfs should be preferred to the government: This evil disposition was wonderfully augmented by himself, who, bearing a nature factious and a spirit haughty and busy, favoured (under th'authority of Magistrate) much more than was convenient, those that were of his party: Besides, (he 
Disorders in the french government in Milan.  that is falling shall find many stumbling blocks) he estranged much from him the minds of the commonalty, for that in the open market place, he slew with his own hand certain Butchers, who, following the rashness of the other populars refusing to pay tributes from the which they were not exempted, resisted with force, the ministers deputed to gather the revenues: for which tyrannous and bloody reasons, most part of the nobility & commonalty, naturally desirous of new things, wished the return of Lodowyk, and even began to call upon his name with words and voices plain and to be understanded: But after many thoughts and cares traveling commonly minds afflicted, and redobled with a lamentable remembrance of his happiness paste, Lodowyk with his brother Askanius presented himself to Maxymylian, of whom they were received with an humanity expressing both compassion and comfort, for that he did not only persuade them to be resolute in their fortune, but also showed many tokens to be much discontented with their calamities: he nourished them with continual promises to descend in their aid in person, and with a strong army to join with them for the recovery of their estates, having thereunto good opportunity for that he was then at accord with the swissers: But those hopes, both for the variation of his nature, and for that his intentions ill grounded, were as easily confounded, appeared every day to be more vain, and that so much the rather, by how much being continually pressed with his accustomed necessities, he made them weary with his importunate demands for money: In so much as Lodowyk and Askanius, making no foundation of his succours, & less certainty in his hopes & promises, determined to make th'enterprise of themselves, being continually solicited by many gentlemen of Milan, & did levy for their better strength, eight thousand swissers, and five hundred Burgonion men at arms: of which strong preparation Tryvulce gathered many fears and doubts, and therefore, the better to encounter so great a danger, he sent immediately to the Senate of Venice to 'cause their companies to march along the river of Adda, signifying withal to Yves D'alegre that it were necessary to leave for a time the service of the Duke Valentynois and return with speed to Milan with the frenchmen at arms and the swissers: And as dangers hasty and sudden can suffer no delays of remedy, and where the fire beginneth first to kindle, there let water be speedily applied to prevent his further violence: So such was the policy of Tryvulce, that to resist the first fury of the enemies, he sent one part of his soldiers to Coma, (the jealousy he had of the people of Milan not suffering him to turn thither all his forces) But the care and quickness of Sforce and his brother prevailed above all diligence in others, for that not tarrying for the whole army they had levied, but leaving order to march after them with speed according to the necessity of their peril, they passed the mountains, and with a diligence above all expectation being embarked in those vessels which were in the lake of Coma they approached near that town which they took without resistance (the french being retired for the knowledge they had of the ill disposition of thin habitantes:) The bruit of the loss of Coma (fame flieth with swifter wings in cases of revolt and change then in any other matter) being come to Milan, so altered the minds of the people, and almost all the chiefest of the faction Gebelyn, that they began to draw into manifest tumult, and rise into such insolent disposition, that Tryvulce seeing no other remedy to the kings affairs, retired suddenly into the Castle, and the night following fled to Novarre together with the men at arms which were retired into the Park joining to the Castle (the 
The french abandon Milan.  people in their retreat following them by heaps until the river of Thesin): And leaving within Novarre four hundred Lances, he with the residue of his strength went to Mortaro, thinking (and the other Captains also) that they should more easily recover the Duchy of Milan with the new succours that were to come out of France, then be able to defend it being thus divided: Such is the incertainty of fortune, that she transferreth to one that which she takes from an other, not regarding the equity of causes, nor the merits of persons, but making her fancy the measure of her actions, she takes delight to show variation of power upon the Princes of the earth: for, assoon as the french men were gone from Milan, the Cardinal Askanius made his entry first, & then Lodowyk who recovering it in as short time and little difficulty as he lost it (except the Castle) was also made glad at his return with a more frank and general show of affection and joy of the people of Milan, than they expressed when he departed: The like disposition was found in other cities and commonalties, as in Pavya & Parma declaring immediately for Lodowyk, whose example, Lody & Plaisance had followed, if the bands of the Venetians, (marched afore towards the river of Adda,) had not been entered: Alexandria, and almost all the places beyond Po, being furthest from Milan and nearest to Ast which was french, stirred not, determining to take advise what they should do upon the issue and train of things: Lodowyk being thus repossessed of Milan, made speedy levies of as many Italian footmen and men at arms as he could, labouring, by petition, by offers, and all manner of hopes, all those in whom he had any reason to expect succours in so great necessity: Therefore he advertised Themperor by Galeas S. Severyn of his happy beginning, beseeching him to supply him with men and artilleries: And because it stood not with his fortune and also was far from his desire to have the Senate of Venice his enemy, he gave direction that the Cardinal Askanius should speedily send the Bishop of Cremona to Venice to offer them the ready will and inclination of Lodowyk to accept such conditions as it pleased them to demand: But the constancy of the Senate of Venice made vain all that labour, for that they determined not to exchange their confederation with the french king, for the uncertain and newly reconciled friendships of Lodowyk: The Genoese notwithstanding the importunate solicitations of Lodowyk, refused to return under his obedience: And the Florentines would not hear his request touching the repayment of the money which he had lent them: Only the Marquis of Mantua sent to him his brother with a certain proportion of men at arms: there came to him also the Lords of Myrandola, of Carpy, and Corege, and the Siennoys relieved him with small sums of money: succours almost contemnible in so great dangers, as also did little import the aids of Phillipp Rosse and of the Veminesques, whose fathers albeit had been despoiled by him of their ancient livings: yet, Philip, leaving without leave the pay of the Venetians, went thither to recover his lands, and having obtained them, joined himself to the army of Lodowyk: the famuly of Verma did the like, and they both to re-enter into grace by that occasion: Lodowyk, joining diligence to his fortune, and not using the favour of the time in vain, after he had assembled a thousand five hundred men at arms, besides the Burgonion bands of horsemen, and laid to the regiments of swissers, many Italian footmen, he left the Cardinal before the Castle, and passed over Thesin: And obtaining by accord the town and Castle of Vigeneva, he laid siege to Novarre, choosing that enterprise afore thexpugnation of Mortaro, either for that the french had made strong fortifications at Mortaro, or else for that he esteemed Novaro (a town renowned and plentiful with all things) to import more for the reputation & substance of the war, or perhaps he imagined, that the recovery of that town would breed want of victuals, and so constrain the french that were within Mortaro to abandon it: or at lest he cast, that it would hinder Ive D'alegre from entering Novaro, who was now marching from Romagna: for, assoon as he had received advertisements from Tryvulce (leaving the Duke Valentynois in the enterprise of Pesero) he departed speedily with all the horsemen and the swissers: And understanding near to Parma, the rebellion of Milan, he accorded with those of Parma and Plaisance not to offend them, so that they would not hinder his passage: And being come near Tortona he entered the town, where, at th'instigation of the guelfs of that City burning in desire to be revenged of the Gebelyns, who, (returned to the devotion of Lodowyk) had expulsed them, he put all to sack and spoil, (the Guelffes' crying out in vain of his faith, for that their loyalty was no better respected, but being the kings faithful servants, they were no otherwise used, then belonged to the deservings of his most traitorous enemies: from Tortona he marched into Alexandria, where he stayed, for that the swissers of his army, either because they were not paid, or for some other secret reason, left him, & went to the Duke of Myllans' Camp, whose strength being now greater than his enemies, he prepared speedily to the battery of Novaro, to th'end to carry it, afore the french (expecting succours from the king) were strong enough to encounter him in the field: A matter which succeeded happily to him: For that the french bands that were within Novaro, having no reason of hope or possibility to defend it, agreed to deliver up the town, receiving the promise of his faith to departed in surety with all their goods, which he kept justly with them protecting them with safe conduit to Verceyll: And albeit, he was persuaded by many that the overthrowing of those bands was of great importance for his victory, wherein they occupied these reasons, that if it were lawful, according to th'authority and examples of great men, to break faith to conquer a Lordship of an other, that it was more lawful to strain both oath, faith, and all promises, to keep that which was his own: yet he abstained from all violation, having regard to the estate of his perils, & frail condition of his fortune: After he had got Novaro, he devised how he might have the Castle: But it was believed that if he had advanced to th'enterprise of Mortaro, all the french bands had fled afore him over Po, (Tryvulce and the Lord of Ligny not agreeing well together.)  
Whilst Lodowyk was in these expeditions, following the fortune that best led him to the reconquering of his estates, no less care and diligence occupied the french king, who, understanding the rebellion of Milan, digested it with no little grief and discontentment: And therefore, (sudden mischiefs requiring speedy remedies) he dispatched with a wonderful speed into Italy, M. Trymoylle with six hundred Lances, and sent to levy a great regiment of swissers, (following an ancient and assured experience of war to repress with a strong force a rebellion in an estate newly conquered) And last, to th'end there might be an exact diligence in all provisions, he created the Cardinal of Amboyse, his Lieutenant for Italy, & dispatched him immediately to Ast: In so much as all things prepared with a quick readiness, there was mustered in Italy for the king in the beginning of April, a strength of fiftiene hundred lances, ten thousand swissers footmen, & six thousand of the king's subjects, under the leading of Trymoylle, Tryvulce, & Ligny: Which companies being drawn into one Camp at Mortaro, marched to Novarro, having no less confidence in treason, then in their forces: For that the Swysser Capteins which were with Lodowyk, had secret intelligence & practice of conspiracy with them by the means of their countrymen which served in the french army (notwithstanding in the action of Novarro they showed faith, valour, & good stability of affection) whereof Lodowyk being jealous by many apparent conjectures, laboured much (his necessities being violent) to join to him the four hundred horsemen & eight thousand footmen which were levied at Milan: But as a tuine determined runs to his end by a proportion of degrees & parts measured & limited: So, at Novaro the swissers, stirred up by their Capteins, began to mutyn, taking their occasion for that their pays were not performed at the just days that were promised: And albeit the Duke ran to the stir in person, & besides his pitiful requests and prayers training with them great occasion of compassion, gave amongst them all his silver plate & vessel, desiring to rest contented but till the money came from Milan: Yet the Swysser captains fearing that if the bands which were levied at Milan should be joined to the Camp, their treason would suffer either imperfection or prevention, wrought so that the french Camp being all put into arms and readiness, approached the walls of Novarro, and enuyroning a great part of the town, they dispatched certain horsemen to occupy the ways between the City and the river of Thesin, to cut of from the Duke & all others, all means to flee to Milan: But as necessity is mighty to make men resolute, so the Duke seeing more and more into his perils, & that almost the whole disposition of his Camp agreed with the state of his dangers, sought to issue out of Novaro with his whole army to fight with the enemy, having already sent out in order the light horsemen & the Burgonions to begin the skirmish: But he was apparently resisted by the Swysser Captains, who told him they would not come to blows with their parents, brethren, and countrymen, without the leave of their Lords, but made as though they would depart suddenly into their country: The Duke not able either by prayers, with tears, or infinite promises to practise any whit their barbarous disposition, made election of the best part of his adversity & recommended himself wholly unto them, at lest that they would lead him to a place of surety: A misery so much the more lamentable, by how much the condition of his affairs & perils, constrained him to seek for his safety, where he saw nothing but apparent arguments of conspiracy against his life: Wherein in this was he most miserable and unhappy, that being so near the last action of recovery of his estates, he was not only deprived of the glory of his victory, but also (fortune is infinite in malice) passed over to a desolation irreparable, and a ruin whereunto remeyneth no other consolation, hope, or mercy, than such as may be expected of an enemy ambitious, injurious and revengeful: But the swissers having contracted with the french Captains to go their ways, & not to lead him with them, albeit their cruelty would not suffer them to grant to his full demand, yet in compassion they consented that he should march away amongst them, taking the attire and furniture of one of their footmen, and so, if he were not known, to save himself by the help of his fortune: which condition he was driven to accept for a last necessity, but yet it was not sufficient for his safety: For that, they marching by direction thorough the midst of the french army, he was unhappily known by the diligent espial of such as were assigned to that charge: Or (more likely) disclosed by some secret instruction of the swissers, as he marched in a Squadron on foot▪ attired and 
The Duke of Milan made prisoner by the treason of the Swissers.  armed & disguised in all points as a Swysser, & hasting to his last calamity, he was by that mean made prisoner: A spectacle so lamentable that it brought tears into the eyes of many yea even of the very enemies: Galeas S. Severin, Frecassa, and Anthony Maria, his brethren, communicated with his fortune, being betrayed by the same disloyalty of the swissers: After the Duke was taken, the army went dispersing, and no more resistance appearing, all things were seen full of fear & confusion, which made the Cardinal Askanius, who had already sent towards the Camp those bands 
Cardinal Askanius leaveth Milan abandoned.  that were levied at Milan, to leave the Castle, & seek his surety in some place of better trust: Many of the nobility of the Gebelyns followed him, who being too apparently declared for Lodowyk, despaired to find pardon with the french: But as it was set down in destiny, that in the calamity of the two brethren, treason should be mingled with evil fortune: So he had determined to reappose himself somewhat the night after at Rivolta in the country of Plaisance, which is a borough appertaining at that time to Conrard de Land, a Gentleman of the City of Plaisance & his kinsman and ancient friend: The same Conrard, changing will with fortune, sent presently to Plaisance for Charles Vrsin and Sonzin Benzon then in the pay of the Venetians, to whom he delivered the said Askanius and Hermes Sforce brother to the late Duke john Galeas, 
Cardinal Askanius betrayed and taken.  with one part of the Gentlemen that came with him, the residue, being more happy or more wise, forbore their rest that night, and passing further, prevented their peril: Askanius was immediately led prisoner to Venice, but the French King, judging it necessary for the surety of the Duchy of Milan to be possessed of him, sent for him to Venice, where finding some difficulty to deliver him, he required him with protestations and threats, alleging that he appertained to him in due property and interest, for that he was taken in a country of his obedience: A request which albeit seemed very sharp and unworthy of the name of the Venetian state, yet, to avoid the fury of his armies, it was granted more by 
Cardinal Askanius delivered over to the frenchmen.  compulsion then conscience, and not only the person of the Cardinal delivered, but also all those of Milan that were taken with him: And withal, Baptista viscount with other Nobles of Milan which were withdrawn for the same occasion into the towns of Guiaradadda under safeconduit to remain there in surety with express mention of the French, were put into the kings hands for fear of the french armies, so much did prevail with the Senate of Venice the terror of the french forces, more than the regard to the dignity of their common weal: The City of Milan, abandoned of all hope yielded to the general calamity, and sent speedy Ambassadors to the Cardinal of Amboyse to solicit for pardon: he received them into grace, and pardoned the rebellion in the name of the King, but under this bond, to pay three hundred thousand ducats, of the which the King acquitted them afterwards of a great part: He pardoned also other Towns that had rebelled, which he taxed according to their quality, making the victory profitable, and the transgressions of thoffenders an increase of the King's treasure.  
The enterprise thus happily succeeding, and the regiments of men of war dissolved and licensed, the footmen of the four Cantons of swissers which be more near than the others to the Town of Bellyzona situated within the mountains, took the Town as they returned to their country: A place which the French King might have drawn from them in the beginning, for a very small portion of money: But as he lost oftentimes by the property of his nature, occasions of great things, by sparing small proportions of expenses: So times and accidents came so about afterwards, that many times, and by many solicitations, he would have purchased it of them with a very great price, for that it is a strait very convenient to hinder the descending of the swissers into the Duchy of Milan: Lodowyk Sforce was carried to Lion where the King was, and entering the town at noonedayes, many multitudes of people flocked to see a Prince, who, from such a greatness and majesty, and for his felicity envied of many, was fallen into so great a misery: And not able to obtain leave to be brought to the kings presence, which he much desired, he was conveyed within two days after to the Tower of Loches, wherein he remained prisoner ten years, even to the end of his life, being now enclosed in one strait prison the thoughts and ambition of him, which erst could scarcely be contained within the limits & terms of all Italy: A Prince, certainly most excellent for his eloquence and industry, and for many gifts of nature and spirit, a creature of very rare perfection: And lastly not unworthy of the name of mild and merciful, if the death of his Nephew had not defiled him with bloody infamy: But on the other side, he carried a mind vain & full of thoughts busy and ambitious, and nourishing always intentions dissembled, he kept no reckoning of his promises and faith: He always presumed so much of himself, that seeming to be discontented, when praises were given to the wisdom and counsels of others, he persuaded himself to be able by his Art and industry to altar and turn the conceptions of every one to what purpose he listed: The Cardinal Askanius followed him a little after, but he was both received with more honour and humanity, and graciously visited by the Cardinal of Amboyse, by whose intercession he was sent to the great Tower of Bourges, a prison more honourable, wherein the king that sent him, had been restrained two years in captivity: So variable and miserable is the destiny of man, and so incertain to every one what will be his condition in time to come.  
The end of the fourth book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE fift BOOK.  
THe war of Pisa continueth: The Duke Valentynoys pursueth his enterprise of Romagna: The kings of Spain and France, invade jointly the kingdom of Naples, they occupy it and divide it between them, and afterwards make war one upon an other: The Duke Valentynoys, putteth to death the Vrsins: The swissers descend into the Duchy of Milan: The spaniards remeine victors over the French at Cirignolo, and take Naples.  
THE fift BOOK OF THE history and discoursse of Guicciardin.  
such is the disposition of minds occupied with ambition, that who are desirous of glory, are easily stirred to do things contrary to reason, council, and experience: Ambition is an humour that carrieth men into weening far above the possibility of their proper power, & overruleth their thoughts without regard to the opportunity of times, places, or occasions: as is expressed in th'inclination of the French King, in whom the absolute & happy conquest of the Duchy of Milan, had nourished such spirits of will and courage, that the self same summer he would have proceeded to th'enterprise of the kingdom of Naples, had not the fear which he had of the descending of the Alemans', restrained his rashness, and made him wise against the property and working of his will: For, notwithstanding he had (the year before) obtained a contract of truce of Maxymylian Caesar, wherein the Duchy of Milan was comprehended: yet, Maxymylian debating with better consideration, how much the majesty of the Empire would be diminished by the alienation of so principal a Cheeff, and what dishonour would follow him for suffering to be devested from it Lodowyk Sforce, who not only had put himself under his protection, and reapposed wholly in the hopes which he gave him: But also, had bound himself to his succours by receiving his money at sundry times, & in great quantities: He would no more hear Thambassadors of the French, & refused also all audience to the Agents of the Venetians, as usurpers of certain places appertaining to Thempire: And lastly, joining to the memory of ancient jealousies & injuries done to him and his predecessors in divers seasons by the house of France, the inflamed compassion which he had of the miserable calamities of the two brethren: he held many general diottes and assemblies, to stir up the electors and other Princes of jermany to join in the quarrel and revenge of so high wrongs committed no less against him than the whole nation of jermany, to whom th'imperial dignity was proper: And to give better operation to his purpose in the minds of the jermain princes, he laid afore them considerations of dangers that might happen, if the french king, presuming more and more by so great a patience of the Princes of Thempire, and rising into pride by so many favours of victory and fortune, would so far aspire as to set the Crown imperial upon the heads of french kings, and incorporate the sovereign estate in that foreign famulie as had been done afore times: Whereunto the Pope would consent easily, partly by necessity, (not able to resist his power) and partly for the respect of his son, whom he studied to make to excel in greatness and dignity, not remembering that those authorities are unjust, whose means be unlawful, and that the virtuous man should not obtrude into rule, but receive it as if he were thereto compelled.  
This was the cause why the king (not knowing to what end the race and course of his plots might run, took truce with his enterprises, & deferred till an other time th'execution of his thoughts touching the war of Naples: By reason & mean whereof, his men of war being not entangled with other enterprise, he was contented to give to the Florentines those bands & regiments which they did demand for the recovering of Pisa & Pietrasanta: And yet not without many doubts & difficulties, for that both the Pisans, the Genoese, the Siennoys & they of Lucqua, made great instance to the contrary, offering to give the king presently an hundred thousand crowns upon condition that Pisa, Pietrasanta, and Mont Pulcian might be protected from the harms and ambition of the Florentines, & to make to him a perpetual payment of fifty thousand ducats yearly, if the Pisans by his means obtained the fortresses of the port of Lyvorna with all the region of Pisa: To these offers it seemed that the mind of the king was much inclined, by a covetous desire of the money: Notwithstanding (as was his familiar custom in things of importance), he referred the council and deliberation of all things to the Cardinal of Amboyse, who was then at Milan: afore whom, notwithstanding the importunities & labours of the states afore named, did negotiate with great diligence I jacques Tryvulce, & I Lowys de Fiesque they both nourishing an equal desire to manage the jurisdiction of Pisa, and in that respect offered to pa●e to the king for the grant, a great proportion of money, alleging withal that (th'opportunity & occasion concurring) it was an action meet for his surety to hold under the Florentines, and keep in weakness the other Potentates of Italy: But the Cardinal, preferring integrity afore particular favour, joined to the faith and promise given by the king, the consideration of the late merits of the Florentines, who, expressing a liberal and ready aid to his enterprise and conquest of Milan, converted at his request into bands and strength of men, the payments of money which they were bound to pay in that case: And therefore it was resolved to refurnish the Florentines for the recovery of Pisa, (besides the restitution of Pietrasanta and Mutron) with a regiment of six hundred Lances paid by the king, and five thousand swissers under the Bailiff of Dyon with a proportion of Gascons at their own charges, together with all such sorts of Artilleryes and Munitions as should be necessary for that enterprise: They had also against the Kings will and their meanings a strength of two thousand swissers more (such is the custom of that nation) of all which companies Monsr Beaumond had the charge, for that the Florentines, retaining a memory 
Monsr Beaumond a chief leader of the french armies.  of his ancient readiness to tender to them Lyvorna, reapposed more in him then in any other, and in that humour demanded him for their General, not considering, that in matters of enterprise, authority and knowledge in things of war, is no less necessary in a leader of an army, than faith, for that in war, neither the multitude of soldiers, nor the puissance unskilful, can so much avail to the victory, as knowledge, and exercise: The king with a more sound and better counsel, had determined to give them M. D'alegre, a captain far more experienced in war, and to whom, for his nobleness of blood, and reputation of virtue the army would have given a more ready and willing obedience: But the troubles and difficulties which accompanied the succours of the french, began even now to appear: for that the payment of the footmen beginning from the first day of May, they had spent all that month in Lombardie in the service of the king, who desired by mean of that marching to draw money from the Marquis of Mantua, & the Lords of Carpy of Correge, and Myrandola, to punish them for that they had ministered aid to Lodowyk Sforce: In so much that albeit the Florentines holding for suspected their slow proceeding, & that thintermission and discontinuance gave opportunity to the Pisans to prepare & provide, were at a resolution to abandon thenterprise: yet, looking better into the necessity of their affairs, they held it less hurtful to refurnish a second pay, & so make them march on, then to let money suppress so fair an occasion: At length, the L. of Carpy, of Myrandola, & of Correge (for whom the Duke of Ferrara made intercession) compounded for twenty thousand ducats, & the labour being vain to stay to force the Marquis of Mantua, who, on thoneside fortified himself, and on the other side alleged his poverty and want of money, and sending withal his Ambassadors to the king to solicit his pardon: the army marched and encamped at Montchiarucola, a village in the country of Parma appertaining to the family of the Torellies, who had succoured Lodowyk Sforce: Not so much for any desire the army had to punish them, as to threaten john Bentyvolle by drawing upon the limits of Bolognia, having (amongst the residue) borne favours to the cause of Lodowyk: The peril of his condition, considered with the ill inclination of the time, made him to compound, paying the king forty thousand ducats, for the which, his majesty took him of new into his protection together with the City of Bolognia, but with this express limitation, not to prejudice the prorogatiues or rights which the church had there: After the contract of Bolognia, and Montchiarucola taken by force, the army returned back to pass over Thappenyn by the way of Pontremo: And as they entered the country of Lunigiana, following more their profits and appetites, than honour or equity, they run into many insolences, and at the instance of the Fregoses, took the borrow of Massa and other lands, from Aubry Malespina being under the protection of the Florentines: Passing further in this course of behaviour, they of Lucqua (notwithstanding they were in great strife for the matter, the commonalty much impugning it) delivered over Pietra Santa to Monsr Beaumond in the kings name, who leaving Garrison in the Castle, took not away their officers of the town, for that the Cardinal of Amboyse, in whom remained small reckoning of the promises made to the Florentines, for that he had received a certain proportion of money of the Lucquoys, had received them into the protection of the king, with convention that his majesty should hold Pietra Santa in deputation until he had declared to whom the right did appertain: But in these seasons, the Pisans seeing many intentions disclosed to their harms and ruin, become the more resolute & obstinate in their defence, and had by the help of Vitellozze, (with whom they were entered into great conjunction being also enemy to the Florentines) certain ingenists to dress their fortifications, wherein might be discerned a wondered travel both of men & women in great concursse and emulation who should labour most to set forward the works: And yet (it is ordinary with men in faction and enterprise to dissemble) they forgot not to entertain the french, submitting with general consent, their whole town to the king, and in that regard sent instruments authentic not only to Monsr Beaumond, but also to Phyllypp Rabestyn governor for the king at Genes, who, with a singular rashness accepted it in the kings name: And M. Beaumond, sending a Herald to Pisa to demand 
M. Beaumond sendeth to demand Pisa in the kings name.  the town, they made answer with many humilities, that they desired nothing with greater affection then to live under the kings obedience, & in that estate of love and well meaning they were ready to give themselves up to his devotion, so that his majesty would assure them under his honour and word of a Prince, that he would not put them under the power of the Florentines: which protestation they followed with the tears and weepings of the Ladies, with all other sorts of means wherein they thought was virtue to persuade the Herald, that their hearts, wills, and affections were wholly dedicated to the Crown of France which had first put them in liberty: These petitions were vain to M. Beaumond, who looking further into their weakness and necessities, then bearing any compassion to their calamities, denied to accept the offers of their Ambassadors sent to him, and encamped before the town the last day saving one of june, between the gate of Plagues, and the gate Calcesana right over against the quarter called Barbagianui: he battered all that night with great fury, and continued the action the most part of the day following, in which time, the artillery, both good of itself, and planted to all conveniency, had made even with the earth, threescore Cubits of the wall: And assoon as the battery ceased to shoot, the horsemen and footmen intermeddled together, run without order or discipline to give thassault, not considering in what sort they might pass a deep trench which the Pisans had made between the wall that was battered, 
The french men afraid to assals Pisa.  and the Rampire that was within: In so much as when they had discovered the greatness of it, and wondered much at his depth, they consumed the residue of the day rather as beholders of the difficulty then disposed to make good th'assault: The fortune of this day, joined to the consideration of the impediments disclosed made diminish more and more the hopes of the frenchmen to carry Pisa: partly for that they fainted in courage, aswell for the quality of the Rampires, as resolution of those in the town: and partly, for that the Pisans renewing the practices and means which they were wont to use, the ancient inclination of the french, began to take new life and nourish new favours towards them: In so much as the frenchmen, beginning to entertain meetings & familiarities with those that were within the town communicating together with a friendship and liberty not suspected: and they for their parts recontinuing the same offers to resign themselves wholly to the king's devotion upon condition not to be eftsoons passed over to the oppression of the Florentines, The cause of the Pisans was favoured thorough the whole Camp, and oftentimes defended with such declarations of good meaning even afore the Captains, that the greatest part of the Camp, gave them courage to meinteine their defence, wherein (besides the incitation of the frenchmen) they were specially encouraged by Francis Tryvulce Lieutenant of the regiment of john jacques, and by Galeas Paluoysin, which led a band in the french Camp: By th'opportunity of these disorders & sufferance of the Camp, Tarlatyn (of the town of Castello) entered into Pisa on that side towards the sea, with certain old soldiers which Vitellozze sent to the succours of Pisa: A man at that time but dark and unknown, but aspiring afterwards to the place of captain, he continued and followed the defence of that City to the end, to his great honour: To this common inclination, many bands of horsemen and footmen, added many other insolences, for that, desiring that the siege might beleavied, they began to sack and spoil the victuals that were brought to the Camp: And so far multiplied they in all disorders (th'authority of the General being not sufficient to restrain them) that the footbands of the Gascoines, abandoned the army in manner of tumult, (their example breeding the like mutiny in all the residue): And at parting, certain footbandes of the swissers which were come from Rome, according to the kings direction, staid as prisoner Luke D'albisse Commissarie for Florence: The occasion (as they alleged) was, for that their pays were detained which were due for a service they had been at afore time within Lyvorna: The Camp dispersed by degrees, for that the regiment of swissers, and other footbands, went away forthwith: Only the men at arms stayed somewhat near about Pisa, where they had not spent many days in reapposing themselves, but they returned into Lombardy without tarrying till they knew the kings will and direction, leaving the affairs of the Florentines in great disorder, for that they had dismissed all their footbandes, to be more able to furnish the pays of the swissers: The Pisans turned these confusions into an occasion of exploit and enterprise, and with an expedition agreeable to the consent and opportunity of the time, they went and planted a Camp afore Librafatta, 
The Pisans take Librafatta.  which they took easily, no less by thin discretion of th'enemy, then by their proper strength: The manner of that success was this: Whilst the assault was in charging all the footmen that were within, running to the breach, some of those of the Camp by scaling Ladders entered by the highest jawme of the Castle which was not guarded: Which surprise both sudden and terrible, so astonished the footmen, that they yielded themselves: And linking still their fortune with their victory, they drew their Camp with a present speed afore the Bastillion Ventura, & whilst th'assault was in action, the footmen yielded either by faintness of courage, or by treason of the captain S. Brandano, Constable of the Florentines, of nation a Luckoys, and there remeining in Garrison: But as the conquest of these places was very profitable to the Pisans, for that it had opened to them a larger skoape on that side towards the Lucquoys, and given elsewhere almost a general liberty: So yet, such success of the things of Pisa troubled not a little the mind of the french king, who saw how much it would diminish the reputation of his army, besides that he bore very impatiently that one particular City, supported only by her inhabitants, & wherein was not only one captain of name, should resist the armies of France, which had run thorough all Italy to the general terror & fear of even the chiefest Potentates: wherein as men in things that be grievous to them do oftentimes beguile themselves, he occupied in himself this persuasion, that the adversities of Pisa happened by this default that the Florentines had not made due provisions of victuals, Pyonners, and Munitions as his people assured him for their discharge, believing that all other things had rather failed in th'army, then valour, he complained also that favouring too much th'importunities of the Florentines, he yielded to commit so great an army rather to M. Beaumond then to M. D'alegre, by which indiscretion those disorders were happened: And of the other part, desiring to recover the reputation lost, he sent to Florence M. de Corocu his Chamberlain, not so much to be informed if the reports of his Captains were true, as to practise with the Florentines, that not losing hope to have hereafter a better success, they would consent that his men at arms might return to sojourn in the country of Pisa, the better to keep that City for the winter following, in continual fear & bridle, with intention in the spring time, to recontinue the siege with an army more reasonable, compounded of Captains better experienced, and soldiers more obedient: This offer was refused of the Florentines, as despairing of any better issue by the aid of the French armies, a matter which made worse their conditions, for that, a bruit running in all places that the King had left them, the Genoese, the Lucquoys, and the Siennoys, began to minister openly to the Pisans both men and money: And at Florence, the divisions so increased amongst the Citizens, that they were not only in disability to recover the things lost, but also they provided not in any sort for the disorders that were in their jurisdiction: For, some particular factions, falling into open arms and private force, there were done between them aswell in the town as fields, many hostilities and burnings, proceeding sometimes with foreign aid, even as if it were a war ordained and set: To these insolent disorders, they applied no order, to the great reproach of their common weal.  
In this time Caesar Borgia omitted no opportunity to advance his affairs: And albeit the King was much discontented with the Pope, for not aiding him to recover his Duchy of Milan, the same being the cause why his majesty had deferred to send him bands of men to prosecute th'enterprise begun against the Viccaires of Romagna: Yet the desire he had to keep amity with him, made him change opinion, for the fear he had of the descending of Thalmains, having no mean to establish an accord with Themperor: But much more was concurrant in that desire the authority of the Cardinal of Amboyse for thambitionambition he had to obtain the legation for the realm of France: The Cardinal in this aspiring desire, had little remembrance to the council of Saint Gregory, that he that seeketh authority, let 
Saint Gregor● against ambition.  him consider how he cometh to it, and coming well to it, how he aught to live well in it, and living well in it, how he must govern, and governing wisely, he must oft call to memory his own infirmity: Ambition is an humour very unmeet for Churchmen, for that it hindereth to their humility and charity, and generally altereth the whole virtue of their profession: It is hurtful to raise a mind ambitious into high authority, for that he that is desirous of glory, is soon stirred to do things against equity, and to him that seeketh to be above all men, it is hard to keep always equity, which is the chief part of justice: The Pope eftsoons promised the King to aid him with men and with the person of his son, when soever he would advance the enterprise of Naples, & to endue the Cardinal of Amboyse with the legation of the realm of France for eightiene months, which was esteemed a great matter, aswell for that it was new and rare, as for that it diminished much the doings and profits of the Court of Rome: The King for his part, sent to him under the leading of Monsr D'alegre, three hundred Lances and two thousand footmen, 
The ●r●n●h King 〈…〉 th' aid to the Pope.  making known to every one, that what soul so ever would oppose against the enterprise of the Pope, he would take it to heart, as if the injury were done to his proper person: With which reputation joined to his proper forces containing six hundred men at arms and six thousand footmen, the Duke Valentynois entered already into Romagna, took without resistance, the Cities of Pesera and Rimini whose Lords and owners fled: Afterwards he turned his force to Faenza, which had no other defence then of the people of the place: For, not only john Bentyvolle, uncle by the mother side to Astor a little child, was made contented, aswell for fear to stir up the arms of the Pope and his son, as to obey a commandment he had received from the King: (The Florentines and Duke of Ferrara doing the like for the same occasions): But also the Venetians, who were bound to defend him, signified to him (observing the request the King made to them) that they had renounced the protection of him, a thing which they had likewise done afore for the same occasion to Pandolfe Malateste Lord of Rimini: And which more is, to express with greater appearance that they favoured the Pope, they created at the same time the Duke Valentynois Gentleman of their Town, an action not accustomed to that common weal, but for recompense of benefits received, or in token of very dear & strait amity: The Duke Valentynois entertained in his pay Dennis de Nalda Natyffe of Brisiquolle a man of great opinion in the vale of Lamona: by his means he took the Town of Brisiquolle without danger, and with the same fortune brought under his commandment almost the whole Valley: He took the old Citidell by force, and carried the new Castle by accord made with the keeper: He had also hope to enter into the Castle of Faenza by mean of a practice entertained by the said Dennis by the Castle keeper who was of the same Valley, & had long time governed th'estates of Astor: But thintelligence being discovered, he was made prisoner by the Faventyns, who making their fortune no fear to them, showed no signs of faint courage for that they were abandoned of every one, and much less stood discomforted for the loss of the Valley which was of great importance: But as people resolved to vanquish their adversities with their proper virtues, They determined to pass under all perils to continued their subjection to the famuly of the Manfredis, under whose obedience as they had lived in easy government a long time, so doubting the worst that might come by change of Lords, they stood resolute in their faith and loyalty, and carefully strengthened their City against the present dangers: From which disposition, the Duke of Valentynois being not able to turn them neither by 
D. Valentynois besiegeth Faenza.  promises nor threatenings, he encamped near the walls of their City between the Rivers of Lamona and Marsana, and planted his artillery on that side that is towards Furly, which albeit is encompassed with walls, yet commonly it is called the suburbs, where the Faventyns had erected a strong Bastillion: He battered it with great fury together with that jawme or corner that is between the suburbs and the Town, & the fift day he gave the assault: But finding the resistance of the town above his expectation, he sounded the retreat, (his soldiers bringing away many wounds and maims, and Honorius Savella a principal man slain in the action:) The Camp suffered little rest all the residue of the days it remained there, aswell by a continual affliction of the artillery from the Town, as also by the valour of thinhabitants, who, notwithstanding they had a very slender strength by foreign soldiers, yet, they made many issues and sallies, and skirmished with no less fortune than courage: But above all other perplexeties, (albeit the month of November was not yet finished) the time, which was more extreme then agreed with the custom and nature of that season, troubled him much, both for the Snows that fell, and the frosts that were intolerable (grievous impediments to the travels of war) and also for that his lodging was naked and open to the air, (the Faventyns afore the Camp came near their walls, having burned all their houses, and cut down 
D. Valentynois leavieth his Camp.  all such wood and trees as might give succours to their enemies: These difficulties pressed so much the Duke of Valentynois that he levied his Camp the tenth day, and dispersing his regiments to winter in places thereabouts, he bore his fortune with manifest impatience, specially for that besides his french forces, he had an army flourishing with Captains and soldiers Italians, wherein were john Pawle, and julio Vrsins, Vitellozze and john Pawle Baillon with many men of choice: And having promised to himself in his ambitious conceits, that neither the seas nor the mountains 
D Valentinois disdaineth to be repulsed.  had power to resist him, he could not endure without perturbation of mind, that the reputation of his first exploits should be darkened, by a people that had long lived in peace, and at that time, had no other commander than a little child: wherein he gave such liberty to his Passion, that he swore and that with many sighs and vehement protestations, that assoon as the season of the year would give leave to his desire, he would return to the siege, and recontinue th'enterprise with a resolution of a man determined either to carry the victory or to die in the action.  
In which time his father the Pope, to th'end their might be society in their doings 
The Pope createth. ●●●. Cardinals at one tyme.  having regard to one end, created the same year to his great infamy twelve Cardinals, not of such as deserved best, but of those that offered most: And to omit no means to heap treasures and money, he sent out and sowed thorough all Italy, and strange provinces, the jubilee, which being celebrated at Rome with great concursse of people, was sent with no less devotion beyond the Mounts, giving power that who could not come to Rome to obtain it, should communicate in the grace and benediction for certain sums of money, the which, together with all other treasures he could draw in what sort so ever, aswell of the spiritual fruits, as treasures temporal of the Church, he sent to the Duke of Valentynois, who staying at Furly, made strong preparation to recontinue the siege of F●enza, against whose intentions the Faventyns provided by fortifications and other remedies convenient to resist an enemy so apparently professed: These things were done in the year 1500. But matters of far greater importance were ordained by the french king for the year following, and to have the more liberty to execute them, he had sought by continual solicitation to have unity with the king of Romans, whereby obtaining th'investiture of the Duchy of Milan, he might have sufferance to assail the realm of Naples: To which ends he used the mean and inclination of Tharchduke his son, who declared a ready disposition to peace, for that his peoples, fearing thintercourse of merchandise would cease, brooked unwillingly all persuasions to levy war against the french: But the thing that most supported this inclination, was that the french king having no issue Male, offered to give in marriage his daughter Madam Clawde, to Charles son of the Archduke, and to endue her with the Duchy of Milan for a dowry when they had ability to consummate the marriage, for neither of them had not yet three years of age: By these offers, and his intercession, (for that many 
Truce between the French king and king of Romans. 1501  difficulties happening in the practice and negotiation of the peace absolute, could not so soon be resolved) the french king obtained in the year following of Maxymylian, a truce for many months, but not without the price of certain proportions of money: This truce was void of all mention of the King of Naples, notwithstanding that Maxymylian, in consideration of forty thousand ducats, with bond, to minister to him monthly fiftiene thousand ducats (his necessities so requiring,) he had promised to make no accord without comprehending him in it, and to vex the Duchy of Milan with invasions and war when need were to turn away the powers of the french king: Thus the king dwelling assured that the Allemains would not stir, and hoping in short time to make the peace perfect and absolute, and to obtain th'investiture of the Duchy of Milan by mean of the same Archduke, turned all his thoughts to th'enterprise of Naples, against the which, fearing lest the king of Spain would make some objection, and that both the Pope and Venetians (jealous over his greatness) would join with him: he renewed eftsoons the practices that had been begun in the time of king Charles for dividing of the same realm, whereunto in deed Ferdinand king of Spain pretended to have right: For, albeit Alphonso king of Arragon had conquered it with rights and titles separate from the Crown of Arragon, and therefore had disposed it to the person of Ferdinand his bastard son as his own: yet, john his brother which succeeded him in the kingdom of Arragon, and Ferdinand the son of john, had always secretly quarreled that title as lawfully appertaining to the Crown of Arragon, for that Alphonso had conquered it with the arms and treasures of the same realm: Which quarrel Ferdinand had covered with a subtlety and patience of a spaniard, forgetting nothing, not only of the duty of a parent towards Ferdinand king of Naples, and the others, but also more assuring and augmenting them with bonds of new affinity, for that he gave to Ferdinand for wife, jane his sister, and consented afterwards that jane the daughter of her, should be married to young Ferdinand, wherein yet he could not work in such clouds, but the vail of his covetousness was long time before made open to the kings of Naples: In so much as the french king and Ferdinand concurring in one inclination, the one to remove all impediments and difficulties, the other to obtain part of that he had long desired, seeing there was no opportunity to obtain the whole, they made an agreement to invade at one time the kingdom of Naples, and to divide it between them in this sort: That the french king should have the City of Naples with 
The kings of Spain and France divide between them the realm of Naples.  all the land of Lavoro, and the province of Abruzzo: And to Ferdinand's part should fall the provinces of Powylla and Calabria: That either one should conquer his own part by himself, the other not being bound to help him, but only not to impeach or hinder him: But specially it was agreed, that this contract should be holden very secret until the army which the french king should sand to execute that enterprise, were arrived at Rome: At what time Thambassadors of them both, alleading this contract to be made for the benefit of Christendom, and to invade thinfidels, should require the Pope with a joint voice, to grant th'investiture according to the division that had been made between them, receiving Ferdinand into faith and homage under the title of Duke of Powylla and Calabria, and the french king, no more king of Cicilia, but king of jerusalem and Naples: Which title of king of jerusalem, being once come to Themperor Federyk the second, who was king of Naples, by his wife which was daughter of john king of jerusalem (but in name not in effect) was always kept by the kings following, notwithstanding that at one time, the kings of Cypress, being of the house of Lusignan, who likewise pretended to it, would appropriate it to them with a covetousness as apparent and great as the rest: So violent are the desires of Princes to embrace colours by the which they may with any honest coverture (albeit most often against all law and reason) torment and invade the estates that are in the possession of an other, not considering what a world of calamities, unjust war and oppression do draw with them, and much less remembering that right may be trodden down, but not trodden out, but hath her secret means to support her, and her seasons appointed to revive and revert: This capitulation was no sooner established between the two kings, than the french king began immediately and openly to prepare his army.  
But whilst these practices were in working to their execution, the Duke of Valentynois, returning by night in the first days of the new year to the suburbs of Faenza, and working by conspiracy & intelligence, made an use of a number of scaling ladders: But that labour and trial resolving into smoke and vanity, and reapposing no more hope in treason, he took in few days after, Russi with the other places of that country, & lastly returned eftsoons with his Camp to Faenza in the beginning of the spting: And encamping before the Castle, he battered the wall on that side, & followed th'assault Pellemelle with the french & Spanish that were in his pay, who going to the service in disorder, retired without honour or profit: But three days after (obstinacy nourisheth peril) he recharged it with an other assault with the strength of the whole Camp: The first charge fell to Vitellozze and the Vrsins, who, colling out the flower and choice men of their bands, marched to the breach with a wondered boldness, and very well assured order, their valours giving great hope at that time to carry the victory: But those that were within fight for their lives and liberty, were no less resolute to defend, than the others were valiant to assail: They had so entrenched and fortified the place, that their industry made amazed their enemies, who finding afore them a great ditch for depth and largeness, and being beaten in the flank with the fury of th'artillery, were constrained to retire, Ferdinand of Faruesa remaining dead with many other men of mark, without reckoning the great numbers whose bodies smarted in the wounds they received: The chances in war are divers, and have in them many hidden fortunes which neither the wisdom of the leadors can foresee, nor the virtue of the soldiers resist, nor any council of man assure, but running governed by certain swift destinies, seem to communicate in the quality of the wind which no humane wit can make settled, but is carried by incomprehensible motions from one quarter to an other in a moment: For notwithstanding the resolution of the Faventyns to fight it out to the last man, committing their lives & liberties to one peril, yet having received great harms by this assault, they began to take such council of their present condition, that seeing on all sides general appearance of danger, & no expectation of succours in a state so abandoned, their confidence begun to turn into fear: And as there was no possibility, that their proper valours only without fresh succours, could make long resistance against so great an army always renewed: So they saw that with increase of more harms, & worse conditions, they should in the end either be taken by force, or constrained as a last necessity to put themselves under the power of the victors: And therefore their 
Faen●ayelded to the Duke.  fortune making these fears reasonable in them, they yielded to the Duke upon covenant to have their goods and lives saved, and that Astor their Lord should remain in his liberty and to enjoy wholly the revenue of his proper possessions: These covenants the Duke kept faithfully on the behalf of the people of Faenza: But Astor, a young man of xviij. years & of an excellent beauty, his age & innocency yielding to the disloyalty & cruelty of the victors was retained by the Duke with very honourable demonstrations, under cooler that he should remein in his Court: But within few days after being sent to Rome, after (so went the bruit) some had satisfied their vile unnatural lust on him, he was secretly put to death together with his bastard brother.  
After the victory of Faenza, the Duke marched towards Bolonia, laying his plot not only to occupy that City, but also to molest the Florentines which were now become much underfoot, having added to the first discontentment of the french king, new occasions of disliking: For, being weary of the huge expenses which they had made, continuing still for the furnishing of the war with Pisa, & having suspicion of the forces of the Pope & Duke Valentinois, they paid not to the king (notwithstanding his great instance) the residue of the moneys which had been lent them by the Duke of Milan, nor yet those sums which he pretended to be due to him for the swissers whom he had sent against Pisa: The Florentines (contrary to their contract established with the Cardinal of Amboyse) refused to furnish one pay for them to return into their country, for that they departed, long afore the term of the service for the which they had received pay, was expired: But the king, to entertain always that nation in good friendship, made good their pay of his proper treasure, which he redemaunded of the Florentines with sharp words, not admitting thexcuse of their inability, which was made greater by the civil discords that took their beginning of the disorders which were in the government popular: Wherein no man having a sound care of th'affairs, and many of the principal Citizens being suspected either for friends to the Medicis, or as men desiring an other form of government, things were overuled more with confusion then with council: By occasion of these troubles civil, they made no provision to satisfy the demands of the king, but letting pass without effect, the respites & delays which he had given them, they had made him much discontented: And increasing his anger by thoccasion of their weakness, he required them to prepare to contribute to him the moneys & other aids, which they promised, for thexpedition of Naples: He said that albeit they aught him none according to the covenants that were made between them (unless they had recovered Pisa) yet, as touching him, they aught to hold it for recovered, seeing it was through their own fault that their victory agreed not with their expectation: Of this was the cause, either the desire of money, which of his own nature he loved much, or the discontentment that they had not observed the respites he had granted them, or rather the opinion he had, that for the disorders in their government, & the great number of friends the Medicis had in Florence, he was able to make no foundation in thoccurrence of affairs: And to bring them by sharpness to that, which his authority could not lead them unto, he delivered public very angry terms to their Ambassador resident about his person, whom he assured that he was no more bound to their protection, for that, they failing to accomplish the capitulation made at Milan in not making him satisfied at the time appointed of the moneys promised in the same, he was at liberty from all right or laws of observation: By means whereof, julian de Medicis, being gone to his Court with the privity and recommendation of the Pope, to beseech his majesty in his name, and in compassion of his brethren, to be restored to their country, promising him great quantities of moneys, he heard him willingly & devised continually with him of the means for their return: And on the other side the Duke Valentynois, using th'opportunity of these occasions, & pushed forward withal by Vitellozze and the Vrsins, then in his service & pay, and who were just enemies to the Florentines, the one for the death of his brother, & the other for the conjunction he had with the Medicis: Had, for that cause sent afore to the succours of Pisa, Lyverot de Farm with an hundred light horsemen, and since the conquest of Faenza stood determined to molest them, notwithstanding that neither his father nor he, had received of them no harms, but rather pleasures and commodities, seeing at their requests, they had renounced the protection of them of Riara: Whereunto they were bound, and consented to liberty and passage of victuals thorough their lands to his Camp: Being then departed out of Romania in this deliberation, and since the conquest of Faenza, being declared by the Pope, with the justification of the consistory, Duke of Romania, and enjoying also th'investiture of the same, he entered with his army into the territories of Bollognia, with great hope to occupy it: But the same day that he lodged in the borrow of S. Peter standing almost upon the confines between Ymola and Bollognia, he received commandment from the french king to proceed no further in the subduing of Bollognia, no● to chase out of it john Bentyvolle for that he had taken aswell him as the city into his protection: His majesty alleged that the express exception which he had made not to prejudice the rights of the church, aught to be understanded of those rights & pre-eminences which the church did then enjoy, for that being construed without distinction, & not according as the words sounded, as the Pope pretended, it had been a thing vain & of no moment for the Bellonnois & for the Bentyuoleis, to receive them into his protection: Therefore the Duke, leaving for that time, with no small complaints of the Pope & the king, the ambicius hopes he had conceived, made a covenant with Bentyvolle by the mean of Pawle ursin, which bore these articles: That they of Bollognia should give him liberty of passage & victuals: That he should pay to him yearly niene thousand ducats: That he should serve him with a certain proportion of men at arms & footmen for his expedition into Tuskane: And to leave him Castelbollognia, a place between Ymola & Faenza & of the jurisdiction of Bollognia, which he gave to Pawle Vrsin: When this accord was made, Bentyvolle, either for a fearful suspicion he had of himself, or for that Duke Valentynois (as the saying was) to make him more hateful in that City, had told him that the family of the Mariscotties, (a faction puissant and of great favours, and for that reason and for his insolency much suspected of him), had desired him to make th'enterprise of Bollognia: He caused present slaughter to be made of almost all that famuly that were within Bollognia, using for ministers in that cruelty, together with his son Hermes, many noble young Gentlemen, to th'end that for the memory to have defiled their hands in the blood of that faction, and by that means become enemies to that family, they should be the more assuredly bound to the preservation of his estate: weak surety whose foundation is builded upon the blood of innocents, and a lamentable example, to purge surmised suspicion, by unlawful slaughter.  
The french bands followed no further the Duke Valentynois, having assignment to join with the army of the king, which contained a thousand lances & ten thousand footmen marching under Monsr D'aubigny to thenterprise of Naples: But the Duke Valentynois took his way thorough the country of Bollognia, to the lands of the Florentines, with an army ofseven hundred men at arms & five thousand footmen of choice, & with five hundred men at arms & two thousand footmen which Bentyvolle gave him under the leading of his son the pronotorie: He sent to demand of the Florentines passage & victuals through all their lands, & marching on without tarrying their answer he entertained with gracious words Thambassadors which they had sent to him, until he was past the Appenyn: But assoon as he was arrived at Barbaryna (his sweet words turned into sour meanings) he required that they would make confederacion with him: And that they would take him into their pay with such regiments of men at arms & other conditions as agreed with the greatness he held: And that changing the present government, they would establish an other, such one as he might reappose more in: The thing that gave him this boldness to demand these things, was not so much his power or strength (for he had no great army or artilleries to batter walls) as the ill estate of the Florentines, who had very few men at arms, nor other footmen than they of the country whom they commanded daily: He was also much furthered in this action by the fear, suspicion, & great disagreements that were in Florence, for that he had in his army Vitellozze and the Vrsins, and for that, by his direction, Peter de Medicis was abiding at Loiana in the country of Bollognia: And lastly for that the people were full of jealousies by an opinion they had conceived, that the greatest Citizens had procured his coming, to th'end to erect a government according to their fancies: Notwithstanding the Duke Valentynoys had no great desire to re-establish or set up again Peter de Medicis, for that he esteemed not the greatness of the Vrsins & Vitellozze convenient for his enterprise, with whom he knew that Peter had great affinity, & being repossessed of his country, would minister no small strength to them: jointly to this, I have understand by men worthy of faith & credit, that he kept fixed in his mind, the remembrance of an ancient grudge against him, when being Archbishop of Pampelnua, & his father not yet Pope, he studied the common laws in the schools of Pisa, for that he went to Floremce to complain to him of a certain crime committed against him by one of his familiars, & waiting in vain many hours to have access to him (being occupied either in his affairs or pleasures) he returned to Pisa not so much as speaking with him, esteeming himself much disgraced & injured: And yet he made other semblance to the Vitelly & Vrsins, rather to entertain them in devotion, than that his thoughts were simple, or his intentions not dissembled: But much more to augment the mutinies & disagreements of the Florentines, by the which he hoped either to range them to better conditions, or to be able to occupy some place of importance in their jurisdiction: But finding by many tokens apparent that the french king brooked not his entry in that sort into their country, when he came to Campy six miles from Florence, he accorded with them in this sort: That between the common weal 
Capitula. between the D. Valent▪ and the Florent.  of Florence & him there should be a confederation indifferent for the defence of their estates, with prohibition to aid rebels either of the one or other part, and chief that the Duke should not succour the Pisans: That the Florentines should pardon to who so ever, all faults committed by his coming, & should not oppose themselves against him for the defence of the lord of Plombyn, who was under their protection: That they should entertain him for three years with three hundred men at arms, & pay of six & thirty thousand ducats for every year, & he to sand that aid to them as often as they should have need, either for their own defence, or to offend an other: After this accord was ratified, he went to Signa, marching by easy iournes, & remeining certain days in every reapposing place, did great harms in the country by fire and robberies, no otherways then if he had been an enemy professed: He demanded beside (according to the custom in the pays of men at arms) the fourth part of the money due for one year, & that they should prepare for him artilleries for th'enterprise of Plombyn: The one of which demands the Florentines denied him flatly, as being not bound unto it, the other they deferred, for that they had not taken council to observe that, which he went about to make them promise' by force: By thadvertisements of their Ambassador with the french king, they hoped to be delivered from those oppressions by his authority, a hope which they found not altogether vain, for that it nothing displeased the king that the Duke should threaten them, but not assail them: aswell for that the change of the present government would have been to his discontentment, as also, albeit he could have wished an other form of government yet, it would have greatly displeased him, if it had been introduced with other forces or other authority than his: In which 
The french king commauds D. Valentynoys to departed from the lands of the Floretyns.  regard, assoon as he understood that the Duke was entered upon the dominions of the Florentines, he ministered to him a sharp direction to departed with speed, & commanded M. D'aubigny who was in Lombardy with th'army, that in case of the Duke's disobedience, he should oppose against him the compulsion and force of the whole army: This direction of the king brought the Duke into alteration of intention and purpose, and not tarrying so much as for a quarters pay, nor any furniture of artillery, he took his way towards Plombyn, and gave order that the Pisans, who by mean of Vitellozzo whom he had sent thither for artillery, were encamped before a borough of the Florentines, should withdraw and levy their siege:  
Being entered into the territories of Plombyn he took Sugeretta, Scarlina, and the Isles of Elba and Piavosa, and furnishing every piece with sufficient garrison, aswell for the defence of the places already occupied, as to entertain continual vexation upon them of Plombyn, he returned to Rome with the residue of his regiments, to follow the king's army that marched to thenterprise of Naples: Whereof one part led by M. D'aubigny was entered into Tuskane by the way of Castrocaro, & the other followed by the country Lunigiana: The whole army assembled in one strength, contained 
The computation of the french army.  a thousand Lances, four thousand swissers, & six thousand footmen of nation french and Gascoynes, to whom was joined (according to their manner) a great quantity of artilleries: About the same time also, the army by sea departed out of Provence for the same expedition, under the leading of the Lord of Ranastyn governor of Genes, wherein were three Caracks of Genes, & sixtiene other ships, together with many other small vessels fraught with bands of footmen. Against these movings & preparations of war, king Federyk (ignorant that the Spanish armies under shadow of friendship were prepared against him) solicited consalvo (abiding in Sicilia with the regiments of spaniards, and making semblance to secure him) to come to Caietta, after he had put into his hands certain places of Calabria which he demanded, to th'end to make more easy the conquest he intended, but under colour that it was for the surety of his people: King Federyk made his reckoning that consalvo being joined to th'army, his strength in particular would contain seven hundred men at arms, six hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen, compounded upon bodies partly entertained already by him, and partly of such as the Collonnois levied at Marina: A force which he supposed sufficient to resist the french men, without being constrained to enclose himself in towns, notwithstanding he nourished no great hope in the aid from the Prince of the Turks, of whom he had required succours with no small instance, showing him that he had more reason to fear peril by the victory of the present king, then of the late king his predecessor: And to make a clear way to an action of so great importance (it is a chief surety to Princes to cut of treasons in the beginning) he apprehended & put in prison, the Prince of Bisignan and the Count of Melotte accused afore him to have had secret intelligence with the Count Caiezze who was in the french army: With these hopes, (having also sent Ferdinand his eldest son being very young to Tarenta more for his surety if things succeeded ill, then to defend the City) he encamped with his army at S. Germem: Where, attending the succours of consalvo and ●he bands which the Colonnoys levied, he hoped to accomplish a more happy action in the defence of the entry into the kingdom, them Ferdinand his Nephew had done against the enterprise of king Charles.  
In this estate & disposition of affairs, all the regions of Italy were replenished with incredible doubts & perplexeties, every one judging that this enterprise would be a beginning of most great calamities: For that as the preparations of the french king seemed not so mighty, as to be able to surmount the joint forces of king Federyk and consalvo, so wisemen occupied this opinion that the spirittes of so mighty kings beginning once to wax angry, both the one & other party would continue the war with far greater forces, which would stir up easily thorough all Italy both great & dangerous motions, for the divers inclinations of the other Potentates: But assoon as the french army was arrived at Rome, the world saw easily into the vanity of those discourses: For that Thambassadors of France & Spain, entering together into the consistory, made publication afore the Pope & Cardinals, of the league made between their kings, intending chief (as they said) to an expedition to be made against thenemies 
The Pope giveth th'investiture of the kingdom of Naples to the French and Spaniard indifferently.  to Christian religion: And demanding th'investiture of the kingdom according to the tenor of the convention made, it was agreed unto by the Pope with the same speed it was required, thinking it but reasonable to perform that which he made no difficulty to grant: In so much, as no man doubting now what would be the end of this war, the fears of men were converted into admiration, every one wondering at the doings of the french king, who, by suffering the moiety of the realm to fall rather into the hands of the king of Spain, did as it were lead by the hand into Italy (where before he only was the Arbitrator of all things) an other king, to whom such as might be discontented with him, might have recourse, & was also straightly allied to the king of Romans by many bonds of affinity: Then to endure that king Federyk might remain Lord of the whole, acknowledging to hold it of him, and yield him tribute for it, as by sundry means he had sought to obtain it: But the universal conceptions of men were no less divided touching thintegrity & faith of Ferdinand, who, by an ambitious lust to occupy one part of the kingdom, had conspired against a king of his blood, and to draw him the more easily to his ruin, he had always entertained him with false promises to succour him: Wherein he had not only defaced the reputation of the title of King Catholyk which he and Queen Elizabeth his wife had obtained certain years before of the Pope: But also had stained that renown and glory which held their names raised up to the heavens, for driving the Moares out of the realm of Granado, no less for the zeal they bore to religion, then for regard of their proper interest: To these imputations, or rather reproaches imposed upon both the one and other king, there was answered no other thing for the french king, but that his power was sufficient to remedy all those disorders in convenient season, not remembering that where things are divided, the surety is intricate, & where there be competitors to one thing, & they no less equal instrength, than all one in ambition, their distrusts are nourished, and no part free from suspicion, but all things entangled with confusion: For Ferdinand, it was said, that albeit king Federyk had given him just occasion to be moved against him, as knowing that he had long time before practised secretly with the french king to his prejudice: yet that had not stirred him, But the consideration of the king's pretence, determining in what sort so ever it were, to perform an enterprise upon the realm of Naples, brought him to this necessity either to defend it, or abandon it: In taking upon him the defence, he should kindle so great a fire, that it could not but send dangerous sparks over all the common weal of Christendom, chief the Turks armies being so strong and mighty against the Venetians both by sea & land: And if he should abandon it, he knew his realm of Sicilia stood in manifest peril, and beside, it was a thing that wrought too much to his detriment, that the french king should occupy the realm of Naples, which of right belonged to him, & might eftsoons revert to him by new rights, if the line of Federyk should fail: And therefore amid so many difficulties he had chosen the way of dividing, with hope that by the ill government of the french, their moiety might also descend to him in time: And that in this case, as the regard of public utility counseled him, which he had always more highly esteemed then his proper profit: So he might either keep it in himself, or restore it to Federyk, or rather leave it to his issue and children, holding his name almost in horror, for that he knew, that afore the french king did any action upon the Duchy of Milan, he had practised with the Turks: These were the reasons general alleged on the behalf of both the kings, supporting their actions more by strained colors, than equity of title, and applying to thadversity of the king of Naples, their unjust ambition, they made little care to keep their particular moyties, that had no conscience to evict the just owner out of the whole.  
The league of these two kings brought such astonishment to Federyk, that notwithstanding consalvo, seeming to reject that which was published at Rome, promised him with one constancy to come to his succours: Yet, he changed his first councils and retired from S. Germain towards Capua, where he expected the effect of his direction for the bands levied by the Colonnoys: Who, leaving Garrison within Amylian, abandoned all the residue which they held in the territory of Rome, for that the Pope by the consent of the french king, had taken arms to occupy their estates: In which difficulties, consalvo, being well advertised that the french army was passed Rome, discovered at last his commissions, and sending to Naples six Galleys to bring away the two old Queens, the one sister and the other niece to his king: Prospero Colonne advised king Federyk to retain the Galleys, and drawing all his power into one strength, to make resistance to thenemies in the field: For that in making a 
Prospero Co●onn● adviseth ●. 〈…〉 ad 〈…〉 the battle.  trial of fortune, there would be some hope of victory, the issues of battles being far more in certain, than all other human actions: Otherways he saw nothing but manifest peril, two so mighty kings joining against him, & he nothing strengthened from the foreign, and less assured amid the treasons of his own people: He told him that in a danger so present, celerity was more necessary than council, and against enemies so near approaching, his greatest surety stood in th'expedition of the battle, having no other mean to make head against two so mighty kings invading him in divers parts of his kingdom: But Federyk, whose mind was wholly overruled with fears and doubts, found little hope in this council, and therefore determined to look to the guard of his towns, remembering that less in any other humane action, then in the success of battle, the innocency of the cause getteth the upper hand: Therefore, Saint Germyn with other pieces near about it, being already drawn into rebellion, yea even before M. D'aubigny marched from Rome: He determined to make the first defence in the town of Capua, wherein he bestowed Fabricio Collonne with three hundred men at arms, certain light horsemen, and three thousand footmen, and joined with him Rinucce de Marciano, whom he had newly taken into his pay: He left Prospero Colonne for the guard of Naples, and himself, with the residue of his companies, entered Auerso: But as open war ministereth many occasions to revenge particular wrongs: So Monsicur D'aubigny in his marching from Rome, burned Marina, and Cava, with certain other pieces of the Colonnoys, being angry that Fabricio had put to execution in Rome, the messengers of certain Barons of the realm holding with the french, which were gone thither to contract with him: Afterwards he took his way to Montfortyn, where he thought julio Colonne would make resistance: But having left it abandoned with very little honour, Monsr D'aubigny passing further, commanded all the places which be along the way to Capua until the river of Vulturno near Capua, which being to deep for the army to pass over without peril, the virtue of their General found out a way to pass, by marching up more high towards the mountain, whereof Federyk being advertised, retired to Naples, and abandoned Auerso, which with Nola and many other places gave themselves to the french, whose whole strength was now brought into the confines of Capua where they camped, some on thislyde and some beyond the river, on the upper side where the river beginneth to run near the town: And putting force to their fortune, they battered it on all parts, and charged it afterwards with a furious assault, which albeit was not pleasant to them, but were constrained to retire from the walls with their many harms: Yet imparting no less terror and danger to the defendants, the minds of the captains and Soldiers began to incline to accord, the people of the City beginning to draw into mutiny, together with the regiments of Peasants withdrawn thither in great numbers: But as in wars there be some insolences which the captains can not bridle, and many negligences which be fatal instruments and occasions of peril: So Fabricio Collonne the eight day after the Camp was planted, having begun to Parley with the Count Catezzo upon a Bastillion, the negligent guard of those that were within (as often happeneth when men be nearest accord) gave occasion to thenemies to enter: And they, using the law of victors, took liberty to turn all things to the reward of their adventure: In so much as what for the greediness of Pillage, and desire to revenge the harms received at the first assault, they put the whole town to sack, and 
Great cruelties of the French.  made a wonderful slaughter, retaining only for prisoners, such as remained free from their cruelty: The licentiousness of the victors was such that their cruelty raged upon all ages, sexes, and qualities of creatures, not sparing the virgins in religion, whose bodies were a miserable pray to the lust of the soldiers: And as many of them were sold afterwards at Rome for a very small price, so some of them esteeming it agreeable to their virtue to fear death less than the loss of honour, threw themselves into wells, and offered up in Rivers an oblation of their undefiled bodies: It is said that besides other abominations worthy of prepetuall infamy, many of the women which had escaped the first fury, being withdrawn into a Tower under none other confidence than such as follow creatures in misery: The Duke 
Insatiable lust of D. Valentinois.  of Valentynois who followed the army as the kings Lieutenant, went to take a view of them, accompanied only with the Gentlemen of his house & his guard: And after he had considered not of their estates, but of their beauties: The compassion he showed was that he retained for his own use forty of the most fairest of them: Fabricio Colonno, Dom Hugo of Cardona, and all the other captains and men of condition were made prisoners, amongst whom Rinucce Mariano, who at the assault had received a wound with a Cros bow shot, being in the keeping of the soldiers of the Duke died within two days not without suspicion of poison: The loss of Capua cut of all hopes to king Federyk to be able hence forward to defend any thing: Caietta yielded with a speed according to the felicity of the victors: And M. D'aubygny being come with his army to Averse, & the City of Naples left abandoned, which made composition for three score thousand ducats, Federik retired into the new castle & immediately after (having only regard to his life in such extremity of fortune) made covenant with Monsr D'aubygny to deliver up within six days all the towns and forts which he held appertaining to that moiety of the division which should descend to the french king: Reserving only for six months the Isle of Yschia, during which time it should be lawful for him to go whether he would, except in the realm of Naples: And to sand an hundred men at arms to Tarenta: That he might take out of the new Castle and the egg Castle what he would except th'artilleries of king Charles which remained there: That free pardon should be given to all faults committed since the late king Charles conquered the realm of Naples, and that the cardinals Colonne and Arragon should still enjoy those ecclesiastical revenues which they had in the kingdom. But within the rock of Yschia might be seen drawn into one show, a 
The sorrows of King Federyk redoubled.  true resemblance & figure of all the infelicities of the line of the old Ferdinand (which was a spectacle very pitiful): For that besides the aspect of Federyk newly devested of so noble a realm, the consideration of his little children, joined to the lamentable condition of Beatriss his sister, redoubled his sorrows: To the calamity of his sister, this increase of misery happened, that, after the death of her late husband Mathias that renowned king of Hungary, she receiving promise of marriage of Lancelot king of Boemia inducing her to aid him in the conquest of the same realm: She was refused by him with great ingratitude, after he had filled his delights with the sweet fruits of her body, and afterwards married an other by the dispensation of Pope Alexander: To this infelicity was also joined, Isabella afore time honoured with the titles & dignities of Duchess of Milan, but now no less wretched than the others, for that almost at one time, she suffered privation of her husband, of her estate, & of her only son. Amongst these tragical accidents, I may not forget this notable example of th'affection of a son to his father: A matter so much the more 
〈…〉 a son.  strange, by how much in those times the love of children was rare towards their fathers: One of the sons of the L. G. Montpensier being gone to Pozzuolo to visit the sepulchre of his father, suffered himself to be so much overruled with passion, that after he had washed all parts of the monument with his lamentable tears, he fainted and fell down dead upon the sepulchre of his father, who had as little sense of those his latest sorrows, as he had feeling of so great a fault to give such liberty to the rage of nature.  
To men affilicted, this is one consolation, to know the uttermost of their mishaps, and when the perils be past that nourished their fears, they return to a comofrte, not to consider what they have suffered, but to remember that no worse can happen: Even so king Federyk making the extremest reckoning of his adversities, was resolved (bearing a settled hate to the king of Spain) to recommit himself wholly to the 
Federyk in mind to commit himself to the 〈…〉 and 〈…〉 y of the french 〈…〉.  honour and clemency of the french king, to whom he sent to demand safeconduit, and having obtained it, he left all the residue in the rock of Yschia, where remeined also Prospero and Fabricio Colonne: And the Isle remaining as it did before under the government of the Marquis of Guast and the Countess of Francqueville, after he had sent part of his people to the defence of Tarenta, he went into France with five Galleys: A council evil taken (saving that men in adversity have no liberty of election) for that if he had been in a place of liberty, seeing to what terms the wars grew afterwards, between those two kings he might haply have been holpen with many occasions afterwards to return into his kingdom: But choosing rather to sit down with the sweet fruits of a quietlyfe, then to follow the bitter travels of a kingdom broken, his fortune brought him to this humility, to accept such conditions as were offered him by the king, who gave him, to th'end he might remain in France, the Duchy of Aniow with so liberal a pension that it mounted every year to thirty thousand ducats: At his departure he sent order to those in whose confidence he had left the government of Yschia, that they should deliver it up to the french king, and showing no less readiness to tender it then they were unable to keep it, he told them that the way to defy their fortune, was, not to give her leave to exercise her malice to their uttermost ruin.  
consalvo was marched at the same time into Calabria, where albeit was a general inclination and desire to live rather under the rule and Lordship of the french, yet their adversities overruling their dispositions, he found almost no resistance, but with affections compelled, was received into every town, except Manfredonia and Tarenta: But the destiny of the country running with his fortune, after he had forced Manfredonia and the Castle, he encamped with his army in the confines of Tarenta, where albeit he found greatest difficulties, yet in the end he had it by accord, for that the Count Potenso, to whose guard the young Duke of Calabria had been recommended by his father) and freare Leonard of Naples Knight of Rhodes and governor of Tarenta, seeing no hope or possibility of further defence, compounded to give up the City and Castle, if within four months they were not succoured: In which composition they received of him a solemn oath upon the sacrament, that he would leave in liberty the Duke of Calabria, who had secret commandment from his father to come to him into France when he could no more resist his fortune: But neither the fear of God, nor regard to his honour, had more force, than th'interest of thestate: For consalvo, judging what a matter of importance it would be in time to come, if the person of the Duke were not in the power of the King of Spanie: Thinking it less sin to dispense with his oath, then to loose that opportunity, 
Thelder son of king Feder sent into Spain.  would not suffer him to departed, but assoon as he could, sent him well accompanied into Spain, where the king received him and retained him near about him in high familiarity and honours due to his greatness.  
In these seasons th'affairs of the Pope proceeded with a prosperity accustomed, for that he had easily got all the estates which the Colonnoys and Savelles held in the confines of Rome, of the which he disposed one part to the Vrsins: And the Duke Valentynois continuing his enterprise against Plombyn, sent thither Vitellozze and john Pawle Baillon with new regiments: For whose coming, and the ill disposition of his business, jacques Appyan the natural Lord, leaving the town and Castle manned with Garrisons according to his fortune, went with speed into France, to see if he might obtain of the king (who long afore had received him into his protection) that for the regard of his own honour he would not suffer him to perish: The king, without covering his infamy by art, answered him roundly, that having promised the Pope not to oppose against him, he could not minister to his distress without doing wrong to the league sworn: But as nothing is more swift than adversity, which keeps his course by the violent motion that drives him: So, whilst the miserable Lord of Plombyn was in vain soliciting for succours, Pandolfe Petrucci rendered the town to the Duke of Valentynois, and within few days after, the Castle (his industry no less than his fortune, turning all things to his discomfort): In this course of the Pope's selicities, he married his daughter Lucretia (wife afore to three husbands and now widow by the death of Gismon Prince of Viselle bastard son to Alphonso king of Naples, whom the Duke Valentynois had slain) to Alphonso eldest son to Hercules D'este, with a portion of an hundred thousand ducats in ready money and many other gifts of great value: To this marriage so unworthy for the house of Este which was wont to seek society with the famulies most noble, Hercules and Alphonso consented, partly for that the french king desiring to satisfy the Pope in all things, was an importunate procurer of it, but chief they thought by this mean (if against so great a disloyalty there be any surety sufficient) to assure themselves of the arms and ambition of the Duke Valentynois, who, bearing a great power by the treasure and authority of the sea Apostolic joined to the favours which the french king bore him, was the only man that was feared throughout the greatest part of Italy, every one knowing that his ambition was infinite, and his covetousness without limit: The French king continued with great diligence the negotiation of peace with Maxymilian Caesar, not only for the hopes he had to shake of by that mean, expenses and suspicions, and to obtain of him th'investiture of the Duchy of Milan which he desired much: But also to have opportunity to offend the Venetians, as being persuaded that his prosperities were grievous to them, and with all nourishing this opinion, that they laboured secretly to break the peace between Caesar and him: But that which most stirred him to this inclination, was a covetous desire (as well for himself as at the persuasions of the Myllanois) to recover Cremona & Guiaradadda, towns which himself had accorded to them a little before: And also to get again Bresse Bergame, and cream, ancient appurtenances of the Duchy of Milan, and lately possessed by the Venetians in the wars which they had with Phillippe Maria Viscounte: To debate these things to better effect, and to ordain the provisions necessary for th'expedition of Naples, he had long time before sent to Milan, the Cardinal of Amboyse, the tongue & authority of whom, were the proper tongue and authority of the king, and who had remained there many months, being not able, for the ordinary variations of the king of Romans, to establish any thing with him: About this time, the Florentines solicited by mean of the Cardinal to be received of new into the kings protection: But they made a vain labour of it, for that the king propounded hard conditions, and declared a great alienation and estranging of mind from them: Wherein pretending to be no further bound to the covenants made at Milan, he caused to be assigned over to the Lucquoys (received of new into his protection) Pietrasanta & Mutron as being ancient members of that City: But not without the sum of four & twenty thousand ducats, which he received of them as Lord of Genes, for that the Lucquoys ancient owners of Pietra Santa, had by reason of some necessities, engaged it for the like sum to the Genoese, from whom it was descended afterwards to the Florentines by force of arms: Besides, the Cardinal treated with them of Sienna, Lucqua, and Pisa, to knit them altogether for the re-establishing of Peter de Medicis in Florence: Wherein as the Cardinal cast his plot that the king should obtain by this action a round sum of money of every of them, so his intention took such proceeding, that they were almost at accord, and yet the devise dissolved without effect, for that there was no agreement amongst them to satisfy the proportion of money that was demanded.  
At length the Cardinal, winning by little and little upon the inclination of the king of Romans, had a more certain hope then before to contract some accord: And in that regard he went to Trent, to communicate with him, where they treated of many things concerning thestablishment of the marriage of Madam claud the kings daughter with Charles th'elder son to Tharchduke, with concession of th'investiture of the Duchy of Milan to both the one and other of them: They treated also to levy war against the Venetians, to recover those places which either of them pretended to be usurped upon them: And lastly, they consulted to call a general council to reform the Church, not only (as they protested) in her members, but also in her head: Which motion the king of Romans seemed to entertain with a semblance of consent, to nourish the hopes of the Cardinal of Amboyse to obtain the Popedom, whereunto he aspired with manifest ambition, the king his master being a special furtherer of the action for the interest of his proper greatness: Such a raging humour is ambition, that it tempteth those men to solicit high honours, who for their proper virtues, are unworthy of them: It makes them blind in their desires, and impudent to hope to compass even things that are without their reach: On the behalf of the french king, it was accorded in that contract, that what confederation or alliance he had made, it should be understanded with this clause, saving the rights of Thempire, by mean whereof it should be lawful to Themperor to challenge it aswell for those that should be now named by the king, as for such as he had afore taken into his protection: There rested only the principal difficulty touching th'investiture, for that Caesar refused to grant it to thissue Males if the king should have any: They stood also upon terms for restitution of the exiles of the Duchy of Milan, which being instantly demanded by Caesar, the king refused flatly to grant, for that beside they were many in number, there were also personages of importance and authority: At last by compulsion of the kings importunities, he was content to give liberty to Cardinal Askanius, and hope of the like grace to Lodowyk Sforce with assignation of pension of twenty thousand ducats by year to furnish his countenance in the realm of France: By reason of these difficulties, they fell not otherways to accord, then with hopes to be able to introduce some convenient form, and therefore the truce being eftsoons prolonged, the Cardinal returned into France, holding almost for certain, that the matters which they had debated, would with speed devolve to their perfection: Which opinion was augmented by this occasion, that a little after, the Archduke, before he went into Spain to receive in his person and the person of jane his wife eldest daughter of the king there, the oath of fidelity of the peoples, as ordained to that succession: He made his way by land accompanied with his wife, and met at Bloys with the french king, who receiving him with many honours, they rested agreed touching the marriage of their children: In this year died Augustyn Barbaryn Duke of Venice, who managed his principality with such happiness and authority, that in many actions it seemed that he overcame the degree of his predecessors: Therefore the power of his successors being limited by new laws, Leonard Loredan was elected in his place, the common weal feeling no change in public things, neither by the death of the Prince, nor for th'election of a new: So excellent was the form of his government.  
In this year, the Florentines & the Pisans (contrary to the customs of the years before) brought forth no great actions one against the other: for that the Florentines, being no more under the protection of the French, and standing in continual suspicion of the Pope & the Duke Valentynois, studied more to keep that was their own, then to offend others: And the Pisans not having of themselves any power to vex them, had less possibility to do it by the aid of others, for that there were none that stirred otherways in their favours, but only to sustain them when they were in peril of ruin: But in the year 1502. might be seen a recontinuation of their actions accustomed, for that the Florentines, almost in the beginning of the year, contracted of new with the french king, after they had overcome all difficulties more by the benefit of fortune then by the disposition of the king, or other occasions: Seeing the king of Romans (since the Cardinal of Amboyse departed) being possessed of new thoughts and purposes, and refusing to accomplish to the french king th'investiture of the Duchy, yea even to his daughters married, sent as his Ambassadors into Italy, Hermes Sforce whom the king had acquitted of his imprisonment, & the provost of Bessina, to deal with the Pope and the other Potentates touching his descending into Italy to take the Crown of the Empire: These Ambassadors, omitting no opportunity wherein occasion was given, as they sojourned certain days in Florence, obtained promise of the same City to contribute to his aid with a hundred men at arms and thirty thousand ducats, assoon as he was entered into Italy: In which respect, the french king (Princes are jealous one over an other touching amities and forteine confidences) who feared lest the Florentines despairing of his friendship, would turn their favours to Maxymilian, was content to quallefie the immoderate demands he had made to them, and contract an accord under conditions more 
Accord between the french king and the Florentines.  tolerable, the general parts whereof were these: That the king receiving them into his protection, should be bound for three years following, to defend them with arms at his proper expenses, against who so ever would directly or indirectly molest them touching the state and dominions which at that time they possessed: That the Florentines should pay to him within the said three years, six score thousand ducats, every year a third part: That all other capitulations made between them, with all bonds and promises depending on the same, should be made dissolved and void: That it should be lawful to the Florentines to proceed with arms against the Pisans, and all others that occupy their lands.  
In regard of which confederation, the Florentines recomforted and taking a new heart, determined to give the spoil to the corns and grains of the country of Pisa, to th'end that by time and famine, they might reduce the town of Pisa to their obedience, seeing they had so unluckily traveled to force them by siege: This council was propounded in the first year of their rebellion by a certain well experienced Citizen, alleging that by those means, more certain, but further of, they should afflict and consume the Pisans, with little expenses and less danger: He told them that in regard of the present conditions of Italy much troubled and molested, if they would make store of their treasures, they might make them serve their turns in many occasions: But if, with the waist of their money, they would range them by force and compulsion, they should find th'enterprise both doubtful and dangerous, for that the surety of that City was great by the situation and strength of the walls, and full of inhabitants well resolute to defend it: Besides also, as often as there should be peril to loose it, it would be rescued by all those that to the envy of our well doing, have joined a settled disposition to see it preserved: In so much as the expenses being greater than the hopes, we should always nourish our proper dangers and cut out occasions to stir up new travels: All violent attempts being set forth without council, at the beginning seem mighty, but in continuance they are found insufficient, since in the field, armour and weapons are to small purpose, if at home a sound council set not down a good direction: The council of this grave Citizen being rejected in the beginning for hurtful, after the course of many years, was found profitable, but in a time wherein they had wasted huge expenses and treasures, and attempted the victory with many intolerable dangers: After they had overrun their corn, hoping that th'authority of the kings protection, would defend all men from rising in the succours of the Pisans, they planted their siege before Vicopisan, for that not many days before, the Pisans had taken it from them by treason of certain soldiers that were within: And the captain of the Castle not abiding for the succours which should have arrived within few hours, did tender it to them with great cowardice: They made no doubt to carry it, by the penury of provision and victuals, which they knew could not suffice for fiftiene days, and they had good confidence to let that none should enter, for that by the benefit of their Bastillions, which they had builded separate upon the mountains, they commanded all the passages: And in the same season being advertised, that Fracasse but poor and without pay, was going with a few horsemen to enter Pisa in the name and with letters of Maximilian, they gave direction that he should be charged on the way, where his fortune being no less envious than his condition was poor, he was made prisoner seeking his safety in a Church within the jurisdiction of the Duke of Farrara: These accidents fell in Tuscan, not man as yet perceiving what would happen by them contrary to th'expectation of every one.  
But far more great and dangerous motions, and of the which were to descend in time to come, effects of right great importance, began to be disclosed in the 
The french and the spaniards do disagree upon the dividing of Naples.  kingdom of Naples by the discords which happened the year passed between the French and Spanish Captains: They took their beginning, for that in the division made between both the kings, the country of Lavoro and Abruzzo being adjudged to the one, and to the other, Powilla and Calabria, the confines & limits of the provinces were not well expressed in the division: In so much as either one began to pretend that that part which is called Capitinato did distinctly and particularly appertain to him: To this controversy gave a great occasion, the alteration and change made by Alphonso of Arragon King of Naples first of that name touching the ancient denomination and division of the provinces: He, looking to make easy the exactions of the revenues divided all the kingdom into these six principal provinces, Lavoro, Principato, Basilicato, Calabria, Powylla, and Abruzzo: Of these Powylla was distinguished into these three members, Ottranto, Bary, and Capitinato, which Capitinato adjoining to Abruzzo, and divided from the residue of Powylla by the river Lofanto anciently called awfido, the frenchmen, taking rather th'advantage of thancient division, then ruled by the late denomination, pretended, that either Capitinato was not comprehended under any one of the four provinces divided, or else that it was rather part of Abruzzo then of Powylla: In this contention the importance of the country led them not so much, as the consideration of these two infirmities, the one, for that not possessing Capitinato, they had no part in the revenue which was drawn of the tribute of cattle, a revenue of greatest profit in all the realm of Naples: The other, for that Abruzzo and Lavoro being naked of grains and corn which came to Capitinato, those provinces in times of sterrillitie might be easily reduced into great extremities, as often as the Spanish would make restraint that none should be fetched out of Powylla and Sicilia: But it was alleged on the contrary that Capitinato could not appertain to the french, for that Abruzzo which is ended in the high places, stretcheth not so far as the plains: And for that also in cases of difference of the names and limits of provinces, the usage present is always considered: Notwithstanding these controversies suspending, they were content for the year present to divide equally the revenue of the cattle: But the year following, falling from that observation, either party took as much as he could get, whereunto were added afterwards new quarrels, nourished till that time (as the bruit went) more by the wills of the captains, then of the consent of their Lords and Kings: For, the spaniards pretended that Principato and Basilicato were included in Calabria, which is divided into two parts, Calabria Cytra and Calabria Vltra, that is the one higher and the other lower: And also that the valley of Benevent which the french held, was part of Powilla, and therefore sent officers to keep Courts of justice at Tripaldo within two miles of Auelino, where were resident the french magistrates: These beginnings of open dissension being troublesome to the principal Barons of the realm, they interposed between consalvo, and Lewis D'arminack, Duke of Nemours, Viceroy for the french king, and by their intercession, Lewis being come to Melfe and consalvo to Atele a town of the Prince of Melfe, after the travel of certain months (in which time the two captains spoke together) finding in them no conformity to any form of accord, they brought them to agreed to expect such resolution as their kings should set down of the controversy, and that in the mean time they should forbear to innovate any thing: But the Viceroy for the french presuming much that he was the mightier in power and force, within few days after, published 
The beginning of wars in Naples under K. Louis the twelfth.  an other declaration, protesting to make war upon consalvo, if he would not upon the sight, leave Capitinato: And with a speed as swift as his council was rash, he made his soldiers run up even to Tripaldo, of which invasion the war took his beginning, wherein the French persevering with actions of hostility, they followed their purpose without regard, to occupy by force in Capitinato and other quarters, the towns which the Spanish held: Which outrages were not only not redressed by the french king, but being advertised that the Spanish ment not to yield him Capitinato, he converted himself wholly to the war, and sending by sea for the strength of his people, two thousand Swyzzers he kept still entertained in his pay the Princes of Salerno and Bisignian, and other of the principal Barons: Besides, the kings person came to Lion, to th'end in his own presence to furnish more conveniently the provisions necessary for the conquest of the whole kingdom, whereunto (the places in question were less then to satisfy his ambition) he aspired manifestly, with intention to pass into Italy if need required: A voyage which he was constrained to perform with a speed above his expectation, to suppress the new tumults happened in Tuskane, to the which Vitellozzo gave beginning with the privity and consent of I P. Baillon, and the Vrsins, but specially by the council and authority of Pandolfe Petrucci, who all joined in one desire that Peter de Medicis might be re-established in thestate of Florence.  
Of this begun the mutiny: William Pazzi Agent for the Florentines in Aretze, 
Aretze rebelleth against the Flor in favour of P●▪ de Medicis.  being advertised that certain of the Citizens had conspired with Vitellozze to stir the City to rebellion against the Florentines, believed that in such a commonalty of wise Citizens, the mind of every one was not corrupted, nor remembering that to favour the suspicion, makes the treason more dangerous: And occupying with himself this persuasion, that the authority of the name public, would supply the want of forces, he omitted to areare a sufficient strength to oppress the conspirators and such as had power to resist him, and only apprehended for prisoners, two of the accessories or competitors to the treason: A dealing too mild in so great peril, for that he gave opportunity to the residue of the conspirators, to raise the people, by whom (according to the ill affection they bore to the Florentines) the prisoners were easily rescued, and the Agent apprehended, together with the residue of the officers, suffering this danger more by their own credulity and negligence, than any prows or virtue of their adversaries: The whole City forthwith published the name of liberty, and made manifest declaration of rebellion, the Citadel only remaining in the devotion of the Florentines, to the which, in the beginning of the tumult, was retired Cosma Bishop of the same place, and son to the Agent, seeking his safety where either his fear or fortune would lead him: After this beginning, the men of Aretze sent speedily to Vitellozze, who was not well content that the matter was burst out afore the time he had agreed with the conspirators, for that it was to intercept him in his policy as having not yet set down sufficient direction for the provisions he meant to make to resist the bands of the Florentines, if, (as was very likely) they made any attempt to enter Aretze by the Citadel: For fear whereof, and to satisfy with his presence the minds of the Citizens, he went from Citta de Castello to Aretze accompanied with his men at arms and a choice strength of footmen, and leaving order that they should look diligently to hold those in the Citadel straightly enclosed, to th'end that through it there might be no action against the City, he returned e●tsoones to Citta de Castello promising to come again with the same speed, but with a greater strength: In all humane actions, there is nothing which with less peril may not temporize and expect, than rebellion, in the oppression whereof there is no greater virtue than expedition of action: For that by how much it is suffered, by so much it riseth into degrees of worse nature, even as a soar that is lingered, breedeth a cure doubtful: They of Florence to whom appertained to provide for this mischief, considered not well in the beginning, of what importance it was: For, the principal Citizens, by whose council the weighty affairs of the City had wont to pass, giving this direction that the regiments which were encamped before Vicopisan (a number so sufficient, that marching with diligence they might have vanquished all resistance) should be converted to Aretze: Many others which occupied the greatest romthes and offices, (their knowledge being less than their authority, and their ignorance slanderous to the places they occupied) meinteyned that it was a matter but of small moment, and that they might redress it with the forces of their other subjects, neighbours to the same City: Their ignorance made them suspect the soundness of the other council, and according to their wilful credulity, they believed that those good Citizens, bearing minds estranged from the present government, made the danger far greater than it was, for a desire they had to hinder the action of Vicopisan, and by that mean to take away the opportunity to recover Pisa: By which variation and wandering in council, they deferred so long to send strength thither, that Vitellozze taking courage of their delays, returned to Aretze with an increase of forces, drawing thither after him with other bands I P. Baillon, and Fabio the son of P. Vrsin, Peter de Medicis and the Cardinal: Who having received munitions from Sienna, they began to batter the Citadel, wherein, (according to the custom of many which are more careful to erect new fortifications, then diligent to preserve the forts already builded) was no less want of victuals, then of all other provisions necessary to defence: And to add the last discomfort to men in extremity, they environed it so straightly with trenches and mounts on the out side to give impediment to the succours that might enter, that they made them naked of all comfort other than such as men in misery may hope for: And therefore, weighing with their wants within the Castle, the weakness of the Florentines to minister sufficient succours, and in due season, (being come but to Quarate, and durst not pass further) they rendered by necessity that which they could not hold by their virtue, making only this agreement, that the residue remeining in liberty, the Bishop with eight others which they of Aretze would choose, should abide prisoners, to exchange them for some of their Citizens which were prisoners at Florence: The commons of Aretze dismantled the Citadel, and the army of the Florentines, fearing least Vitellozze and john Pawle, who were far stronger than they, would charge them, retired to Montevarcho, leaving to the discretion of th'enemies, all the places thereabout: It was believed that this enterprise was made without the privity or knowledge of the Pope and Duke Valentynois, in whom was no contentment that Peter de Medicis should return to Florence, for that he was straightly allied with Vitellozze and the Vrsins, whom they had secretly determined to oppress: And yet having always given them hope of the contrary, they consented that Vitellozze, john Pawlo, and Fabio, Mercinorie in their pay, should prosecute th'enterprise: Yea they did not dissemble that they were very glad of the rebellion of Aretze, hoping, that by those displeasures done to the Florentines, it might happen, that either they might get some part of their dominion, or at lest constrain them, for their profit, to some hard condition: But the Florentines not believing but that they were the authors of the whole mischief, were so much the more terrified, and therefore reapposing little in the remedies which of themselves they were able to apply, for that, by the ill disposition of the City, they had in their pay but a very small proportion of men at arms, and not able to refurnyshe their power so soon as the necessity of their danger required: They had speedy recourse to the french King: Laying afore him not only that 
The Florentines have recourse to the french king.  which they could challenge by his honour, binding himself so lately to their defence, but also the apparent danger to the Duchy of Milan, if the Pope and Duke Valentynois (against whom was no little suspicion to be the kyndlers of this commotion) become Lords over Tuskane: They debated with him by lively reasons, that the Pope and the Duke were mighty in arms, having an army compounded upon excellent captains and Soldiers of choice, and that by the declarations they made, neither Romania nor Tuskane would suffice their infinite ambition, aspiring to matters more ample and immoderate: And lastly seeing they had offended the honour of the king, by invading such as were in his protection, necessity now constrained them, to think no less upon their own surety, then to take from him the mean to be revenged of so great an injury.  
These reasons moved not a little the King, whom had already begun to mislike with the insolency and ambition of the Pope and his son: And considering that the war was begun in the kingdom of Naples between him and the Spanish, and the negotiation of accord with Maxymilian broken, and lastly that he was not (for many reasons) to trust the Venetians, he began to doubt least the invasion of Tuskane (supported by some secret council of others) turned not to his great disadvantage: In which opinion he was confirmed greatly by certain advertisements from Charles D'ambo●se the cardinals Nephew, and lieutenant to the King in all the Duchy of Milan, who suspecting such innovations, persuaded the King to provide carefully for his proper danger: And therefore with a council resolved and direction equal to the importunity of the business, determining to make march into Italy with all speed his army, and to secure readily the Florentines, he gave charge in the mean while to the said Lord Charles, to send forthwith to their rescues, four hundred Lances, and dispatched an Herald in post to command not only Vitellozze, john Pawle, Pandolphe, and the Vrsins, but also the Duke Valentynois, to forbear to offend any more the Florentines, wherein himself made great instance to the Pope's Ambassador, and threatened with very sharp words julian de Medicis, and the Agentes of Pandolfe and Vitellozze which were in his Court.  
But in this time, the Duke Valentynois, who since the accident of Aretze, 
Duke Valentinois takes the Duchy of Vrbyn.  was come out of Rome with his army, making semblance to take Cameryn, whether he had sent before the Duke of Gravino & Liverot de Feruie with part of his bands, to make spoil and hold it besieged, but in true meaning to surprise under that semblance, the Duchy of Vrbyn: After he had resembled his army upon the confines of Perousa, he demanded of Guidobaldc Duke of Vrbyn, money and artillery: Which was easily agreed to him, for that it was neither for his surety to refuse a Prince who had his strength so near, and also having a little before compounded with the Pope touching the controversy of a tribute, he had no occasion to fear: The Duke Valentynois, having by this mean made the other less sufficient for his own defence, departing so deinly from Nocero, & marching with a diligence so well disposed as he would give his men no leisure to reappose or bait, he arrived the same day at Cagly a town of the Duchy: The sodeinnes of whose coming, and against a people unprovided, brought such a general amaze, that the Duke & Francis Marta Rowero perfect of Rome his Nephew, had scarce leisure to find safety in fleeing, Such a passion is sudden fear, that it makes men run, not whether council directs them, but whether their fortune will lead them, not suffering them to consider of their peril, but makes them oftentimes to throw away their weapons and refuse the thing that should be their safeguard: But the Duke Valentynois, putting diligence to the disposition of his fortune, obtained in very few hours, a victory of all that state, except the rock of S. Leon, and Manuiola, to the great displeasure and fear of Pandolfe, Vitellozze, and the Vrsins, who now began to discern their proper perils, by the harms of an other.  
After the conquest of the Duchy of Vrbyn, the Duke Valentynois, who judged all adventures inferior to his fortune, was raised into divers thoughts: Sometimes he determined to make an end of the enterprise of Camerin, and sometimes he resolved to invade openly the Florentines, In which council he had stand settled, if the commandment he received from the french king, had not bridled his ambition, having assured knowledge, that notwithstanding the Pope's travel to altar him, his majesty had sent men at arms in favour of the Florentines, & was resolutely determined to defend them, and in that inclination he prepared to pass in person into Italy: These doubts drawing divers reasons, with no less variation touching the end of things, so encumbered his thoughts, that he stayed within Vrbyn to consider what he had to do, and what would be the success of things: During which time the Pope and he solicited many matters with the Florentines, hoping to bring them somewhat to condescend to their desires: And on the other side, he suffered many of his soldiers to go continually to the Camp of Vitellozze: Who having assembled an army of eight hundred horsemen and three thousand footmen, and for the better reputation of his doings, calling his army the Camp ecclesiastical: Had, since the rendering of the Citadel of Aretze, occupied Mount S. Sovyn, Chastillon D'aretze, and the City of Cortono with all the other towns and borrows of Valdichiano: Of the which not one of them tarried an assault, both for that they saw the succours of the Florentines not in readiness, and also, the time serving then to gather the fruits, it stood not with their abilities to loose the profit of their revenues, alleging that in that respect they were not rebels to the Florentines, seeing Peter de Medicis was in the army, for whose restoring it was said that enterprise was made: And it is not to be doubted, that if Vitellozze, after the taking of Cortono, had suddenly entered the country Casentyn, that it had not been in his power to have marched even to the walls of Florence, both for that the french bands were not yet come, and also the most part of the Florentyne footmen were dispersed, for that almost the towns being lost, the occasion of service ceased, and they were returned to their houses: But as it happeneth oftentimes that very small impediments hinder th'execution of many high enterprises, so the desire he had to win for himself the borrow of S. Sepulchre (a place near to Citta de Castello) hindered the better council, notwithstanding (to cover his covetousness) he alleged that it was not sure to leave behind his back any place that was enemy: Therefore he turned towards Angu●aro, which place, albeit it only had this constancy to abide till the artilleries were planted, being too weak to resist so strong an enemy, yielded to discretion without excepting any thing: From thence he marched to the borrow S. Sepulchre, which he took by accord, having no better ability of resistance than the rest, and so drawing towards Casentyn, and arriving at the village of Rassina, he sent to summon the town of Poppy, of strong situation, but wherein were very few soldiers: But the reputation of the french arms supplied their weakness & want of forces, for that two hundred Lances arrived already near Florence under captain Imbault, & not daring for lack of footmen, to affronted the enemy, were marched to S. john D'arno, with intention to reassemble in that place all the bands: Which being known to Vitellozze, & fearing lest his absence would be inconvenient for them of Aretze, he retired with diligence from Lavernia within two miles of Quaratta, & from thence drawing on to declare that he feared not the enemy, & to assure Rhondina with other places thereabouts, he encamped in a strong place on that side to Rhondina having left certain bands of footmen for the guard of Civitella & Gargonse which were the ports or gates by the which the Florentyn bands might enter into the country: These companies (being also arrived two hundred Lances more under captain La Hire) assembled between Montevarche and Laterina, with intention that assoon as they had gathered a strength of three hundred footmen, to go encamp near Vitellozze upon some high hill: A resolution against his surety, and therefore neither able to keep that place, nor levy his Camp without great danger, he retired near to the walls of Aretze: But the french taking the field with their whole army, and encamping right over against Quaratta, he was driven to retire within Aratzo: Where albeit he had said to many, that he would perform a notable defence in the same City, yet, new accidents happening, he was constrained to turn to new thoughts: For, john Pawle Baillon was come to peruse with his regiment, fearing by that that was done to the Duke of urbyn, lest he should fall into danger of the like oppression: By reason of which examples, and no less for that which happened in Camaryn, Vitellozze, Pandolfe, Petrucci, and the Vrsins, fell into great confusion of mind: For, in the very time that the Duke Valentynois commoned of accord with jules de Varana Lord of Cameryn, he surprised the City by subtle means, and having jules in his power with two of his sons, he caused them to be strangled with the same inhumanity which he used against others: But that which most amazed Vitellozze, was, that the french king, already come to Ast, sent Lowys Trymoville into Tuscan with two hundred Lances, and great strength of artilleries: Who marching to Parma, expected there three thousand swissers, which the king sent for the recovery of Aretze, at the charges of the Florentines: The King being greatly kindled against the Pope, had an intention to despoil the Duke Valentynois of Romania with other estates occupied by him, and for that effect, had sent for all those that either feared his power, or had been offended by him, whom he assured that he would execute that intention in person, and protested publicly with great affection, that it was an enterprise no less full of piety and devotion then if the action were dressed against the Turks: He laid also his plot at that time to chase out of Sienna Pandolfe Petrucci, for that he had sent money to Lodowyk Sforce when he returned to Milan, and always had made open profession to be imperial: But the Pope and Duke Valentynois knowing that they were not able to resist so great a storm and rage of anger of the french king, had recourse to their subtleties and well experienced crafts, with the which they forged excuses, that the actions against Aretze were done by Vitellozze without their knowledge, and that there authority sufficed not to restrame him, and much less to keep from aiding him, the Vrsins, and I P. Baillon, who albeit were in his pay, yet they were overruled with the regard to their proper interests: And the better to bring the mind of the king to moderation, Duke Valentynois sent to tell Vitellozze that if he restored not Aretze and the other places of the Florentines, he would come with his whole army, and compel him to tender that, which he had unjustly gotten: Which sommonce joined to the consideration of the present estate of the affairs, bred no little astonishment in the mind of Vitellozze, fearing lest (as happeneth for the most part) that the strongest being reconciled, the indignation of the king would turn against him, which was the weaker in strength, and far inferior in all other means: And therefore to avoid his peril so apparent, he called into Aretze the captain Imbault, (contrary notwithstanding to the wills of the Florentines, who desired that the towns lost might be redelivered freely in the field) who compounded that Vitellozze departing immediately with all his companies, should consign Aretze with all the other places to the french Capteins to hold them in the king's name, until the Cardinal Vrsin, who went to the king, had spoken with his majesty: And that in the mean while, there should not enter into Aretze other companies than of the french Captains with forty horsemen: For whose surety, and no less for observation of th'articles promised, he should give two of his Nephews in Hostage to captain Imbault: Assoon as the accord was passed, he went with all his companies and artillery from Aretze, leaving to the french men, the whole possession of all the other places, which forthwith were delivered over to the Florentines by the king's commission: Whilst the Parley of th'accord continued, captain Imbault answered in scorn to the complaints, which the Florentines made, that he could not discern wherein consisted that great celebration of spirit and wisdom in the Florentines, seeing they knew not, that the sooner to assure the victory without difficulty and expenses, and to avoid peril of other disorders, how to desire that Aretze might fall into the hands of the king, who was not bound to bear regard (but in sort as he thought good) to the promises made by his Captains to Vitellozze: But the Florentines more by their fortune then their virtue, being delivered with great facility, but not without huge expenses, of so terrible and unlooked for assault, began to look to the reordeining and redressing of the policy of their common weal, by the confusion and disorders of which, experience had made them find out, yea even to th'estate of the commonalty, that they were fallen into so great and sundry dangers, for that by the often change of magistrates, and for the name of a few that were suspected to the people, there was not one whether he were public or a private person, in whom rested a perpetual care of th'affairs: But for that tyranny was abhorred almost of the whole City, and the authority of 
Disorder in Florence touching the government.  personages most honest was suspected of the multitude, and for that by the precedent of times past, they held it not possible to ordain with common deliberation, a perfect form of government, the ignorant sort and incapable being not able to be convinced with reasons only: It was determined to introduce for the time, this only new thing, that the gonfallonier of justice chief of the dominion, and whose creation (together with it) was for the time of two months, should be chosen hereafter for his whole life: So might he keep a continual study over the affairs public, that through negligence they might not fall eftsoons into so great dangers: It was hoped that, with th'authority which the quality of his person would give him, and for that he was to remain perpetually in so great dignity, he should win such opinion of faith and credit with the people, that with time he might easily re-establish the other parts of the government, and withal, placing Citizens of greatest condition in some degrees honourable, he might constitute a mean between himself and the commonalty, by the which the ignorance and liberty popular being tempered, and all such bridled as should succeed him in the same dignity if they would aspire or rise to high, he might leave established a wise and honourable government with many good circumstances to contain the City in peace: 
Peter Soderin chosen chief maiestrat during his life.  After this deliberation was well debated and resolved, there was chosen for Gonfallonnier, by the great council with a concourse & consent of almost all the Citizens, Peter Soderin, a man for his age very ripe in council and experience, for his countenance, of very great wealth and furnishments for his house, noble above most of the residue of Citizens, for his credit, mighty in opinion and affection with the people, and bearing a reputation of integrity, continency, and to have always nourished great cares of the public business: Lastly, he was without children, a point not of the lest consideration, for that they might breed occasions to li●t up his thoughts to ambitious purposes.  
But to return now to th'affairs common and general: Assoon as the french 
The french king in Ast.  king was come to Ast, all the Princes and free Cities of Italy, according to their custom run to him: Some in person, and some by Ambassadors: Amongst whom was Baptistin Vrsin Cardinal who went thither against the Pope's will, to justify his brethren and Vitellozze touching the action of Aretze, and withal to stir up the king against the Pope and Duke Valentynois, against whom, by the consideration of the vehemency showed afore by the king, all Italy expected with great desire, that the french forces might be opposed: But experience declareth this to be true, that that which many desire, succeedeth rarely, for that th'effects of humane actions depending ordinarily of few, and thintentions and ends of them differing from the meanings and ends of many, hardly can things succeed otherways then according to th'intention of those that give their first motion: Even so it happened in this case, for that interests and ends particular induced the king to make deliberations contrary to the desire universal: Wherein the thing that moved the king, was not so much the diligence of the Pope, who ceased not by the negotiation of men special, to labour to appaise him, as the subtle council of the Cardinal Amboyse, nourishing a perpetual desire to enter amity between the Pope and the king, induced perhaps thereunto, (besides the weal and utility of his king) for his own profit and purpose particular: Both for that the Pope recontinued his legation over the realm of France for eightiene months, and also studying carefully to say foundations to raise him to the Popedom, he sought to be able to obtain of him, the promotion of his patents and dependences whilst he was in the Cardinallshyp, and withal he judged that to have the name and reputation to be a lover and protector of thestate ecclesiastic, was a thing that might do much to serve to his intention: Touching these devices, the conditions of the time present were very convenient to draw the king to favour his counsels, for that as he was in suspicion with Themperor, who could not be appeased, so having of new sent to Trent many bands of horsemen with a certain proportion of footmen, he made also great offers to the Pope to aid him to pass into Italy to take the Crown imperial.  
Amid these doubts, every enterprise of Themperor fell into more great consideration, for that the king knew that it stood not with the liking of the Venetians that the Duchy of Milan & realm of Naples, should be ornaments of his Crown▪ To these was added the controversy which he had with the four Kantons swissers, who required him to give up to them the rights he had to Bellynzone, and with all to redeliver to their possession the Vale Voltolino, Schafonse, with other things immoderate, threatening him that his denial to these demands would drive them to enter confederation with Maxymilian: Difficulties which seemed to the king so much the more great and desperate, by how much he was out of all hope at that time to accord with the king of Spain: For, albeit the french king had made motions to have Federyk restored to the kingdom of Naples, for which occasion he offered to bring him with him into Italy, and that the negotiation still continued to establish a truce for a time, every one retaining that he possessed: Yet both in the one and other practice, there concurred so many objections and impediments that the french king with malencolly moods & miscontentments took occasion to dismiss from his Court the Spanish Ambassadors: The Pope joining himself to these occasions, and no less he than the Duke Valentynois watching the advantages of times and accidents, had sent eftsoons to his majesty, one Troccio Chamberleyne to the Pope and of his secret credence, promising to aid him with all their power in the war of Naples: In which respects, he determined to recontinue in the amity of the Pope: And therefore upon the return of Troccio to Rome, the Duke Valentynois, 
Duke Valentynois with the french king.  following the answer he brought, went secretly in post to find the king arrived then at Milan, of whom, contrary to the common expectation, and no less to the displeasure of every one in particular, he was welcomed with honours and demonstrations far greater than was the kings custom: The king upon reconcilement with the Duke, holding it now no more necessary to keep his army in Tuskane, sent a countermand to have them come into Lombardy, having afore received into his protection the Siennois, & Pandolfe Petrucci with condition to pay him forty thousand ducats at days limited: After these changes and contracts of amities, the stirs of Maxymilian began to grow cold and dissolve, insomuch as the king's thoughts had now no other exercise, then to devise upon the things of Naples, which, if till then seemed to have succeeded happily to him, he nourished for time to come hopes of greater prosperity: For, he was no sooner comen into Italy, than he dispatched thither by sea two thousand swissers, and more than two thousand Gascons who, joining to the strength of the Viceroy (occupying already all Capitinat except Manfredonia and S. Ange) encamped before Canosa which Peter of Navarre kept with six hundred Spaniards: Who, after he had made a valiant resistance for many days, and receiving direction from consalvo not to abide th'extremity of dangers for fear to loose so many well trained and resolute bodies, rendered the town to the french, their goods & lives saved: By reason of this accident, and the spaniards holding now no more place neither in Powylla, Calabria, nor Capitinat, except, besides the pieces afore named, Barletta, Andria, Galipoli, Tarente, Cosenze, Quierace, Seminare, and a few others by the sea, and being far inferior in strength and numbers: consalvo retired with th'army to Barletto, without money, 
consalvo retireth to Barletto.  with scarcity of victuals, and with no less want of munitions (adversities intolerable to an army) But touching the last want, he was somewhat recomforted by a secret consent of the Venetians, who did not restrain him to buy at Venice a great quantity of saltpetre: The french king, making this sufferance an occasion of complaint against the Senate, was answered, that it was an action without their knowledge done only by certain merchants particular and that at Venice, which is a City free, it was never defended to any to exercise their negotiation and tra●fyke for merchandise. When Canosa was taken, the french Capteins (debating the present difficulties, but chief that for want of water the whole army could not continued encamped about Barlette, an opinion meinteined against the councils and protestations of Monsr D'aubigny) determined that one part of their people, which they said were in number a thousand and two hundred Lances, and ten thousand footmen of all natures, should remain still to continued a form of a siege about the confines of Barlette, and the other part should be employed to recover the residue of the realm: A deliberation, (in the conjectures of wise men) which joined to the ordinary negligence of the french nation, brought great hu●t to their enterprise: The Viceroy immediately upon this resolution, made himself Lord of all Powylla, except Tarenta, Otrante, and Galipoly: After which success he returned to the siege of Barlette: Monsr D'aubigny at the same time (communicating in the fortune of the others) entering into Calabria with the other part of th'army, sacked the City of Cosenze, the Rock remeining still in the power of the Spanish, Who, being all drawn into one strength that were in that province, and joining the other bands that were comen from Cicilia, were afterwards broken by M. D'aubigny in one encounter: These prosperities, being all happened, or upon the point to succeed whilst the french king was in Italy, made him not only negligent in the continuation of necessary provisions, (by the benefit whereof he might easily have chased the enemies out of the whole kingdom) but also brought him into this opinion of security, that he had no doubt to return into France, and that so much the more, by how much he hoped to obtain (which hope was not in vain) a long prorogation of truce with the king of Romans.  
But at his departure out of Italy, men began to discern to their great marvel, 
Duke Valentin●is in grace with the friends king again.  what had been treated upon with the Duke Valentynois whom (accepting his justification touching the action of Aretze) he had not only received again into grace, but also in recompense of the oath and promise made by the Pope and him, to aid his majesty in the war of Naples when need should be: He had for his part, given them promise to support the Duke with three hundred Lances to conquer Bologna in the name of the Church, and to oppress john Pàwle Baillon and Vitellozze: He was drawn to bear such immoderate favours to the greatness of the Pope, either for the ill advised opinion he had to make him his whole and true friend by so great benefits, which would be a mean that not one durst offer to attempt any thing against him in Italy: Or else for that he did not so much assure himself of his friendship, as he feared his ill will: To these respects were adjoined, the particular disdain which he bore against john Pawle, Vitellozze, and the Vrsins, for that they made no reckoning of th'authority of his commandments to forbear to offend the Florentines: And Vitellozze in particular, had refused to restore the artilleries he took at Aretze, and also to come to the kings presence, having obtained safe conduit for his safety: Besides all these, the king held it a thing not unprofitable to the course of his affairs, to hold Thitalian Capteins oppressed, beginning to fear lest they and the Vrsins (In mercenorie soldiers constancy is the lest virtue) might in the end embrace the faction of the Spanish king, and enter into his pay: The Duke Valentynois, having leave of the king, returned with no little contentment into Romania, notwithstanding the king afore had given hopes to such as feared his ambition, that for the common surety, he would take him with him into France: His returning touched not only the minds of those against whom were kindled his former indignations, but also it disordered the cogitations of many others, for that the same fear occupied Pandolfe Petrucci and the Vrsins, who were conjoined almost in one self cause with Vitellozze and john Pawle Baillon: The Duke of Ferrara, by how much more he held for suspected his infidelity and th'ambition of his father, by so much less made he reckoning of any assurance in regard of parentage or other cause conducible: And touching the Florentines, notwithstanding they had recovered their places by the king's favour, yet they had no less fear than the others (being ill provided of men at arms) for that the king, reapposing not wholly in the Marquis of Mantua, for thintelligences he had with Themperor, at such time as he had fear of his arms, and albeit at Milan he received him to reconcilement and grace, yet would he never consent that they should entertain him as their captain general: Knowing with all by many signs, that the Pope and Duke Valentynois continued in the same will and inclination which they had against them, and specially, for that (to keep them in perpetual suspicion) they reassembled and gathered together all the exiles of Aretze and the other towns: And as fear brings into the cogitation of the mind all things that may either be doubted or suspected, so it increased so much the more in these several estates and men, by how much they considered how mighty were such enemies, in arms, in money, and in authority, how much in all actions they had been supported by the favours of fortune, and lastly, that notwithstanding the glory, riches, and greatness they had gotten by their victories, yet their ambition was never the more satisfied, but their desires the less moderate, according to the property of a fire, whose rage becomes more infinite by the increase of matter wherewith it is nourished and fed: Besides, it was feared lest they abusing the respect the king bore them, would rise into boldness to attempt all things even against his will, wherein both the father and the son, forgot not to publish with open mouth, that it repented them too much of the great regard and doubt they had used touching the action of Aretze, being assured that the king, according to the french nature, and by the many favours and means they had in his court, would yield toleration to the things they should do, notwithstanding they were to his disliking: And to those that were occupied with these fears, this was one increase of calamity, that they were not assured under the warranty of the king's protection, for that of very late and fresh memory, notwithstanding his word and promise of a Prince, he had suffered the Lord Plombyn to be despoiled, and much less took to revenge the outrage that was done to the Duke of Vrbyn, whom he had taken into his defence, with fifty men at arms which he delivered to his army for his service in the wars against Naples: But th'example of john Bentyvolle, being much more present, was so much more agreeable to their terrors and fears: For, notwithstanding his majesty in the years before, had commanded Valentynois not to molest those of Bollonnia, alleging that the bonds and covenants which he had with the Pope, were not to be understanded but touching the pre-eminence & authority which the Church had there at that time that the confederation was made between them: Yet in that very season, Bentyvolle having recourse to his majesty for succours, fearing the great preparations that were made against him, the king changed th'interpretation of the words, according to the diversity of his ends and intentions, and making gloss upon the capitulations passed rather like a Lawyer, then as a king: He answered that the protection by the which he was bound to defend him, hindered not the Pope's enterprise, but touching his person & goods particular: For that notwithstanding the words were general, yet they were expressed with this relation, not to prejudice the rights of the Church, to the which it could not be denied that the City of Bologna did not appertain: And for that also, in the confederation he had made with the Pope, which was the first which he contracted in Italy, he was bound that what covenants so ever he should make with others, they should be without construction of prejudice to the rights of the Church: He was so impudent in this deliberation, seduced only by the Cardinal Amboyse, contrary to all the residue of his council, that he sent an express messenger to signify at Bologna that that City appertaining to the Church he could not nor would not desist from favouring th'enterprise of the Pope: And that in virtue of his protection, it should be suffered to the Bentyvolles to remain at Bologna as persons private, enjoying their particular goods in liberty and peace.  
Such licence is taken by Princes oftentimes to dispense with their promises, expressing surety in their words, and keeping their intentions dissembled: An order much derogating the reputation and majesty of a Prince, whose honour and conscience are so much the more guilty and burdened, by how much their protections are but baits to bring private men into peril, and under a disguised assurance of their faith, to betray thinnocency of their friends and subjects even to the extreme danger of their life: But this full prosperity of Valentynois, was not only suspected to those men, but even the Venetians began to enter into jealousy over his ambition, joining to their indignity this occasion, that not many months afore, he had ravished the wife of john Baptista Caraciolle the General of their footmen, as she passed thorough Romania to seek her husband: Therefore, to induce occasion to the King to proceed more moderately in his favour, showing that the respect that led them, was the amity they bore him, and the jealousy of his honour, they put him in remembrance by their Ambassadors with words worthy of the gravity of such a common weal: That he aught to consider how deeply he was charged to favour so greatly Valentynois, and how ill it become the nobleness of the house of France and the glorious title of Christian King, to support such a tyrant, seeking the ruin of peoples and provinces, and thirsting so strongly after man's blood, that he stood to all the world an example of most horrible cruelty and infidelity, under whose faith as by a public thief, had been slaughtered so many Lords and Gentlemen: And not abstaining from the blood of his brethren and nearest kindred, sometimes by the sword, and sometimes with poison, he had stretched forth his cruelty even over such ages & qualities of persons, as would have moved the most barbarous hearts of the Turks to conscience & compassion: To which words (thintercession of the Venetians making him perhaps more firm in his opinion) the king answered that he neither would nor could restrain the Pope to dispose according to his will, of the places that appertained to the church: In so much as where others abstained in his regard, to oppose against the arms of the Duke Valentynois, such as were nearest the danger determined to provide for themselves: Therefore the Vrsins, Vitellozze, john Pawle Baillon, & Lyverot de Farm, who albeit as soldiers of the Duke, had newly received money of him, yet they retired severally their companies into places of surety, with intention to knit together for a common defence: To which devise gave a speedy furtherance, the loss of the Castle S. Leo, which reverted into the power of the Duke of Vrbyn by the mean of a peasant having the guard of a certain 
The Duke of Vrbyn recovereth his estate.  wall: After which beginning, their natural Duke being called home by all the voices and peoples of that estate, he recovered with a swift fortune all the Duchy except the fortresses: And to confederate more strongly against Valentynois, the Cardinal Vrsin, Pawle Vrsin, Vitellozze, john Pawle Baillon, Lyverot de Farm, Hermes the son of john Bentyvolle, and in the name of the Siennois, Anthony de Venafre, in whom Pand. Petrucci reapposed much, drew together and made an assembly in the country of Perousa, where, after they had discoursed of their general dangers, and considered what opportunity they had by the rebellion of the state of Vrbyn, and lastly, the weakness of Valentynois (whom they had now abandoned) by his want of men: They made a confederation for their common 
Confederation against Valentynois.  defence, against Valentynoys, and for the succours of the Duke of Vrbyn, binding themselves one to an other to put into the field seven hundred men at arms and nine thousand footmen, with covenant that Bentyvolle should make war in the territory of Ymola, and the others with a greater strength should draw towards Ryminy and towards Pesero: In this league the confederates, having great care, not to incense the mind of the French King, and yet hoping that it would not much displease him that Valentynois were vexed by the arms of others, they declared under an express article, that they both meant and would be bound to rise readily in their proper persons and with their joint forces, to obey any commandment or request of his against all men: And for that occasion, they did not admit into that union, the famuly of the Colonnoys, notwithstanding they were great enemies of the Pope, who had always tormented them: Besides all these, they sought to have the favour of the Venetians and Florentines, offering to Florence to procure restitution of Pisa, which they said was in the ability and devotion of Pand. Petrucci, for th'authority he had with th'inhabitants: But the Venetians remained in suspense, as awaiting what would be first, th'inclination of the French King: Which also the Florentines did, both for the same occasion, and also holding both the one and other party as enemy, they feared the victory of either of them: This accident unlooked for happened to the Duke of Valentynois in a time, wherein he being upon the point to usurp the estates of others, he thought nothing less than that others would make invasions upon him: But yielding nothing to the greatness of his peril, he lost neither courage not council, and reapposing much for himself in his good fortune, he looked with great industry and wisdom into the remedies that were convenient, as the good Physician that once finding out the humour that offends, doth easily apply the medicine that may cure: And for that he saw himself almost altogether disarmed, 
Duke Valentynois demandeth succours of the french King.  he sent to solicit succours of the French King, declaring to him how much it imported him in all adventures, to serve his turn rather of the Pope and him, then of his enemies, and how frail was the confidence of Vitellozze and Pandolfe, who, besides they were the chiefest councillors and inducers of the residue, had in times past, given many demonstrations of an ill mind to his majesty, as in ministering aid to the Duke of Milan, and entertaining intelligences with the King of Romans: And as he negociated in this sort with the King, so he forgot not also to make levies of new companies, & to join with his father in the practice of their old sutleties & ambushments: For the Pope for his part, sometimes excusing things that were too apparent, and sometimes denying such as might be doubted, laboured with great study, to appease the mind of Cardinal Vrsin by the travel of his brother julius: And the Duke Valentynois with disguised appearances and fair promises, sought to entertain and jointly and severally assure them, aswell to hold them negligent in making their provisions, as in hope that those councils and practices separate, would in the end breed between them some suspicion and disagreement, keeping always this resolution, that much less that he would depart from Ymola, afore he were furnished with a mighty army, seeing (of the contrary) he was resolved to keep it and the other places of Romagna, without giving succours to the Duchy of Vrbyn: In which determination he gave direction to Dom Hugues de Cardona, & Dom Michael, (who were for him in those quarters with a hundred men at arms, two hundred light horsemen, and five hundred footmen) to retire to Riminy, a commandment which they refused to obey, following an other occasion presented to them to recover and sack Pergola and Fossambrona, whereunto they were induced by the Castle keepers of those places: But, as in matters of war it is a dangerous error to transgress direction, and hunting after fortune, to prefer a light occasion, afore a council well debated: So it was easily discerned by effect, how much better it had been to them to have followed the deliberation of the Duke, for that as they marched towards Cagly, they encountered near Fassambrona Pawle and the Duke of Granina (both of the famuly of the Vrsins) and reapposing much in the valour of their companies which were six hundred footmen of Vitellozze well trained and resolute, they gave the charge, and finding fortune to favour their virtue, they broke and disordered the troops of the Duke Valentynois, of whom many remained slain, as Barth Capraviquo Capteyne of three score and ten men at arms, and many were led away prisoners, as Dom Hugues de Cardona, both men of chief place about Valentynois: Dom Michael fled to Fano, but by the commandment of Valentynois, he retired eftsoons to Pesero, leaving Fano as a place most faithful in the power of the people, for that his strength was not sufficient to minister defence to both the places: In the self same seasons, the regiments of the Bollonnoys which were encamped in the borrow of S. Peter, made incursions to Doccio near to Ymola, and truly the affairs of Valentynois had been brought into hard straits and perils, if the virtue and expedition of the confederates, had been equal to the opportunities that were offered: But whilst they stood in expectation one of an other, either for that the regiments of men agreed upon at the dyot, were not yet ready, or else that the practices of accord held them in suspense: Thoccasion, which at the beginning shoane with a favourable light towards them, was vanished and turned into a cloud: For that the French King had given direction to Monsr Chaumont, to send four hundred Lances to the Duke Valentynois, and to advance beside, all his other means to readresse and reduce his affairs to reputation: Which being known to the confederates, and they not a little confused and amazed with it, every one began to look to his proper business: In which respect the Cardinal Vrsin continued the practices he had begun with the Pope, and Anthony de Venafra, (sent by Pand. Petrucci) went to Ymola to solicit with Valentynois: With whom likewise treated john Bentyvolle, having at the same time sent an Ambassador to the Pope, and made to be restored the things that were rob at Doccio: These practices were nourished with a wonderful art by the Duke Valentynois, who, judging that Pawle Vrsin would be a good mean to dispose the residue, he made as though he reapposed great confidence in him, in which affection, he sent for him to come to Ymola, and for his surety, the Cardinal Borgia went to the lands of the Vrsins: The Duke Valentynois used very gracious words of Court to Pawle, wherein, to give a better shadow to the treason he intended, he complained not so much of him and the residue, (who having served him long with so great fidelity, were of late estranged from him for some vain suspicions) as of his own indiscretion, being himself the very occasion of their just jealousies, and the only instrument of that distrust that hath been nourished between them: But he hoped that this contention and alienation of affection, growing by no other occasion, would turn itself into an other habit, and in place of grudge and ill will, would breed between them and him, a perpetual & dissoluble friendship, since amongst virtuous men reconcilement hath this property, to knit with greater surety of faith & constancy, the hearts that have lived in separation: For himself, as he referred them to consider how far it was from their power to oppress him, seeing the french king was so well determined to support his greatness: So, on th'otherside being made wiser by th'experience of harms past, he confessed frankly that all his felicities & reputation proceeded of their councils & virtue: And therefore desiring much to return to that ancient communion of faith which had been so familiar between them, he was ready for his part, not only to assure them in what sort they would, but also to make them judges (so that there were regard had to his dignity) of the quarrels that were between him & the Bullonnois: To these words appertaining generally to them all, he added particular demonstrations of the great confidence he had in Pawle, whom he filled so full of hopes and peculiar promises, that his art and subtlety carrying shows of innocency and true meaning, he betrayed the simplicity of Pawle, who believed that words so vehemently pronounced, could not draw with them intentions dissembled: A thing easy to the Duke by the property of his nature, and no less familiar, by the quickness and custom of his wit, but most ready by the forwardness of his passion, which nourished nothing with more sweet delight, than the devise that might betray the lives of them to whom he offered his faith: But whilst these things were in solicitation, the people of Cameryn called home again, john Maria de Varava son of the late Lord of Camerin who was in Quilea: And Vitellozze, with the great complaint of Valentynois and Pawle Vrsin, took the Rock of Fossambrona: In so much as the Castle of Vrbyn being likewise lost with the fortresses of Cagly and Agobia, there remained no more to him in that state, but Saint Agatha, having also lost all the country of Fano: And yet notwithstanding, Pawle continuing the practise begun, after he had gone many times from Ymola to Bologna, to establish some form to the affairs of the Bentyvolies who were his parents (for his daughter was married to Hermes the son of john) he contracted with Valentynois in this sort: But with this relation, that the contract should be approved by the Cardinal Vrsin, by whose advise all the residue were governed: That all old hates and grudges should be defaced, together with 
Capitulation between the Vrsins and D. Va●●●●.  the memory of all injuries passed: That the ancient pays should be confirmed to the confederates, with further obligation to go as soldiers to Duke Valentynois to the recovering of the Duchy of Vrbyn, and other estates which were rebelled: But, for their surety they should not be bound to serve in person, otherways than one at a time, nor the Cardinal Vrsin to remain in the Court of Rome: That touching the matters of Bologna, there should be made a compromise in the persons of the Duke, Cardinal Vrsin, and Pandolfe Petrucci: With this conclusion, Pawle Vrsin (assuring himself every day more and more of the good intention of Valentynois) went to find the residue, to induce them to ratify th'articles: But Bentyvole, holding it neither honourable, assured, nor reasonable, that tharbitration of his affairs should be passed over to an other, sent the Pronotary his son to Ymola, and receiving hostages from Valentynois, he made an accord with him and the Pope, whereunto they condescended so much the more easily, by how much they considered that the french king, coming better to consider either what an infamy it would be to him, or how much it would import him that the City of Bolonia were in their devotion, would altar his first deliberation, and not suffer them to obtain it: These were the conditions of th'accord: That there should be a perpetual confederation between the Duke Valentynois on the one part, and the Bentyvoles with the commonalty of Bologna, on the other part: That the Duke should have of the Bollonoys, appointment of an hundred men at arms for eight years, which should be converted into the pay of twelve thousand ducats by year: That the Bollonois should be bound to serve him with a hundred men at arms, and a hundred Crosbowshot on horseback, only for the year to come: That the french king and the Florentines, should promise' observation for both the one and other parties: That for the better assurance of the peace, the Bishop's sister of Luna (who was Nephew to the Pope) should be married to the son of Annyball Bentyvole.  
But for all these, Valentynois ceased not to solicit the coming of the french bands, and the three thousand swissers which he had taken into his pay, under shadow that he would employ them, not for the confederates, but for the recovery of the Duchy of Vrbyn and Cameryn, for that the confederates were already at a point to ratify the accord past: The Cardinal Vrsin being then in Sienna, was overruled by the persuasions of Pawle, much helping the reasons and authority of P. Petrucci: And after long contradiction consented also Vitellozze, and joh. P. Baillon, who (notwithstanding) held the faith of Valentynois much suspected: After the ratification of these men, the Pope having likewise ratified: The Duke of Vrbyn, notwithstanding th'importunities of his people (promising to die at his feet) not to go from thence: Yet, having more fear of his enemies, than confidence in their popular voices, he returned to Venice, and gave place to the fury of thenemies, having first dismantled all the fortresses of that state, except Leox Ma●uola: The people (Antho. Sansou●n who was afterwards Cardinal, going thither with commission and power from Valentynois to pardon them) agreed to return under his obedience: The City of Cameryn did the like, for that their Lord was fled to Naples, his fears being no less than his astonishments, for that Vitellozze and the others, having sent for their bands which were in the country of Fano, prepared to go against him as soldiers to Valentynois: In which times as the Pope made the Camp march to Palombaro, which the Savelles had recovered together with Senzana and other places appertaining to them, and that by th'occasion of th'armies levied by the confederates: So, Duke Valentynois, who had no greater desires than to execute his most secret thoughts, went from Ymola to Cesena, where he was no sooner arrived, than the frenchmen at arms who were come thither a little before, and eftsoons rappealed by Monsr Chaumont, departed from thence with the same speed they came: Not by commission from the king, but (as was supposed) for a particular indignation happened between him & Valentynois, or perhaps at his request, to th'end he might be less fearful to those, whom he desired greatly to assure: At Cesena, he looked to readresse his bands, ter, upon surety to be eftsoons represented when they were called.  
The Duke Valentynois, seeking to join recompense to his wickedness, departed immediately from Sini Gall, and addressed himself to the town of Castello, where finding that such as yet remained of the famuly of Vitelly, had abandoned the City, he continued his way to Perousa, from whence john Pawle fled, who was competitor in the miserable destinies of the others, his punishment being greater, though the time and manner were slower, being by suspicion, made wiser than the residue touching his going to Sini Gall: The Duke left both the one and other Cities under the name of the Church, having re-established within Perousa, Charles Baillon, the Oddies, and all the other enemies of john Pawle: And as it is one chief virtue in men of enterprise to embrace occasions, so, he forgot not to apply to his fortune, th'opportunity and favour of the time, by the benefit whereof, his ambition made him assay to make himself Lord over Sienna, being followed with certain exiles of the same City: And drawing with the whole army (wherein were newly arrived the aids promised by Bentyvolle) towards the borrow of Pieva, where knowing that the Cardinal Vrsin was prisoner, he made strangle the Duke of Gravina and 
paul Vrsin strangled.  Pawle Vrsin, and sent Ambassadors to Sienna to warn them of the town to chase out Pandolfe Petrucci, as his enemy in particular, and the common troubler of the tranquilletie of Tuscan: He joined to the message this condition and promise, that assoon as they had expulsed him, he would eftsoons return to Rome with his army, forbearing to do any other oppression to their frontiers: And on the other side, the Pope and he, burning in one bloody desire, that as Pandolfe had been a companion to the others in life and actions, so also he might communicate with their last extreme fortune and death: They studied to loll him a sleep with the same charm wherewith they had enchanted the others to their destruction, writing to him billettes and letters full of office and humanity, and soliciting him by messengers express, promising no less assurance of faith, good meaning and affection: But the suspicion that occupied the people of Sienna, that the Duke's intention was to usurp that City, made his enterprise against Pandolfe more hard, for that albeit many of the Citizens were oftentimes ill contented with the government of Pandolfe, yet, they held it better to temporize under the tyranny of one Citizen, then to fall into the servitude of a stranger: In so much that as at the beginning, he could obtain no answer by the which might be hoped the expulsion of Pandolfe: So for all that, continuing under the same semblance, that he desired no other thing, he won daily on them, having passed Piensa Chiusa, with other places near to Sienna, which yielded to him by composition: By which advantages, won upon them as it were by stealth and sutletie, the fears increased so in Sienna, that not only the people, but also some even of the chiefest, began to murmur that it was not reasonable, that to support one Citizen, the whole City should suffer so great a danger: Which made Pandolfe to determine to do that with the good liking and favour of every one, which he feared to be constrained to do in the end with the universal hatred of the City, and his own danger: And therefore by his consent it was signified to Valentynois, in the public name of the City, that they were content to gratify his demands, so that he would retire with his army from their frontiers: This resolution was accepted (notwithstanding the Pope and he were fixed upon an enterprise of greater importance) for that they knew how hard a matter it would be to take Syenna, both for the greatness and strong seat of the town, and also for the virtue of john Pawle Baillon commanding within it, who with the soldiers and natural people of the place, would join in one strength to resist him, if they were once assured that his intentions were contrary to the publication of his promises: To this were added the fears of the Pope, who held it necessary, that for his proper surety, his son should retire his army to Rome, where he was jealous of some conspiracy, for that julio and others of the Vrsins with many horsemen were withdrawn into Petillano and Fabio, and Organtyn Vrsin into Ceruetro: Mutio Collonno also newly come from the realm of Naples, was entered Palombaro to secure the Savelleis, who were newly entered into alliance with the Vrsins, and had intelligence with them: But that which took from the one and the other, the hope to occupy Sienna, was, that it was now manifestly perceived, that the enterprise was directly displeasing to the french king: For albeit he could have wished (and it was for his good policy) that Vitellozze and the other confederates should be kept under, yet he saw that their whole ruin joined to the conquest of so great estates, made the Pope and Valentynois too mighty: And withal the City of Sienna, together with the life and whole estate of Pandolfe, being under his protection, and no member of the Church, but an appurtenance of the Empire, he thought he might with good equity and reason, oppose himself against the conquest: A consideration necessary to the virtue of the french king, having by the mouth and word of a Prince, assured the protection of the City: But far more agreeable to the policy of his affairs, which could not without peril, suffer such an aspiring ambition in the Pope and his son: He began to see that the mind which he meant should climb no higher than his shoulders, had intentions to aspire above the Crown of his head, and therefore he held it a less transgression of honour and promise' to restrain his supportation from one whom his authority and countenance only had advanced, then to leave to peril, such as reapposed altogether in his faith, honour, and reputation of his promises: The Pope and his son had hope that the removing of Pandolfe would 'cause some confusion in the government of that City, and that by that mean, time would breed occasion to give some cooler to their enterprise: But Pandolfe seeing more into their subtleties, then able to turn away his own calamities, departed so out of Sienna, as he left the same guard and the same authority to his friends and dependants, in so much as it seemed that nothing was changed of the government, and less expectation of their enterprise by his expulsion: Valentynois (according to the direction of the Pope) took his way to Rome to make destruction of the Vrsins, who, with the Savellyes, had won the bridge Lamentano, and run over the whole country: But they stayed from further action, by tharrival of the Duke Valentynois, who expressed his first power and malice upon the estates of john jordan, without any regard that he was not declared against him, that he had the order of S. Michael, that he was in the protection of the french king, and at that time in the kingdom of Naples in his service: Which oppression unjust and unreasonable, the Pope seeking to abuse the king with his justifications, alleged that he was not moved by any desire to despoil him of his estates, but only for that he could not account him his assured neighbour so near, the great quarrels and offences continuing between him and the famuly of the Vrsins, and that therefore in recompense and consideration of his harms, he was content to give him the principality of Squillace with other lands of the same value and revenue: But the french king, not taking these reasons for payment, retained a special memory of that invasion, not for that the regard to his protection prevailed more with him then of custom, but because his affairs in the kingdom of Naples not drawing the same fortune and success they had wont to do, he began to hold for suspected, the pride and insolency of the Pope and his son, joining to this conjecture the remembrance of their oppressions in the year past, both how they had assailed Tuskane, and afterwards assayed to invade Sienna, notwithstanding he had promised to protect it: Wherein considering that by how much they had already obtained of him, and for time to come should obtain: By so much more, was their ambition grown great, and hereafter their pride would be redoubled, he sent to command Valentynois with a sharp message to forbear to molest the state of john jordan, who was come to Bracchiano by ways unknown, and not without his peril: Besides this, he considering how necessary it were to be assured that there should rise no commotion in Tuskane, specially for that he understood that in Sienna there was some beginning of civil discords: He joined himself to the council of the Florentines, to solicit that Pandolfe Petrucci (who was retired to Pisa,) might return eftsoons to Sienna: That between the Florentines, Siennois, and Bolonies might be contracted an unity for their common defence, rendering Mont Pulcian to the Florentines, to take away all occasion of dissension: And lastly that every one of them according to his power should make provision of men at arms for their common defence, the better to cut of from the Pope and his son, all means to stretch further their jurisdiction into Tuskane.  
In this mean while the Duke Valentynois, with one part of his army, took Viconaro wherein were six hundred men for john jordan: But having received commandment from the french king, he left (to the great displeasing of the Pope and him) th'enterprise of Bracciano, and went to encamp afore Ceri, where, with john Vrsin Lord of the place, were Ralph his son, with julio and Francis of the same famuly: And to join to the actions of the son, the authority of the father, the Pope proceeded at the same time by way judicial against all the house of Vrsins except john jordan, and the Count Petillano, against whom the Venetians would not endure any such unjust violence. Cery is a town very ancient and no less notable for the strong situation, for that it is seated upon a little Rock hewed out of one stone only, whether the ancient romans in their perils against the frenchmen, sent all their virgin's vestals, and the most secret & celebrated Images of their gods with many other things sacred and religious, as into a place of special surety: And for the same reason in the times following, it was free from violation in the rage of the Barbarians, at such time as by the declination of the Roman Empire, they havocked all Italy with wonderful furies: By mean whereof, aswell by his natural strength, as for that it was manned with companies resolute, the enterprise seemed hard to Valentynois, who, to advance his virtue above their strength and power, forgot no diligence nor industry to win it, using, besides the ordinary engines of war, certain instruments of wood to surmount the height of the walls: But whilst he was busy in that action, Francis Nardy (sent to Sienna by the french king), published his majesties intention that Pandolfe should eftsoons return, having received his promise before to continued in his devotion, and for his surety, to sand his eldest son into France: To pay to him that which was due of the residue of the forty thousand ducats which had been accorded, and to restore Mont Pulcian to the Florentines: A resolution plausible to them of Sienna, who, because there should be no impediment to the coming of Pandolfe, joined to the reputation of the kings name, the open favours of the Florentines, and the disposition of those in the town that were his friends, who drawing into arms and strength the night before he should come, held suppressed or at lest kept in a compelled quietness all such as supported the contrary opinion: This happened to the great displeasure of the Pope, whose affairs in other places run in a happy course, for that Palombaro with other pieces of the Savelleis, were rendered to him: As also those that were within Cery, suffering many and continual afflictions of war, after the fury of sundry assaults, offered restitution, with covenant that the Pope should pay a certain proportion of money to john who was Lord of the place, and to leave in liberty, surety, and safety of life, all the residue within Petillane, which was sincerely observed contrary to the custom of the Pope, and expectation of every one.  
Fortune hath a free will to come and go when she list, not regarding times, persons or causes, but making her prerogative absolute, she takes authority to make her will a law over the Princes of the earth: And as in no humane thing, she is either certain or resolute, so chief in the action of war she showeth most mutability and variation, not giving success to such as deserve best, but to those that she favoureth most, her justice not regarding the virtues and merits of men, but guiding things to their success according to th'inclination of her favour & liking: For, th'affairs of the frenchmen which followed the service of Naples, proceeded not in such full felicity, being encumbered with many difficulties even from the beginning of the year: For, the Count de Millete being encamped at Villeneufue with the regiments of the Princes of Falerno & Bisignian: Don Hugues de Cardona, passing from Messina into Calabria, with eight hundred footmen Spanish, an hundred horsemen, with eight hundred other footmen aswell Calabrians as Sicilians, marched towards Villeneufue to rescue it: Which assoon as the Count Millete understood, he levied his siege from before Villeneufue, and went to meet him: The spaniards drew all along a plain strait and narrow between the mounteine and a river, where was not much water, but is joined to the way with a little rising: And the french men who were the greater number, marched right to them beneath the river, desiring to draw them into a large place: But seeing how they marched close & in firm order, and fearing that if they cut not of their way, they would get in safety into Villeneufue, they passed over to the other side of the river to charge them: In which encounter they were broken the valour of the Spanish footmen no less than the advantage of the place, helping indifferently to the victory: Soon after, arrived by sea out of Spain at Messina, two hundred men at arms, two hundred horsemen mounted upon ●ennettes, and two thousand footmen, all led by Manuel de Benavide, with whom came into Italy at that time, Anthony de Leva, who, of a mean soldier, rising by all degrees of war, 
Anthony de Leva.  to the state of a captain General, made his virtue notable in Italy by the reputation of many goodly victories: These companies passed from Messina to Regge in Calabria, which the Spanish had taken before, (Monsr D'aubig●y being then in the other part of Calabria) and from thence encamped at Losarna within five miles of Calimere: Into which place Abricourt was entered two days before, with thirty Lances, and the Count de Millete with a thousand footmen, and presenting themselves the morning following before the walls of the town, wherein were no gates but bars only, they forced it at the second assault, the virtue and resolution of the defendants, being less than the fortune & felicity of the assailants: captain Esprit remeined dead, & Abricourt made prisoner: But the Count de Millete in fleeing to the Rock, found safety of life and honour, (the victor's retiring forthwith to Villeneufue for fear of Monsr D'aubigny, who came on marching with three hundred Lances, three thousand footmen strangers, and two thousand of the country: After which accident, Monsr D'aubigny encamping at Pollistrina within two miles of them, and their peril increasing by necessity of victuals, they discamped secretly to go to Quiercy: And albeit they made th'opportunity of the night proper for their safety, yet their fortune vanquishing all cloaks of shadow and darkness, they were chased by bands of Monsr D'aubigny until the rising of a crabbed mounteine, where they lost threescore men at arms and many footmen: And of the french (opinion and rashness carrying them beyond discretion and experience) was slain captain Gruyny, whom they esteemed much, leading the regiment that was to Count Caiezze who died by natural death a little afore the taking of Capua: At the same time came out of Spain into Cicilie these new bands, two hundred men at arms, two hundred light horsemen, and two thousand footmen governed by captain Porto Carrera, who dying at Regge as he passed with his regiment, the charge remeined to Ferrand D'audriado his Lieutenant: For the arrival of these supplies, the spaniards (lately retired to Quiercy) took new courage and comfort, & returned to Villeneufue, where they fortified in that part of the town which they held joining to the Castle, which was thentry of a valley whereunto is conjoined the residue of the town: A fortification not in vain, for the fear they had of Monsr D'aubigny, who being comen from Polestrina with a diligence far above their expectation, was encamped in that part which was not holden by the Spanish, every one planting bars and fortifications requisite for their proper safety: But as in Monsieur D'aubigny no virtue was more familiar than circumspection which he used always to resist sudden perils, so assoon as he understood that the Spanish regiments that were descended to Regge, drew near to make one strength with the other bands, he altered purpose with the necessity of the occasion, & retiring to Losaro, thenemies following the commodity of victuals, put themselves altogether within Semynaro: Whilst things went in this course in Calabria, the Viceroy for the french returning towards Barletto, encamped at Matero, & dispersing his bands in several places thereabouts, he lay to give impediments that no victual nor succours should enter, hoping that what by the plague, whose fury began to breed fear, and scarcity of victuals which was universal in Barletto, the Spanish could not by any reason or possibility remeine there long, & much less rescue themselves within Trany, where raged the same difficulties: Nevertheless amid so many incommodities and dangers their resolution and constancy was wonderful, confirmed also by the virtue and diligence of consalvo, who sometimes giving them hopes of a ready arrival of two thousand Almain footmen which he had sent Octavian Colonno to levy, and sometimes promising present succours by other means, & lastly causing a bruit to be published that he would go to Tarento by sea: He entertained them in their courage and virtue, but much more with his own example suffering in his person all their perplexeties and travels, joined to the want of victuals, and miserable scarcity of all things necessary: Occasion doth much to induce the minds of soldiers, but example is it that confirmeth their virtue, making them oftentimes resolute above their natural inclination.  
The war suffering this alteration, and being fallen as you see into this estate of fortune and change, those that till that day had been inferiors, and as it were kept suppressed, began now by the negligent and insolent dealing of the french to make their light shine and become superiors: For, the men of Castellanetto (a place near to Barletto) despairing, for the oppressions and wrongs which fifty men at arms of the French and garrisoned there, did them, drew into arms by common assent, and stripped them: And not many days after, consalvo being advertised by ospyall that Monsr de la Palissa remaining with a hundred Lances and three hundred footmen in the town of Rubos twelve miles from Barletto, stood negligently upon his guard, marched one night to Rubos, and drawing with him with a wonderful diligence and facility of the way being plain and hard certain pieces of great artillery: He assaulted the town with such a fury, that the French (to whom all other dangers had been more tolerable) being so much more confused in their peril, by how much the assault was sudden, made a certain weak resistance, and in the end rendered the place, Palissa with the residue remaining 
Monsr de la Pa●●ssa made Pr.  prisoners: The same day consalvo returned to Barletto, without danger to receive in retiring any damage of Monsr de Nemours, who a little before was come to Canosa: His safety happy was by this occasion, that the French companies being disposed into several places to keep Barletto besieged on many sides, could not be reassembled in sufficient time, besides that fifty French Lances sent to make pray of certain money carried from Trany to Barletto▪ were overthrown by such as consalvo had sent for the surety of the treasure: To these also might be adjoined an other accident which diminished greatly the valour of the french men, and which was the proper work and effect of valour, and not to be attributed to the iniquity of fortune: For, a Trumpet going to Barletto to solicit the ransom of certain soldiers taken prisoners at Rubos, certain speeches were uttered against the French, by some of Thitalian men at arms, which being carried by the Trumpet to the French Camp, and answer eftsoons returned to Thitalians, 
A combat of xiii s●●n●●men against xiii. Italians.  bred such envy and inflammation of courage in both parts, that to justify the honour of their several nations they agreed, that thirteen men at arms of the French, and thirteen Italians should fight in combat to thutterance within lists until the one were masters over the other: The place of the combat to be assigned in a Champion between Barletto, Andria, and Quadrato, where they should be accompanied with an equal number of assistants to be judges of their valour: Nevertheless (to assure all ambuskadoes or subtle trains of conspiracy) the captains with the greatest part of both the armies, accompanied their Champions to the mid way, comforting them, that for that they were chosen out of the whole army, they would with manifest action and courage make good th'expectation that was on them, the same being such, that in their hands and valour was reapposed by common consent the honour of so noble nations: The Viceroy of the French declared to his, that their adversaries were the self same Italians, who having no courage to abide the French men had always made them way without expressing any trial or experience of their virtue, even since they had run from the Alps to the extreme bonds and limits of Italy: That they were not now pushed forward either with a new nature or new resolution of find: But being marcenorie to the spaniards and subject to their commandments, they had no liberty to resist the will of those men, whose custom being to fight not with virtue but with ambushes, made themselves beholders and idle lookers on the dangers of others: And that therefore assoon as Thitalians were entered into the lists, & should see before them the arms & fury of such as had always overcome them, they would either return to their accustomed fears, or at lest, if any servile respect to the spanish would push them to the fight, that compulsion no less than their natural fears would make them an easy pray, the foundation laid upon the vain brags and braveries of the Spanish being a Target too slender to bear the blows of the puissant Frenchmen: On the other side, consalvo prepared the minds of his Champions with persuasions agreeable to the nature of the action they had in hand: He reduced to their remembrance the ancient honours of that nation, and the reputation and glory of their arms, with the which they had erst tamed the whole world: That it was now in the power of a few, to declare that they were not inferior to the virtue of their elders: And though Italy whose valour had vanquished the most regions of the world, had been of late years overtunne by foreign armies, that it was by no other occasion, than the indiscretion of Princes, whose ambition accompanied with civil discords had called in strange armies to root out and ruinated one an other: That the french had never obtained victory in Italy by their own strength or virtue, but by the aid & ministration of the arms of Thitalians, who had suffered them to pass so far into the bowels of their country, not by the terror or agility of their arms, but by the fury of their artilleries, which were fearful so long as they were new and unaccustomed: That they were now to fight with the force and virtue of their proper persons, and that not only in the presence of so great a nobility of their own side, but also in the spectacle and eye of the principal nations of Christendom, who, aswell of th'one part as of tother, had an honourable desire of their victory: That they had to remember that they were raised by the most famous captains of Italy, and as by them they had had continual nourishment & training in arms, so for their several parts, they had in many perilous actions given an honourable experience of their virtue: And that therefore either the honour to readdress the name of Italy with that glory wherein it had been not only in years of their elders, but also in the ages & times of themselves, was by destiny appointed to them: Or else (so great an honour not being won by their hands) there can be no other expectation of the flourishing region of Italy, then to remain dishonoured and in perpetual servitude and slander by the pusillanimity of her proper children: With these persuasions joined to the comforts of other captains and soldiers particular of both th'armies, the parties appointed for the combat, were led into the field: Where both parts desirous by their proper virtue to bring glory to their nation, assoon as thassistants were placed according to thorder of the field, and that the sign was given, they run furiously with their Lances: At which encounter, no advantage inclining to either part, they showed the same emulation of mind in the action of their other weapons: Wherein as every one of the Champions showed by his resolution and agility with what desire of glory he sought to conquer his adversary: So it was secretly confessed by all those that were lookers on, that out of all the armies on both factions, could not be chosen bodies more worthy to perform a proof so honourable and glorious: But as in this heat of fighting, they had spent a good space of time, wherein the ground was covered with tronchons and pieces of their armours, and somewhat died with the blood that dropped from all parts, without that the advantage or better of the fight could be judged: And as they were beholden with a wonderful silence by such as were present, and almost in no less travel and passion of mind, then if they had been the immediate parties to the peril: It happened that one of the Italians was stricken from his horse by a French man, who as he furiously pursued his fortune to dispatch him, an other Italian careful of the danger of his companion, killed with a wonderful blow the Frenchman: The Italians had boar spears, with the which they made slaughter of many of the french horses, by mean whereof the Champions of France, beginning to decline, could no longer cloak their weakness, but their virtue yielding to the fortune of their adversaries, they become prisoners to Thitalians: Who returning with victory to consalvo & their other companies, were received with those honours that appertained to their merits: And being congratulated as men whose valours had restored Italy to her former glory & honour, they entered Barletto in triumph, their prisoners led afore them, the air sounding with drums and Trumpets, the artillery shooting of, the people crying with praises of their virtue, and all other shows and actions used that might set forth the reputation of their victory: It is incredible how much the fortune of this combat diminished the courage of the french army, and lifted up the spaniards into fame and presuming, every one construing this experience of a few, to a prophecy of the absolute issue of the whole war.  
About this time the french king was molested in Lombardie by the Swyzzers, the 
D●●●ending of the 〈…〉 into the Puchie of 〈…〉  matter being begun not by the whole nation, but by those three Cantons which had occupied Belynzone: Who seeking to induce him to consent that that place might remain to them in proper, assailed Luzarno and Murato, which being a wall of great length upon the lake Maior near to Luzarno, gives impediment to descend from the mountains to the plain, by no other way then through a gate which only is in that wall: And albeit they could not carry it in the beginning for the defence which the French Garrison made, (Monsr de Chaumont lying at Vareso and Galero with eight hundred Lances, hoping well also of the ability and defence of the place): Yet the number of the Swyzzers increasing afterwards, and succoured also by the Grisons, after they had given many assaults in vain, divers regiments of them climbing a great mountain which commanded the wall, they compelled such as kept the gate to abandon it: And taking afterwards the borrow of Luzarno, but not the Castle, their strength increased daily for that the other nine Cantons, notwithstanding in the beginning they offered men to the king for th'alliance they had with him, began afterwards to give succours to the three other Cantons, alleging that for the respect of fidelity and society, they aught not to fail to minister to the necessity of their companions, being thereunto bound by their ancient leagues, which were to be preferred afore all the obligations they had with others. Whilst they had an army of fiftiene thousand about the Castle, the French not able to rescue it for the straightness of the passages, and good guard that was made, they made pillage of the country there about: And making all things lawful to their fury, because the Castle keeper of Musocquo (a place appertaining to john jacques Tryvulce) refused to lend them artillery to batter the Castle of Luzarno, they sacked the town of Muso●quo, forbearing to vex the Castle for that it was inexpugnable.  
On the other side the Frenchmen, whom this emotion did not a little import, assembling all their strength which they had in Lombardy, and having obtained succours of Bolongnia, of Ferrara, and of Mantua, require the Venetians to furnish that proportion of men which they were bound unto for the defence of the state of Milan: The companies were promised according to the kings desire, but there was used so little expedition in the levying of them, and so great intermission to send them, as they served to little purpose: Monsr de Chaumont who had bestowed good strength and garrison in the Castles that were in the mountains, kept his regiments in the plain, hoping that the Swyzzers, having neither horse nor artilleries, durst not descend into places discovered, but in the end would be made weary for the difficulty of victuals, and for that they were without money and less hope to do any thing that was of importance: In which estate the Swyzzers having remained many days, and the want of victuals increasing (for the French with their Navy had sunk many Barks which brought victuals to the Swyzzers Campp, and restrained the course of many other by the lake) the soldiers began to nourish faction amongst themselves, for that th'enterprise appertained not but to the Cantons which possessed Velinzon, and the captains being corrupted by the French moneys, they were content in the end to retire themselves, restoring (except Musocquo as not appertaining to the King) all the places which they had taken in that expedition, obtaining promise of the King not to molest them of Belinzon until a certain time: The French were so far estranged from any ill will to the Swyzzers, that they were not ashamed not only in that time, when they had war with the King of Spain, and that they feared the King of Romans, and had the Venetians for suspected, but also in all other seasons, to buy the friendship of that nation, enduing them with yearly pensions both public and private, and to make contracts with them under unworthy conditions: In this action perhaps the French were moved, both by the small assurance they had in the footmen of their own nation, and also for that as men of war, they knew that that Prince makes war to his great disadvantage, that vexeth a people that hath nothing to loose.  
The King delivered thus from the emotions and wars of the Swyzzers, had no less hope in the same season to see some issue of his wars in the kingdom of Naples: For that after many means and practices of peace without any profit, Philip 
Philip Archduke of Ostrich in France.  Archduke of Ostrich and Prince of Flaunders, determined to make his voyage from Spain to Flaunders by land, notwithstanding the contrary desires of his father and mother in law, of whom he obtained free power and commission to contract a peace with the french king which he had long solicited whilst he was in Spain: But they sent him accompanied with two Ambassadors with whom he was to communicate in all actions, & without whose council he would not treat or conclude any thing: It is incredible with what magnificence & honour he was received by the king's assignment through all the realm of France, not only that the king desired to make him favourable in the practice of the peace, but also to deserve to make a perpetual friend of that young Prince who was to become mighty and great, being the next successor to Thempire Romain, and immediate inheritor to the kingdoms of Spain with all their dependences: All such as had grace or authority about him were honoured with the same liberties, and received presents of great price and riches: To these demonstrations was answerable the magnanimity and royal behaviour of Philip: For that as the French King, besides his word and faith given for his sure passing through France, had sent into Flaunders many of the nobles of his realm for the safety of Philip: So Philip, assoon as he was entered France, to declare that he reapposed wholly in the king's faith, gave order that the Hostages should be redelivered: These so great tokens and appearances of amity, were not unaccompanied (as much as was in them) with less effects: For assembling at Bloys, after they had spent certain days in discourse and disputation of things, they concluded a peace in this 
P 〈…〉 be 〈…〉 the ●. of 〈…〉.  sort; That the kingdom of Naples should be possessed according to the first division: But that there should be left in deputation to Philip, the provinces for the which they first fell to difference and arms: That from the present, Charles his son and Madam Clawda the kings daughter (between whom should be a confirmation of that marriage which had been afore solicited) should be entitled kings of Naples, and Dukes of Powilla and Calabria: That that part which appertained to the King of Spain should be from thenceforward governed by Tharchduke, and the partition descending to the french king, to be ordered by the proper deputies of his majesty: But that the one and other part should be holden under the name of the two children, to whom, at the time of consummation of marriage, the King should give his part for the dowry of his daughter: This peace was solemnly published in the great Church of Bloys and ratified by oaths of the King, and of Philip as procurer of the King and Queen of Spain his parents in law: A peace truly of right great consequence, if it had brought an effect equal to th'intention: For, not only arms surceased between so mighty Kings, but also peace would have followed between the King of Romans and the French King: Which would not only have bred new enterprises against the Venetians, but also the Pope being suspected to them both, and in ill opinion with the universal sorts of men, would not have been without his fears of councils and other actions which might have brought diminution to his authority and greatness: But the King and Tharchduke sending with expedition to publish the peace in the realm of Naples, with direction to the captains and commanders of men, to forbear to molest one an other attending the ratification of the Spanish king, and in the mean while their possession of things to continued▪ The ruler for the French offered to obey to his king: But the Spaniard (either for the hope he had of the victory, or for that he would not be contented with the only authority of Philip) answered that he could not discontinue the war unless he had received express commandment from his king: For the continuation whereof, he was so much the more encouraged, by how much the French king, governed by his hopes both in the practice & conclusion of peace, esteeming for certain that which was yet uncertain, had not only dallied in all other provisions of war, but also had foreslowed the levying of those regiments (that is three thousand footmen & three hundred lances) which should have been embarked at Genes to be led to that enterprise under Monsr de Persy: And of the contrary were arrived at Barletto the two thousand Almain footmen, which being levied with the favour of the king of Romans, & embarked at Trieste, were passed in surety by the gulf of Venice not without the great complaint of the French king: In which respect, the Duke of Nemours, not ●able to assure a surceasing of arms, and less likely to refurnish his power being made weak by the oppressions he had received before: Yet, because he would occupy his whole strength, if either occasion or necessity compelled him to fight with his enemies, he sent for all the French bands that had been dispersed into divers places, together with all the aids of the Barons of the realm, except those Lords and regiments which made war under Monsr D'aubigny in Calabria: But in assembling them he found a fortuen contrary to his expectation: For, the Duke of Atry, and Joys D'ars, one of those French Captains which had their companies bestowed upon the lands of Ottranto, determining to march together to join with the Viceroy, for that they were advertised that Peter of Navarre with many Spanish footmen, was in place apt to distress them if they went separate & divided: It happened that Lewis D'ars taking his opportunity of pass surely, departed, without being careful of the danger of the Duke Atry, who left alone, marched also with his companies having espial that Peter de Navarre was gone to Matero to join with consalvo: But the counsels of men were not sufficient to resist fortune, for that the men of Rutyliano (a town in the country of Bary) who in the same days were revolted against the frenchmen, calling upon the succours of Peter de Navarre, who in their regard altered his way from Matero towards Rutyliano, and encountered the Duke of Atry, to whom the sodeines of his peril brought him into many doubtful cogitations what to do: But, as necessity of danger makes men resolute, so, in the end, seeing no surety in his retreat, he gave his whole disposition to the battle: And as when men are driven to fight, their constructions and judgements do often vary, sometimes beguiling themselves with an overwening in their own strength, and sometimes believing less of their enemy then his estate and power requires: So the Duke reapposing much in the service of his horsemen, (though his footmen were inferior in numbers to the Spanish) whom he vainly supposed to be over wearied by the travel they had made 
The overthrow of the Duke of Atry.  that night, undertook the battle, wherein every one expressing his valour on both sides, his people at last were broken, his Uncle being slain, & himself taken prisoner: And as it seldom happeneth that one fortune goeth without an other, nor no adversity unaccompanied with an other calamity, so four French Galleys under the governing of Preian knight of the Rhodes, appeared in the haven of Otranto under licence of the Venetian magistrate, promising to defend them from thinvasions of the Spanish Navy, which under the captain Villemarino wasted in creeks thereabouts: But after Preian was entered a little further in the haven, his forces little, & his fortune far inferior to his enemies, he began to fear to be environed: And therefore to prevent that his damage and harms should not turn to the profit of his enemies, after he had delivered the galliots and sunk his Galleys, he sought his safety by land with his people, leaving his honour in suspicion by the greatness of his danger.  
The French King gave commandment to his Captains to stand only upon their guards, and not to seek their enemies, assuring them that with speed they should either receive the confirmation of the peace, or a competent proportion of succours: But the armies being so mighty and so near one an other, it was very hard to bridle the fury of the Frenchmen, or to bring them to this patience to draw the war longer: It seemed rather that destiny began to advance, & would no more defer the whole and absolute deciding of those affairs whose beginning happened in Calabria: For after the spaniards were joined in one strength at Semynaro, Monsr D'aubigny having assembled all his companies and the power of the Barons that held the French faction, bestowed his footmen within the town of Gioia three miles from Seminaro, and sent his horsemen to Losarno three miles from Gioia: And fortifying himself with four pieces of artillery upon the shore of the river, being the situation of Gioia, he stood ready prepared to oppose against his enemies if they made enterprise to pass the river: But the intentions of the Spanish were other than he supposed, for the day they determined to pass, they caused their Vanguard to march directly to the river, where Manuel de Benavide (who had the leading of them) being upon the shore, began to parley with Monsr D'aubigny, who had led all his army to the bank contrary or opposite: At the same instant, the rearegarde of the Spanish being followed with the battle, took an other way to pass the river a mile and an half above Gioia: Which being discerned of Monsr D'aubigny, he went in great haste without artillery to affronted them afore they had all passed: But they were more happy in celerity than Monsr D'aubigny, for that afore his coming they were all passed over, and ranged (albeit without artillery) in firm and set battle: And with that advantage marched forth against the french men, who, by reason of their haste, either keeping no order at all, or at lest by their small numbers, not able to resist so great a strength, were there broken before the Vanguard of the Spanish could pass the river: In which conflict Ambr●court was 
〈…〉 D 〈…〉 and 〈…〉.  made prisoner with certain other french Captains, and the Duke of Somne with many Barons of the kingdom: And albeit Monsr D'aubigny took the rock of Angitole for his safety, yet having no mean to issue out, his peril compelled him to yield himself prisoner, being overthrown and taken even in the self same places, where not many years before, he had with great glory triumphed over King Ferdinand and consalvo, so inconstant are the prosperities of fortune, and the doings of men so subject to alteration and change: In this conflict perhaps nothing was more hurtful to Monsr D'aubigny (of a frank and noble spirit, and one of the most resolute Captains that the French King led into Italy) then that his own too forward and violent inclination carried him too far into the hope of the victory: A matter which likewise was hurtful to the Viceroy in Powilla, joining the reapport of th'accident happened in Calabria: For consalvo not hearing of the victory of his people, and not able by thimportunity of hunger and plague to remain longer in Barletto, marched out of it, and leaving a very weak Garrison, he took his way to Ciriguole, a town ten miles from thence, & almost in a triangle between Canosa (where the Viceroy was) and Barletto: The Viceroy (when dangers appear wise men fall into council) debated with his Captains, whether were better to follow or ●lee thoccasion of the battle: Wherein many of his Captains reasoned, that, in regard the spaniards were increased in numbers, and his bands fallen into great weakness and disorders, it was against policy to commit any thing to hazard: But to retire into Melfe or some other strong town well provided of things necessary, and there to expect either a new succour out of France, or else the confirmation of the peace: A manner to temporize (which he was also bound to use by commandment) which he had newly received from the King: A contrary opinion was holden by other Captains, to whom it seemed a thing dangerous to tarry till the army already victorious over Calabria, should join with consalvo, or at lest should execute any enterprise of importance finding no man to resist him: They brought in th'example of Monsr Montpensier, choosing rather to retire into towns then to fight: That the memories of times passed admonished them how far they might hope for the long & uncertain succours of France: That their Camp was nothing inferior either in force or virtue to th'army of th'enemy, and that the disorders that had happened by negligence, aught not to be compared to th'experience which would be showed in plain field with weapons and valours of men, and not with sleights or sutleties: That it was a more sure and honourable way, to make at the lest with hope, an equal experience and trial of fortune, then eschewing the battle, and consuming themselves by degrees of temporizing, to give their enemies the victory without blood and without danger: That touching the late message of the king, it was to be construed rather as an advertisement, then in nature of a commandment, in which degree, if Monsr D'aubigny had taken it, he had done well: But now the state of the war being changed by such a disorder, it was necessary likewise that their deliberations should altar: This last opinion prevailed, and therefore having advertisement by their espials that the Spanish bands either all or part were issued out of Barletto: Monsr de Nemours in like sort took his way towards Ciriguole, a way very inconvenient both for the one and other army, for that the country was barren of fresh waters, the summer and hot season being of greater rage for drought, than was wont to be in the beginning of May: The disposition of the time brought many afflictions both to the one and other army, for that the very day of removing, many soldiers died of drought by the ways: And the discommodities of the ways by the which they passed, gave no less impediment to their marching, the French not knowing whether the whole or part of the Spanish army were in the field, for that both Fabricius Colonne with his light horsemen, took away the certain knowledge, and also the Lances of the men at arms holden upright, and the stalks of fennels growing high in that country, dimmed their sight that they could not well discern: The spaniards were the first that arrived at Ciriguole which the Frenchmen kept, and encamping between two vines, they enlarged (by th'advise of Prospero Colonno) a ditch or trench which was at the entry of their Camp: Whilst they were dressing their lodgings or Camp, the diligence of the french in marching had brought them to the place, but by the condition of the time drawing near night, they stood doubtful whether they should so suddenly accept the battle or defer it till the day following: Yues D'alegre and the Prince of Melfe, persuaded that the fight might be put over till the next day, a respite convenient for the refreshing of their own men, and to no less purpose to distress the spaniards, who, they hoped, would be constrained by necessity of victuals, to remove their Camp: To this reason was joined also a consideration of war, how much it would be to their disadvantage, to set upon them in their lodgings, specially being ignorant of the disposition of the place: But as every calamity is led to his effect by his proper mean, and mortal men in many things, are made thinstruments of their own harms: So Monsr de Nemours carried more by his rash inclination, then by the safe council of others, the spaniards were charged with great fury aswell by the French as Swyzzers: And the fire having taken the powder of the spaniards either by chance or by other mean, consalvo using thoccasion of that accident, cried with a courage well resolved, the victory is ours, God declares it by manifest tokens, specially when we see we have now no more necessity of the service of artillery: There be sundry opinions of the state of this battle: The French publish that in the first encounter they broke the Spanish footmen, and offering to the artillery, they had won it, and set the powder on fire only by the darkness of the night, their men at arms, by negligence & misknowledge, had charged their own footmen, by which disorder, the spaniards reassembled: But others reason, that 
The overthrow and death of Monsr de Nemours.  for the difficulty to pass the ditch, the French men beginning to intricate and entangle themselves, fell to fleeing, no less by their proper disorder, then by the virtue of their enemies, being most of all amazed: For the death of Monsr de Nemours, who entering with the first into the fury of the fight, and as he was in the action of a noble captain to encourage his men to win the trench, was stricken dead with a boollet: There be others, who discoursing more particularly, say that Monsr de Nemours, despairing to be able to pass the ditch, & labouring to turn his strength towards the flank of the Camp to adventure to enter on that side, cried that they should give back: Which voice, to those that knew not thoccasion, gave a sign to flee, which joined to the chance of his death in the first squadron happening also at the same time, caused all the army to turn their backs and enter into a manifest fleeing: Some acquit the Viceroy for taking the battle against the council of others, and do say the blame upon Yves D'alegre, who, contrary to th'intention and desire of the Viceroy to fight that day, reprehending his fearfulness, induced him to do that whereunto he bore no disposition: The battle was of very small continuance, and albeit the Spanish passing over the ditch followed the chase of their enemies, yet as even in calamities fortune is not without her favours, so by the opportunity of the night covering all things with darkness, there were few that fell into the perils that they feared most, I mean that were either taken or slain, specially of the horsemen, of whom Monsr Chandion was one: The residue with loss of their carriage and artillery, saved themselves by fleeing: The Captains aswell as the soldiers being dispersed into many separate places, not as their virtue would, but whether their fear and fortune led them: This victory happened the eight day after the overthrow of Monsr D'aubigny, being both on Friday, a day which the spaniards have observed to be happy unto them: The French, after the fear of the chase was passed, reassembled again aswell as the violence of the time & their fortune would suffer, and as men whose greater perils were yet to come, debated many devices: Sometimes they thought best to join with the residue of the army in some place convenient, to take from the victors all means to go to Naples, & eftsoons they judged it most convenient for their safety, to stick to the defence of Naples: And yet, as it happeneth that to men in adversity their fears grow daily greater, and to such as be vanquished is left nothing but consideration of difficulties: So neither one of these devices was suffered to be put in execution: For that neither had they any election of places for their safe abiding, neither was their possibility to defend Naples for the scarcity of victuals: For the provision and furnishing whereof, the French had sent afore to Rome to buy a great quantity of corn, which they could not transport, either for the impediments that they of Rome gave, seeking to have their town stand in good provision, or rather by the secret persuasion of the Pope, which was not the lest credible.  
The consideration of these difficulties made Alegre the Prince of Salerne, & many other Barons to retire between Caietto and Tracetto, where they reassembled under their names, the most part of the residue of the army: But consalvo to whose virtue this one thing was peculiar and proper, to know how to follow his fortune aswell as he was skilful to get the victory, after this good success, took his way with the army towards the town of Naples, and as he passed by Melfe, he made offer to the Prince to leave him possessed of his whole estate, so that he would remain at the devotion of the spaniards: But he rather choosing to go his way with his wife and children, went to join with Lewis D'ars lying at Venousa: By whose departure consalvo taking Melfe, followed his way directly to Naples, at whose coming 
consalvo in Naples.  those Garrisons of the French which were in the town, retired into the new Castle, and the Napolitans deprived of all hope but such as is left to men abandoned, received consalvo the xiv. day of May, Capua and Auersa doing the like in the same tyme.  
The end of the fift book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE sixth BOOK.  
THE French King makes his preparation to pass into Italy: Pope Alexander the sixth is empoisoned: His successor Pope Pius the third dieth within xxvi. days: julius the second is created Pope: The Duke Valentynois is apprehended prisoner: The Frenchmen are overthroune at Garillan: The Florentines fail to take the City of Pisa: Peace is established between the French King and the King of spaniards.  
THE sixth BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
THAT man erreth less who promiseth to himself a change of th'affairs of this world, than he that persuadeth that they are always firm and stable: And albeit the man wise and resolute, is seldom displeased with things which aught to be borne, for that what so ever might happen to an other, he never complaineth if it chance to him: Yet, (so is the state of man entangled with infirmities) there happeneth no mutation which in some sort shaketh not the resolution and constancy of the mind: An example verified in the person of the french king: Who, assoon as he hard the news of so great a loss, and in a time wherein he had more expectation of peace, then of war: Entered into no little alteration, concurring in that adversity, not only the deprivation of a kingdom so mighty and flourishing, with the desolation and ruin of his armies compounded of his chiefest nobilities and men of race and virtue: But also he considered the peril wherein stood all the residue of that which he held in Italy, which as he had already made the rewards of his glory and victories, so he reserved to adjoin them (as perpetual monuments) to the reputation of his Empire and greatness: But the humour which most fed this passion, proceeded chief of impatience against his fortune, esteeming his dishonour so much the greater, by how much he was vanquished by the king of spaniards, whose power he judged to be far inferior to his, an error familiar with Princes to esteem less of their enemy than he is, and more of their own forces than they are in deed: And as in these cases the despite of the injury doth much to enforce a desire of revenge, so the king debating deeply the estate and nature of the wrong, which was, to be beguiled under hope & promise' of peace, determined to run unto the remedy which commonly those men use that hold themselves injuried: That is, with all his forces and means to assay to recover the honour and kingdom he hath lost, and with arms to restore the reputation that had been stolen from him by deceit, holding it no injustice to be revenged of him that did the first wrong: But afore he entered into the action of any enterprise, he complained grievously to Tharchduke not yet departed from Bloys, recommending to him the infamy of infidelity, and how much it imported him to redress th'abuse, if he had any virtue to preserve his faith and his honour: By which instigation, the Archduke (whose innocency held him sufficiently acquitted) solicited greatly his father in law, to redress the abuse, complaining in vehement terms that things were so handled to his great slander, and that in the sight and knowledge of all the world: It hath been a custom with the Princes of the world to entertain one an other with vain hopes and artificial practices, esteeming more th'occasions which the time offereth, than the faith and promises which themselves do make: For, the kings of Spain, with many excuses, deferred to sand the ratification of peace afore the victory, alleging sometimes, that having a custom to make their dispatches jointly, they could never be both together in one place as was necessary: And sometimes that they were so pestered with the multitude of affairs, that all opportunities to that expedition, were prejudicial: In which excuses may be manifestly discerned the ill disposition they had to embrace the peace, either for that their son in law had exceeded their commissions, or else for that after he was departed out of Spain, they were entered into a better hope of the issue & success of the war: Or at lest for that it seemed strange to them, that he had appropriated to himself their part of the realm, having no assurance (by the minority of the children) that the marriage of his son should take effect: And yet as they always expressed inclinations to peace, and gave continual hopes to ratify it: So, by deferring, they won as much time as they could, to th'end to take advice according to the event of things: And observing still the same sleight to temporize and entertain, after they understood by true advertisement that their army remeined victorious, albeit they were resolved to hold no reckoning of the peace that was made, yet did they defer to declare their intention to Tharchduke, to th'end, that keeping by that means the french king in suspense, he might have the less opportunity to prepare for the rescuing of Caietta & the other places which yet remeined: At length, constrained by the importunities of their son in law (who was determined that otherways he would not depart from Bloys) they sent thither new Ambassadors, by whom was declared, after disputation of certain days, that it was not th'intention of their kings to ratify that peace which had been made in that sort, which neither in matter, meaning, nor circumstance, it carried either honour or surety for them: And entering into controversy with Tharchduke, they told him, that it brought no little marvel and discontentment to his father in law, that in the conditions of the peace, he had transgressed their will, and that albeit in regard of his honour his commission was free and large, yet he aught to communicate with thinstructions that were given him, which were limited & subject to rule: Tharchduke answered that his instructions were no less free and universal than his commission, and that at his departure, his parents in law assured him that they desired the peace chief by his means, and did swear upon the holy Gospel and image of jesus Christ to observe what so ever he should determine: And yet for his own part, he was contented to travel in it as in the person of a man regulated, and forbearing to use the amplitude and authority of his commission, he always communicated with the two personages which they had sent with him: These new Ambassadors working all by art, propounded new means of accord, disclosing as it were that their kings had desire to tender the realm to king Federyke: But those devices being discerned not only to be vain, but also full of scorn and deceit, for that they tended to estrange from the french king the spirit of Tharchduke, who looked to have that kingdom for his son: The king in public audience answered them, that he would in no sort treat or negotiate with them, if first they ratified not the peace that was made, and declared that the disorders happened by it did much discontent them: He told them that it seemed to him a matter not only marvelous, but also detestable and abominable, that those kings who gloried so much to have gotten the title of Catholyques, would hold so base reckoning of their proper honour, their faith given, their oath sworn, and of the religion they profess, bearing no respect to the Archduke, a Prince so great, so noble, so virtuous, and their son and heir: With this answer commanding them the same day to depart his Court, he turned immediately all his wits to the preparations of the war, wherein taking occasion upon the greatness of the wrongs that had been done, he determined to advance far greater provisions both by land and sea, than had been done in any times afore by any of the kings of France: So importunate is the passion of revenge in the minds of mortal men, who notwithstanding find oftentimes more security to dissemble injuries then to revenge them.  
In so much as he determined to send two mighty armies to the realm of Naples, the one by sea and the other by land: And lest in the mean while Caietto and the Castles of Naples were lost, he prepared to secure them with diligence by sea, aswell with new supplies of men of war, as with all other necessary things: And to give impediment that there went no succours out of Spain (which had been the cause of all the disorders) he resolved to invade the kingdom of Spain with two armies by land, addressing one to the country of Rossillion which adjoineth to the sea Mediterraney, and the other to Fontearaby with the other places assisting upon the Ocean sea: And also at the same time, to assail with an army by sea, the coasts of Catelognia and Valencia.  
But whilst the French were diligent in preparing for these expeditions, consalvo 
The Castles of Naples taken by the Spanish.  devising how he might have the Castles of Naples, planted his artillery against new Castle at the foot of the hill Saint Martin: From thence on a place somewhat raised, he beaten the wall of the Citadel, whose situation being towards the said mounteine, was made strong with ancient walls, their foundations being almost under the earth: At the same time also Peter of Navarro cast a my to overthrow the walls of the Citadel, battering also the new Castle walls, and the Tower of S. Vincent which consalvo had won a few days before: Newcastle had a form & building after an other fashion than it is at this day, for that now the Citadel being taken away, there beginneth a new circuit of walls, where were the walls of the same, and that stretcheth along the place of the Castle until the sea: This circuit begun by Federyke & by him raised even to the waist, being made of very strong matter of walling, & well founded, is very hard to be undermined, for that it is subject to countermines on all sides, and also the water runneth almost upon the uppermost part of the ground: consalvo had a determination, that assoon as he had taken the Citadel, and coming near the valte of the Castle wall, he would destroy it with new mines: But either by the natural rashness, or by the ill fortune of the french men, a greater occasion was offered to him, the adversities of the French making all things happy to their enemies: For, after Peter of Navarro had put fire to the mine which he had perfected, the fury of the powder blue open the wall of the Citadel, and at the 
The 〈…〉 Castle of Naples assaulted.  same instant the Spanish bands of footmen standing ready arenged in battle expecting thoperation of the fyerworke, made entries on many sides, partly by those places of the wall that were broken, and partly using the service of eskaling ladders, they commanded the wall in sundry other places not hurt by the mine, their fortune making those things easy, which by experience & reason seemed not without manifest peril: On the other side, the french, issuing out of the Castle of intention not to suffer them to remain within the Citadel, charged them, but with a success far inferior to their virtue, for that being immediately overlaid with multitudes of the Spanish, as they retired towards the Rampire, the Spaniards entered pellmell with them, and running with the same fortune even up to the way that goeth to the gate, they so redoubled the fears of the French men already appalled by the despair of their own estate, that standing in condition utterly abandoned, in less than half an hour they rendered the Castle with their goods & lives to discretion, the Count of Montoire remeining prisoner with many other Lords: This conquest was so much the more agreeable to the Spaniards, & less for the purpose of the french, by how much there arrived from Genes the day following, for their succours, an army by sea of six great ships, with many smaller vessels freighted with victuals, weapon, & munitions, & a regiment of two thousand footmen: At the discovery of this Navy, the Spanish army at sea riding then in the port of Naples, retired into Yschia, whether the French Navy pursued them understanding the new Castle was lost: But the Spanish Navy having sunk before them certain Barks, to th'end they were not compelled to fight, after they had bestowed certain bollnes of shot one against an other more for pleasure then prejudice, they broke of, the one going to Caietta, and the other being reassured by the departure of th'enemy, retired to the mole of Naples: Fortune doing more for their safety then their own virtue.  
After the taking of new Castle, consalvo fell to devise by what means he might have the residue of the realm, and therefore without tarrying for th'army that was in Calabria (which lay there to conquer the vale of Ariana to take away all impediments to pass further) he sent Prospero Colonne into Abruzza: And leaving Peter of Navarro afore the Egg Castle, he marched with the residue of th'army towards Caietta, in the taking whereof he supposed did consist the sum of the war, for that both the hopes and the despairs of the French men depended wholly upon the defence or loss of that City, strong by the opportunity of the sea, and by the conveniency and greatness of his port, very fit to receive the armies that should be sent from Genes to Provence: Touching the French men, they did not only hold Caietta, but also, besides the places thereabouts which were in their power, they commanded in Abruzza, Aquilea, the rock of Euandra, with many other places: Besides, the Lord Lewis D'ars, having reassembled many troupes of horsemen and footmen, & being fortesied with the Prince of Melfa within Venousa, did great harms to the country thereabout: Lastly, Ronssano, Matalona, with many other strong pieces appertaining to the Barons of the faction of Aniow, held out constantly at the devotion of the french king, their valour notwithstanding being insufficient to resist their adversities.  
In this mean while Peter of Navarro made certain close or covered Barks, with the which approaching in more surety the walls of the Egg Castle, he cast a mine on that side which prospects Pizifalcona, without the knowledge or privity of them within, & assoon as he had entangled it with the fire, he blew into the air in great fury one part of the wall together with the bodies of men that stood upon it: With the which, both for the action terrible, and the newness of the devise, strange, the Castle was immediately taken to the special reputation of Peter of Navaro, and general wonder of all men, for that as new inventions to reversse a strong place are most fearful, having as yet no devise to encounter them, so it was incredible to what estate of opinion this new experience brought Peter of Navarro, against whose mines they thought that neither walls, fortresses, nor other working, could make resistance, so readily is the nature of man raised into wonder when his mind comprehends not the reason of the things which the eye beholdeth performed in action: And sure in those days it was a thing of great horror that with the force of Canon powder put into a Cave, or rather powered in the mine, men should throw down to the earth, places & walls of greatest strength & most subtle foundation: The first that used this experience of undermining of walls in Italy, were the Genoese, amongst whom according to the testimony of some, Peter of Navarre exercised the art of war in the person of a mean soldier on foot: It was in the year. 1487. when they lay encamped afore the rock of Serazenella held then by the Florentines, where, with a mine cast in this manner, they opened a part of the wall, missing notwithstanding the taking of the rock, for that the mine (by some error or imperfection) had not pierced so deep under the rock, as was needful, the same being thoccasion that at that time th'example of such an experience was not followed.  
consalvo, drawing near to Caietto, Monsr D alegro, who had distributed four hundred Lances and four thousand footmen of those which remeined of the fortune of the battle, between Caietta, Fondi, Itrio, Tracetto, and the rock Guillaumo, retired them all eftsoons within Caietta, wherein entered with him the Princes of Salerne & Bisignan the Duke of Tracetto with many other Barons of the realm joined afore with him: After the retreat of these companies consalvo entered upon those places which they had left abandoned, and also upon the rock of S. Germain, encamping afterwards in the suburbs of Caietta: And after he had planted his artillery, he battered with an incredible fury that side towards the haven, & the mountain commonly called Mount Roland: A hill conjoined and hath commandment over the City, and the which, the French men had then fortified with Rampires and Bastillions of earth, being afterwards by him enclosed with wall: He assayed in vain to enter with two assaults (but not ordered) and forbearing atlast to give the assault general and disposed that day which he had determined to give it, he saw it would be hard to have it, aswell for the numbers & valours of those within, as also when he considered, that though his army should enter by strength into the mountein, yet he should be but brought into greater peril, standing open to the shot of th'artillery planted in the monastery & other high places upon the mountain: He forbore not for all this to play with his artillery & to molest the town, which likewise was environed and besieged on that side to the sea, lying afore the haven the xviij. Spanish Galleys which Dom Raymon de Cardona governed: But whilst Consaluo was busy in these actions, there arrived for the French, a Navy of six gross Carracks Genoese, six other ships, & seven Galleys with good succours of victuals & footmen: Their commander was the Marquis of Saluzzo, whom by the death of Monsr de Nemours, the king had sent thither for their new Viceroy, the fortune of the wars notwithstanding, nothing altering though the person of the General was changed: The king desiring greatly to keep Caietta, refurnished them eftsoons within few days, what upon those vessels and what upon others, with a thousand footmen of Corsegna and three thousand Gascons: In so much as by the coming of this new Navy, the Spanish Fleet was constrained to retire to Naples, and consalvo despairing to do any more good there, retired his regiments within the mole of Caietta, and within Castellona, whereby he kept Caietta besieged with a siege (as it were) more large, after he had lost many of his people, partly by skirmishing, and some in retiring, amongst whom Dom Hugues de Cardona was slain by a shot from the town: But at the same time, all his other affairs of the kingdom trained a success more happy, for that Prospero Colonne had newly taken the rock of Euandro and Aquilea, and reduced all the other pieces of Abruzza to the Spanish devotion, almost all Calabria yielding the like obedience by the contract which the Count Capaccio had lastly made with them: And there remeined no other place free from their jurisdiction, but Rossano and Saint Severin where the Prince of Rossano was besieged, nothing resisting the felicity of those men, whom fortune went about to make victors.  
Whilst these alterations traveled the kingdom of Naples, the other regions of 
The Florentyn ●n the countre● of Pisa.  Italy were not altogether void of suspicions and troubles: For, the Florentines, afore the fortune of the French began so headlong to decline in the kingdom of Naples, fearing indifferently the ambuscadoes of the Pope, & the ambition of the Duke Valentynois, forgot not to levy provisions of war equal to the greatness of the peril that threatened, holding it easy to suffer a mischief, when they are sure of the remedy: They entertained into their pay for the leading of their army (and yet without title of general) the Bailie of Caen, with fifty French Lances: A captain for his own particular well recommended for the service of war, and for the respect of the Florentines very convenient, for that being the kings subject, & had brought his charge of fifty Lances by the kings consent, they had opinion that those of whom they erst doubted would now be better advised what they would do, the king expressing under that degree of favour a disposition to be ready to their aid in all necessities: Assoon as he was come to their army, they reassembled all their troops, & for the second time, cut of the corn of the Pisans, but not through the whole country, for that to enter the vale of Sercle was not without danger, having his situation between the mounteins & the waters, & in the mid way between Lucqua & Pisa: Immediately after they had given this spoil to their corn, the Camp marched to Vicopisan which was taken without difficulty, for that an hundred french footmen being within it, the Bailie of Caen threatening to punish them as enemies to the king, & sometimes promising them of liberality a months pay, they exchanged their faith with fear & hope of profit, & issued out of the town, the same being th'occasion that Vicopisan was rendered to discretion: Verucola also wherein was but a slender guard, was forthwith environed, to th'end no succours should enter into it: And thartillery being afterwards trailed thither not without great difficulties, for that the mountains thereabouts, offered many troublesome impediments, those that were within, fearing more the thunder of the Cannon, than trusting to their proper virtue or fortune, yielded, their goods and lives saved: The situation of Verucola being a little fortress raised upon a high mountain during the wars in the country of Pisa, is of great importance: For that being within five miles of Pisa, it hath not only a natural aptness to distress the country thereabout yea even to the gates of the City, but also by his prospect he discovereth all the bands and troupes that come out of Pisa whether they be on foot or horsemen: Paul Vitelli and many other experienced captains made many trials in vain to carry it since the war begun: And now the confidence that the Pisans had, that Vicopisan would be defended, without taking the which, the Florentines could not encamp before Verucola, was the cause that they had not made sufficient provision, wherein they helped forward the fortune of their enemies more by their proper negligence then by thothers virtue, opinion beguiling them against reason or experience: Greatly did amaze the Pisans the loss of Verucola, in whom notwithstanding, neither the regard of the harms they had received, nor the consideration of their other calamities, being miserable by want of money and victuals, could work no inclination to return to the obedience of the Florentines, languishing (by one common infirmity) in despair to obtain pardon for the conscience of the great transgressions they had done: Which disposition it was needful that such as in the government bore greatest authority, should entertain with a special diligence, for that those of the plain country (without whom they were not able to continued defence) bore no small suspection to run with the stream, and to vary in mind as their common fortune declined: And therefore nourishing them with divers hopes, together with those estates of the common people that lived more by the benefits of peace, then troubles of war, they published amongst them sundry rumours under th'authority of feigned letters, amusing them with divers inventions: And confounding things false with those that were true, if any accident happened in Italy, they took th'opportunity & made it serve for their purpose, communicating with the people that sometimes one Prince, sometimes an other, were ready to come to succour them: They made persuasions according to the property of the time, using their tongues in stead of force, to stay those men upon whom depended their own safety: But in all these extremities they were not without some aid & succours of the Genoese & Lucquois ancient enemies of the Florentines, & likewise of Pandolfe Petrucci, bearing little remembrance of the benefits received: And (which was of greatest importance) they were also nourished in secret with certain succours, but with far greater hopes, by the Duke Valentynois: Ambition hath infinite operations, & in this abuseth thimaginations of men, that it makes them seem able to hold those things which they can not gripe, & raiseth their minds to conceive matters above their power or possibility: For the Duke, in whom had long raged a desire to make himself Lord of that city, & in other times had abstained for fear of the king's displeasure, took now thadvantage of the time, & presuming much by the infelicity of the french in the realm of Naples, he joined to him the consent of his father, & treated with the Pisan Ambassadors whom they had sent to Rome for that purpose, to accept the jurisdiction aspiring by that mean to occupy all Tuskane: A devise which albeit brought the Florentines and Stennois into no small suspicion of him, yet thuniversal benefit being hindered by their perticularities, there was no proceeding to that unity which the french king propounded between the Florentines, the Bollonois, & the Siennois, for that they of Florence refused to accept it if they were not repossessed of Mont Pulcian as had been solicited & promised from the beginning: And Pandolfe who bore a mind estranged from it (albeit he made other show) alleged that to restore it, would so stir up the hate of the people of Sienna against him, that he should be constrained yet once again to forsake the town, and therefore he said it was better (for the common benefit) to defer it as yet, till time brought about a better occasion, than in restoring it presently to further the Duke Valentynois with means to occupy Sienna: By these means, denying nothing he kept things in longness and delays seeking to leave the Florentines contented with hopes in stead of effects: Which excuses by them rejected were accepted & believed in the Court of France, by the mean of Francis de Naruy resident at Sienna by the king's commandment.  
But it was not th'intention of the Pope and Valentynois to put these enterprises to execution, otherways then the proceeding of th'army which the king prepared, gave them courage, and induced them by occasions to stick more to the one king then to the other: Whereupon in that time they stood in suspension & variation of thoughts, deferring asmuch as they could the declaration of their intention, which bore no favour or inclination to the French King further than there was fear to constrain them, for that th'experience of things passed in Bologna and Tuskane, took away all hope to attempt greater matters with his favour: And for that reason, as they had begun afore the victory of the Spaniards to become more and more separate from him in will: ●o after the victory, rising in impudency and weening, they respected no more (as they were wont to do) neither his will nor his authority, his adversities disclosing their corruptions, which in his prosperities he rather suspected then discerned: And albeit, immediately after the overthrows of the French, they gave assurance to embrace the kings quarrels, making demonstration to entertain men to sand to the realm of Naples: Yet, what by the ambition of new conquests, and greedy eyes they cast upon the riches of Tuskane, the king requiring that they would declare themselves openly for him, the Pope answered in such misery and doubt, that by how much less they were innocent in words or meaning, by so much more it was reasonable in the king to suspect them▪ Their simulation and dissimulation being so notable, that it was a 
A proverb 〈…〉 Pope's dissembling.  proverb ordinary in Rome, that the Pope never did that which he said, and the Duke seldom spoke that which he meant; Besides the contention wherein they were with john jordan was not yet determined: For, albeit Valentynois fearing the kings displeasure, abstained to molest him upon his majesties commandment: Yet the Pope declaring how much that grieved him, ceased not to solicit the king to suffer him either by arms to reconquer the estates of john jordan, or else by some other degree of compulsion to see that he had recompense for them: Giving to understand that that which moved him was not ambition, but a just fear of his neighbourhead, proceeding upon this suspicion, that finding amongst the papers of Cardinal Vrsin a blank signed with the proper hand of john jordan, it was an argument, that in those things which were negociated at Maisons, he had one self will and intelligence against him with the Vrsins: In which thing the king more regarding profit than honesty, had proceeded diversly according to the diversity of times, sometimes expressing favour to john jordan as before, and sometimes inclining to satisfy the Pope in some degree: And for that cause john jordan refusing to depose Bracciano into the hands of the French Ambassador resident at Rome, the king required that they should reappose upon him the resolution of the difference under condition, that john jordan should be conveyed into France within two months, & that things should remain in that estate until he had determined: Whereunto as john jordan consented by necessity, hoping through his own merits & thexspectation he had of his father and him, to be fully delivered from such vexations: So also in the Pope appeared no resistance, more for fear then otherwise, for that the french king required such a matter in a time when Tharchduke contracted the peace in the name of the kings of Spain: But the condition of things being changed by the victory of the spaniards, and seeing with all that the french king had need of him, he demanded all the states of john jordan, offering the recompense that should be declared by the king, who for the same occasion induced john jordan to consent thereunto, & to promise' to deliver in his son for the assurance of that which should be determined: A matter which the king did greatly against his will, for that he had no intention to deliver up those estates to the Pope, if at the same instant, he joined not with him openly in the war of Naples, holding it as reasonable for him as for the Pope, to take the advantage of things, and to serve his turn of controversies: But they of Petillano where the son of john jordan was, refusing to deliver him to the kings Ambassador who was gone to Port Hercules to receive him, john jordan himself being then returned, went to Thambassador, and to fulfil the promise of his faith, offered him his proper person, which Thambassador accepted with little reputation, and with less discretion bestowed him in a ship, but assoon as the king knew it, he caused him to be set at liberty, esteeming it an injury dishonourable to do justice upon him for the disobedience of others.  
In this mean while, there was used a general diligence to levy the preparations 
The Fr. king prepares mightily against the K. of Spain.  which the french king meant to employ both on thisside & beyond the mounts: For, the Lord D'albert and the Mareshall of Gie, were gone into Given with four hundred Lances, and five thousand footmen aswell Swyzzers as Gascons, to make war on the part of Fontarabye: And to stir up the County of Rossillion, the Mareshall of Rieux was sent into languedoc with eight hundred Lances and eight thousand footmen, part Swyzzers and part French: And at the same time the Navy by sea hoist sail to endamage the coasts of Catelogna and the realm of Valence: Besides, the king had dispatched for Italy with title of captain general over his army, the Lord Trymoville (to whom was transferred by universal opinion the whole merit and reputation for matters of war, within the realm of France) and sent with the same expedition, the Bailie of Dyon to dispatch eight thousand Swyzzers, the men at arms also and the footmen making haste to march notwithstanding the army was not so strong as was determined in the beginning: Perhaps the king would have it so, not for disability, or for that he would spare, but for that he desired that they might make the more expedition into the kingdom of Naples, & partly because Monsr D'alegro advertising the king of the state of th'affairs there, assured him that the remainder of the army was stronger than it was in deed, both for that the towns and Barons remeined firm in his devotion, and also he had demanded succours of all those in Italy which favoured his faction: By which mean and industry, the Florentines had granted him the Bailie of Caen with the fifty Lances paid of their own money, and an hundred and fifty other men at arms: The Duke of Ferrara also and the Bollonoys, with the Marquis of Mantua (who for that the king sent to him, went to him in person) did refurnish him every one in particular with an hundred men at arms, and they of Sienna with an other hundred: Which bands, joined to the eight hundred Lances & five thousand Gascons which Trymoville brought into Italy, and to the eight thousand Swyzzers which were expected, reckoning also those that remeined within Caietta, made up the number of a thousand eight hundred Lances French and Italian, & more than eightiene thousand footmen: Besides these preparations for the war by land, the army by sea was departed, a Navy strong and glorious: In so much as all men confessed that there was no memory that any French king had ever made so huge and mighty preparations (making distinction of the forces both by sea and by land, gathered aswell on thisside as beyond the mounts): But it was not thought good for the king's surety, to suffer his army to pass by Rome, if first his majesty were not well assured of the Pope and Duke Valentynois, for that he had just occasion to doubt of them for many reasons and many demonstrations, but specially by the testimony of certain letters from Valentynois to consalvo newly surcepted, wherein was debated between them that if consalvo took Caietto (in which case he should stand well assured of all the matters of the kingdom) he should pass further with his army, and Valentynois should take upon him the jurisdiction of Pisa, and so they both to join in one strength to assail Tuscan: In which respect, the king, his army being already passed into Lombary, was very importunate that they should at last, declare their uttermost intention, holding it better to know them as they were, then to doubt them to be more or less than he should find them: And for their parts, albeit they listened to both parts, and treated with every one, yet, judging that the time was convenient to make traffic of the traveles of an other, their desires carried them most to join with the Spanish: But they were restrained again with the consideration of this manifest danger, lest the french army would begin to invade their estates, in which case they should feel damage and displeasure, where they hoped to reap rewards and greatness: In this estate of doubt and incertainty of inclination, they suffered both parts to levy apparently bands of footmen within Rome, diferring as much as they could to declare themselves: But being at last in terms resolute v●ged by the king, they offered that the Duke should be joined to his army with five hundred men at arms and two thousand footmen, the king consenting not only to the occupying of the lands of john jordan, but also to the conquering of Sienna: And yet when they were upon the point of conclusion, they varied, introducing new difficulties, as men, who (according to their custom) to be at liberty to take council of the event of things, had no desire to declare themselves according to good meaning: And therefore there was propounded an other nature of practice, by the which the Pope seeming not to declare for any of the parties, but to remain in the person of a common father, consented to give passage to the french army through the dominions of the Church, with promise not to molest neither the Florentines, the Siennois, nor the Bollonois during the wars in the realm of Naples: Which conditions had at length been accepted by the king, to th'end to give expedition of passage to his army to Naples, albeit he knew they were neither honourable for himself, nor sure for such as depended on him in Italy, seeing he had no assurance that the Pope and Valentynois would not declare against him, if any misfortune happened to him in the realm: Besides there was this danger lest assoon as his army was out of the territories of Rome, they would not rise contrary to their faith, to assail Tuscan, which for the disagreement of the people, and the numbers of men which he had drained out of it, was become weak and almost disarmed, being a thing not unlikely that he would either set upon that enterprise or some other, seeing they had so long time expected occasions, thinking to draw out of them a wondered profit.  
But as the cogitations of men are vain, and their thoughts full of deceit: So, when they stood in the highest estate of their hopes, behold the Pope who went to supper in a vinyeard near the Vatican to rejoice in the delight and pleasure of 
Pope Alex. the. 6. dead.  the fresh air, is suddenly carried for dead to the bishops Palace, his son also communicating in the same accident but with better fortune: For the day following which was the eightiene day of August, the dead corpse of the Pope (according to custom) was borne into the Church of S. Peter, black, swollen, and most difformed, most manifest signs of poison: But Valentynois what by the vigour & strength of his youth, and ready help of strong medicines and contrepoisons, had his life saved, remeining notwithstanding oppressed with a long and grievous sickness: It was assuredly believed that th'accident proceeded of poison, the discourse whereof according to common reapport was in this sort: The Duke Valentynois, who was to be present at that supper, had determined to poison Adrian Cardinal of Cornette, reserving that time and place to execute his bloody resolution: For it is most certain that in his father and him were natural customs to use poison, not only to be revenged of their enemies, or to be assured of suspicions, but also upon a wicked covetousness to despoil rich men of their goods, whether they were Cardinals or Courtiers, although they had never done them wrong, as happened to the Cardinal Saint Ange who was very rich: This manner of rage they would use also against their greatest friends and familiars, and such as had been their most faithful servants, such as were the Cardinals of Capua and Modeno: A recompense unworthy the merits of good men, and not disagreeable to the disposition of such a father and son, whereof the one made all things lawful by vile dispensation, and with the other nothing was dishonest wherein was opportunity to his purposes: The Duke Valentynois sent before certain Flagons with wine infected with poison, which he gave to a servant that knew nothing of the matter, commanding that no person should touch them: A commandment prejudicial to his master, as the ignorance of the servant was thinstrument in the evil that happened both to the father and son, Such is the sufferance of God, who in the execution of his judgements, raiseth one murderer to kill an other, & breaketh the brands of the fire upon the head of him that first kindled it: For, the Pope coming by adventure somewhat before supper, and overcome with the drought & immoderate heat of the time, called for drink: And because his own provision was not yet brought from the Palace, he that had the infected wine in charge, thinking it to be recommended to his keeping for a wine most excellent, gave the Pope to drink of the same wine which Valentynois had sent: Who arriving whilst his father was drinking drunk also of the same wine being but just that they both should taste of the same cup which they had brewed for the destruction of others: All the town of Rome run with great gladness to Saint Peter'S about the dead body of the Pope, their eyes not being satisfied to see dead and destroyed a Serpent, who with his immoderate ambition and poisoned infidelity, together with all the horrible examples of cruelty, luxury, and monstrous covetousness, selling without distinction both holy things and profane things, had infected the whole world: And yet was accompanied with a most rare and almost perpetual prosperity even from his young age to the end of his life, desiring always great things, and obtaining most often that he desired: An example of much importance to confounded the arrogancy of those men who presuming to know and see perfectly with human eyes the depth of God's judgements, do assure, that what happeneth either good or ill to mortal men, proceedeth either of their merits or faults: As though we saw not daily many good men unjustly tormented, and many wicked persons above their deservings live in ease & honour: Wherein who makes an other interpretation, derogates the justice and power of God, the greatness of which being not to be contained within any scriptes or terms present, knoweth how well and largely to discern in an other time and place, the just from the unjust and that with rewards and eternal punishments.  
The Duke Valentynois no less sorrowful for the death of his father, then languishing in his own infirmity, retired all his bands of men of war about him, lying sick in the Palace: And having always thought, partly by the fear of his arms, & partly through the favour of the Spanish Cardinals which were eleven, to created a Pope at his pleasure after the death of his father: He found now impediments above his expectation, specially in the matter of the election, & all his other plots and devices to suffer imperfection and error by reason of his disease which was very dangerous: In which respect he complained grievously, for that having oftentimes foreseen all the accidents that might happen to him by the death of his father, and withal cast all the remedies that the wit of man might comprehend, yet he could never imagine that at the same time he should be restrained with a sickness so dangerous: And therefore finding it necessary to frame his councils, not to the plots he had laid before, but to the necessity present: He saw he was not able in one time to sustain the hatred of the Colonnois and Vrsins, and fearing lest they should join in conspiracy against him, he resolved to reappose rather in those whom he had offended only in their goods, then to trust to the behaviour of such as he had grieved both in their goods and persons: And in that mind he procured ready reconcilement with the Colonnois and such of the Vale as followed that faction, he invited them to return eftsoons to their estates, and made restitution of the Castles which Alexander with great expenses had fortified and enlarged, the alteration and fear of the time compelling him to do more than any regard to honour, equity, conscience, or religion: All which notwithstanding, sufficed not neither for his surety, nor to keep the town of Rome in peace, wherein all things were full of suspicions and tumults, for that both Prospero Colonno was entered and all that faction had taken arms: And also Fabio Vrsin coming even to the houses of the family of Mont jordan, had with a great multitude of his partakers set a fire certain marchands shops and the houses of many Spanish Courtiers, a nation generally envy by the memory of thinsolences which they had done during the Popedom of Alexander: Besides, Fabio thirsting after the blood of Valentynois, made great levies of foreign soldiers, and solicited Bartholomew Aluiano being then in the pay of the Venetians, to join with him and his house in the revenge of so many wrongs as he had done them, thinking it but just to raise violence against him, whose fury had not spared to persecute them and their friends with all sorts of oppression and ruins: The suburbs and meadows so swarmed with the men of war of Valentynois, that the Cardinals seeing no reason of surety to assemble at the Bishop's Palace, drew together at the covent of the Church of Minerva, at which place (contrary to the ancient custom) they began, but far later than they were wont, to do the funeral of Alexander: The trouble and mutiny of the time present not only deferring the celebration of the obsequies, but also somewhat derogating the ceremony, detecting in those last actions the abominable and infamous life of him in whose regard they were done: It was much feared lest consalvo would come to Rome, specially for that Prospero Colonno had left at Marina, a certain number of Spanish soldiers, and for the reconciliation of Valentynois with the Colonnois, it was believed that he had an intention to follow the Spanish faction: But greater were the fears of the coming of the french army, which had marched slowly till that day, for that in the public councils of the Swyzzers (being not a little amazed for the ill fortune of the French in the realm of Naples) it was doubted afore the contract, that the king could not make levy of their men, and all the captains and footmen chosen together had refused for the same occasion, the same being the cause that they were not so ready, and that they made long abode by the ways: But in respect of the Pope's death, the army which was governed by the Marquis of Mantua with title of the king's Lieutenant, and by the Bailie of Caen, & Monsr de Sandricourt, in whom except the name, remained as much power as in the General, for that Trimoville remeined sick at Parma: Was come without tarrying for the Swyzzers, to the territories of Sienna, with intention to go to Rome according to the direction of the king, who also had commanded the Navy which was at Caietta to make sail to Ostia, to give impediment to consalvo for going to Rome with his army to compel the Cardinals to choose a Pope at his devotion: Notwithstanding the french army remeined certain days between Boncovent and Viterbe, for that the marchands making difficulty for the troubled time that was at Rome to accept the bills of exchange that were sent out of France, the Swyzzers now comen into the country of Sienna, refused to march further if they were not paid: In this time the tumults were no less in the territory of Rome, with many other places through the estate of the Church and the lands of Valentynois, for that the Vrsins and all the Romish Barons restored themselves to their estates: The family of Vitelli were returned to Cittade Castello, & john Pawle Baillon under hope of a certain intelligence, had assailed Perousa: In which action albeit he was put to the chase by his enemies and constrained to go his way, yet being refurnished with new bands and open succours of the Florentines, he entered the town in a brave and resolute assault not without the slaughter of his enemies and some loss of his own company: The town of Plombyn also took arms, which albeit they of Sienna laboured to usurp and occupy, yet the ancient Lord returned thither by the favour of the Florentines: The Duke of Vrbyn, the Lords of Pesere, of Camerin, and Sini Gale, did the like in their estates: Only Romagna (notwithstanding they were not without suspicion of the Venetians who levied great bands of men at Ravenna) remained quiet and inclined to the devotion of Valentynois, knowing by experience how much it was more tolerable and better for the weal of the country to serve one only and mighty Lord, then to have in every town Lords particular, who neither for their weakness could defend them, nor for their poverty, were able to do them good, but rather when they found their revenues insufficient to entertain them, they would be constrained to oppress them: They considered also that, for the authority and greatness of the Valentynois, and for the good justice he ministered amongst them, their country was not vexed with so many mutinies and tumults of factions as it was wont to be, bringing ordinary slaughters to their friends and cohabitants: Besides, they drew into consideration the benefits that he had done for many, together with the great friendships he had gotten, by entertaining and giving pay to such as had been trained in arms, by distributing offices to men able and sufficient, and also by soliciting his father on the behalf of Prelates and Church men touching the collation of benefices and spiritual dignities: Out of these respects they took occasion of firmness, that neither th'examples of others that revolted, nor the memory of their 
Duke Valentynois for the French king.  ancient Lords, could not estrange them from Valentynois: Who albeit he stood oppressed with many difficulties, & less expectation of ability in a state so plucked and broken, yet was he laboured unto both by the French and Spanish, & with many offers and promises importunately solicited to be on their side: For that besides the opportunity of his forces and men of war, they hoped by this mean to win the voices of the Spanish Cardinals in the election to be made: But the Duke looking wisely into the state of his affairs, took council of the inclination of the time, and refused to follow the fancies of men: And albeit for the reconcilement that was made with the Colonnois, it was believed that he would be declared for the Spanish, yet being induced to that reconcilement only by fear lest they would join with the Vrsins, he declared now that he would do nothing contrary to his fidelity to the French, whom he determined to follow, for that, both within the town of Rome which the king's army did now approach, and also in his other estates, they might do him more good and harm then the Spanish: In so much as the first day of September he made a convention with the Cardinal S. Severin and Monsr de Trans the king's Ambassador, by the which he promised to aid him with his soldiers in th'enterprise of Naples, and in all other expeditions against all persons except the Church: And on the other part, the kings Agentes bound the king to the protection aswell of his person, as of all the estates he possessed, and to concur also in the recovery of those which he had lost: Besides these, the Duke gave hopes to draw the most part of the Spanish Cardinals to give their voice to the Cardinal 
Cardinal of Amboyse aspireth to the Popedom.  of Amboyse, who puffed up with a proud hope to obtain the Popedom with authority, with money, & with the armies of his king, went immediately out of France after the Pope's death to Rome, carrying with him the Cardinal of Arragon & the Cardinal Ascanius: Him he had delivered two years before out of the Tower of Bourges, and given him honourable countenance in the Court, hoping that if the Pope should die, his ancient reputation might do much to further his ambition, together with the many friends & favourers which he had in the Court of Rome: Foundations very weak to bear so high and weighty a purpose, for that neither Valentynois could wholly dispose the Spanish Cardinals more inclined (according to the custom of men) to their proper profit, then to reacknowledge the good turns that his father and he had done to them, and withal, many amongst them, having regard not to offend the mind of their king, would not have been so far overseen, as to choose for Pope, a French Cardinal: Neither yet Ascanius, if he had had any power or place in th'election, would have consented to lift to the supreme seat the Cardinal of Amboyse, for that it was to the perpetual embasing and cutting of of all the hopes that yet remeined aswell to him as to those of his house.  
They deferred yet th'election of the new Pope: Not only for that it was later than was wont, ere they began to celebrated the obsequies of the dead, till the ending of which (enduring for the most part nine days) the Cardinals have no custom to enter into the conclave or house of election: But also, the better to cut of occasions and dangers of a schism in so great a confusion of affairs, and important division of Princes, the Cardinals that were present had agreed to give advertisement to those that were absent to make their repair: And when they were come, the College nevertheless was holden in suspense suspecting that th'election would not be free, aswell for the bands of Valentynois, as for that the French army which at last was drawn between Nepi and the isle with intention to come to Rome, refused to pass the river of Tiber, if afore hand there were not chosen a new Pope: They feared that either the contrary part would overrule the College in th'election, or else such was the devise of Cardinal Amboyse, no less for the surety of his person, then hoping to be the better favoured: These things, after many contentions (the College refusing otherways to enter into the conclave) were at last resolved and took form, for that the Cardinal of Amboyse gave his faith to the whole Court of Cardinals, that the French army should not pass Nepi & the Isle, the Valentynois consenting to go to Nepi and afterwards to Civita Castellano, having sent to the French Camp two hundred men at arms and three hundred light horsemen under the leading of Lodowyk de la Mirandola and Alexander de Tryvulce: But the College erected many bands of footmen for the guard of Rome, and gave power to three Prelates whom they had appointed for the guard of the Conclave, to open it if they discerned sedition or tumult, to th'end that all the Cardinals being in liberty to go whither they will, every one might be out of hope to force them. At last the Cardinals entered the Conclave, being xxxviij. in number, where the disagreement which in other times was wont to keep things in delay, was the cause now that they entered roundly into th'action, and created in few days a new Pope: And albeit in th'election they had much to do to agreed upon the person, aswell for their general covetousness, as for the contention between the Cardinals depending of the French king, and the Spanish Cardinals embracing the faction of the king of Spain. And albeit they were no less amazed with the present danger wherein they stood, all things in Rome being full of suspicion and tumult, then with the consideration of thaccidents which in a time so troubled might happen by the vacation of the Sea: yet at last, even by the consent of the Cardinal of Amboyse, in whom failed every day all hope to be elected, they created for Pope Francis Piccolomini Cardinal of Sienna, in whom was no expectation of long life, both 
Francis Piccolomini made pope.  for his extreme age, and present sickness: A Cardinal sure of unspotted reapport, and for his other conditions, not unworthy that degree, who, to renew the memory of Pius secundus his uncle, took upon him the name of Pius the third.  
Assoon as the Pope was created, the French army had no further occasion to abide there, and falling speedily into the way that had been agreed upon before, they passed suddenly the river of Tiber: but neither for the creation of the Pope, nor for the discamping of the army, the tumults at Rome did not appease, for that because there was expectation for the coming of Aluiano and john Paul Bayllon, who conspiring together, made levies of men in Perusa. Valentynois continuing as yet sick, and fearing their coming, was returned to Rome with an hundred and fifty men at arms, the like numbers of light horsemen, and eight hundred footmen, having obtained safconduit of the Pope, who hoped that he might the easilier put end to those things by some composition. But the Valentynois being within one town and walls, with the Vrsins, who lusted in a just thirst after his blood, the 
The Vrsins against Valentynois.  Vrsins, by the opportunity of new bands arriving, notwithstanding they demanded of the Pope and College of Cardinals a short and ready justice, determined to be revenged upon him with arms, assoon as john Paul Baillon and Aluiano were arrived: by reason of these conspiring intentions, there was also some controversy between the town and them of the suburbs where Valentynois was lodged: a contention which troubled not only the people of Rome, and the court, but also was supposed to bring great prejudice to th'affairs of the French, for that the Vrsins, assoon as they were once dispatched of the quarrel against Valentynois, preparing to go to the pay either of the French or Spanish king, and judging that their strength was of no little importance to the victory, they were sought to by both parts with ample conditions. But bearing a natural disposition to the part of the French, the Cardinal of Amboyse entertained in the king's name julio Vrsin, who contracted for all those of his family, except Aluiano, for whom was reserved place, with honourable conditions: but his coming reversed all: for, albeit in the beginning be was almost agreed with the Cardinal of Amboyse, yet, covetousness overcoming his inclination, and being in one moment restrained with the Spanish Ambassador, he entered pay with the king of Spain with five hundred men at arms, and provision of lx. thousand ducats yearly, assuring himself of all those of his family, except john jordan: to which deliberation he was chief induced (as he frankly confessed) by despite that the Cardinal of Amboyse, burning more and more in ambition to be Pope, favoured Valentynois, hoping by his mean to obtain the most part of the voices of the Spanish Cardinals: notwithstanding that the Cardinal clearing himself of the fault by transferring it to an other, gave out that he was persuaded that the Venetians were authors of it, who, for the desire they had that the French king should not obtain the realm of Naples, had not only consented that he should leave their pay, promising to reserve for him the same place: but also to th'end the first payments should be more ready, they had lent to the Spanish Ambassadors fifteen thousand ducats: A matter, which though it be not in every part certain, yet it can not be denied that the Venetian Ambassador did not manifestly intrude himself into that practice. Some were of opinion that the conditions & large offers of the Spaniards, were the cause, for that they bond themselves to distribute estates in the kingdom aswell to him as to all those of his family, and to endue his brother with revenues ecclesiastical: And lastly (which he esteemed much) to aid him when the war was finished, with two thousand Spanish footmen, in th'enterprise which he determined against the Florentines in the favour of Peter de Medicis. It was believed that john Paul Bayllon comen now to Rome with Aluiano, and who following his example treated at one time with the French and with the Spanish, would also accompany him in the same deliberation: but the Cardinal d'Amboyse, not a little amazed that Thursins had left the king, (a dealing which made doubtful the hopes of the French being afore almost certain,) entertained him immediately into the king's service with an hundred and fifty men at arms: he almost accorded whatsoever the other demanded, but all under the name of the Florentines, for that john Paul would it so, to th'end to be more assured of his pays, which were to be rebated of the sums they aught to the king by virtue of their conventions, he being more curious to provide for the surety of his pay, then careful to keep his fidelity with the king for the service that was required: for, being returned to Perousa to put his people in order, and receiving xiv. thousand ducats, he was contented to govern himself more according to the success of the time & common event of things, and by his passions & particular interests, them according to the reputation & faith of soldiers. In which respects deferring with many excuses to go to the French army, he would not departed from Perousa: A matter which the cardinal Amboyse supposed to proceed upon this, that john Paul imitating the inconstancy of the captains of Italy of that time, had from the hour he was entertained, made promise to Barthelmew Aluiano & the Spaniards to do so, as holding that most reasonable & indifferent for him to do, wherein was most surety for his pay & safety, A manner of dealing familiar with men that be mercenary, but far from those that hold dear either honour or reputation. Assoon as the Vrsins were entered into the pay of the Spanish, peace proceeded between them & the Colonnois, resolved & set down at the same instant in the lodging of the Spanish ambassador: to whom & to the Venetian agent they referred the resolution of all their differences. The agreement of those houses brought no little fear to Valentynois, for that being determined to leave Rome, & preparing to go to Bracciana, john jordan having given his faith to the Cardinal of Amboyse to lead him thither in surety: john Paul & the Vrsins were determined to assail him, who having no mean to enter into the suburbs by the gate of the castle S. Angeo, they issued out of Rome, & fetching a long circuit to come to the gate Torrono, they found it shut, and burned it, finding nothing to resist the fury of their revenge provoked by so just occasions. Assoon as they were entered the gate, they begun to skirmish with certain horsemen of Valentynois, to whose succours albeit many of the french soldiers did run who were not yet departed out of Rome: yet what by the increasing of the numbers of his enemies, & their rage redubling, & his own people (whose strength was much diminished afore) making signs to abandon him, the necessity of his peril constrained him together with the prince of Squillace & certain Spanish Cardinals, to seek his 
Valentynois distressed by the Vrsins.  safety within the palace of Vatican, from whence he retired with a fearful speed into the castle S. Angeo, having by the Pope's consent, received faith of the captain of the castle (who was the same that had that charge in the days of the dead Pope) to suffer him to go out when he would: all his people fled whither their fear or fortune would lead them. In this garboil the bailiff of Caen was lightly hurt, and the Cardinal of Amboyse had no little fear: but the matter of quarrel being taken away by this accident, the tumults also were immediately appea●ed within the town of Rome. In so much as they began all in peace to prepare for the election of a new Pope, for that Pius, not beguiling the hopes which the Cardinals conceived of him at the 
Pope Pius the third dieth.  time of his creation, the xxuj. day after his election, passed into a better life.  
After the death of Pius, the Cardinals deferring for certain days to enter the Conclave: (for, they thought good that Thursins afore should issue out of Rome, where they yet remained to refurnish the numbers which they should lead to the Spanish army) resolved upon the election out of the Conclave. And the Cardinal S. Petri Ad vincla mighty in friends, reputation, & riches, had drawn to him the voices 
Cardinal S. Petri Ad vincla made Pope.  of so many Cardinals, that entering the conclave, he was with an example all new & without shutting the conclave, elected Pope the same night, (those that were of the contrary opinion not daring to oppose against him.) He, either having regard to his first name of julio, or (as conjectures were made) to signify the greatness of his conceptions, or lastly because he would not give place to Alexander, not not in the excellency of name, took upon him the name of julio, the second of that name. Among all the Popes that had passed, it was wondered that by so great consent, they had created for Pope, a Cardinal who was known to be of a disposition rigorous & terrible, and in whom was no expectation of rest and tranquillity, having consumed his youth in continual travels, offended many by necessity, & exercised hatreds against many great personages, a man to whose wit nothing was more familiar, than thinvention of trouble, faction, and conspiracy. But on the other side, the causes of his election to that degree, appeared clearly, and surmounted all other difficulties: for, he had been of long time a Cardinal of great power and might, and with his magnificence, wherein he had always exceeded the residue, and with the greatness of his spirit by the which he did great things, he had not only made himself mighty in opinion and friends, but by times & degrees had erected high his authority in the Court of Rome, bearing the name, title, and dignity of the principal defender of the ecclesiastic liberty: But that which served most in his advancement, was the promises immoderate and infinite which he made to the Cardinals, Princes, and Barons, and to all others whom he might make profitable to him in that action. Besides he had the mean to distribute money, benefices, and spiritual dignities, aswell such as were his own, as those that were the rights of others, for that such was the bruit and renown of his liberality, that many made willing offers to him to dispose as he best liked of their treasures, their names, their offices, and benefices. They considered not that his promises were far to great than that being Pope, he was either able or aught to observe, for that he had of so long continuance enjoyed the name of just and upright, that Pope Alexander himself his greatest enemy, speaking ill on him, in all other things could not but confess him to be true of his word: A praise which he made no care to defile & stain, to th'end to become Pope, knowing that no man more easily beguileth an other, than he that hath the custom and name never to deceive any. The Cardinal of Amboyse consented to this election for that despairing to obtain the Popedom for himself, he hoped, that in the new Pope would be recontinued in time to come those degrees and properties of amity which he had always borne to the king his master: using this wisdom to seem to bear that with liking and contentment, which he could not hinder by any devise or power. The Cardinal Askanius gave also his frank consent, being reconciled to him before, and treading under feet the memory of all ancient contentions that had been between them, at such time as afore the Popedom of Alexander, they followed the court of Rome in the persons of Cardinals: for, having better experience of his disposition then the Cardinal of Amboyse, thought, that being ascended to the Popedom, he should have the same unquietness, or rather greater, than he had had in a meaner fortune, together with such conceptions as might be able to open to him a way to recover the duchy of Milan. In like sort the Spanish Cardinals yielded their consent, notwithstanding in the beginning they showed no inclination. But seeing there was such a concurrence of others, and fearing not to be sufficient enough to let his election, they judged it more convenient for their surety, to hold him appeased in consenting, then to stir him to anger in refusing, somewhat affying themselves in the great promises he made to them, and for the rest, induced by the persuasions and requests of Valentynois, whose condition stood so environed with calamities, that he was constrained to follow every dangerous counsel. He was also no less abused than the others with the hopes that he gave him: for that he promised him to make a marriage between his daughter & his nephew Francis Maria de la Rovere perfect of Rome, to confirm him captain of the armies of the Church. And which was of greatest importance, to join to his aid in the recovery of the towns of Romania. All which, except the Castles, were almost withdrawn from his obedience. The affairs of which province, full of innovations and changes, troubled with divers thoughts the spirit of the Pope, both for that he knew he was not able at that time to bring it to his devotion, and also he endured with murmur and grudge, that in it should be raised the greatness of the Venetians, envy bearing this nature, not to make men so much to complain of their proper wants, as to grieve in the wealth and well doing of others.  
When it was understand in Romania that Valentynois was fled into the castle S. Angeo, and the regiments of men that were about him dispersed and passed into their several calamities, the Cities which had expected him before in great constancy, having now their hopes turned into fears, applied to the time, and began to take new parties: such for the most part is the wavering condition of commonalties and multitudes, not measuring things by justice and equity of reason, but either by opinion, which commonly is partial, or by common report, which for the most part is full of incerteinties & errors. Cesena returned to the ancient devotion of the Church: Ymola (the captain of the castle being killed by mean of certain the principal Citizens) stood in doubt, one part desiring to revert to the Church, and an other part to be reconciled to the Riareiss their first Lords: The City of Furly possessed by the Ordelaffy long time before it came to the Riares by the permission of Pope Sixtus, had reappealed Anthony a remainder of the same family: who first proving to enter with the favour of the Venetians, but afterwards fearing that under his name, they would retain the jurisdiction to themselves, had recourse to the florentines, and by their means was reinvested in his patrimony: john Sforce returned to Pesero, and to Rimini Pandolfe Malateste, the one and other being called by the people. But Denys of Nalda, an ancient soldier to Valentynois, at the request of the Castlekeeper of Rimini, went to their succours: by whose help, in good time, Pandolffe being put to the chase, the City returned eftsoons to the obedience of Valentynois. Faenza only persevered longest in his devotion, but in the end falling into a deprivation of hope for his return, casting their eyes upon certain remainders of the family of Manfreda, their ancient Lords, they called home Astor, a young Gentleman of the same house, but a bastard, none remaining of the race legitimate. But the Venetians aspiring to the jurisdiction of all Romania, immediately after the death of Pope Alexander, had sent to Ravenna many bands of soldiers, with whom, as they made a charge one night upon the sudden, and with great fury, upon the City of Cesena, so the people of the place standing valiantly to their defence, by their virtue vanquished the conspiracies of their enemies, the Venetians which went thither without artillery, hoping more to surprise it then to force it, retiring to the country of Ravenna: where they considered diligently all things that might give them any occasion to make themselves great in that Province, which immediately was presented to them by the discords that were between Denys of Nalde and the Faventyns: for, it being somewhat intolerable to Denys, that the Faventyns should eftsoons return under the government of the house of Manfreda, against whom he was drawn into rebellion at such time as Valentynois assailed that city: he called in the Venetians, and put into their hands the Castles of the vale of Lamona which he had in keeping. And the better to further their practices, the Venetians a little after put a band of three hundred footmen within the Castle of Faenza, being brought in by the castlekeper, whom they had seduced by their corruptions. They occupied in like sort, & in the same time, the borough of Forlimpople, with many other boroughs of Romania, and sent one part of their men of war to take the city of Fava, but the people held out constantly for the Church, holding it more honourable to abide peril, then corrupt their allegiance. They were also brought into Rimini by the consent of the people, covenanting aforehand with Pandolffe Malateste to give him in recompense the town of Citadella in the territories of Milan, and a yearly pension, with a perpetual estate of a company of men at arms. They returned afterwards in great diligence to besiege Faenza, for that the townsmen nothing amazed with the loss of the castle for thin commodity of his seat & separation from the city by a deep trench, made valiant resistance, both for the affection they bore to the family of Manfredi, and also for a grudge they had that thin habitants of the vale of Lamona, had promised to strangers the empery of Faenza: they esteemed little their proper adversities, so that they might observe the full office of fidelity to the family of Manfredi their true & ancient Lord: But of themselves being unable to make defence sufficient, for that Christopher Moare commander of the Venetians had approached his artillery to their town, & occupied all the places of importance in the country, they prayed succours of the new Pope julio, to whom such a manner of audacity was not a little disagreeable. But being newly ascended to that supreme seat without force, without money, and without hope to be aided by either of the kings of France or Spain, for that both they were traveled with thoughts of far greater importance, & also that he denied to be confederate with either of them: he was without mean of comfort in this calamity, but through th'authority of the name pontifical. And to prove what reverence the Venetians bore to it, together with what regard they remembered the amities which long time before he had borne to that commonweal: he sent to Venice the Bishop of Tyvoli, to complain that Faenza 
The Pope complaineth to the Venetians.  being a city immediately appertaining to the Church, they would not forbear to do so great a doshonour to a Pope, who afore he was raised to that sovereign creation, as he honoured their commonweal with a special affection, so now standing in a greater fortune, they might hope for right ample fruits of his friendship so anciently borne. It may be there wanted not in the Senate those sorts of men which aforetime had dissuaded not to entangle their estate with the matters of Pysa, & that they should not receive in pawn the ports of the realm of Naples, nor make partition with the French king of the Duchy of Milan: it may be that in the wisdoms of these men appeared the consideration of evils that might happen, and how, by making themselves daily more and more suspected and hated, they might in this action add to other hatreds the ill will of the Pope. But ambitious counsels having been favoured with so happy success, and therefore all their sails being hoist in a wind so happy of fortune, the opinions of those that persuaded the contrary were not heard. And therefore (almost with a general consent) it was answered to the 
The Venetians answer to the new Pope.  Pope's Ambassador: that the state of Venice had always greatly desired that the Cardinal S. Petri ad vincla should come to be Pope, and as he had now obtained it, not by corruption, but by his proper virtue and merits, so they hoped that the same inclination which in his meaner fortune induced him to embrace and love them, would still go on working with confirmation of offices & amities, as for their parts, he should not doubt, that they would not follow him with better respects being Pope, than they had done whilst he was in thestate and person of a Cardinal: But as touching the point of imputation, they knew not wherein they had offended his dignity, embracing thoccasion which was offered to them to have Faenza: for that that City was not only not possessed by the Church, but also the Church made a willing deprivation of all her rights, in transferring so amply and in plain Consistory the jurisdiction to the Duke Valentynois: That he would remember that afore that grant, the Popes (within no memory of man) had ever possessed Faenza, but from time to time had given it to new Vicars, without acknowledging other superiority than the tribute, which they offered to pay readily when it should be required. That the Faventins had no desire to be the subjects of the Church, but abhorring such nomination, they had reverenced the name of the Duke Valentynois, with all those offices & observances that were in them: And that now having no more hope in him, they were run headlong to call in the bastards of the house of Manfreda: Lastly, they besought him, that being in the authority of Pope, he would hold them in the same estate of friendship, which he thought them worthy of, when he had but the person of a Cardinal, not suffering light occasions to remove that gruae and settled liking which he had so long time had of them, more by his proper inclination, then by any their deservings. After the Pope was certified of the will of the Venetians, he had sent into Romania the Duke Valentynois, whom he had embraced with many demonstrations of honour assoon as he was Pope, and in token of amity lodged him in the palace Pontifical: saving that he feared, lest his going, in the beginning agreeable enough to the people, should not be then very hateful, seeing they were already all drawn into rebellion against him. Touching the condition of the Faventins, there was no more remeining to them, but to have recourse to the Florentines, who discontented that a city of so near neighborhed should fall into the power of the Venetians, had sent to their succours in the beginning 200. footmen, entertaining them with hopes still to refurnish them to th'end to hold them in courage till the Pope were at opportunity to secure them: But seeing by many appearances that the Pope had no disposition to take arms, and that th'authority of the French king (warning the Venetians in the beginning not to molest the estates of the Duke Valentynois) was not sufficient to withdraw them: And lastly, esteeming it no policy to enter alone into a war with so mighty enemies, they forbore to relieve them with any further supply. By which alteration the Faventyns being cut off from all hopes, and the Venetian army (encamping at the Church of the observants) having begun to play with their artillery against the walls of their City, being unhappy also in this, that their intelligences were discovered, and certain of them taken who had conspired to put the Venetians into the town: they yielded up their City into their hands, the Venetians agreeing to give 
Faenza taken by the Venetians.  to Astor a certain pension (albeit but little) for the relief of his life. After the taking of Faenza, the Venetians might with the same facility and fortune have commanded Ymola & Furly: but not to aggravate the indignation of the Pope, who murmured not a little, they sent their men into garrison, determining for that time to pass no further, having occupied in Romania, besides Faenza and Rimini with their countries, Montefiora, Saint Archangeo Verrucque, Gaterre, Savignano, & Meldole the haven of the country of Cesena, and in the territory of Ymola, Toslignana, Solaruola, and Montbataile. Valentynois held only in Romania the Castles of Furly, of Cesena, of Forlimpople, and of Bertinoire. All which (albeit he had great desire to go into Romania, to th'end they were not usurped by the Venetians) he had easily consented to put into the Pope's keeping, with bond to receive them of him again at such time as they should be assured, had it not been that the Pope (his ancient integrity being not yet overcome with desire to bear rule) refused the offer, saying he would not willingly accept occasions that might any way allure him to corrupt his faith. At last to oppose in some sort against the proceedings of the Venetians, with whom he was not a little discontented for the danger of the estate ecclesiastic, having also a desire that Valentynois should departed from Rome, he accorded with Valentynois that he should go to Spetia by sea, and from thence by land to Ferrara, and so to Ymola, where should be restored to him an hundred men at arms, and fifty light horsemen which yet followed his ensigns, (interposing in this convention not only the name of the Pope, but also the name of the college of Cardinals.) With this resolution Valentynois being gone to Ostia to be embarked, the Pope was suddenly repented that he had not accepted the Castles, and having now a special desire to have them (not respecting the means) and to keep them to himself: he sent after the Cardinals of Volterre and Surrente to persuade him, that to prevent that those places should not fall into the hands of the Venetians he would be content to deliver them up into the Pope's keeping, under the same promise that had been treated upon at Rome: So soon do men's minds altar, when ambition hath once possessed the spirits, and made way to greedy desire, which in matters of profit holds nothing respected: Valentynois taking advantage of the Pope's incertainty, denied now to do that which erst he was well contented, and the Pope rising with the occasion into indignity, caused him to be arrested in the galleys wherein he was embarked, and in 
Duke Valentynois arrested by the Pope.  decent sort to be led to Magliana, from whence (all the Court and commonalty of Rome rejoicing for thapprehension of his person) he was led to the Vatican, and honoured, but not without especial and good guards: the reason was, that the Pope fearing lest the Castle keepers despairing of his safety, would not cell the castles to the Venetians, sought to make him tractable by easy means, and so to have them by his consent and william. Thus the power of Duke Valentynois rising (as it were) suddenly to his sovereignty and height, took end with a ruin more sudden: and as the means by the which he aspired to his greatness had more resemblance with cruelty and deceits, then that the arms and power of the Church did advance him: So, by a due sentence of justice he experienced in himself part of the arts and trumperies wherewith his father and he had vexed many several personages: he was like to the tree that groweth till he come to his height, and then is plucked up from the root in a moment. The heavy stone commonly overwhelmeth himself with his own weight: who doth covet the fruit, and not considereth the height of the tree whereon it groweth, let him take heed, that whilst he laboureth to climb to the top, he fall not with the bows which he doth embrace: It is hard for men ambitious to hold fast their fortune, for she is slipper and can not be kept against her will: and therefore to men that study to follow the stream, it is good to put a bridle to their felicity, so shall they the better govern it: it is an office in wise men to consider always their own estate, where the vain ambitious man liveth for the most part in the remembrance of those things which make him to forget himself. The soldiers and followers of the Duke had almost no better fortune, who being drawn into the country of Perousa; with hope to obtain safeconduit of the Florentines and others, (being chased by the regiments of Vitelli) they were constrained for their safety to retire upon the lands of the Florentines: where, being dispersed between Chastilion and Cortona, and reduced to four hundred horsemen, with a very slender strength of footmen, they were stripped by the appointment of the Florontins, and Dom Michael their leader taken prisoner: him they delivered afterwards to the Pope, who demanded him with an importunity well expressing the hates he bore to all the old servants of the late Pope Alexander. And albeit this man had been a faithful minister and executor of all the wickedness of Valentynois, yet after the Pope had spent some conference with him, he turned his cruelty into compassion, following his natural inclination, which was to be easy to pardon those upon whom he had power to execute his anger. About this time the Cardinal d'Amboyse departed from Rome to return into France, having obtained of the Pope, more for fear then for good will, a confirmation of the legation of that realm. But the Cardinal Askanius followed him not, notwithstanding at his coming out of France he promised the king by oath that he would return: of which oath he had procured secret absolution of the Pope afore, not remembering that amongst men there can be no greater bond than an oath, and who loseth his faith hath no more to loose, seeing we acknowledge religion to consist in faith itself. But the example of the Cardinal Askanius scorning at the credulity of the Cardinal Amboyse, could not make the French Cardinal better advised in the action with Pandolfe Petrucci, who receiving the Cardinal at Sienna with many honours, and making insinuation into his good favours with deep subtleties and counsels full of art, promising to 'cause Montpulcian to be rendered to the Florentines, overcame him so much, that at his return into France he assured the king that he had not found in Italy a man of better spirit, and wrought that his Majesty gave sufferance to his son to return to Sienna, remaining at that time in the Court of France for th'assurance of his father's promises. These were the mutations that happened in Italy by the death of the Pope.  
But in these times, th'enterprises begun with greater hopes on tother side the Mounts by the French king, were brought into many difficulties: for th'army sent 
〈…〉 beyond the Mounts.  upon the frontier of Gascoigne, no less for want of money then lack of good government in those that had the charge, was broken with a speed quicker than they could march thither. The Galleys also which had run all along the Spanish seas, were retired to the port of Marseilles: and the army levied for Parpignian, of the which the king promised much being well furnished of all things necessary, was encamped before Saulses, which is a strong place near to Narbona, standing at the foot of the hills Pirennei in the country of Rossillion. But being well defended, it made a wonderful resistance: and albeit it was furiously assaulted by the Frenchmen, using both the service of artilleries, and the art of underminings, yet the virtue of the defendants kept it from spoil and ruin. There assembled an army of all the Spanish Realms at Parpignian, which the king did honour with the presence of his person to th'end to secure it. And being joined to this army (by reason the French were discamped) the regiments that had been sent to defend the frontiers of Fontarabie, and all these forces being drawn into one strength, and marching to give battle to the French army: the captains seeing no reason to contend against fortune, retired with the Camp towards Narbona, after they had lain afore Saulses about forty days. The Spaniards losing no benefit of the time and occasion, made incursions upon the territories of the French king, where having taken certain places of mean importance (the French making no resistance for that they were withdrawn into Narbona) they eftsoons returned upon their own frontiers by the commandment of their king, who, having obtained the true end of him that is assailed, entertained but with ill will the war on tother side the Mounts, seeing albeit his Realms and Provinces were sufficient mighty to defend him from the French king, yet he held them far to weak to offend him. A consideration of great importance to him that entereth into a war, to foresee with a better counsel how he may defend himself then offend his enemy. A little after (by the interposing of king Federik) they made a truce for five months, 
A truce between the kings of Spain and France.  comprehending only those things that concerned th'affairs on the other side the Mounts: for that the Spanish king assuring Federyk that he would consent that the Realm of Naples should be restored to him, and Federik expecting no less of the French king, the rather at the contemplation of the Queen inclined to compassion, had introduced between them the practices of peace. In which negotiation the Spanish Ambassadors (the war continuing still in Italy) went into France, where they governed their doings with such art, that Federyk vainly persuaded himself that the difficulty of his restitution, which the Barons of the faction of Aniow impugned vehemently, would be principally on the French kings side.  
Thus all the wars between both the kings being reduced only into the kingdom of Naples, the eyes and thoughts of all men were turned thither: for that the French men having passed from Rome by the lands of Valmontano and the Colonnoys, (where they found an easy consent to refresh them with victuals) marched by the fields of the Church towards S. Germain, a place where consalvo (leaving garrison in the Castle of Secqua and Montcassin) was encamped, not with intention to hazard fortune, but to be an impediment that they passed no further, which by the strength and opportunity of the place, he hoped to do easily. The French men being arrived at Pontecorue, and at Ceperana, the Marquis of Solusse, with such as were within Caietta, joined to them, having afore by thoccasion of discamping of consalvo, recovered the Duchy of Tracetta, and the Country of Fovery, even to the 'slud of Garillon. The first thing that the French army did, was to assay to get the castle of Secqua, from the which (after they had in vain given one assault) they broke of and levied their siege. But for that action they brought upon themselves so much contempt and imputation, that it was publicly affirmed in the Spanish army, that that day the Realm of Naples was assured against the French men, who joining fear to their fortune, and distrusting for that respect to chase their enemy towards S. Germain, determined to return by the coast side, holding that way suspected in their retiring wherein they found confidence and favour in marching on. After they had reapposed two days within Aquin, which they had taken, and left seven hundren footmen within the Castle Guillaume, they returned by Pontecorue, and marched by the way of Fondy to lodge at a town set upon the way of the river of Garillon, where antiquity holds that the ancient city of Mynturno was builded. A place not only convenient to cast a bridge, and pass the river, as was their intention, but also of great importunity to encamp there if they should have been constrained: for they had Caietta and their navy at sea at their backs, and Tracetta, Itri, Fondy, with all the circuit of the country to the river of Garillon stood firm in their devotion. It was thought that the French army passing the river, was a thing of great consequence for the victory: for that consalvo being so far inferior in forces that he durst not appear in plain field, the French might march without impediment even to the walls of Naples, whither also their Navy at sea might have approached, having nothing to let them, if their virtue had but answered th'opportunity. And for that cause consalvo issuing out of S. Germain was come on tother part of Garillon, to let with all his strength the passing of the French, affying much in the disadvantage and difficulties which armies find to pass rivers that have no foardes, specially when th'enemy is opposed against them. But it often happeneth that things in execution fall out otherwise then they appeared in the first imagination, and as often it chanceth (practice being far above th'opinion of things) that that which at first was esteemed hard, brought forth an action most easy, as of the contrary, most hardness was often found in those things wherein conjecture & supposition made most facility. For, the French notwithstanding the furious resistance & impediments of the Spanish, after they had cast the bridge, won the way of the river by force of artillery planted partly upon the bank where they encamped which was somewhat higher than the bank on the other side, and partly upon barks which they had caused to be brought from the Navy at sea, and drawn up against the stream of the river: But the day after as they began to make an enterprise to pass, the Spaniards opposed 
What happened to the French men as they would have passed Garillon.  against them, and charging with an incredible resolution upon such as were already passed, they repulsed them even to the midst of the bridge, and had followed them further, if the fury of th'artillery had not compelled them to retire. In this encounter died on the French side the Lieutenant of the Bailiff of Dyon, and of the Spaniards was slain Fabio son to Paul Vrsin, a young man amongst Thytalians of great expectation. It is said, that if when the French men began to pass, they had advanced forward with the same courage they entered into th'enterprise, they had that day remained masters of the field and the victory: But whilst they proceeded slowly, and with demonstration of timorousness, they did not only lose thoccasion of the victory of that day, but they diminished greatly all hope in time to come, the fortune of the war declining with the opportunity which they had lost: from that day all things took with them very ill success, for that amongst the rulers of th'army was rather confusion than concord, and (according to the custom of the French soldiers with Thitalian captains) very little obedience to the Marquis of Mantua the king's lieutenant. In so much as, either for that occasion, or in respect of his disease (being sick in deed) or for that by other experiences in that service, he had lost all hope of the victory, he went from th'army, leaving an opinion to the French king, that his loyalty was greater than his courage, and that his virtue was of other faculty then to govern an army. After the Marquis had thus given up his charge, the Marquis of Salusse, the bailiff of Caen, & Monsr Sandricourt chief commanders in the French army: having first raised at the head of the bridge beyond the river a rampire with carriages, erected a bastion capable of many men, by whose protection they were defended from their enemies in passing the bridge. But they were let to pass further by other difficulties, happening partly through their proper negligence, but more by the virtue and patience of their enemies, but most of all by the malice of their fortune, with whom nothing is more familiar then to deceive the confidence and expectation of men: for, consalvo, who studied to hinder them more with thoccasion of the winter, and situation of the country, then with his army and forces: was encamped at Cintura, a place seated on high and removed from the river somewhat more than a mile, about the which the bands of footmen and horsemen were lodged with a great incommodity, for that the place of his own condition being solitary and not much relieved with cottages or cabinets of herdsmen, they had almost no other cover then the sky, the ground also aswell for the lownes of the plain, as for that the season and weather was rainy, being full of water and mire: a necessity which drive those soldiers that had no mean to encamp in places more firm and high, to plank and cover the place of the ground where they lay with mats and other things material to defend the moistness of the earth. In regard of these difficulties, and for that th'army was ill paid, the French withal having wholly won the passage of the river, certain captains were of opinion to retire the army to Capua, both to th'end to relieve the intolerable sufferance of the soldiers, and to take themselves out of that continual expectation of danger, their numbers being far inferior to their enemies: It often happeneth that when extremities and peril be at hand, confidence is turned into fear, and when the counsels of men are not constant, they can not but waver in resolution, there virtue having taken an other habit by the consideration of the dangers they see afore them. But that pusillanimity of the captains was resolutely rejected of consalvo with this answer worthy the greatness of his heart: In many cases (saith he) vain fears are far more hurtful than hasty confidence or credulity, a common disposition in the nature of man, making him to esteem more than needeth those dangers that be nearest at hand, & hold less reckoning than he aught of perils furthest of and to come. But concerning the present case, as glory springs not of dignity nor of honour (for that they are the goods of fortune) but of virtue which is the riches of the mind & gift of the goodness of God: So for my part I desire rather to be presently buried ten foot deep in the ground whereon we stand, then by giving back one foot to prolong my life an hundred years: fortune oftentimes makes many men more apt to win glory, then able to keep it, but occasion and opportunity seem to offer us that estate of perpetual honour and reputation, which our own virtue denieth us to be worthy of. And so resisting all difficulties with an incredible constancy, and fortifying himself with a deep trench, and with bastions which he caused to make in the front of the camp, he prepared to defend him against the French, standing against him: who, notwithstanding the protection of their bastylion which they had builded, removed nothing at all, for that the country being all overflown with the reins and waters of the river (this place is called by Livy for the neighborhed of Sessa, aquae sinuessanae, and perhaps they are the lakes of Mynturna, (wherein C. Marius hid himself fleeing before Sylla) they could not pass further, but through a strait which was all waterish and full of a deep quagmire. And perhaps there was danger to be charged in the flank by the footbands of the Spanish lightly armed, which lay encamped very near that strait, the winter also by adventure inclining to cold and sharpness, brought forth more continual multitudes of snows and rains, than had used to fall in those regions: Wherein it seemed that fortune and the elements above had conspired against the French, who staying there, did not only waste the time unprofitably, but also they received by that abode (by reason of their natural disposition) almost the like harms which men's bodies receive by a poison that worketh slowly: for, albeit they were lodged with less discommodities than the Spanish, and that by the mean of the relics of an ancient Theatre, whereunto they had joined many other shroodes & covers, besides the favour of certain old houses near to them: and for that the circumference of skirts of the tower somewhat higher than the plain of Sessa, were less offended with waters: and lastly, that most part of their horsemen were lodged within Tracetta, and other places affronting: yet the bodies of the Frenchmen and Swyzzers, not bearing so natural resistance against long travels and perplexities, as do the bodies of the Spaniards, they gave manifest tokens of the diminution of their late valour and fury. Besides, the covetousness of the officers and treasurers, to whose office belong the paying of the soldiers, increased much those difficulties: for that they preferring their particular profit afore the common provision of the whole, and forgetting no degrees of delay or illusion, they suffered to diminish the numbers of the soldiers, and were negligent to furnish the camp with victuals as appertained: by reason whereof diseases fell upon th'army, and many of Thitalian companies went away discontented. These disorders were made greater by the discord of the Captains, through whose fault there was neither order nor obedience, and in an army there can be no expectation of th'exercise of discipline, where is no certainty of pay made. Thus the Frenchmen being restrained by the sharpness of the winter, remained idle upon the shores of Garillan, no other thing being done either by th'enemy or by them, but certain light skirmishings which were of no importance, and yet the Spanish seemed always to carry the better fortune. About the same time also the footbands which the French left in garrison within the Castle Guillaume, not able to endure the continual braveries of the garrisons of the castle of Secqua, and other pieces thereabouts commanded by the Spanish, abandoned the places of their charge, and pretendiang to come to th'army, were charged by the way and broken, wherein seeking to avoid the danger they feared most, they light upon the peril they disinherited lest, being only abused in the opinion and intention of their safety. But things having had continuance in this estate many days, Bart. Aluiano with certain of the Vrsins and their regiments, 
Bart. Aluiano cometh to the 〈…〉 of consalvo.  arrived in the Spanish army, by whose coming consalvo thought himself so strongly refurnished, having in his army nine hundred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, and nine thousand Spanish footmen that he began to think that now he was no more to study to defend himself, but to offend his enemy, whereunto he was so much the more encouraged, by how much he was well advertised that the French (stronger in horsemen then in footmen) were dispersed in such separation and distance, that their lodgings held little less than ten miles of the country, in so much as near the tower of Garillan, there were only the Marquis of Salusse Viceroy, and other principal captains, with the lesser part of th'army, which diminished continually by thaggravation of diseases of the which many died, and amongst other the bailiff of Caen. For this cause, having determined to assay to pass secretly the river, (in the good succeeding of which he doubted nothing of the victory,) he recommended to Aluiano (the author as some think of that counsel) the charge to make secretly a bridge. By his direction there was made a bridge of barks and vessels within a creak near to Sessa, which they caused to be brought by night to Garillan, & to be cast at the passage of Suya, four miles above the bridge of the Frenchmen, where they made no guard. Assoon as this bridge was cast (being the xxvij. day of December in the night) all the army passed together with the person of consalvo, who lodged the same night in the town of Suya near the river which was occupied by those that passed the first. The morning following which was on a friday (a day happy for the Spaniards) consalvo having ordered that the rearegarde lodged between the castle of Montdragon and Carivola, four miles below the bridge of the French, should go and charge their bridge, he prepared himself with the vanguard led by Aluiano, and with the battle which passed with himself, to follow the Frenchmen: who receiving advertisement the same night that the Spaniards had cast the bridge and began to pass, entered into a general fear, which so much the more drew them into astonishment, by how much this accident and boldness of th'enemy had exceeded their expectation, and having themselves determined to attempt nothing till the time were more gracious and favourable, they nourished also a conjecture that th'enemy stood retained with the same negligence and slothfulness, contruing things by opinion only, without respecting th'opportunity, which being overslipped of them, proved favourable to th'enemy. Therefore albeit the Viceroy (to whom were resorted many bands both from Tracetto and the places about) pushed forward more with fear then with settled counsel (as often happeneth in sudden adventures) had sent towards Suya to stop their passage, Monsr d Alegre, with certain regiments of footmen and horsemen: yet finding that their devise was too long protracted, and that fear overruled all discourses and considerations, they levied their camp so dainly, and about midnight with a hast contrary to the valour of men resolute, they broke up from the tower of Garillan, leaving abandoned the most part of their munitions and nine great pieces of artillery, together with great numbers of their soldiers with bodies wounded and full of sickness. Such a thing is fear, that it makes men forgetful above shame and all other observances, and when the calamity is general, it leaves every one to his fortune, impression for the most part amazing more than the peril itself. They took the way towards Caietta, whither they thought to retire: But consalvo, who would omit no opportunity wherein occasion was offered, assoon as he knew they were discamped, followed them with his army, sending afore Prospero Colonno with his light horsemen to undertake the skirmish, to th'end their march might be more slow. And notwithstanding the fight was entertained by the horsemen, yet the French forbore not still to keep on their way, being notwithstanding compelled to stay oftentimes for fear to fall into disorder at the bridges and hard passages, from whence, after they had supported the skirmish a certain space, they retired still, receiving always some hurt: The order they used was this, the arullerie marched afore, the footbands followed after, and then the horsemen, of whom such as were most behind, continued the fight with th'enemy. The Frenchmen being in this sort advanced after certain pauses and light skirn●ishes, as far as the bridge which is before Caietta, necessity compelled the Viceroy, to 'cause to stay there one part of his men at arms to give leisure to th'artilleries to pass before: But they being not able to march with that speed which was necessary to their safety, the companies of thenemies beginning already to meddle with them, there was begun in that place a great and hot skirmish, for that the reregarde of the Spaniards came immediately after, who having passed the river without resistance, even with those barks of the bridge which had been broken by the frenchmen, went towards Caietta by the right way, consalvo marching always on the wing with the residue of th'army: the fight was violent at the bridge of Mola for a certain time, the French meinteyning themselves principally by the advantage of the place, but with fears far greater than their valours: And the Spanish joining fury to their fortune, fought with the same felicity which follow those men that suppose themselves to be already in the possession of the victory: At last the frenchmen to whose disability began to succeed a fear, lest part of the regiments which consalvo had sent by the coast for that effect, would cut of their way, began to retire in disorder, and being continually followed by their enemies, when they came to the head of two ways, the one leading to Ytry and the other to Caietta, they fell into general and manifest flying, many remaining slain, as Bernardo Adorno lieutenant of fifty lances: many were taken prisoners, and thartilleries abandoned with all the horses appointed for the service of the same: And touching the residue which fled towards Caietta, they were victoriously chased even to the gates of the City. At the same time Fabricio Colonno, sent by consalvo (after he had passed the river with five hundred horse and a thousand footmen, near to Pontecoruo) and being favoured of most part of the villages and countrymen, stripped the regiments of Lodowyk de la Mirandola, and Alexander de Triwlco: Besides, there were many of th'army, who being lodged at Fondy, Ytry, and other places thereabouts, and hearing that the Spanish had cast the bridge, went not to the army at the tower of Garillan, but for their safety dispersed into divers places, were taken and stripped by the country: But Peter de Medicis who also followed the 
Peter de Medicis d 〈…〉  French camp, with certain other gentlemen, had a greater misfortune: for when the army broke up from before Garillan, being mounted upon a bark with four pieces of artillery, to go to Caietta, their bark sunk, aswell for that they had overcharged her, as that the winds were contrary to the mouth of the river: They were all drowned: A destiny lamentable considering the quality of the persons, with the manner of their dying. Wherein though many vainly dispute that fortune led them to so miserable an accident, yet if we will lift up our considerations to God, we shall find that he hath reserved such a prerogative over all things which he hath created, that to him only belongs the authority to dispose all things by the same power where with he hath created them of nothing. The night following, consalvo with th'army lodged at Castellona and Mola, and appearing the next day before Caietta, whither were retired the French Captains together with the Princes of Salerno and Bisignan, he occupied immediately the suburbs & the Mount which the French had abandoned: And albeit Caietta was sufficiently manned with multitudes of soldiers, and no less provision of victuals, besides the conveniency of the place to be succoured by th'army at sea: yet yielding to the consideration of their perils, which were more in impression then in deed, they lost courage, and inclined with manifest consent to parley, being not disposed to endure the perplexity of expectation of succours that were incertain: They sent out the Bailiff of Dyon and S. Colombo with Theodor de triwlco, who in the mouth of all the residue accorded the first day of the year 1504 to give up to consalvo, Caietto with the castle, under condition of free power to go out of the realm of Naples with their goods either by land or sea, and that Monsr d Aubigni and the other prisoners should be redelivered both of the one and other party. But this capitulation was not so clearly set down, that consalvo took not occasion to dispute, that by the virtue of the covenants, the Barons of the kingdom could challenge no liberty or delivery from imprisonment. This was the chase that was given to the french army near to the river of Garillan, being encamped upon the shores or banks thereof about fifty days: An overthrow happening to them no less through their own disorders, then by the virtue of their enemies, and so much the more worthy of commemoration and memory, by howmuch followed (as it were by succession of calamity) the absolute loss of so noble and mighty a kingdom, together with the confirmation of the empire of the Spanish: it nourisheth also matter more worthy of monument, for that the French entering with a far greater strength than th'enemy, and no less plenty of all provisions both by land and sea necessary to the war, they were vanquished with a facility far contrary to the course of victories, and without blood or danger of the conquerors: but the thing that was no less lamentable in this accident than all the residue, was, that albeit there died very few of the French by the sword of the enemy, yet the number was small that was reserved of so great an army: for that of the regiments of footmen which escaped by fleeing, and of those also that came from Caietto after th'accord, there died many troupes by the ways, aswell the sharp violence of the cold, as the rigour of sickness, serving to the execution of those miserable bodies, whom fortune spared from the slaughters of the wars: And of such whose strength with great pain was able to carry them to Rome, part came starved with the hardness of the weather, and some through feebleness languished, lingering yet to abide with greater pains their latter times: of this sort many died in hospitals both of hunger and cold, the streets and high ways being lamentable testimonies of their calamities, and the ditches and other places vile and unworthy serving as sepulchres to those bodies whose minds not long since supposed them invincible against all adversities of war: And whether, in comparison of causes & reasons, we may refer the motions of these calamities either to destiny envying the French, and no less contrary to the Nobility then to bodies of inferior condition: or to the diseases which fell upon them by the discommodities they suffered about Garillan, many even of those who departing from Caietta (where they left the most part of their horses) embarked themselves to pass by sea, and either perished by the ways, or at lest being reserved till they came into France, died in the sight of their friends, of whom they thought to receive consolation: Among these were the Marquis of Salusso, Sandricourt, & the bailie of the Mountains, with many other gentlemen of mark, in whom the manner of their death was no less lamentable than their fortune: over & beside that which by imputation may be imposed upon the French captains for their disagreement & negligent goverument, as also that that may be objected to the injury of the time, that neither the French nor Swizzers are not comparative with the Spaniards, either with resolution of mind to temporize or expect, or with their bodies to sustain the travels and incommodities that a war draweth with it. There are principally considered two things which hindered the French king that he remained not victorious: the one was, the long abode that th'army made upon the territories of Rome for the Pope's death, the same being the cause that winter came upon them, and that the Vrsins were practised withal by consalvo, afore they could enter into the kingdom: where, if they could have made their entry whilst the time was tolerable, consalvo far inferior to them in forces, and not favoured with th'opportunity and rigour of the time, had been constrained to abandon the greatest part of the kingdom, & to seek out the strong places for his succour, or else suffer the authority of an enemy far more mighty than himself: The other consideration was, the covetousness of the officers & treasurers, who, beguiling the king in the pays of the soldiers, and less trusty in the provision of victuals, & furniments for the service, made their thefts and negligences the principal cause of the diminution of that army, since the king had expressed such a provision and care for all things necessary, that it is certain by good credible testimony, that at the unhappy time when the frenchmen were overthrown, there were within Rome by the king's direction, great quantities of silver and other reliefs for war: but so violent was the destiny that ran to the desolation and ruin of that army, that albeit at the last, after many complaints of the Captains and the whole multitude of soldiers, there was levied an abundant provision of victuals, yet, they suffered such a penury and scarcity in the beginning, that that disorder joined to the other discommodities, was the breeder of infinite diseases, of the absenting of many, of the murmuring of many, and that many, seeing their fidelity could find no refuge in the army, sought their safety in places thereabout, matters which in the end brought forth the absolute ruin of so brave an army: for, as for the nourishing of the body, it is not enough that the head be well disposed, but it is also necessary that the other members do their office: even so it sufficeth not that the Prince do his duty, if withal, the diligence and virtue which aught to be in his ministers have not equal action, the one being necessary to the other, as the direction of the head and brain of man availeth little without the execution of the other inferior members, to whom such ministration is appointed.  
The self same year, wherein so great mutations happened in Italy, was made a peace 
Peace between the Turk ●● the Venetians.  between the Turk Bajazet Ottoman, and the Venetians, which both parties embraced with great affection: for the Turk, in whom was expressed a spirit of meekness and disposed to learning and study of the Scriptures of his religion, had, by the working of his own inclination, a nature far estranged from arms: by reason whereof, notwithstanding he had begun the war with great preparations both by sea and land, and occupied in Morea the two former years Naupanto now called Lepanto, Modono, Corono, and junquo, yet he followed not nor continued the wars with so great affection, being withdrawn either by the desire he had to tranquillity and rest, or at lest by a suspicion of his proper danger, lest for religion sake the Princes of Christendom should draw into conspiracy against him: for, both Pope Alexander had sent certain galliots to the succours of the Venetians, and with money had also stirred up Lancelot king of Bohemia and Hungaria to make war upon the Turks frontiers, the French and Spanish kings sending (but not at one time) their several armies to join with the power of the Venetians. But this peace was embraced by the state of Venice with a greater desire, for that by thIniquity of the wars, and that to the common detriment of the City, and particular loss to every one in private, the traffic of merchandise which they made in divers regions of the Levant, was discontinued: the City also of Venice, which every year was wont to have from certain provinces of the Turks, certain quantities of corn, did suffer many necessities for the deprivation of that relief: And lastly, where they had wont to amplify their jurisdiction by the wars which they have managed with other princes, they feared nothing so much as the power of the Turks, of whom they had been always beaten as often as they had had wars together: for, Amurathus, grandfather to Bajazet, had occupied the town of Thessalonica (now called Salonica) parcel of the dominions of Venice: And after him Mahomet his father, maintaining continual war against him for sixteen years, took from them the isle of Negroponto, a great part of Peleponesso, now named Morea Scutaro, with many other towns in Macedonia & Albania: In so much as both for that they supported the war against the Turks with right great difficulties and expenses, having no hope to breed any profit by them, and also, by how much they doubted at the same time to be distressed by invasion of other Christian princes (the time being full of conspiracies) by so much was it reasonable that they desired to be at tranquillity with the Turkish regions: It was suffered to Bajazet by the conditions of the peace, to retain still all that he had occupied, and the Venetians reserving only the isle of Cesalonia, anciently called Leucado, were compelled to yield to him the propriety of Nerita now named S. Mawra. But the war of the Turks brought not so many displeasures to the Venetians, as they received harms by the king of Portugal, who had taken from them and appropriated to himself, the traffic of spices, which the Merchants and ships bringing out of Alexandria, (a noble City in Egypt) to Venice, they sent dispersed with a wonderful profit through all the provinces in Christendom. The which alteration being a thing of the most merit and memory of all others that have happened in the world since many ages, and, for the harms which the City of Venice received by it, having some affinity with the matters of Italy, it can not much altar the estate of our history to speak somewhat of it at large.  
Such men of spirit and science as by deep speculation and contemplation have 
Discourse upon the navigations of the Spaniards.  considered the wonderful motions and dispositions of the heaven, and have left the knowledge thereof recommended to succession and posterity: have figured a line running through the round circle of the heaven, from the west to the East: and bearing an equal distance in all his parts from the Pole Septentrional and Pole Meridional, they call it the line Equinoctial: for that when the sun is under it, the day and night have one equality. They have divided with imagination the longness of this line into three hundred and three score parts, which they call degrees, as the other circuit of the heaven, by the Poles is likewise of three hundred and threescore degrees. After these men had given this rule, the Cosmographers measuring and dividing the earth, have figured in the earth a line Equinoctial, which falls parpendicularly under the celestial line figured by Thastrologians, dividing likewise the same and the circuit of the earth with a line falling parpendicularly under the Poles in largeness of three hundred and threescore degrees: so as from our Pole, to the Pole Meridional, they put a distance of an hundred and fourscore degrees, and from every one of the Poles to the line Equinoctial, fourscore & ten degrees: These have been the general opinions of the Cosmographers. But touching the particular description of the earth habitable, after they had made known that part of the earth which is under our Hemisphere, they had a persuasion that that part of the earth lying under the Zona Torrida, figured in the heaven of Thastrologians, and wherein is contained the line Equinoctial, was, (as being nearest the sun) unhabitable by reason of his heat: And that from our Hemisphere there was no passage to the lands which are under the Zona Torridi, nor to those regions, which beyond it are towards the Pole Meridional, called by the confession of Ptolemy, lands and seas unknown. By reason whereof both he and the others presupposed, that who so ever would pass from our Hemisphere to the Sino Arabico and Sino Persico, or to the other parts of India, which first came to the knowledge of men by the victories of the great Alexander, should be constrained to go thither by land, or else coming as near to it as he could by the sea Mediterrane, should perform the residue of the way by land. But the navigations of the portugals have made known in our time, that those opinions and suppositions were false, for that the Merchants pushed on with a desire to gain, having begun many years since to coast Africa, and being guided by little and little even to the Isles of Cape Verde (which the ancients named the Isles of Esperides) which are distant xiv. degrees from the Equinox, drawing towards the Pole Arctic. And being comen sithence, in making a long circuit towards the south, to the cape de bonne Esperance, which is a promontory of africa, further distant than any other from the line Equinoctial, for that his distance containeth xxxviij. degrees. And drawing from thence towards the East, they have sailed by the Ocean, even to the Sino Arabico and Sino Persico. In which places the merchants of Alexandria are wont to buy the spices which grew there in part, but for the most part were brought thither from the Isles Molucque and other parts of India, and are afterward conveyed by land by a way long and full of incommodities, and with no less charges, into Alexandria, where they were sold to the merchants Venetians, and they bringing them from Venice, furnished all Christendom to their great gains and wealth: for that they only possessing the traffic of the spices, laid on them what rate or price they would, and carried into Alexandria many sorts of merchandise in the ships wherein they brought embarked the spices, the same vessels likewise wherein they conveyed that trade of spicery into France, into Flaunders, England, and other places, returning fraughted with other merchandise. But the portugals going by sea from Lyshbone the capital City of the Realm, into regions far removed, and having confederation in the Indian sea with the kings of Calicut & other regions near, they pierced by degrees further, and builded with time fortresses in places convenient, by whose opportunity making themselves friendship with certain cities of the countries, & reducing others to obedience by their arms and oppression, they have appropriate to themselves the traffic of the spices which the merchants of Alexandria were wont to have afore: and bringing them by sea into Portugal, they distributed them also by sea into the self same Realms and countries, where the Venetians at the first had custom and vent for them. Sure this navigation is right wonderful, for that it contains a course of eight thousand french leagues, through seas altogether unknown, under other stars, under other firmament, and with other instruments: for, the line Equinoctial being passed, they are no more guided by the northstar, & stand altogether deprived of the service and use of the Adamant stone, and for that they can not take harbour in so long a way, but in regions unknown, differing in language, in religion, in customs, and altogether barbarous and enemies to strangers. And yet notwithstanding so many difficulties, they have in time made this navigation so familiar, that where afore they had wont to consume ten months in the voyage, they run it now commonly in less than six, their dangers being less, and all things in more security. But far more marvelous is the navigation of the Spaniards, which was begun by Christopher Colombo a Genua in the year a thousand four hundred fourscore and ten: after he had many times sailed by the Ocean sea, wherein making conjectures by the observation of certain winds of that which afterwards succeeded to him in deed, he obtained certain vessels of the King and Queen of Spain, with the which setting his course towards the west, he discovered at thirty days end in the uttermost extremities of our Hemisphere, certain Islands altogether unknown to men before: regions happy for the situation of the heaven, and for the fertility of the land, and withal no less blessed (saving that certain people lived upon man's flesh) by the disposition of thinhabitants, whose manners were simple, and contented with that which the liberality of nature brought forth for them: they were not disquieted with passions of covetousness and ambition: but most unhappy, in that the people having no certain religion, no knowledge in learning, no science in negotiations or handicrafts, but wholly without experience of arms, without rule or art of war, and without science, use, or custom in any thing, be as it were no other than tractable and tame creatures, and a pray most easy to whosoever will assail them. By mean whereof, the Spaniards being drawn with the facility of commanding those islands, and with the possibility of revenue and profit, being plentiful of veins for gold, many of them began to inhabit there, as in their proper country. Christopher Colombo passing further, and after him Americo Vespuccio Florentin, and successively many others, have disclosed other Islands and great countries of firm land, finding in certain of them (albeit in the most part the contrary) aswell in their buildings both public and private, as in the form of their habits and conversation, a conformity of manners and civil comeliness, but so far ignorant in the knowledge of arms, that they were a ready pray to the first invader: and yet the limits of these new countries are so far stretched out, that they far surmount the inhabitable circuit of the earth come first to the knowledge of man. In these regions the Spanish enlarging themselves with new supplies of people, and with new navigations, and sometimes labouring the mines of gold and silver that are in many places, and also in the sands of the rivers, sometime buying it at easy prices of thinhabitants, or at lest taking it from them by robbery and violence, they have brought infinite quantities into Spain, many sailing thither at their proper charges and venture, but under licence of the king, to whom they retribute the fift part of all that they bring from thence: yea the Spaniards have taken such courage in these courses of navigation, that certain sails advancing three and fifty degrees towards the Pole Antarctic, always along the coasts of the firm land, and afterwards falling into a strait sea, from thence sailing towards the East by a very large sea, and returning afterwards by the navigation which the Portugals make, they have (as appeareth clearly) sailed round about the earth. Which makes me say that the portugals and the Spaniards, but specially Colombo the first finder out of this wonderful and perilous navigation, are worthy, whose knowledge, industry, resoluteness, study, and travels, be celebrated with eternal memory, for that by their virtues, our age and all posterities are made capable of the knowledge of great things which afore lay hid from the sense and understanding of men: but far greater had been their merits, if in those pains, in those perils, and in those adventures, they had not been induced by the immoderate thirst after gold and riches, but carried by desire to disclose them for the benefit and enlarging of Christian faith: A matter nevertheless happened consequently, for that thinhabitants in many places have suffered conversion to the religion catholic. By these navigations it is known that thancients were beguiled in many things touching the knowledge of the earth: that there was passage beyond the line Equinoctial: that there was habitation under the Zona torrida: as also (contrary to their opinion) it is known by the navigation of others, that the Zones next to the Poles were inhabited, under the which they assured (having regard to the situation of the heaven so far removed from the course of the sun) that there was no ability of dwelling for the overmuch cold. Besides, it is known (which some of thancients believed, and some rebuked) that under our feet be other inhabitants whom they named Antipodes.  
But returning now to the matter of our narration of those things which happened 
Complaints of the frenchmen.  the year a thousand five hundred and four, after Caietta was rendered to the Spanish: The news of the chase which was given to the French near Garillan, joined to so many disorders and adversities that followed, made sorrowful almost the whole realm of France, no less for the general multitude of bodies that were slain, then for the loss of so great a nobility: The Court accompanying their tears and weepings with habits of sorrow and mourning, filled all full of heaviness and affliction, and throughout the realm nothing was hard with more compassion, than the lamentable complainings of men and women accursing the day wherein the miserable humour of covetousness to conquer estates in Italy entered the heart of their kings, to whom, if any thing might satisfy the desires of men, the proprieties and possessions of so many of their own countries might have sufficed. In these perplexities the king was not without his proper calamity, and to him so much the more intolerable, by howmuch in so great a diminution of his authority and reputation, he saw also a deprivation of hope never to be able to recover so noble a realm, his losses far exceeding the remedies that remained. He called to remembrance the brave words which he had so often objected against the king of Spain, and how vainly he had promised to himself a success of those huge preparations which he made to invade him on all sides. But that which made him rise most of all into fury and complaint, was the consideration of his plots laid with so great wisdom and expenses, that notwithstanding his importunities and diligence in the provision of his wars so plentifully & liberally furnished, and matching withal with enemies most poor and needy of all things, yet the covetousness and robberies of his own people, had turned his glory into infamy, and made his losses the more lamentable, by howmuch he was betrayed by their corruptions. In so much as crying out against heaven & earth, he protested with many oaths, that since he was served with so great a negligence and infidelity of his own servants, he would from henceforth never leave recommended to his captains any expedition of war, and much less reappose himself upon their assurance, but that in his own person he would be the fashioner and follower of all enterprises. To these vexations of mind was joined this last and chief perplexity, that he saw how much his forces were weakened for the loss of such an army, for the death of so many brave captains, and diminution of so flourishing a Nobility. All which concurring in one fortune, heaped against him such an adversity, that if Maximilian had made any stir in the duchy of Milan, or the Spanish army had passed further than their victory of Naples, he doubted much to be able to defend that estate, specially Askanius Sforce joining to the one of them, whom the people desired with no little affection. So dangerous are the ills that are feared by a revolution of estate, which for the most part draws with it all those miseries which may be figured in an utter ruin or desolation. Touching the king of romans, no man marveled that he was not wakened in so great opportunity, for that it was his custom to delay, and to let pass for the most part times and occasions. But every one held a contrary persuasion of consalvo, for that all the French faction in Italy had a wonderful fear, lest he, hoping that neither money, nor occasions would fail his victorious army, would not join himself to his fortune to follow the subversion of the state of Milan, and in his way, to change the affairs of Tuscan: which if he had done, it was believed assuredly that the French king, drained of money, and appalled in courage, had yielded to the storm without any resistance, specially his people having no desire to pass into Italy, and such as remained of the calamity of Caietta in passing the mounts, having despised the commandments of their king presented at Genes: beside, it was clearly discerned that the king, having no inclination to arms, was wholly prepared to make peace with Maxymylian, and no less disposed to continued the negotiations and practices with the king of Spain, for the solicitation whereof (not commoned upon in the extreme heat of the war) the spanish Ambassadors, had been and were at that time at the court: but consalvo, whom hereafter we will call for the most part, The great captain, 
consalvo deserveth the title of great captain.  having confirmed with so many glorious victories the surname that before had been given him by a spanish brag, refused to embrace the benefit of so great an occasion: either for that, being altogether without money, and indebted to his army for many pays, he saw it impossible to make his people march eirher under hope of profit that was to be won with peril, or in promise of their pays which would be long in coming, his regiments crying either to be satisfied, or to be bestowed in garrison: or else, he was tied to proceed according to the will of his king, whose direction it was not lawful for him to transgress: or at the lest it seemed not to agreed with his security, to draw his army out of the kingdom of Naples, till first he had purged it of all his enemies: for that Lowys d'Ars one of the French captains, who, since the journey of Cirignoula had put himself within Venousa with such remeinders of Frenchmen as were not to be despised, & who, whilst the armies were upon the shores of Garillan, had occupied Troya, and S. Severo, kept also in devotion all Powylla: certain Barons also of the faction of Aniow, which were retired upon their estates, stood to their defence, embracing openly the part of the French king. There was lastly this impediment, that a little after the victory the great Captain fell into a dangerous sickness, which staying his personal expedition, he sent Aluiano with part of his army to make war upon Lowys d'ars: By which his necessity, not able for the present to follow his victory out of the kingdom of Naples, the residue of Italy remained rather in suspicion, then in travel, things hanging more in expectation then in action: for, the Venetians, according to their custom, stood doubtful, expecting what would be the issue of things: The Florentines thought they had won much, if at a time when they wholly despaired to be succoured by the French king, they were not invaded by the Great captain: And the Pope, referring to another time his ambitious thoughts, studied to bring to pass that the duke Valentynois, who held no more in Romania but the castles of Furly, of Cesena, and of Bertinoire, (having lost Forlimpople by corruption of the keeper) might accord to leave them to him, taking the advantage of the time and his imprisonment. Valentynois condescended to give to the Pope the assignment of the castle of Cesena, and Dom Petro d'Ouiedo a Spaniarde being gone thither to receive it in the Pope's name, was hanged by the castlekeper, objecting that it could be no less dishonour to him to obey his lord whilst he was a prisoner, than he that presumed to impose that request upon him deserved to be punished. By this occasion the Pope despairing to rejoice in his desire without the delivery of Valentynois, he accorded with him (and of this convention there was a bull dispatched in the consistory for greater surety) that he should be set in the rock of Ostia, under the absolute power of Bernardin Caruagiall a Spaniard Cardinal of S. Croce, and he to let him go when soever he had rendered to the Pope the castles of Cesena and Bertinoire, and transferred to the Pope the assignation of the rock of Furly, and appointed in the town of Rome, bankers to answer fifteen thousand ducats in recompense of the expenses which the Castlekeeper alleged he had sustained: But the Pope had an other intention, for that albeit he would not apparently defile and break the faith he had given, yet his meaning was to keep his delivery in delay, either for fear lest he being at liberty, the castlekeeper of Furly would refuse to tender the Rock, or else for the memory of th'injuries he had received of his father and him, or at lest for the hate which every one reasonably bore him: so infallible is the law of justice to take revenge of wrongs, not observing the presence of times wherein they are done, but transferring occasions from one season to another, calleth then the injuries into reckoning, when the offender hath lest memory of them. Valentynois growing into some suspicion that the Pope would not hold faith with him, required secretly the great Captain to give him safe conduit to come to Naples, and withal to send two Galleys to convey him from Ostia: which request being condescended unto by consalvo, the Cardinal of S. Croce holding the same suspicion with Valentynois, suffered him to departed without the Pope's privity, being first advertised that pledge was put in for the fifteen thousand ducats with the redelivery up of the castles of Cesena and Bertenoire. The fear and danger wherein Valentynois was, made him careless to attend the Galleys which the great captain should send him, and therefore being still carried with those impressions, he went secretly by land to Nettuna, from thence he sailed in a little bark to Montdragon, and so by land went to Naples, where consalvo received him with great tokens of gladness and shows of honour: At Naples he communicated many times in secret with consalvo, whom he solicited at last to give him power to pass to Pisa, assuring him that if he might but once put foot into that city, it would be much to the profit and furtherance of his king. consalvo dissembling his opinion, seemed to favour the devise, and offering him galleys to guard him in passing, he suffered him to levy in the kingdom, such regiments of footmen as he thought to carry with him: he entertained him in this hope till he had received answer from his king conformable to that he had determined to do, always consulting with him of th'affairs of Tuskane, and Aluiano offering at the same time to invade the Florentines, for the desire he had to see the family of Medicis restored. But as there is no possibility to avoid that which the everlasting counsel of God hath determined, nor any reason to pull on the destiny of things till times be accomplished: So Valentynois raised into thoughts of security, stood ready to his ruin, when he judged his estate in most stability, even as a house whose foundation is not sound, falls eftsoons to the ground being but newly builded: for, the galleys being now prepared, and his bands of footmen in readiness to march the day following, Valentynois, after he had devised long the same night with consalvo, and taking his leave with demonstration of great affection embracing one an other at parting, was by 
Valentynois prisoner by consalvo.  his commandment, assoon as he was out of the chamber, retained in the castle, sending forthwith into his lodging to rifle the safeconduit that had been sent him before he departed from Ostia: consalvo excused himself upon th'authority of his king, who sending warrant to apprehend him prisoner, his majesties commandment (he said) was of more force than his safeconduit, for that th'assurance that was given by the proper authority of a servant, was not available if the will of his Lord consented not. Besides, he occupied with him these round terms, that it was necessary to hold him restrained, for that, not satisfied with so many sinister dealings done in times past, he studied still to change the estates of others, he devised to innovate things, he sew unjust slanders, and cast to kindle a fire through all Italy: immediately after he sent him in a light galley prisoner into Spain, leaving him of all his train but one page to serve him: There he was imprisoned within the castle of Medino de campo, having good opportunity by the consideration of his just punishment to enter into conscience touching the harms he had inflicted upon divers regions and men.  
About this time truce was made both by sea and land, aswell for Italy, as the nations beyond the Mounts, between the French king, and the king of Spain: 
Truce between the kings of Spain and France.  which, as the French desired by necessity, so the Spanish embraced it by just reason, for that he thought it was better to confirm by that mean with greater surety and rest, that which he had conquered, then to refer all to hazard by new wars, which being full of peril and expenses, bring forth oftentimes other issues than are hoped for: The conditions were that every one should retain that which he possessed: That it should be suffered to the subjects of both parties to traffic through all their Realms and estates, except in the kingdom of Naples, with the which exception the great captain obtained indirectly that which was forbidden to him directly: for, in the frontiers of those places which the French held (which were only Rossano in Calabria, Oiro in the land of Otranto, and in Powylla, Venousa, Conuersan, and the Mount castle) consalvo bestowed men to give impediment that not one of the soldiers or men of those towns should use conversation with any piece possessed by the Spanish: A devise which brought them into such necessity, that Lowys d'ars with the other Barons and soldiers of those places, went their way, knowing that thinhabitants not able to endure so many discommodities, were determined to yield themselves to the Spaniards. So infinite is the malice of fortune, that whom she hath resolved to root up, she will not spare to persecute till his last desolation be come. But for all this, the kingdom of Naples, notwithstanding thenemies were all expulsed, enjoyed not the fruits of the peace: for that the Spanish soldiers, to whom were due their pays for more than one year, not contented that the great captain (the better to contain them till he had levied provisions for money) had bestowed them in sundry places where they lived upon the people (which men of war call to live by discretion) breaking all bonds of discipline and obedience, had entered Capua and the seacastle, from whence they would not departed till they were satisfied of their pays: And because the money could not be levied by convenient means (the sum being great) without laying an excessive taxation of the Realm, the conditions of men were found so much the more miserable, by howmuch the medicine was no less grievous than the disease they went about to cure: matters so much the less easy or tolerable, by howmuch they were practices new, and out of the examples passed: for, notwithstanding that since the ancient times wherein the discipline of war was exercised with severity, the soldiers were always full of liberty, and troublesome to the peoples, yet things being as yet not wholly disordered, they lived for the most part of their pays, and their liberty was not altogether intolerable. But the Spaniards were the first that began in Italy to live wholly upon the substance of peoples, the disability of their kings giving them that occasion, or haply their necessities much enforcing, being ill paid: of which beginning, disorders rising always in increasing (for thimitation of an ill is greater for the most part than the example) even the Spaniards themselves and Thitalians also whether they were paid or not paid, have ever since made such custom of that example, that to the great dishonour of the discipline of war at this day, the goods of good men and friends are no more assured from th'insolency of soldiers, than such as belong to wicked people and the very enemy, all things running in confusion without regard to obedience, conscience, or honour, as the horse when he hath broken his bridle forbeareth not in his liberty to spoil the fields of his master, as if he were a stranger.  
What by the taking of Valentynois, and this truce between the two kings, with opinion that the peace would succeed immediately, Romania was put wholly in rest: for Ymola was diuolued afore by the wills of the chieftains of the City into the power of the Pope, and not without the consent of Cardinal S. George, whom the Pope entertained with a vain hope that he would tender it eftsoons to his nephews. And about those seasons Lowys his bastard brother being entered into Furly by the death of Anthony d'Ordelaffy, that city had fallen into the hands of the Venetians, to whom Lowys offered it (knowing he was not able enough to hold it) saving that the conditions of the present time made them fear to accept it, lest they should further incense the Pope, who without any resistance obtained the town abandoned by Lowys, and had likewise, paying fifteen thousand ducats, the Citadel: A place which the keeper (a faithful servant to Valentynois) would never give up, till he was assured of his imprisonment by men which he sent expressly to Naples, holding it a just office to retain to the last, those things which his master had recommended to his fidelity.  
Thus, being a surceasing of arms in all other parts of Italy, the Florentines only would not cease in the beginning of summer to recontinue the wars upon the Pisans according to their custom: for, having newly received into their pay john Paul Baillon, with other captains and men at arms of the Colonnois and Savelleis, and levying withal far greater forces than they were wont, they sent an army to give the spoil to the corn of the Pisans, wherein they proceeded with greater courage, for that they doubted no impediment by the Spaniarde, not so much for that the king of Spain had not named the Pisans in the truce (wherein both the kings had liberty to comprehend their friends and adherents) as for that the great Captain, after his victory upon the Frenchmen, notwithstanding from the beginning he had given great hopes to the Pisans, had exercised gracious and sweet speeches with the Florentines, hoping at the lest by his cunning to separate them from the French king: wherein albeit he found himself afterwards disappointed, yet wisely forbearing to incense them, as not to give them occasion to be more for the French king, he was entered by the mean of Prospero Colonno (but not otherwise then with words simply) into this secret intelligence with them, that if it happened the French king eftsoons to renew the wars of Naples, that they should not minister to him any aid, as also for his part he would not give succours to the Pisans, but in case the Florentines should send an army with artilleries to take the City, which he wished they should not recover so long as they followed thamity of the French king. The Florentin army prepared to spoil not only those parts of the country of Pisa which they had wasted in times past, but also to overrun S. Rossoro and Barbaricino, and so to the vales of Serclo and Osolo, places joining to Pisa, whereunto they could not go without danger when their army was less: Then they encamped before Librafrata, which being manned with a very slender garrison, was within few days constrained to yield to discretion: And such were the calamities of that year, that the Pisans had been compelled by famine to receive the yoke of the Florentines, if they had not been succoured by their neighbours, but principally by the Genoese and Lucqueis (for P. Petruccio no less ready to stir up others, then liberal in his own promises to contribute to thexpenses, was very long in effects) with whose monies Reniero of Sassetto, a soldier of the Great captain, with certain other leaders having sufferance, led to Pisa by sea two hundred horsemen, and the Genoese sent thither a Provost with a thousand footmen: over and beside which provisions, Bardello de porto Venere a famous rover in the sea Tirreneum, and who being levied and paid by the said helpers, was called the captain of the Pisans, reui●teled Pisa continually with a gallion and other Brigantines: for these considerations the Florentines, holding it necessary, that besides the travels they gave them by land, they should also take from them the use of the sea, entertained three light galleys of king Federyk which were in Provence, with the which as their captain Dom Rimas Ricaieuso approached Lyvorno, Bardello retired, and yet sometimes taking thoccasion of the winds, he brought some barks laden with victuals to the mouth of Arno, from whence they fell easily into the town of Pisa, which at the same time suffered many perplexities by land: for, after the army of Florence had taken Librofratto, dividing themselves into many legions, they looked how to give impediment to the tilling of the lands for the year following, and to restrain the passage of victuals both by the way of Lucque and the sea: they gave also in the end of the summer, a spoil to all sorts of grains, whereof that country brings forth a great quantity: Their fury left nothing unproved against the ruin of the Pisans: for neither wearied with the great expenses, nor holding impossible any thing that gave them hope to accomplish their purpose, they devised to trouble the Pisans in a new fashion, that is, by a new channel to make fall the river of Arno which runneth by the town of Pisa, from the tower of Fagiana five miles from Pisa, into the pool which is between Pisa and Livorna: which if they had brought to pass, there could have been no more portage of things to Pisa by sea through the river of Arno, and the rain waters for that the country is low, not able to be conveyed into the sea, the City had remained as it were in the midst of a marsh, as also for the difficulty to pass Arno, the Pisans could not have run from thence forward along the hills to hinder the traffic from Lyvorno to Florence: And lastly they should have been constrained to fortify that part of Pisa by the which the river entered and issued, lest it should be open to th'incursions of th'enemy. But this enterprise as it was begun with a very great hope, and followed with far greater expenses, was in the end made vain: and as it often happeneth that like enterprises, notwithstanding they be laid out by measure and line, are yet found fallible by experience, which is the certain proof of the difference that is between the devising and doing of things: so besides many difficulties, not considered before, and now caused by the course of the river, which when they thought to restrain, abated of himself fretting his channel: the bottom of the pool where they would have it enter, contrary to the reasons and opinions of many ingenistes and water workers, was found to be higher than the channel of Arno: Besides, in so great a desire to obtain Pisa, fortune envy also the ambition of the Florentines, for that the galleys which they had entertained returning from Villefranche with a prize of the Pisans loaden with grain, were so weather beaten near to Rapallo, that they were constrained to give against the ground, the captain with the residue having great pain to save themselves. But the Florentines, whose desire of the victory was without limit, sought to serve their turn of all the means which either the wit of man or opportunity of the time could devise: And therefore after they had proved in vain to range the Pisans by arms and threatenings, they sought to reclaim them by affability and sweetness, making a new law, by the which it was granted that every Citizen or other subject of the country of Pisa that within a certain time would eftsoons withdraw to his living or dwelling place, should obtain pardon of all faults committed, with full restitution of goods. Notwithstanding the favour of this law, there were very few of heart and faith resolute, which would departed out of Pisa, but they suffered all such as were unprofitable to the war to take the benefit of thedict, and go their way: the same being the cause that both the dearth of victuals which raged afore was not now so great, and also that they received afterwards certain commodity of revenues from others that secretly aided them: whereby albeit the necessities of the Pisans were somewhat by these means diminished, yet they found their estate grievously vexed with their great poverty & wants: And yet, having all things in less horror than the name of the Florentines, notwithstanding the minds of the Peasants did oftentimes waver, they determined to endure all extremities of misery, rather than to return to the devotion of the Florentines: Therefore they offered to give themselves up to the Genoese, with whom they had so oftentimes fought for the jurisdiction and for their safety, and by whom their power had been of long antiquity afflicted and embased: of this motion they of Lucquei and Pandolffe Petruccio were the causes, desiring (to avoid in themselves the continual expenses and troubles) to bind the Genoese to the defence of Pisa: And for their more easy inducing to the matter, they offered to defray part of thexpenses for three years. Whereupon the Genoese, having a deliberation to embrace the offer, notwithstanding john Lowis de Fiesquo with many others, were against it, made an instance to the French king to suffer them, without whose consent they had no power to execute any deliberation: They debated with the king how dangerous it would be that the Pisans, excluded from this their last and almost only hope, should come to offer themselves to the king of Spain, from whence would succeed to his great prejudice, that both Genes should be in continual travel and danger, and almost all Tuskane by compulsion, follow the Spanish faction. These reasons, albeit at the beginning had so much wrought with the king, that he was almost at a point to gratify their demands, yet his counsel considering, that if the Genoese should begin to accept wars of themselves, and for a desire of empery, to have confederation with other Potentates, it would be the cause, that coming afterwards to raise their thoughts to greater things, they would put their state into absolute liberty: he forbade them expressly to accept the jurisdiction of Pisa, but not that they should forbear to aid or secure them, notwithstanding the Florentines had made great complaints, particular respects bearing more force in these matters, than equity, conscience, or compassion.  
About this time the peace was earnestly laboured between the kings of Spain and France, who offered dissemblingly to tender the realm of Naples to the king Federike, or to the duke of Calabria his son: to whom the French king should resign and give up all his claim, so farforth as the marriage were accomplished between the duke and the queen widow, Niece to the same king, having afore been wife to young Ferdinand of Arragon king of Naples. And it was without doubt that the French king had a mind so far estranged from the affairs of the kingdom of Naples, that for his own regard, he had accepted all sorts of peace, if it had not been for these two difficulties that restrained him: the one (of less moment with him then the other) was the shame and reproaches that would be thundered upon him, to leave abandoned the barons, who, for that they followed his faction, had suffered privation of their estates, and to whom were offered conditions hard & intolerable: the other (working somewhat more strongly with him) was the doubt wherein he was, lest the king of Spain having other intentions, offered according to his accustomed subtleties, this restitution for some end, that though his majesties consenting, yet the effect should not follow: and that in the mean while the archduke were not estranged from him, who desiring to have the kingdom of Naples for his son, made instance that there should be continuation of the peace which he had begun before. Therefore he answered generally that he desired the peace, but that he could not with honour give up to an Arragon, the rights which he had in the same realm: And on the other part, he continued the ancient practices with the king of romans, & th'archduke: wherein as he was almost certain of the conclusion & effect, & to th'end they should not be cut of nor hindered by the incertain practices of the king of Spain, he let call before him the Spanish ambassadors, making his colour for his greater honour, that the respects & interests of the barons did chief move him: and being set in the chair royal in the aspect & presence of all the court with solemn ceremonies far above the usage of times before: he complained that their king expressed in words his desire and disposition to the peace, having his intentions dissembled, in which regard, & also for that it was not a thing worthy the virtue and honour of a king to consume the time in vain practices, he told them it were their best to departed out of the Realm of France. After whose going away, th'ambassadors of Maximilian and th'archduke came to give perfection to that which had been negociated, In which action (because there were plots laid to greater purposes) was assistant the Bishop of Sisteron the Pope's ordinary Nuncio in that Court, and the Marquis of Finalo whom the Pope sent expressly in those affairs. This peace having been many times afore thoroughly debated for the profit which appeared very great to all those Princes, 
Confederation between the Pope, king of Romans, and the ●●en●he king against the Ven●●ans  was finally set down under these conditions: That the marriage of Lady Clauda the French kings daughter, commoned upon long time before, should now grow to effect with Charles th'elder son to th'archduke: And for more firm confirmation of the same, there should be joined to the oath and subscription of the French king, the ratification of Francis Count of Angulesme, who (issue male failing in the king was next heir to the crown) together with many of the principals of the kingdom: That all thinvestitures of the state of Milan allowed till that day, being razed and canceled for just and honest occasions Maximilian should transfer th'investiture thereof to the French king for himself and heirs males, and for want of such issue it should be (in favour of the marriage) conveyed to Madam Clauda, and to Charles, and if Charles should die before the consummation of the marriage, than it to descend to Lady Clauda, and to the second son of the Archduke if she married with him: That between the Pope, the king of Romans, the French king, and Tharchduke, should be made a confederation for their common defence, and to offend the Venetians, from whom they all determined to withdraw those places which they occupied of theirs: That the king of Romans should pass in person into Italy against the Venetians, and afterwards go to Rome to take the crown imperial: That the French king, assoon as the Charters should be dispatched, should pay for th'investiture threescore thousand florins of Rhein, and threescore thousand others within six months, and every year a pair of spurs of gold upon the day of the nativity of our Lord: That there should be place left for the king of Spain to enter into this confederation within four months: But it was not expressed, that in case he did not enter, it should be suffered to the French king to invade the kingdom of Naples: That the French king should give no more aid nor succours to the Count Palatine, who stirred up by him, and entertained with hope of his succours, was in great war with the king of Romans: That the Venetians should be excluded out of this league, notwithstanding that both the king had given willing ear to their Ambassadors, and also the Cardinal of Amboise (to clear them from all suspicion) had nourished them with assured promises and oaths, that the king would never go against that confederation which he had with them. These matters were contained in letters which were solemnly passed: besides the which it was moved that the king & Maximilian should speak together at an other time in some place convenient: The king also promised at that time that he would deliver out of prison Lodowyk Sforce, and endue him with convenient mean to live in the realm of France. The safety of this man, the king of romans had shame not to procure, for that his conscience put him in remembrance, that the promises he had made him, and the hopes he had vainly reapposed in him, had been causes to hasten his ruin: In which considerations, having no power to do what he would, at lest he expressed inclination to do what he could, in so much as when the cardinal of Amboyse went to him at Trent, he wrought so much as he should no more be so straightly kept as he had been, making now importunate instance that he might remain at liberty in the court of France, or in such quarter of the realm as it pleased the king: The king promised also at his request, that the exiles of the duchy of Milan should return, whereupon were many difficulties in the negotiation of Trent: it was believed that he would keep this capitulation being so greatly to the advantage of th'archduke and Maximilian, notwithstanding his ordinary variations, the Pope being comprehended, and no less agreeable to the French king, not so much for the desire he had at that time to make new enterprises, as for an ambitious respect to obtain th'investiture of the duchy of Milan, and to be assured not to be molested neither by Caesar nor his son.  
In these seasons died king Federyk, being wholly deprived of hope to recover 
The death of king Federike.  by accord the kingdom of Naples, notwithstanding he was persuaded afore (every one naturally suffereth himself to be beguiled by desire) that the king of Spain had a better devotion to it then the French king: he considered not that in that time it was a thing vain to hope for the restitution of so noble a Realm, the examples being very rare in times far more ancient and before, wherein men were mose disposed to acts of virtue and nobility, than they were in the time running: he saw not also that it was a thing out of all likelihood, that he which had used so many deceits to occupy the moiety of the kingdom, would now that he hath won all, deprive himself of the fruit & glory of his victory: Besides in the common reason & discourse of affairs, he might have perceived, that the one made no less difficulty than the other: only he had more reason to doubt that he that was already possessed, would not restore, than he which held nothing in the kingdom, would not consent.  
In the end of this year, Elizabeth queen of Spain exchanged this life for a better: 
The death of Elizabeth Queen of Spain,  she was a Lady of most honest & honourable conditions, & won in the opinion of her subjects a right worthy name of magnanimity, modesty, & discretion: to her did properly appertain the kingdom of Castillo, which is the greater part of Spain, to the which she succeeded after the death of Henry her brother, but not without blood & war: for albeit it was believed for a long time that Henry by nature was unable to procreation, and for that reason Beltramise could not be his daughter which was brought forth by his wife, and by him nourished many years as a fruit of his own feed: And albeit for that occasion Elizabeth daughter of Henry was acknowledged for Princess of Castill, a title nearest to the succession: yet many barons of the realm rising after his death in favour of Beltramise, & the king of Portugal ministering succours by arms in the right of a friend, alley and confederate, the factions coming at last to battle, the cause of Elizabeth was approved most just by the issue of the field, Ferdinand of Arragon her husband leading th'army, who likewise was descended of the house of the kings of Castill, & conjoined to Elizabeth in the third degree of consanguinity, and he afterwards succeeding by the death of john his father to the realm of Arragon, they both took upon them by one joint right the title of king & queen of Spain: for that the kingdom of Valence being united to the crown of Arragon, together with the country of Catalogna, they were Lords over all the province of Spain, which is contained between the Mounts Pirenei, the Ocean sea, & the Middle earthsea: And under this title, for that that region hath been occupied by many kings of the Moors, the title of many kingdoms is comprehended, every one of them making a title separate by himself: except notwithstanding the kingdom of Granado, which being at that time possessed by the Moors, was afterwards by the virtue of this king & queen gloriously subdued to the empire of Castille, together with the title & kingdom of Portugal, & the realm of Navarre much inferior, all which had kings particular: But the kingdom of Arragon, with Cicilia, Sardignia, and other islands appertaining by inheritance to Ferdinand, were governed by him only without interposing the name or authority of the queen, contrary to the policy and course of government in Castille: the reason was for that that kingdom belonging by law of succession to Elizabeth, and standing in a state endowed to Ferdinand, things were administered under their common name aswell in demonstrations as in effects, nothing being executed which was not debated, ordained, & subscribed by them both: The title of the king of Spain was common, their Ambassadors dispatched in common, their armies levied in common, their wars administered in common, and neither of them in particular appropriating more than the other in authority, and government of the kingdom. But by the death of Elizabeth without issue males, the succession of Castille, by the laws of that kingdom, which regarding more the proximity than the sex, exclude not the woman, belonged to jane the daughter of Ferdinand & her, and wife to th'archduke, their eldest daughter which had been married to Emanuel king of Portugal, together with her little son, being dead long time before: By reason whereof th'administration of the realm dowager appertaining by the end of the marriage, no more to Ferdinand, he was eftsoons to return into his little kingdom of Arragon: little in comparison of the realm of Castill, for the straightness of the country, & smal● es of the revenues, and for that also the kings of Arragon, not having absolute regal authority in all things, be in many points subject to the constitutions and customs of the same provinces, which limit much the power of their kings. But Elizabeth drawing 
Testament of Queen Elizabeth.  towards her latest time, ordained by her testament that Ferdinand, so long as he lived should be governor of Castillo, aswell for that she desired it might be kept in his first greatness, for the amity that had been mutual between them, as also for that she knew it concerned the profit of her subjects to be continued under the moderate government of Ferdinand, and imported no less the commodity of her son in law and daughter, who, seeing in the end they should likewise succeed Ferdinand, had reason to esteem it much to their behoof, that until Philip, borne & nourished in Flaunders where things were governed diversly, had attained a riper age, & taken a greater knowledge of the laws, customs, nature & manners of Spain, all their realms might be preserved for them under one peaceable & well ordered government, the countries of Castill & Arragon being meinteined in the mean while as one self body. But as in mortal actions the wit of man is insufficient to set down a firm stability, for that all things under the highest circuit have their proper revolutions: so, little helped the wise provisions of this Queen, to stay the alteration of things, for that after her death new accidents happening in Spain, the state took a new form of government. But touching th'affairs of Italy, as we mean to express hereafter, they were better disposed to a new peace.  
The year 1505. things continued in the same estate of tranquillity wherein they had been nourished the year before, which was such, that had not the quarrel between the Florentines and Pisans brought some alteration, the actions of arms for that year had wholly surceased, one part of the potentates being desirous of peace, and the other that were inclined to war, holden retained for many reasons: for, it sufficed the king of Spain (who continued still the same title, and as yet traveled with the thoughts of his dead wife) to keep the kingdom of Naples by mean of the truce that had been made. The French king was entered into a great suspicion, for that Caesar following in this as in all other things, his wandering nature, had not ratified the peace: The Pope, albeit he was desirous of innovation and new things, yet he neither durst nor could stir unless he were accompanied with the arms of some mighty Prince: And the Venetians esteemed it to no small grace, if in so great consult and counsel of things against them, and in so ill a disposition of the Pope, they stood quiet and were not molested by others: wherein the better to appease the Pope, they had offered many months before to leave him Rimini and all that they had possessed in Romania since the death of Pope Alexander, to th'end he did consent that they might retain Faenza with his territories: This offer they made also for fear they had of the French king, and for that Caesar at the solicitation of the Pope, had sent his Ambassadors to Venice to summon them to make restitution of the lands of the Church: But the Pope's answer was so resolute, that they passed no further: he told them according to the constancy of his mind, and his free nature to express his conceits, that he would not consent to the retaining only of a little tower, but did hope to recover before his death both Ravenna and Ceruia, cities which they possessed no less injustly than they did Faenza: with which answer they kept suspended their further suits till the beginning of the summer, when their fears being become greater, they offered by the mean of the Duke of Urbin (a friend indifferent) to restore all that they had occupied which was not of thappurtenances of Faenza and Rimini, so that the Pope, who would not afore admit their Ambassadors to tender their obedience, would now consent to receive them. This demand albeit the Pope showed himself somewhat hard to accept, supposing he should do wrong to his dignity, as not convenient to allow it, remembering the great quarrels and threatenings he had made to them: yet having regard to the perplexities that were endured by them of Furly, Ymola, and Cesena, who deprived of the greatest part of their countries, suffered many incommodities: And seeing withal no other mean to redress things with speed, for that the affairs between Cesar & the French king proceeded with so great a longness of time and delay: at last he consented to that which in effects was a gain without loss, since neither by words nor writings he was bound to any thing: So that after the towns were restored, eight ambassadors of the principals of the Senate chosen since he was created Pope, were sent to him, (The greatest company and most honourable show of Ambassadors which that commonweal had ever sent to any Pope, if he were not a Venetian:) But after they had tendered their obedience with the ceremonies accustomed, they brought not back to Venice any sign by the which they could gather that the Pope was become more easy or tractable: so deep were thimpressions of his misliking against them: or else so cunningly could he dissemble contrary to his own promises and their expectations. About this time the French king desiring to put end to that which had been debated, sent the Cardinal of Amboyse to Haguenau a town of base Almain, where Cesar & Tharchduke attended him, having newly taken that town upon the Count Palatin: There were published & sworn solemnly the conventions that had been made, the Cardinal paying the moiety of the money promised for thinvesture, with promise that Caesar should receive tother moiety assoon as he should pass into Italy: notwithstanding, both at the present he gave to understand, and a little after he declared, that he could not pass that year for thimpediments which were in Germany: the same making the suspicion of war so much the less, the French king being determined to enter into no new attempt without him. Only, the war almost continual between the Florentines and Pisans, remeined kindled in Italy, the which proceeding by easy degrees, and not pursued but when occasions offered to the one or the other party, who otherwise had no one settled enterprise: it happened that Luke Savelle issued out of Cassina, in which land the Florentines made their retreat of war, and with him certain captains and constables of the Florentines, with four hundred horse and many bands of footmen, their intention was to revictual Librafatta, and by the same mean to levy certain herds of cattle of the Pisans feeding on the other side the river of Sercle upon the grounds of the Lucquoys, not so much for the benefit and pillage of the pray, as for the desire they had to draw the Pisans to the fight, having a confidence to overthrow them for that they were the stronger in the field: And when they had conveyed victuals into Librafatta, & possessed the pray they pretended, they returned with leisure by the same way, to th'end to entice the Pisans with that opportunity to come and charge them. Tarlatin chief commander over their men of war, issued out of Pisa assoon as he understood th'enemy drove away their cattle: And because the chief point of the rescue rested in expedition, he took no more with him then fifteen men at arms, forty light horsemen, and threescore footmen, leaving order that a greater strength should follow him: so necessary is speed in enterprises, that oftentimes they are won and lost with a less measure & distance of time, then is required to consult upon them: But the Pisan captain understanding that certain of the Florentin horsemen were run up even to S. jacks near Pisa, he made towards them, and they retiring to their strength which stayed at the bridge Capella upon the river of Osolo, and three miles from Pisa, where they tarried for the droves of cattle that were taken, and the Mulets with the which they had revitteled Librafatta coming behind, and as yet beyond the bridge, which the first bands of footmen had occupied, and manned the loopeholes and trenches: Tarlatin followed 
The Florentines broken by the Pisans  them even to the bridge, not perceiving that all th'army of the Florentines were in that place, till he was so near that he could not return without manifest danger: and therefore, as necessity is mighty to make men resolute, so he determined to make way by his valour, and to charge the bridge, declaring to his company that that whereunto their peril constrained them was not without great hope and possibility to overcome, for that in a place so strait where few men could fight, the great number of their enemies was more fearful than hurtful, the narrowness of the place hindering the usage of the weapon wherewith they should strike them: In so much that albeit they could not make their passage over the bridge, at the lest they should easily maintain their own defence till the regiments of Pisa, which he had sent for, were come to their succours: But if they could win the bridge, the victory would be no less easy than thattempt was glorious, for that the way beyond the bridge which runneth between the bridge & the mountain being strait & narrow, the multitude of their enemies encumbered with the mulets & beasts they had stolen, would of themselves fall easily into disorder, being drawn into a place so inconvenient either to fight or to flee: His words were justified with deeds: for he being the foremost, giving with great valour the spurs to his horse, charged the bridge, but being compelled to retire, an other did the like, and after him a third, whose horse being hurt, the captain returned with great fury to secure him, & in that vain of courage what with the force of his weapon & fury of his horse, he passed on the other side the bridge, the footmen that defended making him place: four others of his company did the like by his example, all which whilst they entertained the skirmish on the other side the bridge with the footmen of th'enemy in a strait meadow, certain footmen of the Pisans passed over the river in water up to the chin, the horsemen likewise passing without impediment over the bridge which was now abandoned, besides the succours expected from Pisa, beginning to arrive without order: wherein the Florentin soldiers seeing their safety turned into peril, and their bodies and weapons reduced into a place strait and narrow, fell into confusion amongst themselves, and as men whose confidence was turned into cowardness, and nothing but fear appearing in their faces which had wont to express courage and resolution, having no captain of authority to retain them in order, they turned their backs and fell to flying: in so much that they which were far mightier in forces, and marched in order and observance of war, left the victory to those whose numbers were far inferior, and came altogether disbanded, with intention rather to make show only, then to fight in deed: many captains of the Florentin footmen and other gentlemen of mark were the miserable monuments of this overthrow, for that many of them were slain, more taken, and most of all dangerously hurt, and such as sought safety in flying fell into the discretion of the uplandish people of Lucqua, who stripping them, sent them away naked to be beholden with greater grief of their friends: so spiteful is fortune when she is disposed to oppress such as she holds for hated, that suffering them to escape out of the danger they feared most, she leads them into those adversities they doubted lest, taking her pleasure in the afflictions of men. This calamity of the Florentines brought a great disorder to their affairs in the country of Pisa, for that having weakened their legions of horsemen within Cassina, they were not able to let the Pisans (whom their late victory had made insolent and proud) to overrun and pill the whole country: And that which was of greater importance, Pandolfe Petruccio being entered into a hope by reason of this accident, that they might easily give impediment to the Florentines for spoiling that summer the corn of the Pisans, who maintaining defence with their accustomed difficulties, were (but in cold manner) aided by the Genoese and Lucquois, for the Siennois succoured them rather with counsel, then with money or victuals: he wrought so much that john Paul Baillon, in whom the Florentines reapposed much, for that they had been the principal cause of his return into Perousa, refused during the time of his service, to continued in their pay, alleging that Mark Anthony and Mutio Colonno, with Luke & jacques Savelles, having altogether a greater number of men than he, and being in the same pay, he could not remain there without danger for the diversity of factions: And to th'end they should have less time to provide themselves, he temporised and tarried as long as he could, to disclose wholly that which he had in his thought, and to induce them to give more faith and credit to his excuse, he promised the Florentines not to take arms against them: wherein to keep them the more assured, he left as a gage, his son Maletesta a very young man, in their pay with fifteen men at arms: and because himself would not remain altogether without appointment, he took pay of the Siennois with threescore and ten men at arms: But because they of Sienna were not able to support so great expenses, the Lucquois who did communicate in that counsel, took into their pay with three score and ten men at arms, Troilus Savellus, who afore was mercenary to the Siennois.  
What for the sudden and unlooked for departing of john Paul, and the harms received at the bridge Capello, the Florentines looking into their own weakness, would not that year give the spoil to the lands of the Pisans, forbearing to attempt enterprises till their fortune were better reconciled: yea they saw how far they were constrained to devise how they might remedy greater dangers: for thancient humour of affection being eftsoons revived in john Paul, and in Pandolfe, they debated secretly with the Cardinal of Medicis to trouble thestate of the Florentines, making their principal foundation of Bartholomew Aluiano, who being in some disagreement with the great captain, was newly come to Rome, where he drew to him many soldiers with divers hopes and promises: Wherein it was feared lest those counsels would pierce into Cardinal Askanius, with deliberation (if things succeeded not happily in Tuskane) to assail the duchy of Milan, with the joint forces of the Florentines, and others consenting to this conspiracy: The reason was, that they had a hope, that assailing it there would easily rise some mutation, seeing there was a slender strength of the men at arms of France, many of the nobility were abroad, the people's much inclined to the name of Sforce, and the French king (on whom was fallen a great malady) languishing in so dangerous extremity, that for many hours there was a general despair of his health, and though he should somewhat revive, yet his disease had made him so ill disposed that there was no hope of life, and less expectation of action: And such as looked into things with a deeper counsel, doubted lest Askanius (with whom at that time the Venetian Ambassador had familiar conversation at Rome) entertained a secret intelligence not only with the great captain, but also with the Venetians, who had been of late more ready and more bold to offend the French then in times past, for that the French king, who newly was entered into suspicion and distrust of the king of romans & his son, seeing after the death of the Queen of Spain, what would be the greatness of the Archduke, forsook apparently their amity, and aided against Tharchduke the Duke of Gueldres his sharp enemy, and inclined to practise particular intelligence with the king of Spain.  
But as the thoughts of men are deceitful, and their hopes full of infirmity and 
Death of Cardinal Arkanius.  frailty, so, whilst these things were in solicitation, the French king, whose recovery was holden desperate, went daily growing into health, and Cardinal Askanius died suddenly at Rome of the plague: By whose death albeit the dangers to the estate of Milan were cut of, yet the plots laid to molest the Florentines were not altogether removed: and therefore P. Petruccio, john Paul Baillon, and Bartholomew Aluiano assembled together in the borrow of Pregai, upon the confins of the Perusins and Siennois, not with hope to be strong enough to restore the Medicis into Florence, but with this intention that Aluiano entering into Pisa with the wills of the Pisans, should invade (for the surety of that City) the frontier of the Florentines, with devise to pass further as occasion would present. These preparations smothered hitherunto, beginning now to burst out into light, the Florentines feared much of the disposition of the great captain, both for that they knew that the time for the which Aluiano was entertained in the Spanish pay remeined yet till the next November, and also for that they could not believe that P. Petruccio would enter into new enterprises without his consent, seeing the said Petruccio, never satisfying the French king of the sums of money which he promised, and having often times abused him in other properties, depended altogether of the king of Spain: Besides, the suspicion of the Florentines was augmented in this, that (fearing the Lord of Plombin, which vas under the protection of the Spanish king, to be assailed by the Genoese) consalvo had sent to Plombin for his surety a thousand footmen, under the charge of Nuguo de Campo, and to the river of Plombin three ships, two galleys, with certain other vessels: which forces brought into a place so near the Florentines, gave them great occasion to fear that they were not come to join with Aluiano, as he himself assured that they were promised: But the truth was, that the king of Spain, after the truce made with the French king, gave direction (for diminution of thexpenses) that aswell the regiment of Aluiano, as the bands of others which had been limited, should be reduced to a hundred lances: Whereupon he taking occasion to be grieved, did not only refuse to bind himself eftsoons with new oath, but also meinteined that he was acquitted of the first, both for that he was not satisfied of his pays passed, and also the great captain would not hold his promise to give him after the conquest of Naples, two thousand footmen to serve his turn against the Florentines in favour of the Medicis: Lastly the mind of Aluiano was traveling, naturally desirous of new things, and altogether impatient of thanquilitie and rest.  
The Florentines, for their defence against so violent storms, had recourse to the French king, who was bound by the capitulations of protection to defend them with four hundred lances: they sent to him to refurnish them with two hundred, but he, being more carried with covetousness of money, then with regard to the prayers of his friends, or compassion of his ancient confederates, answered, that he would give them no succours, if first they made him not satisfied of the thirty thousand ducats which were due to him by thobligation of protection: And albeit the Florentines made many humble requests and suits, that he would yet temporize and expect a little, alleging how much they were aggrieved with intolerable expenses necessary for their defence: yet being more carried with covetousness, then with reason or indifferency, he persevered obstinately in his deliberation, in so much as he whom they most suspected, and had most offended, ministered more to their help and safety, than he of whom they seemed to be best assured: & to whom they had done greatest pleasures, finding lest safety where they reapposed most confidence, and greatest peril where they justly expected their protection: for the great captain desiring that the tranquillity of Italy should not be troubled, either because he would not should be broken the practices of peace begun of new between the two kings, or for that he nourished some devise to appropriate to himself the kingdom of Naples, using thoccasion of the death of the Queen, and the sedes of future discord between the father in law & the son: he used all diligence to induce Aluiano to re-enter into the pay, and commanded him as a vassal & soldier of his king to make no further proceeding (being now gone to Petillano to obey the Pope's commandment to dissolve his companies, or rather to go out of the Church dominions) upon pain of deprivation of th'estates which he had in the kingdom of Naples, bearing a value in yearly revenue of seven thousand ducats: he signified to the Pisans, whom a little before he had secretly received into the protection of his king, and also to the Lord of Plombin, that they should not receive him: And he caused to be told and offered to the Florentines, that he was content 
consalvo aideth the Florentines.  they should have the service of his footmen that were within Plombin, whom he ordained to be commanded by M. Anthonio Colonno their captain: he sent also to P. Petruccio, that he should in no wise support Aluiano, forbidding to follow him Lowys son of the Count Petillano, Francis Vrsin, and john de Cery, who were in his pay: But notwithstanding all these inhibitions, Aluiano with whom were john Lewis Vitelli, john Conrad Vrsin, three hundred men at arms, and five hundred footmen of good resolution, passed always further though slowly, (they of Sienna furnishing him with victuals) he came at last by the coasts of Sienna into the plain of Scarlina, a town subject to Plombin, and a little days journey from the frontiers of the Florentines: here came to him a messenger expressly from the great captain, to command him eftsoons that he go not to Pisa, nor offend the Florentines: To whom he answered, that he stood in his liberty, and had election to do what he list, for that the great captain had not holden promise with him. From thence he went to lodge near to Campilla, a town of the Florentines, where was occupied a light skirmish between him and the Florentin bands that were assembled at Bibona: he came afterwards upon the territory of Cornia between the confines of the Florentines and Sugeret, but with plots and hopes very uncertain, finding every day increase of greater difficulties, both for that there came no victuals to him from Plombin, and also john Paul Baillon and the Vitelli, who were governed according to the train and issue of affairs, failed to refurnish him with such bands of footmen as they had promised: he saw in P. Petruccio a disposition wandering, and his favours more doubtful than before: neither was he assured that the Pisans, for fear to disobey the great captain, would receive him: For which reasons, joined to the continual solicitation that was used to recover him, wherein the hope was somuch the greater, by howmuch he refused no more to rest contented with an hundred lances: he retired to Vigualo, a town appertaining to the L. of Plombin, giving out a brute that he tarried there to expect the last resolution from Naples: But the Pisans having in the mean while condescended to receive him into their town, he issued out of Vigualo, where he had remained ten days: and early in the morning of the xvij. of August he appeared with his army in battle array, a mile beneath Campilla, having an intention to bid battle to the Florentin army, which was gone to encamp there the day before: But they having advertisement by well assured espials coming fugitive from the camp of Aluiano, levied their camp the same night, and retired under the walls of Campilla, where Aluiano seeing an impossibility to assail them but to his great disadvantage, he turned to the way of Pisa by the tract that draweth to the tower of S. Vincent five miles from Campilla: And of the other part, the bands of the Florentines led by Hercules Bentivolo, who (by th'experience he had of the country) desired nothing more than to fight in that place by reason of th'opportunity of his seat, took the way that goeth from Campilla to the said tower of S. Vincent, holding it better to adventure the battle in a place so favourable by many advantages, then by temporizing, to make his enemy strong by his proper commodities. Here Hercules severed the light horsemen into two bands, the one followed the army of Aluiano, charging always upon his tail & arearegarde, and the other went before to affronted th'enemy, holding the same way by the which the Florentin army came after: they being comen to the tower before the bands of Aluiano, and being taken up in skirmish with those that came first, by whom they were easily repulsed, retired toward their army or mainestrength, which was now comen within half a mile, where bringing tidings that the most part of thenemies had already passed the tower, Hercules marching lightly, arrived justly upon their tail hard by the ruins of the tower of S. Vincent, where their men at arms and footmen had made head: and when he was in full and absolute passage, he charged them resolutely on the flank with the moiety of his army, making them bend after he had entertained the fight a good space of time. In this first assault their footmen were so broken and chased even to the sea, that afterwards they never made head: But the horsemen which were withdrawn a bowshut beyond the ditch of the tower of S. Vincent towards Bibbona, being reassembled, advanced eftsoons their ensigns, and keeping themselves in a close and strong array, charged with great valour the regiments of the Florentines, and with the same virtue repulsed them even to the ditch: by reason whereof Hercules caused to march on the residue of his people, and drawing thither from all parts the whole body and strength of th'army, the fight become furious there for a good space of time, the victory as yet inclining to no part: Aluiano did in that action both the office of a soldier and a captain, bearing two estockadoes in his face, and laboured painfully to drive his enemies from that place, which if he had won, he had stand in great possibility of the victory, for that he had either turned to him thadvantages that favoured his enemies, or at lest made the place indifferent without respect of partiality, leaving things to the trial of virtue and fortune: But Hercules who many days afore had given himself assurance, that if the battle were performed in that place, the victory would fall on him, with industry caused to be planted upon the brink of the tower ditch six falconets which he brought with him, with the which he began to batter the camp, who not able to sustain the fury of th'artillery, began now to shake and fall to disorder: In so much as practising thoccasion with the which he had always promised himself the victory, he set upon them furiously in many places with the whole forces of his army: his light horsemen scoured towards the seacoastes, with his men at arms he occupied the high ways, and his infantry or footmen executed along the plain by the wood, every one joining virtue to his fortune, and with a general industry made the success of that day happy, for that their fury running through the camp of thenemies, they put them easily to the chase, Aluiano saving himself with much a do with a very few of his lightest running horses flying with him to Montrotondo in the country of Sienna: all the residue of his people were almost taken and stripped between the tower of S. Vincent and the river of Cecina, having lost all their ensigns: only such as escaped from the general calamity of this battle, were a few horsemen, who found more safety in the swiftness of their horses, then in their proper virtue or fortune of the day. This was the end of the commotion or stir of Bartholomew d'Aluiano, which expressed more appearances and greatness by the practices that were made of long time, and by his brave behaviour full of fury and threatenings, then by his forces or any other stable foundation which his enterprise had: A success common to such who commit their doings wholly to fortune, and do reap for the most part the same issue that doth the mariner betaking his sails to the wind, which driveth his ship not whither he would, but whither the wind shoveth her. Hercules Bentivolo and Anthonio jaconino campemaster, rising into courage with the felicity of this victory, signified to the Florentines both by vehement letters and messengers well instructed, that it were good to join action to th'opportunity, and approach the walls of Pisa, being careful afore to furnish with diligence all those things that might be necessary to take it. They confirmed their devise with all those sorts of hopes which men in good fortune do vainly ween, not remembering that in fortune there is nothing more certain, then that in all things she is uncertain: They hoped, that for that the estate of the Pisans was environed on all sides with great difficulties, being now more desolate than before for the deprivation of the succours of Aluiano, and joining withal that all things aught to give place to the reputation of conquerors: they thought they should easily carry it: entertaining withal a certain intelligence with certain of the townsmen in Pisa. But the magistrate of the ten, called ill Magistrato de dieci, 
The Florentines debate whether they should besiege Pisa.  appointed director of the matters of war, calling a counsel with his other citizens communicantes by custom in affairs of importance, that deliberation was with one consent reproved by general voice: for that they considered that in the Pisans was still recontinued their ancient resolution and obstinacy, and that being men of so long time experienced and trained in war, the name or reputation of the victory which they had had against others, would not be sufficient to vanquish them, their forces being no way diminished by it: Rather it stood them upon according to th'examples of times past, to set upon them with a resolute force, which men of war did only fear. Besides, their counsel was full of apparent difficulties, for that the city of Pisa environed aswell as any town in Italy with most firm walls rampired and fortified, and withal defended with bodies active and resolute, could not be forced but with a great and puissant army compounded upon soldiers not inferior to the Pisans in valour, which yet would not be sufficient to carry it by assault or short siege: and therefore more necessary to encamp in the places about it for many days, to th'end to approach it with more surety, searching out advantages, and rather tiring and wearying them, then to suppress them by force or violence: That the season wherein they were was contrary to those things, not being able suddenly to erect an army of footmen, of other bodies than such as should be levied in haste: And much less to approach it with any intention to make long abode there, both for the inclemency of the air corrupted with the winds of the sea, which being become pestiferous through the vapours of the pools and marshes, were harmful to armies, as was well experienced when Paul Vitelli encamped there: And also for that the country of Pisa beginneth from the month of September to be subject to rains, which, by reason of the baseness or lowness of the place do so overdrowne it, that it takes away all opportunities for an army to remain there: That in such an universal obstinacy there could be no assured foundation reapposed in practices or private intelligences, for that such things being for the most part either dissembled or suborned, or at lest managed by persons unable to execute that they promise', bring with them so many imperfections, that the fruit of th'expectation will not answer the time that is taken to entertain them: Besides, notwithstanding there had been no public faith given to the great captain, yet Prospero Colonno (but of himself) almost under their secret consent had signified and promised, that for that year there should be made no approach with artillery to the walls of Pisa: In which regard they aught to hold for certain, that aswell for that disdain, and for the promises he had many times made to the Pisans, as also for that this success of the Florentines was nothing profitable for his affairs, he would oppose himself against this enterprise: A matter very easy for him to do, for that he might in few hours put into Pisa the Spanish bands of footmen which were at Plombin, as he had oftentimes assured them to do when soever there was preparation to besiege them: That it were better to use thoccasion of the victory, there, where albeit the profit were less, yet things without all comparison should be found of far more easy action, and yet not without a notable profit: That there was not one that had more opposed, nor did more continually resist their enterprises: not one that had more hindered the recovery of Pisa, nor more procured to change the present government than Pandolffo Petruccio: That he had stirred up the Duke Valentynois to enter in arms upon their lands: That he had been the principal author and guide of th'enterprise of Vitellozze, and of the rebellion of Aretze: That by his counsel and solicitation, the Genoese and Lucquois were joined with the estate of Sienna to support the Pisans: That it was he that had induced consalvo to take the protection of Plombin, to intermeddle with th'affairs of Pisa, and to make intrusion into the matters of Tuskane. To be short, that there was none other that had been author or favourer of this bursting out of Aluiano: That it was against him that they ought to turn their army, and to pill and overrun all the country of Sienna, where would be no resistance: That by the reputation of their armies, there might happen against him some commotion in the City, wherein he had already many enemies: at the least that they wear not to want occasion to occupy any place of importance in that country, which they might hold in counterchange, or as a pawn to have again Montpulcian: wherein they hoped by this revenge to do that which hitherto could not be accomplished with benefits and pleasures, that Pandolffo hereafter should not be so ready to offend them: That afterwards in the same manner, they should make incursions into the countries of Lucquois, being very harmful to leave them so long expected: lastly, that by these means there was hope to draw some honour and profit of the victory gotten, where if they went to besiege Pisa, there was to be reaped no other thing than expenses and dishonour. These reasons, albeit they were alleged with common accord, yet did they nothing abate the desire of the people (which for the most part runneth more guided by will then by reason) crying to plant the camp afore Pisa, and being blinded with a jealous opinion they had taken of long time, that the recovering of Pisa was nowhit pleasing to many of the principal Citizens for many ambitious respects. In this sentence P. Sodererin Gonsalonier being no less cold than the residue, calling a great council of the people, with whom they had not been accustomed to communicate in matters of that nature, asked if they were of opinion that the camp should go afore Pisa, whereunto every one answering affirmatively, wisdom was surmounted with rashness, the authority of the better sort giving place to the will of the greater part. And therefore there were present directions to make provisions with a celerity incredible, every one having desire to prevent no less th'expected succours of the great captain, than the dangers of the 
The Florentines army afore Pisa.  reynie seasons, in so much as the sixth day of September the army approached the walls of Pisa with six hundred men at arms, seven thousand footmen, and sixteen Canons, with many other Artilleries of execution, the camp being pitched between Santa Croce and San Michele, in the self same place wherein the Frenchmen had encamped before. And as the artilleries were suddenly planted in the night, so they battered the day following in great fury, all that was between the gate di Calci and the turret of S. Francis, where the walls make within, an angle: and having from the son rising, (when th'artillery began to play) till the xxj. hour brought to the earth more than thirty fathoms of wall, there was entertained where the ruin was most, a hot skirmish, but to very little profit, for that there was not thrown down so great a quantity and space of wall as had been necessary in a town, where the men presented themselves to the defence with their ancient valour and hardiness: therefore the morning followng, to th'end to make a greater opening of the wall, they began another battery in a place a little removed (that place of the wall which aforetimes had been battered by the French, remeining between the one and other battery,) and after they had cast down so much of the wall, as was thought sufficient, Hercules sought to advance the footbands which were in battle to give a rough assault both to the one and other breach, where the Pisans traveling according to their customs, the women no less venturous than the men resolute, had during the battery drawn a rampire with a ditch afore. But there was not in Thitalian footebandes' which had been levied in haste, neither that action nor that spirit that was to force such a resistance: for that ensign of footmen to whom by lot appertained the first assault, beginning to refuse through cowardice to go to the walls, neither th'authority of the captain, nor presence of the superintendant of Florence, neither the regard of their proper honour, nor the honour common of the men of service of Italy, were sufficient to vanquish their fear, nor to show valour in an action so much importing: th'example of whom, finding imitation and place in the residue that should have followed them, all the regiments retired to their lodgings, having done no other thing then (by leaving thinfantry of Italy infamous through all Europe) defiled the felicity of the victory obtained against Aluiano, and defaced the reputation of the captain and Campemaster which was great on the behalf of the Florentines, if, content with the glory they had gotten, they could have moderated their proper fortune. When the soldiers were once retired to their lodgings, there was made no more doubt to levy the camp, chief for that the same day six hundred Spanish footmen of those that were at Plombin were entered Pisa by direction from the great captain: So that the day following the Florentine army retired to Cascina, drawing with them more dishonour than either praise or profit, proving in themselves that ancient tradition of the elders, that folly and rashness have no society with wisdom, nor fortune, or adventure any community with good counsel, since all those things are referred to a doubtful issue, that are done by will and not by reason. Within few days after, there entered into Pisa fifteen hundred spanish footmen, who, because the service had no necessity of them, after they had in vain given an assault to the town of Bientina at the incitation of the Pisans, continued their navigation into Spain, whither they were sent by the great captain, for that the peace was already established between the French king and Ferdinand king of Spain, to the which (all difficulties that erst hindered it, being now removed, as both the regard of the honour of the French king, and the fear to make th'archduke his enemy) the death of the Queen of Spain had given perfection: for that both the French king, envying much such a greatness of th'archduke, desired to disappoint his purposes. And also the king of Spain, being advertised that th'archduke disdaining the last will of his mother in law, had determined to take from him the government of the kingdom of Castilia, was constrained to make his stay upon new alliaunces: for this cause the marriage was agreed upon between him and Lady Germana de Foix sister's daughter to the French king, with condition that the king should give her in dowry that part of the kingdom of Naples that appertained to him, the king of Spain binding himself to pay him within ten years seven hundred thousand ducats in recompense of expenses, and to endue the new married Lady with three hundred thousand ducats. This 
Peace between the French king and king of Spain.  marriage being ratified and accompanied with the peace, it was agreed that the barons of the faction of Aniow, and all such as had followed the French part, should be restored without any payment into their liberty, country, estates, dignities and goods, and re-established in the same condition and degree that they were in the day that the wars began between the French and Spanish, which they account to be the day that the frenchmen ran to Tripaldo: That all confiscations made by the king of Spain, and by king Federik, should be holden for canceled and void: That the prince of Rossana, the Marquis of Bitonto and of Gesualdo, Alphonso and Honorio of S. Severin, with all the other barons which were prisoners to the Spanish in the kingdom of Naples, should be delivered: That the French king should no more entitle himself king of jerusalem and Naples: That the homages and fealties of the barons should be made according to the conventions aforesaid, and that in the same manner th'investiture should be demanded of the Pope: That in case the Queen Germana should die in marriage without issue, her part of dowry should be transferred to Ferdinand, but if he died first, it should revert to the crown of France: That king Ferdinand should be bound to aid Gaston Earl of Foix and brother to his new wife, to conquer the kingdom of Navarre, which he pretended to appertain to him, & which was possessed with a title royal by Katthern de Foix, & by john her husband son to Monsr d'Albert: That the French king should constrain the widow of king Federik with her two children that were with him, to go into Spain, where should be assigned to her a competent portion to live: And if she refused to departed, than the king should command her to issue out of his realm without making any further allowance to her or to her children by way of pension, or other mean to relieve them. That neither one of the parties should enterprise any thing, against those whom any of them should name: and they named jointly in Italy the Pope, and the French king apart named the Florentines: That for strengthening of this peace, there was meant to be made between the two kings a perpetual confederation for the defence of their estates, whereunto the king should be bound with a thousand lances, and six thousand footmen: and Ferdinand with three hundred lances, two thousand jennytairs, and six thousand footmen. After the peace was made and published, wherein the king of England promised observation for both the parties, the Barons of Aniow who were in France, having taken their leave of the king, went almost all with the Queen jermana into Spain, the king using towards them at their departure a very small gratulation of their services past. Isabella the widow of Federike having her leave, went to Ferrara, refusing to put her children into the power of the Catholic king. In this town of Ferrara (Alphonso the son of Hercules being now succeeded to the Dukedom) there happened upon the end of the year, a strange and tragical accident: such one as had some similitude with the barbarous actions of thancient Thebans, but for far more light occasions, if th'unbridled fury of love be less, than the burning ambition and desire to reign: The Cardinal Hippolito d'Este, loving fervently a young maid his kinswoman, who for her part was no less amorous 
An horrible act of a Cardinal.  of Don julio natural brother to the Cardinal, and confessing herself to the Cardinal, that that which above all other things made so vehement her affection to his brother, was, the sweet aspect and beauty of his eyes: Love is a Lord of the world, and above all natural impressions hath a tyrannical subjection over the creatures whom he possesseth: for the Cardinal envying the community of his brother, turned his love into jealous fury, and setting espial over Don julio when he should go out of the town on hunting, set upon him in the field with a crew of tormentors prepared to mischief, whose violent hands the Cardinal in his own presence, suffered to thrust out the eyes of his brother, for that they were the companions of his love: An action no less infamous to the Cardinal, then intolerable to all humanity, and which afterwards trained with it many occasions of seditious and Civil quarrels between the brethren. Such was the end of the year a thousand five hundred and five.  
The end of the sixth book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE SEVENTH BOOK.  
MAny treaties are made. Pope julio the second takes the government of Bolognia. The Genoese rebel against the French king. The king of Arragon meeteth with the French king, and communicateth with him. The diet is holden at Constance. The king of romans demands passage of the Venetians to go take the Crown at Rome, he invadeth their lands, and afterwards maketh truce with them.  
THE SEVENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
THESE were thaccidents of the year a thousand five hundred and five, which albeit left apparent hopes that the tranquillity of Italy would recontinue (the wars for the quarrel of Naples being now quenched:) yet (such is the 
Sedes of new wars.  mutability of worldly affairs) there began to appear in other places, seeds of new innovations and challenges tending to many civil calamities: for Philip, which now took upon him the title of king of Castillo, and was no less discontented that such a kingdom was governed by his father in law, inclined to thincitation of many Barons, and prepared himself to pass into Spain against his will, pretending, as the truth was, that the late Queen had no power either to dispose or to prescribe laws, or to bequeath the government of the kingdom after her death. The king of Romans also taking stomach by the greatness of his son, solicited to pass into Italy. And lastly the French king, albeit the year before he was much discontented with the Pope, for that he had disposed and inducted the benefices which were void by the death of Cardinal Askanius and others, in the duchy of Milan, without his participation: And for that also in the creation of other Cardinals, he had refused to call the bishop of Achx nephew to the Cardinal of Amboyse, and the bishop of Baieux nephew to Monsr Trymoville, being earnestly solicited by the king, who in those regards had caused to sequester the fruits of the benefices which the Cardinal S. P. ad Vincla & others of the Pope's amity, possessed in thestate of Milan: yet the king on the other side, holding both suspected and feared the greatness of Caesar and his son, judged it necessary not to nourish occasions of revenge, but to re-enter into reconcilement with the Pope, to whom after he had released all the sequestrations, he sent in the beginning of this year the bishop of Sisteron thapostolical Nuncio to negotiate with him many plots and offers against the Venetians, to whom he knew the Pope could not but continued to bear an ill will with a hatred redoubled for the desire he had to recover the towns of Romania: An humour which the Pope did so much the more dissemble, by how much until that day he had proceeded in all things so tractable & respective, that every one took occasion to marvel greatly, that he, who in his estate of Cardinal had been always full of immoderate and aspiring thoughts, and who in the time of Pope's Sistus, Innocent, and Alexander, had been many time's thinstrument to trouble Italy, expressed now that he was become Pope (an estate for the most part administered with ambition and troublesome imaginations) to be more easy and abated in courage, than did well bear th'ambitious profession which he had always made to the contrary, not making any show or demonstration to remember old injuries, or to seem to be like to himself: So dangerous is dissimulation in the persons 
Dissimulation very dangerous in the persons of great men.  of great men, whose authority and place shadowing their dispositions, defends all things from blame, though they have nothing unworthy of reprehension: for the intentions of the Pope were far other ways, then agreed with the property of his actions, for that having a determination to surmount the former opinion that was had of him, and to do more than was expected, turned all his wits, devices, and labours, (contrary to the custom of his ancient magnanimity) to heap up a wonderful mass of treasure, to th'end that to the will he had to kindle the war, might be joined also the mean and power to sustain it. And finding in that time, that he was furnished with sufficient treasures and money, he began even then to discover his thoughts aspiring to right great things, suffering nothing to stay th'execution of that which he had pretended with so great study, secrecy, and hope. Therefore the Bishop of Sisteron being received and hard with a gladness agreeable to the nature of his desire, was dispatched and sent back again with diligence, to solicit between them a new reunion and amity: wherein the better to dispose the mind of the king and the Cardinal d'Amboyse, he promised by writ which the said Nuncio carried with him, the dignity of Cardinal to the Bishops of Achx and Bayeux, forgetting nothing that he thought might further th'effect of those ambitions which he had nourished with so great care and travel of mind. And yet notwithstanding in so great a heat and vehemency of forwardness, he entered oftentimes into many doubts and difficulties, for that either for a certain hate he had conceived against the French king at such time as he fled into France, eschewing thambushes of Pope Alexander, or for that it much discontented him to be drawn as it were by compulsion by the power and importunity of the French king, to transfer to the Cardinal of Amboyse, the legation of the kingdom of France: or lastly, for that he suspected lest the said Cardinal (whose behaviours tended directly to the Popedom) not having patience to tarry for his death, would not seek to aspire to his place by ways sinister and extraordinary: In regard of which impressions (more troublesome for the subtlety of the man, then that there was reason he should fear so far) made him oftentimes wander in disposition, determining not wholly to join with the French king, and yet without his conjunction, he knew it was impossible that at that time any thing of consequence should succeed with him: For which reasons he sent (on the other side) to Pisa, Balthasar Blasquo a Genua, captain of his galleys, with commission to arm two light Galleys which Pope Alexander had caused to build there: but it was thought that it was to this end to be more ready to deliver Genes from the government of the French, in case the king who yet remained vexed with the relics of his disease, should happen to die.  
Thus matters hanging in such an estate of suspense, the first action of this year 1506. began by thembarking of king Philip to sail out of Flaunders into 
King Philip saileth out of Flaunders into Spain.  Spain with a great army by sea: And to reduce his going to a more facility and safety (for he feared least his father in law by the aid of the French, would hinder his passage) he practised the Spanish subtleties, and agreed with him to leave unto him the managing and policy of the most part of affairs, and that they should take in common the title of king of Spain, according to th'example in the Queen's time: and lastly, that the revenues and tributes should be divided in an order certain and indifferent. By reason of which accord, his father in law, notwithstanding he was not assured of th'observation, sent him into Flaunders many ships to furnish his voyage: with the which, having embarked his wife and Ferdinand his second son, he took his course into Spain with forward winds, which, within two days turning clean contrary, after his navy had run a dangerous fortune, and made a weary resistance against the fury of the 
King Philip cast by casualty of sea upon the cpasts of England.  sea, his ships were cast upon sundry coasts of England and Britain, his own person with two or three ships being driven with manifest peril upon England into the haven of Southampton: whereof Henry the seventh then king of that Nation being advertised, sent to him with speed many Barons to do him honour, and desire him to come to his Court, then at London: A request which Philip could not deny, the king of England's demand being no less honourable, than his own estate full of necessity and nakedness. He remained in the Court of England, until all his Navy was reassembled and eftsoons rigged, making in the mean while between them new capitulations: wherein albeit Philippe in all other things held himself used as a king, yet in this one thing he 
Philip promiseth to redeliver to king H. the duke of Suffolk.  complained, that he was constrained as a prisoner, to consent to redeliver into king Henry's hands the duke of Suffolk, whom he held prisoner within the castle of Namur, and whom the king of England desired much to have in his power, for that he quarrelled the title of the Crown, pretending the right of the kingdom to appertain to him: only the king of England assured Philip by the faith and word of a king, that he would not put him to death, which he did as justly perform as he had honourably promised, keeping him in prison so long as he lived, and afterwards was beheaded under the reign and commandment of his son. King Philip sailed afterwards with a more happy navigation into Spain, where almost all the Barons flocked to him, bringing in their countenances apparent signs of gratulation and gladness of his coming, and in their minds assured resolution to advance him: In so much as his father in law, who was not strong enough of himself to resist him, and less confidence that in the French promises was any surety of foundation, seeing himself almost abandoned of every one, and the articles of the first accord disallowed, and finding withal a very hard and painful access to his son in law, was constrained to agreed to new conditions, such as were offered to him, nothing respecting the former▪ wherein notwithstanding they proceeded not rigorously for the good nature of Philip, but much more for the persuasions of those which had showed themselves great enemies to Ferdinand: for that being in continual doubt, that by his wisdom and authority, together with the facility of Philip's disposition, he would not get better favour, & in the end win government with his son, they solicited as much as they could his departing out of Castillo. It was accorded, that Ferdinand 
Capitulations between Ferdinand & Phil●p.  should give over the government which his wife had left to him by testament, together with all that he could pretend in that right, & that he should speedily departed out of Castillo, with promise to return no more: That Ferdinand should possess the kingdom of Naples as his own, notwithstanding there were that alleged that it appertained to Philip, for that it was conquered with the arms and power of the kingdom of Castillo: which was the same reason (& haply more just) by the which Ferdinand was wont to pretend the said realm to appertain to him, as being won by the treasures and forces of the state of Arragon. The tributes of the isles of India were reserved to him during his life, together with the three great masterships of S. james, Alcantara, and Calatrava: It was also agreed that he should take every year xxv. thousand ducats of the revenues of the Realm of Castillo. Assoon as this contract was resolved and passed to publication, Ferdinand, whom hereafter we will call either the king Catholic, or the king of Arragon, went forthwith into Arragon, with intention to pass by sea to Naples with all the diligence he might, not so much for the desire he had to see that kingdom, and to re-establish it, as to remove the great captain, against whom since the death of the Queen, he had conceived many suspicions, either that he aspired to transfer to himself the kingdom, or at lest that he had inclinations to give it rather to Philip then to him: So jealous is the condition of empery and dignity, that against those for the most part is most possibility of suspicion, whose virtue hath best deserved in confidence and fidelity. But by so much less had the king of Arragon occasion to reappose in him, 
The condition of empery & dignity jealous.  by howmuch more he had found him always intractable to leave Naples, from whence as he had often summoned him in vain to return into Spain (which he excused and delayed alleging many impediments,) so he feared that if he went not thither in person, he should not easily remove him from the government, notwithstanding since the last contract, king Philip had charged him to transfer wholly hereafter all his obedience to the king of Arragon.  
In this time the French king, beginning to rise somewhat into health, was traveled with many, divers and contrary thoughts: for, both he was discontented with the Venetians, disdaining them since the times of the war of Naples, for the desire he had to recover that which was of thancient appurtenances of the duchy of 
Imaginations of the French king.  Milan, and for an opinion that through diverse accidents, their power and greatness might sometimes hurt him, which, among other respects, had induced him to make confederation with the king of romans and Philip his son: And on the other part, the descending of the king of Romans into Italy was nothing agreeable to him, knowing that he prepared to furnish his journey with very strong forces: A matter which he feared more than afore, for the power which he might put to king Philip (successor to such a greatness) specially being in doubt that whilst he was in England, he did not contract with the king there certain new and strait allyaunces: And for that also one of the principal occasions for the which he had entered confederation with them, was ceased and cut off by the peace made with the king Catholic, by reason of the which he had dissolved & left there all his thoughts and impressions touching the kingdom of Naples. But whilst he stood wavering in this variety and incertainty of mind, th'ambassadors of th'emperor Maximilian came to signify to him their masters deliberation to pass into Italy, and to summon him to give order for the five hundred lances which he had promised to furnish in his favour, and to perform the residue of his word touching the restoring of the banished men from the state of Milan, and to put him in remembrance lastly to advance payment of the money which should be due to him within few months. To these demands albeit the French king had no great will to condisscende, yet he made semblant of the contrary, nevertheless only for the regard of such as for that time required but words, expressing how much he desired that th'articles of accord should be executed, offering for his part in due season a ready accomplishment of all things he was bound unto: only he refused with many excuses to advance the money. On the other part, th'emperor reapposing also as little in the will of the French king, as he did in his, and desiring vehemently to pass to Rome, chief to take the crown imperial, and to choose afterwards his son king of Romans, studied in the same time by what other means he might achieve th'effect of his expectations. Therefore both he solicited the Swyzzers to knit with him, who, after wany counsels and disputes among themselves, determined to observe th'alliance which yet remained two years, with the French king: And also he demanded passage of the Venetians through their lands, who being loathe for their own particular to grant him passage with an army so mighty, (the offers also of the French king inciting them to join with him to let his passage) took courage to answer him in terms general: and the French king, showing himself openly estranged from the confederation made with him and with Philip, gave in marriage the Lady Clauda his daughter, to Francis Lord of Angulesme, to whom belonged the succession of the Crown after his death without issue male: he made as though he had been drawn to that action, by the importunities of his subjects, having aforehand ordained for that effect, that all the courts of Parliament and principal towns of his kingdom, should send Ambassadors to beseech him as in a matter most profitable to the Realm, since the hope to have issue male diminished in him daily more and more. This he signified with speed to king Philip by express Ambassadors, excusing himself that he had no power to resist so great a desire of his whole realm and community of his subjects. Besides these, he had sent bands of men to the succours of the duke of Gueldres, to turn Maximilian from passing into Italy, who of himself had left and given over those cogitations: for that understanding that Launcelet king of Hungary was very sick, he drew near the confines of that kingdom according to an ancient desire of his father, to make himself king for the right which he pretended to it: for Launcelet, otherwise called Ladislao, king of Hungaria and of Boeme, son of Albert, which was brother to th'emperor Federik, dying many years before without sons, the peoples of Hungaria, who pretended that their king dying without heir masculine, the succession of the next in blood could have no place, had chosen for their king (having regard to the merits and virtues of his father) Mathyas, he who afterwards to the great reputation and glory of so little a kingdom, vexed oftentimes the mighty empire of the Turks: He, to avoid in the beginning of his reign, war with Federike, agreed with him to take no wife, to th'end that after his death the kingdom might devolve to Federike, or to his children: which albeit he did not observe, yet he died without issue, and for all that Federike had not th'accomplishment of his desire, for that Thungarians chose of new for their king, Launcelet king of Polonia, by occasion whereof, new wars being eftsoons raised against them by Federike and Maximilian, they agreed at last (the Barons of the kingdom taking a solemn oath) that whensoever Launcelet should die without issue, they should receive Maximilian for their king. In so much as he then aspiring to this succession, after he was advertised of th'infirmity of Launcelet, he drew near to the borders of Hungaria, leaving behind him for that time all his thoughts for Italy.  
But whilst those things were debated between the Princes of beyond the Mounts with so great diversity: the Pope, knowing that without the aids of the 
The Pope deviseth to win again Bolognia.  French king, he could not molest the Venetians, and having less patience that the years of his pontificacy should so pass away and consume without profit or honour, prayed the French king to help him to recover to the obedience of the Church the cities of Bolognia and Perousa, which belonging of antiquity to the Sea Apostolic, were now tirannised, the one by john Paul Baillon, and the other by john Bentivolo, whose predecessors in the times of civil wars, rising from private citizens to be chief of a faction, after they had chased or slain all their adversaries, were not only become absolute Lords of the Cities, but also stood not restrained by any other thing to take the title of lawful Princes, then for the regard which they had to the Popes, who in the one and the other city retained somewhat more than the simple name of Lordship, for that they took a certain part of the revenues, albeit very little, and ordained governors in the name of the Church, who served rather as shadows and appearances, then to rule or command (the power and deliberation of all things of importance resting in the authority of others:) But the town of Perousa, either for his more nearness to Rome, or for other occasions, was longer time entertained in th'obedience of the Church, than Bolognia: for that city did oftentimes change in thadversities of Popes, sometimes being governed in liberty, sometimes oppressed by the Citizens, sometimes ronning to th'obedience of strange Princes, sometimes reduced to thabsolute subjection of Popes, and lastly returning in the time of Pope Nicholas the fift, under the rule of the Church, but with limitations certain, and such communion of authority between the Pope and them, that with tract of time the name and demonstration of things remeining only to the Popes, th'effect and substance of the policy & government rested wholly in the power of the Bentyvoles: of whom, john Bentyvole who commanded for the present, having by little and little drawn all things to him, and embased those mighty families which had been contrary to his elders and him in the first stablishing of his tyranny: and being also grievous for thinsolences and intolerable expenses which his four sons made, (an occasion making him hateful almost to every one) ruled now more by cruelty and arms, then with clemency and affability, leaving very little place to equity and innocency. But the Pope was most of all pushed forward to this enterprise by a burning humour and desire of glory, wherein he had determined (albeit under the shadow of piety and zeal to religion) to reconquer to the sea Apostolic, all those places, of what nature soever, that had been usurped upon the Church: And in this inclination to use the sword he had a particular motion to recover Bolognia, for a hatred newly kindled against john Bentyvole, for that in the times of his adversities when he durst not remain at Rome, and seeking safety in Cento a town of his Bishopric in Bolognia, he was driven to steal away by night, hearing a brute published at random, that there was a resolution to apprehend him prisoner at the instance of Pope Alexander: So 
Malice is infinite in her actions.  infinite is malice in her operations, that what heart she hath once embraced, she never ceaseth to overcarie by degrees, till a revenge be executed, and that for the most part in a quality far above the nature and merit of the offence. And (as was well expressed in the humours of this Pope) malice in wise men hath no sudden appearance, but rising with their greatness of place and calling, into more fury and rage, the blow comes so much the more redoubled, by howmuch the matter hath been nourished with tract of time, not failing to execute assoon as opportunity doth offer. This request of the Pope was to the good liking of the king, who took it for an apt occasion to keep him in his amity: for knowing howmuch it did prejudice his affairs, that the Pope had alliance with the Venetians, he began to grow into fears that he would suddenly revolt, holding him also in suspicion to have community in a certain practice which Octavian Fregoso had made to deprive him of the jurisdiction of Genes. Besides, he esteemed Bentyvole (albeit he was under his protection) more inclined to Caesar then to him: To these doubts he adjoined also the disdain which he had against john Paul Baillon, for that he had refused (notwithstanding he was possessed of the fourteen thousand ducats) to go and join with his army being upon the river of Garillan, together with his desire to offend Pandolffe Petruccio, under an occasion to send men into Tuskane, for that he had both failed to pay him the money he had promised, and also had wholly followed the fortune of the Spaniards. So that he made ready offers to the Pope to aid him, and the Pope for his part, gave him the writs of election to Cardinals for the bishops of Achx & Bayeux, with power to dispose of the benefices in the duchy of Milan in the same fullness that Lodowyke Sforce had used before. These practices being resolved and concluded by the solicitation of the Bishop of Sisteron newly endued with the archbishopric of Achx the only and immediate interposer between them, yet the execution was not so ready, for that as the Pope deferred for certain months to put th'enterprise to action, so it happened in that mean while that Maximilian, who having begun the war against the king of Hungary, had estranged his thoughts from Italy, made now a new peace with him, renewing th'accord touching the succession, and returned into Austria, making signs and preparations as though he would eftsoons pass into Italy: And desiring that the Venetians should not oppose against his intention, he dispatched four Ambassadors to advertise that state, that he was determined to go to Rome to take the Imperial crown, desiring them to give him liberty of passage together with his army: he assured them to march through their regions without grieving them or theirs in any sort: And desired, by protestation, to be united with that common weal, wherein the mean might easily be found, not only with surety, but also with augmentation and exaltation of both the parties, covertly inducing under this persuasion that it would make for their common profit to conspire together against the French king. The Venetians, after they had long debated in counsel, returned a very gracious answer, expressing how much their commonweal desired to be conformable to his will, and to satisfy his requests in all things which they might without their proper prejudice, which in that case could not be neither greater nor more evident, for that the regions of Italy being made desperate by so many calamities which they have suffered, were drawn into an universal mutiny at the only brute of his descending with so mighty an army, standing generally resolved to take arms to cut off occasions and opportunities of new troubles, and that the French king was to do the like for the surety of thestate of Milan: That by that mean, his coming into Italy with an army displayed, was no other thing then to give occasion to the commonalties of Italy to levy arms to make mighty resistance against him: An action of no little importance and danger against them, for that if they should consent to his passing, all the potentates and powers of Italy, together with the French king, would judge of them none otherwise, then of such as had not esteemed of the common benefit in respect of their proper interests: That it would be more assured for all, and in the end most honourable for him, coming to an act pacificable and agreeable to every one, to pass disarmed into Italy, where th'imperial majesty showing himself no less gracious and affable, then mighty and terrible, should find an universal favour with all regions, peoples, and commonalties: That he should (to his perpetual glory) bear the honourable reputation to be the protector of the tranquillity of Italy, proceeding to his coronation in the same form which his father and many his renowned predecessors observed afore him, in which course they were and would use to him, all those oblations, observances, and offices which he could desire.  
These appearances of arms and other things practised by Caesar, were the causes that the Pope resolved fully to execute the enterprise of Bolognia, and had sent to summon the French king to his promise, was friendly advised by the king to have regard to the estate and disposition of things, and considering well of the nature of times, to defer the action of the enterprise to an other season, lest the untimely breaking out of such an accident did not only bring all Italy into commotion, but prove prejudicial even against his proper intentions: for that he feared lest in this action he should kindle against him the minds of the Venetians, who had already signified to him that they were resolved to take arms for the defence of Bolognia, if the Pope would not first endue them with the grant of those patronages and rights of Faenza which appertained to the Church. But the Pope, who of nature was impatient and sudden, sought out still all the means he could, by the which (notwithstanding all difficulties and impediments) he might aspire to that he desired: Wherein he proceeded with moods furious and violent, calling together into the consistory all the Cardinals, afore whom deducing in form of a languishing complaint, how justly he was touched with desire to deliver from the 
The Pope will go in person to the enterprise of Bolognia.  hands of tyrants the cities of Bolognia and Perousa, members so much importing the sea Apostolic, he signified that he would assist th'enterprise in person: he assured them, that besides his own forces, he should be aided by the French king, by the Florentines, and many other potentates of Italy, and that God that was perpetually just, would never leave abandoned such as with so holy intentions sought to reestablish and restore the Church. Assoon as this deliberation was published in France, it seemed such a matter to be laughed at to the king, that the Pope should promise' himself a succour of his people without intelligence or community with him, that making it a jesting talk at his table, and imposing withal upon the Pope his notorious drunkenness, he said it could not be but the Pope was well bewitched with wine: not discerning as yet that that sudden deliberation did constrain him, either to come to manifest controversy with him, or else to give him of his men against his william. But the Pope, not expecting any other resolution, issued out of Rome with five hundred men at arms, and sending afore Anthony dal Monte to signify his coming to the Bolognois, with direction to command them to make provision to receive him, and to bestow in the country five hundred French lances. He marched slowly, having determined not to pass Perousa, till he were well assured whether the French bands would come to his succours, foreseeing now those inconveniences which the immoderation of his mind would not afore suffer him to discern in his heat and fury. john Paul Baillon occupied with no small fears of his coming, by the counsel of the duke of Urbin and other his friends, & under their assurance went to meet the Pope at Orutetto, who received him into grace and favour, after he had wholly submitted himself to his discretion, with promise to follow him in person with an hundred and fifty men at arms, and also to tender up into his hands the fortresses of Perousa and Perousin, and the guard of the city, giving for observation his two sons in hostage to the duke of Urbin: Under this composition the Pope entered without any strength into Perousa, being in the full power of john P. Baillon to make him prisoner with all his court and train, if he would have made sound throughout the world in a matter of such greatness and weight, that disloyalty, which had already made his name infamous in things more inferior and of far meaner quality. At Perousa the Pope gave audience to the Cardinal of Narbona sent to him from the French king, to persuade him to put over and defer the enterprise till another time, and to protest the king's excuses, in that (contrary to his desire) he could not sand him men, for that, by the considerations for Caesar, & the great suspicions he had of his doings, it was not convenient for him to leave disarmed the duchy of Milan. This embassage albeit it stirred up in the Pope many shows of perplexities and alterations, yet his wisdom held his affections suppressed, and making no appearance that he had any inclination or will to change adurse, he began to levy new bands of footmen, and reincrease all his provisions: And yet many believed, that what by the difficulties that appeared, and the easiness of his nature to be appeased upon yielding or submission, if Bentyvole who offered by his Ambassadors to send in his four sons, had disposed himself to come to him in person according to th'example of john Paul, he had found some tolerable form for his affairs: But whilst he spent time in temporizing (the aspect & estate of his business making him irresolute) or, as some say, whilst he was holden in suspense by the contradiction of his wife, he had advertisement that Monsr de Chaumont had received direction from the French king to go to the succours of the Pope in person with five hundred lances: An aid which albeit the king (in the absence of the cardinal Amboyse) had no inclination to send him, yet the Cardinal returning to the Court, used persuasions to hold the king firm in his promise, having not only made voluntary offers in the beginning, but also by many degrees since, had as it were urged the Pope to use the service of his men: The cardinal had power to make the king change advise, whereunto he was so much the more easily induced, by howmuch the demonstrations of Maximilian began now to wax cold according to his custom, & the Pope also (somewhat to leave the king satisfied) was content to make promise, not by writing, but in the mouth of his holiness & honour, that he would not molest the Venetians for the towns of Romagna: And yet notwithstanding the pope, not able to abstain from disclosing what a settled desire he bore that way, going from Perousa to Cesena, he took the way of the mountain, for that if he had marched along the plain, he should have been constrained to pass upon the lands of Rimini, which the Venetians held. Assoon as he was come to Cesena, he admonished Bentivole to departed from Bolognia under most grievous censures & pains spiritual & temporal, stretching them out against all such as should hold any conversation or confederacy with him: And receiving intelligence in this place, that Monsr de Chaumont marched with six hundred lances & three thousand footmen, all paid of the Church treasures, he took courage, & recontinued his way without deferring. And turning from the ways & territories of Faenza for the same respects he refused Rimini, he took the way of the mountain, notwithstanding it was troublesome & full of incommodities: and so drawing along the towns which the Florentines possessed beyond Thappenin, he went to Ymola, where his army assembled: wherein, besides many bands of footmen which he had levied, were four hundred men at arms in his pay, an hundred & fifty led by john Paul Baillon, an hundred lent by the Florentines under the guide of M. An. Colonno, an hundred lent by the duke of Ferrara, many bands of Estradiots levied in the kingdom of Naples, & two hundred light horsemen brought thither by the Marquis of Mantua, deputy lieutenant of th'army. At Bolognia on tother side, Bentyvole & his faction omitted no preparation that might respect their surety, nor forbore to arm all those bodies which they esteemed to carry ability to their defence, hoping that if they were not defended, at the lest they should not be offended by the French: for that the king being called upon to aid them according to the contract of protection, had answered, that albeit he could not with arms oppose against th'enterprise of the Pope, yet he would forbear to minister either men, or other nature of aid against them: An answer wherein they took great comfort and confidence to be able with ease to resist the army Ecclesiastic: But all their hope was turned into fear by the coming of Monsr de Chaumont, who, albeit as he marched, had made divers answers to their people, yet the same day he arrived at Castelfranco upon the territories of Bolognia, (being the same day wherein the Marquis of Mantua with the Pope's regiments made himself Lord over the Borough of Saint Peter) he sent to signify to Bentyvole, that the king foreseeing not to fail of that he was bound unto by the capitulations of protection, had an intention not only to make safety and preservation of his goods, but also to procure him such further grace and favour, that resigning to the Church the government and policy of the City, he should with surety remeine in Bolognia with his children, so that within three days he submitted himself wholly to the obedience and commandments of the Pope: Necessity is mighty to bend those hearts that are invincible against all other means, and men compounded of humours transitory and frail, bear their ordinary mutations of mind and counsel, according to the alteration of occasions and accidents. For, Bentyvole and his sons, who with great threatenings afore had published to all the world their ableness and disposition to defend themselves, become now changed in resolution and courage: and not remembering with what upbraid they had exclaimed against Peter de Medicis, for that without effusion of blood he had forsaken Florence: made answer that they would refer themselves to his arbitration, beseeching him to be a mean that at the lest they might obtain conditions tolerable. Therefore being now come to the bridge de Rene three miles from Bolognia, interposing with the Pope, he made an agreement that it should be lawful to john Bentyvole and his sons, with Geneure Sforce his wife, safely to go out of Bolognia, and remain in the duchy of Milan in any place at their best liking and election: That it should be lawful for them either to cell or carry away from Bolognia, all their goods movable, and not to be molested for their immovables which they possessed with just title. By the benefit of which accord ratified and confirmed, they departed with speed and security out of Bolognia, having obtained of Monsr de Chaumont, to whom they gave twelve thousand ducats, a very large safeconduit, with promise subscribed, not only to see observed all that is contained in the articles of protection, but also that he and his family should continued in surety in the duchy of Milan. Assoon as the kindred of the Bentyuoleis were departed, the people of Bolognia addressed with diligence their Ambassadors to the Pope, to put into his hands the absolute jurisdiction of their city, to demand pardon and absolution of the Censures, and to require order that the French should not enter into Bolognia: But they being of nature insolent, could hardly bear to be regulated, specially in a time when their own strength and common fortune of the army favoured their intentions, they made their approaches to the walls with an universal disposition to enter: but the strong resistance of the people, compounded of a resolute valour to defend their liberty, kept them from executing upon the walls, & compelled them to encamp near the bulwarks between the gates of Saint Felix and Saragosse upon the channel which drawing from the river of Rene passeth throw Bolognia, and from thence is navigable to Ferrara: belike they were ignorant that it was in the power of th'inhabitants of Bolognia by plucking up a sluice of the channel that entereth the City, to drown all the country about: their ignorance in a matter so needful of consideration, brought sudden incommodities upon them, for that the people of Bolognia raising the sluice, the channel that afore was swelled with water, broke out and ouerslowed the low places where were encamped the French bands, who leaving their artillery in the water, and much of their baggage, retired in great tumult and disorder to the bridge of Rene, where they remeined ull the Pope entered into Bolognia, which was on Saint Martin's day, confirming his entry with all pomp and ceremonies Pontifical. Thus fell into the power of the Church with a great felicity of th'inhabitants, the city of Bolognia, which with good right beareth name & reputation amongst the most noble and slourishing cities of Italy, aswell for thinfinity of the dwellers, as for the fertility of soil and opportunity of situation. And albeit the Pope did institute new magistrates by th'example of antiquity, leaving in many things great signs and appearances of liberty, yet, touching the effect, he brought it wholly to the obedience of the Church, expressing many honourable liberalities in releasing divers exemptions, wherein he made himself mighty in th'opinion of the people, and (using the like in all other cities) he laboured to allure the multitude to an amity and liking of the Church government. He gave to Monsr Chaumont, who returned immediately to the duchy of Milan, eight thousand ducats, with ten thousand to be distributed in liberalities amongst his regiment, and he confirmed under Bul subsigned the promise he had made before to created Cardinal his brother the bishop of Alby, And yet (turning all his wits & studies how he might annoyed the Venetians) to leave quicker motions in the French king & Cardinal Amboise to aid him, he would not at that time publish Cardinals the bishops of Achx & Bayeux, according to the solicitations that were made, & writs which were already subscribed.  
About this time the king of Arragon passed by sea into Italy, and embarking at Barcelonia there came to him a gentleman from the great captain, who offered himself prepared to receive the king, and give him all obedience: To whom in 
The great captain confirmed in the duchy of S. Ange.  recompense of his fidelity and merits, the king ratified not only donation of the duchy of Saint Ange which king Federik had given him, but also all his other profits which he possessed in the kingdom of Naples, amounting to twenty thousand ducats in yearly revenue, together with the office of great Constable of the kingdom, and promise' to be great master of Saint james, both subsigned under the kings own hand. The king embarking at Barcelonia with no less contentment of the present, then better hope hereafter, was honourably received with his wife, in all the ports of Provence, according to the French kings commandments, and with the same oblation and reverence was welcomed into the haven of Genes, where he was expected by the great captain, who was gone thither to meet him, not without thadmiration of many, for that not only the popular sort, but even the Pope himself nourished an opinion, that aswell for his disobedience past, as for the present suspicions which the king had in him, he would pass into Spain, fearing to stand in the presence of the king. The king of Arragon departing from Genes, remeined many days at Portofino, both for that the wind was contrary, and also he held it not convenient to be far from the shore with his light galleys: Whilst he sojourned at Portofino, he 
The death of king Philip.  was advertised that king Philip his son in law, young in years, and well disposed in body, had changed this life for a better within the town of Burgos: his infirmity was a fever raging with violent motions, but of very few days continuance, happening in the very ripeness and full reputation of his age, and in a season wherein he was lifted to his greatest felicity, as oftentimes is wonderfully expressed in the variation of fortune: nevertheless the king, in whom it was believed that for the desire he had to recontinue in the government of Castille, would eftsoons turn sail to Barcelonia, kept on his first way, and entered the port of Caietta the same day that the Pope marching to Bolognia, made his entire into Ymola: from whence he was conveyed to Naples, and received into that City (which was wont to rejoice in kings of Arragon) with no less magnificence, majesty, and honour of the Nobles, then universal desire and expectation of the commonalty, for an opinion they had that under a king so glorious for the many victories he had obtained aswell against thinfidels as the Christians, and no less reverenced for his high wisdom and temperature of spirit, joined to the general teapporte of his singular justice, by the which he had guided his Realms in tranquillity: he would also restore and relieve the kingdom of Naples of so many afflictions and oppressions, and reduce it into an estate peaceable and happy, with restitution of the pots which the Venetians held there, to the great displeasure of the whole kingdom. There came to him to Naples from all parts of Italy many Ambassadors, not only to congratulate and honour so great a prince, but also for many practices & occasions, every one being persuaded that with his authority and wisdom he would readdress things, and giving a new form to affairs, he would be the even balance and counterpoise for many matters: for that both the Pope, who held himself ill contented with him, for that he had hot honoured him with legation and ambassadors according to the custom, studied to kindle him against the Venetians, thinking that for the desire to recover the ports of Powylla, he had reason to wish their declination and embasing. And the Venetians of the contrary solicited for many good respects to be recontinued in his amity: And also the Florentines, with the other peoples of Tuskane, negociated with him diversly for the regard of Pisa, which this year was less molested than others with the incursions of the Florentines (not hindering their harvest) either for that they were weary of the charges, or else that th'experience of the year passed made them esteem it a thing vain and without fruit, knowing that the states of Genes and Lucques had agreed together to support that city for one year with a determinate and certain charge, whereunto P. Petrucci had prepared them before, offering like portion of contribution on the behalf of the Siennois: notwithstanding on the other side (being a man dissembled in all his intentions) he obtained of the Florentines, by disclosing thestate of the negotiation, and to th'end to separate himself from the rest, that the truce which yet continued between the Florentines and Siennois, should have prolongation for three years, with an express covenant that it should not be lawful to the Siennois, nor to Pandolffe, to minister any aid to the Pisans: with which excuse forbearing to levy any expenses for them, he refused not to favour them with all the counsels and actions he could in all other sorts.  
About this year there happened a new and strange accident of the tragedy 
A continuance of the history of julio d'Este  which had been begun before Ferrara: for Ferdinand brother to Duke Alphonso and julio, whose eyes the Cardinal had violently caused to be pluck out (but by the ready help of Physicians were restored without loss of his sight:) conspired together with the said julio, the death of the Duke: Ferdinand, who was next in succession after the Duke, was moved to this conspiracy by an aspiring desire to occupy that state, the humour of dominion and rule carrying him into dispositions of blood contrary to honour, nature, & humanity: And julio embraced the treason with so much the more affection, by howmuch he judged that Alphonso had not ministered sufficient justice to the wrong that was done him, being withal out of hope to be able otherwise to wreak his revenge upon the Cardinal. To these counsels they called as a party, the Count Albertin Boschet a gentleman of Modona, with whom albeit they had won and corrupted certain fellows of base condition governing much the person of Alphonso, for that they were his favourits in matters of sport and delight, and had many times sundry opportunities to kill him: yet, being withholden by a certain fatal timorousness, they let pass always th'opportunity: In so much as (so it happeneth for the most part when th'execution of conspiracies is deferred) the treason being detected, Ferdinand with the other conspirators were imprisoned, and julio, who was fled to his sister at Mantua, was by the direction of the Marquis, sent prisoner to Alphonso, being assured by his promise and fidelity, that he should not be touched with death: But a little after the Count Albertin being condemned judicially, was quartered with the others that were found guilty, and the two brethren passed over to perpetual prison in the new castle of Ferrara.  
In this place of the history it is not inconvenient to touch somewhat of thaudacity 
The death of duke Valentynois.  and industry of duke Valentynois, who being subtly slided down by a cord out of the Rock of Medina de Campo, fled into the kingdom of Navarre to king john brother to his wife, where (to th'end th'history cease to speak any more of him) after he had remeined certain years in base condition, the French king confisking both the duchy of Valence, & the pension of twenty thousand franks which he gave him in supply of revenue, & also would not suffer him to go into France, because he would do nothing that might discontent the king of Arragon, he was at last slain by the conspiracy of an ambush, commanding over the men of war of the king of Navarre in the camp at Viano, a little place in the said realm.  
Upon the end of this year, for that the year following should not begin without 
The city of Genes rebelleth.  matter of new wars, the Genoese rebelled against the French king, having no other incitation then of themselves, the matter taking his foundation not of any desire to rebel, but rather of the civil discords, which carried men further than their former counsels and deliberations, rebellion being of a condition to increase in occasions, 
Rebellion increaseth in occasions.  as the fire is redoubled in heat by the fresh matter which it embraceth. The city of Genes, a city seated in a place most apt to command the sea, if so great an opportunity were not hindered by the pestiferous poison of civil dissensions, is not as many other great towns in Italy, subject to one particular division, but is divided into many parties and factions: both for the relics of the ancient quarrels between the guelfs and Gibelins yet remeining there: and also for the sedes of dissension still growing between the gentlemen and populars, by the which the whole nation of Italy hath been much afflicted, but specially many cities in Tuskane have been brought to extreme ruin: for, the commonalty not able to bear the pride of the Nobles, bridled much their authority & power by many rigorous laws: and amongst others, suffering them to communicate with all other offices and honours, they excluded them particularly from the dignity of Dukedom: a supreme estate which was given for life to any other that was chosen, notwithstanding by thinconstancy of that city, 
The seat of dominion very casual where it divolueth by election.  few or none were suffered to continued in that place till they died, the seat of dominion being always jealous, but most casual where it divolueth by election, which by his proper ambition nourisheth for the most part a secret subjection to alteration and fall. Not less great is the division between the families of the Adorni and Fregosi, who from base condition and popular houses, being risen to the dignity of Capellaci (so do the Genoese call such as are aspired to any great potentacie) contend together for the dignity of duke, which for many years hath continued for the most part in one of those two families: for the gentlemen of the Guelffs and Gibelins, not able to ascend to the place for the impediment of the laws, sought to make it fall to such of the populars as were of their faction: And as the Gibelins favouring the Adorns, and the guelfs the house of Fregosa, time hath made those two families more noble and mighty, than those of whom afore they followed their name and authority: So nevertheless all those divisions are so confounded, that oftentimes they that be of one part against the party opposite, are in themselves divided into divers parts, and of the contrary conjoined in one with those that follow an other faction. This year began to kindle between the gentlemen and commons, a debate, which breeding at the first upon the insolences of certain of the Nobles, and working by little and little the most part of the minds of both the one and other side ill disposed, it changed quality ere it were long, and of private contentions, converted itself into the nature and habit of public discords, easy enough to kindle in cities so abounding in riches as did Genes at that time. These quarrels rose increasing so far, that the people possessed with fury, drew into tumult, and made violent slaughter of one of the families of Oria, with certain other gentlemen: wherein offering all things to spoil and ruin, they obtained in that mutiny more by force then free will of the City, that the day after it might be ordained in the public counsels (wherein were assistant very few of the Nobles) that of those offices which afore were divided equally between the Nobles and commons, there might be hereafter distribution made of two parts to the people, and one only reserved to the Nobles: to which deliberation Roccaber guiding the city in the absence of Philip Ravastin then governor for the king, consented for fear of greater perils: nevertheless the populars not being quieted for all this, but overcarried with their mutinous humours, stirred up within few days after a new tumult, and put the noblemen's houses to sack: an outrage that compelled most part of the Gentlemen to abandon the city, finding no estate of surety in their natural regions. These mutations being eftsoons signified to the governor, caused him to return with speed out of France to Genes with a strength of an hundred and fifty horse, and seven hundred footmen: But neither with his authority, his persuasions, his presence, nor with his forces, could he reduce things to a better estate: so irregulate is a commonalty or multitude once drawn into mutiny, and their barbarous fury invincible against all reason, order, or good prescription: Not, oftentimes he was compelled to apply himself to the will of the people, & making his authority rather to be plausible to the multitude then to punish their mutinies, he passed over things with sufferance, and obeyed the necessity of the time, commanding to retire and return certain other troupes that were appointed to come after him out of France. These beginnings gave courage to the Commons to become more insolent, and (as it happeneth often in Cities declined to sedition) the government, contrary to the will of many of the best sort of the Commons, fell almost absolutely into the power of the dregs of the people, who in their fury created to themselves a new magistracy or office of eight men of the populars with a great authority: And they, the rather to keep the whole incensed by the dignity of their name, were called Tribunes of the people: These, under this form of policy, or rather apparent mutiny, occupied with arms the town of Spetie, with certain other towns of the river of Levant, whereof john Lewis de Fiesquo was governor for the king. This governor complained to the king of those insolences, both in the name of the whole nobility, and for his particular interest, wherein he recommended to his majesty the manifest danger to lose the jurisdiction of Genes, seeing the insolent liberty of the commons had carried them so far, that besides other oppressions and harms, they aspired (proceeding directly against th'authority of the king) to manage the towns of the river: That using expedition, there might be raised remedies convenient to repress so great a fury, seeing it was as yet but in the nature of a popular war, without the protection of any greater prince: where if he joined negligence to th'opportunity, and become slow in levying the provisions that were necessary, the evil would more and more resolve, and take with tract of time more firm root, for that both th'importance of Genes was such by sea and land, that it would easily allure some foreign Prince to nourish such a division, so hurtful for his estate: And also the commons coming to know that which at the beginning was perhaps but in the quality of sedition, would in the end change habit and turn into rebellion, and so become a prey to any that would give hope to defend it. But on the other part, th'ambassadors sent to the king from the Commons of Genes, laboured to justify the action, and to make their cause be found good: They declared that no other thing had disaltered the people, but the pride of the gentlemen, who, not contented with the dignities and honours convenient to nobility, aspired to higher degrees, seeking to be redoubted as Lords and Princes: That the people had long borne the yoke of their insolences, but at last feeling outrages not only in their goods and general callings, but also in their persons & estates most private, their patience was now overcome with the weight and violence of their pride: And yet albeit by these compulsions, they were no longer able to contain themselves: they were not for all that proceeded to any other actions, than such as without the which their liberty could not be assured: for, seeing the gentlemen communicated by equal part in the offices and jurisdictions, there was no possibility by the mean of courts and judgements, to resist their tyranny: And john Lowys commanding over the towns of the rivers, without the traffic whereof Genes stood at it were besieged, there was no safety for the commons to entertain traffic and conversation there: That the people had been always most devout and faithful to the king's majesty, and that the mutations of Genes had in all times more proceeded of the ambition of the gentlemen, than infidelity of the people: That they besought the king to pardon those offences, which during the heat of the contentions, certain particulars had committed against thuniversal will and consent, and that he would confirm the law made for the distribution of offices, and suffer the towns of the rivers to be managed under the name public: Lastly, that by that mean, the Gentlemen enjoying honourably their degrees and dignities, and the populars also possessing their liberty with surety: and all things being reduced by his majesties authority into such an estate of tranquillity, they should be bound to honour perpetually the clemency, goodness, and justice of the king. The king was much troubled with these tumults, either for that the licentious behaviours of the commons were suspected to him, or perhaps for the honourable inclination which the French do commonly bear to the name of gentlemen: In so much that he could have been disposed to have punished the authors of these insolences, and reduce all things to their first degree, saving that he feared lest if he should use sharp remedies, the Genoese would have recourse to Caesar, whose son was not yet dead. For which cause, making conference of things, more according to the necessity and consideration of the time, then agreeable to the estate and merit of their doings, he determined to proceed with clemency and toleration, and therefore called into pardon and forgiveness all their offences they had committed, and ratified their new law for disposing of offices, so farforth as they would put into his hands the towns of the rivers which they occupied: Wherein the better to incline and dispose the people, he sent to Genes doctor Michael Riccio a banished man, to persuade the Commons, that they were better to use and embrace thoccasion of the king's clemency, than (adding to their faltes, contumacy and hardened obstinacy) to drive him to proceed against them with severity: But 
Rashness hath no society with discretion.  discretion having no society with rashness, nor folly any community with wisdom, their minds seemed to stand blinded with immoderate ambition and covetousness: for the people and tribunes (notwithstanding the lawful Magistrates were of the contrary opinion) would not only not tender the places they occupied (not accepting the softness and tractability of the king) but rising into thoughts of worse nature, they determined to assail the borough of Monaco, which Lucian Grimault possessed, either in regard of a common hatred borne against all gentlemen of Genes, or else for that the borrow is of great importance for the city, having his situation upon the sea in a place of great conveniency: or at lest for certain particular hatreds, since he to whom falleth the power and government of that place, abstaineth very hardly from piracies and robbing by the sea, the situation giving favour and opportunity to such actions: or lastly, because (as they suggested) that borough appertained rightfully to the common weal. In which regards, notwithstanding the importunities of the governor to the contrary, they sent thither many bands both by sea and land to besiege it: the same driving Philip de Ravastin, who knew that he tarried there unprofitably, and, by thaccidents that might happen, not without suspicion of danger, to depart, and to leave in his place Roccabertin. The king for his part, despairing that temperance was unable to range things to a better form, and judging withal that if he should consent that they continued in that estate, it might be prejudicial to his dignity and surety, and lastly, fearing that if he gave longer sufferance to things, the danger would be so much the greater: he began openly to make preparations both by sea and land, to reduce the Genoese to his obedience: which deliberation was the cause, that matters which were negociated between the Pope and him against the Venetians, were dissolved and broken: Enterprises much desired by the king, who for the death of king Philip, found himself well delivered of the suspicions which he had taken against Maximilian: But much more wished for by the Pope, by reason of the towns which they occupied in Romania, and did dispose of the bishoprics vacant in their jurisdiction, without any respect to the sea Apostolic, and lastly did intrude themselves into many things appertaining to the lawful authority of the Church. By reason whereof bearing a settled inclination to entertain amity with the king, he solicited him to pass into Italy, and to have conference together, whereunto the king consented, the Pope having afore in gratification of the king's requests, consecrated Cardinals the Bishops of Bayeux and Achx. Butt (the affections of Princes suffer alterations according to times and occasions) the Pope understanding afterwards how the king had determined to take arms against the commons of Genes in favour of the gentlemen, took it to great discontentment, for that having of long time frowned upon the gentlemen, he had always borne favour to the dispositions of the people: wherein he made great instance to the king to be contented, without changing the state popular, to have that city in his obedience, and persuaded him as much as he could to abstain from arms, alleging many reasons, but chief the danger, lest by that mean some great alteration kindling in Italy, the wars which they had determined against the Venetians, were not cut off or hindered. The king bearing no inclination to these demands, the Pope, either overruled with anger or sorrow, or else for that the old suspicion of the aspiring mind of the Cardinal Amboyse did eftsoons stir in him, either by the natural operation of himself, or by the subtle suggestion of others (which made him fear that he were not retained by the king when they should meet in one place) and perhaps aswell for the one as the other occasion: he published upon the sudden in the beginning of the year 1507. against th'expectation of every one, that he would eftsoons return to Rome, not for other reason then that the air of Bolognia was contrary to his health, and that his revenues were much diminished by his absence from Rome. This alteration of counsel brought no little marvel to every one, but specially to the king, for that without occasion he would leave unperfect the practices he had so much desired to advance, and break of himself the interview and conference which he had somuch required: and therefore calling into consideration the estate and intricate disposition of things, he laboured what he could to draw him from that new counsel, and make him change opinion: wherein his pains were more hurtful to him then vain, for that the Pope entering into a greater suspicion for the request the king made, made eftsoons an obstinate confirmation of his first counsel, & departing from Bolognia upon the end of February, he expressed how little he could dissemble the contempt he had conceived against the king. Afore he issued out of the City, he set with unfortunate signs the first stone of the castle which was made there by his commandment, near the gate which leads to Ferrara, in the self-same place where Philip Maria viscount duke of Milan had aforetime erected another with no less ill fortune: And his new anger against the French king having in some sort qualified his ancient hatred against the Venetians, and not minding to turn out of his right way, he determined to pass by the city of Faenza, new controversies happening from time to time between the French king and him, both for that he required that the family of the Bentyuoleis might be expulsed the duchy of Milan, notwithstanding they were referred to that habitation by his consent: and also for that he would not tender to the pronoterie, the possession of those benefices which he had promised by his proper accord and consent (so often prevailed more in him the contention of his mind & his wilful election, than either reason or equity:) Which disposition the king laboured not to appease with any art or diligence, but standing aggrieved for so great a variation, and entering withal into suspicion, lest (as the truth was) he gave secret encouragement to the people of Genes, he forbear not to threaten him openly, and to object with injurious words, his infamous place and birth, the Pope being descended of a very base place, and trained for many years in very vile estate. And resolving more and more in his first deliberation touching the affairs of Genes, he prepared his army with great diligence to go thither in person, having well experienced by his former successes in the kingdom of Naples, what difference there is to administer a war in proper person, and to recommend it over to the doing of Captains.  
These preparations amazed nothing the Genoese being busy to take Monaco, about the which they kept employed many vessels and six thousand men levied of the commonalties and general multitudes of the countries of Genes. These bands were led and commanded by Tarlatin a captain of the Pisans, who, together with Peter Shortlegge and certain universal soldiers, had been sent by them in favour of the Genoese: And at Genes, as they persevered in their first offences, adding always some new transgression, the captain of the Castle, who till then had expressed no action, nor had not been molested by the conspirators, upon the sudden made many of the commons prisoners, and began to vex the haven and city with his artilleries: This was either by the king's commandment, or upon his own authority joined to a desire to make pillage: by reason of which, Roccabertin conferring with the common danger of the town, the private fear he had of his own person, went his way, not whither he would (for extremity leaves no liberty) but whither the necessity of his fortune suffered him, the footbands of the French which were set to guard the public palace, retiring into the Castle. A little after, the siege which had remeined afore Monaco many months took end and broke up, the reason was, that such as were encamped afore it, understanding that Yues' d'Alegre and many gentlemen were at hand to succour it with a strength of three thousand footmen of their own pay, and certain other bands which the duke of Savoy had sent, had levied the siege, having no courage to abide the army that marched. Besides, the brute ran that the main army appointed for the king, passed continually into Lumberdie: by reason whereof, those men rising into increase of fury, who aught to have been the authors of better counsels, the commons that till that day had dissembled with words the rebellion which they had exercised in deeds, and neither forbearing to call upon the name of the French king, nor once touching his Arms, nor removing his ensigns nor banners out of the public places, created Duke of Genes one Paul de Nove a silkedyer, a man for his virtues, of no merit, and for his birth and descending, of very base place and condition, declaring themselves in this, manifest rebels, for that to the creation of Duke was joined a declaration that the city of Genes, should bear no subjection to any prince: The same so stirring the king to greater anger, together with the relation of the Nobles, that they had deposed his Armouries, and in their place had exalted the ensigns of Caesar, that he redoubled the preparations which he had provided afore: wherein he was also so much the more kindled to revenge and wrath, by howmuch Caesar, at the persuasions of the Genoese, and haply by the Pope's secret setting on, had written to him that he aught not to molest Genes as a town of the empire, offering so to labour that the people should be ranged, and reduced to all things just and reasonable. The Duke and Tribunes were somewhat nourished in their rash boldness by certain prosperous successes they had had on the coast of Levant: for, Jerome the son of Lowys de Fyesquo, having reconquered Rapallo with two thousand footmen and certain horse, as he went by night to surprise Rocqua, encountered the bands that were sent from Genes to secure it: And whether it were by any disadvantage of the place, or for any other peculiar respect of fear or danger, he forbore to entertain the skirmish, and without coming to short weapons, he fell disorderly to fleeing: Whereupon Orlandin nephew to john Lowys, which was marched as far as Recquo with an other regiment, did the like, hearing the noise of the chase. By this fortune the Duke and the Tribunes become more insolent, and in those glorying humours proceeded to besiege Castellaccio, an ancient Castle which the ancient Lords of Milan builded in the mountains above Genes, at such times as they were commanders over that City, to serve as a help that those companies which they should send out of Lombardy, might have opportunity to approach near Genes, and secure the castle, which containing a very small garrison, they forced it and took it easily: for that the French bands that were there, yielded under faith to have their goods and life preserved, which, according to the infidelity of a commotion, was not observed, those that were the executors of such outrages returning to Genes with bloody hands and great rejoicings, as tokens of their glory and triumph. At the same time also they began to batter with their artilleries, the castle and the Church of Saint Francis joining to it, their fortune making them blind against discretion and reason, as men more mighty in felicity and chance, then in force or good experience. And albeit the king was already passed into Italy, and reenforced his army continually to assail Genes without delay: And the king catholic, notwithstanding he wished their conservation, would not show himself divided from the French king, but furnished him with four light galleys: And lastly, albeit the Pope durst not otherwise disclose his intentions then in giving them secret hopes, and that they were desperately abandoned of all succours, and had but only three hundred footmen foreigners, not one captain or commander experienced in war, and great lack of munitions: yet were they resolute and continued in their obstinacy, reapposing much for themselves in the straits of their country, and that by the difficulties and sharpness of ways and passages, they might easily let th'enemy for coming near Genes: And as men esteeming certainty in the wind, they despised, in regard of these vain hopes, the admonitions of many, and specially the counsels of the Cardinal of Finale, who accompanying the French army, persuaded them by many messengers and letters to offer up themselves to the kings will, giving them hope to obtain pardon and conditions tolerable: But the army marching by the way of the borough of Fornaro and Seravallo, the vanity of th'enterprises of the Genoese began to appear, being not measured not laid out by men trained in war, but followed with clamours and vain braggings of a base and ignorant multitude: In so much as the courages of men nothing answering in a present peril, to that which they had promised when they were without fear, six hundred of their footmen set to guard their first straits, being charged by the French men, fled cowardly, by whose example, the residue that kept the other passages, abandoned their places and retired to Genes, leaving all the straits open to the French, whose army having passed over without impediment the top of the mountains, was now descended into the vale of Pozzevero within seven miles of Genes: A matter that did not a little amaze and marvel the Genoese, for that contrary to their undiscrete expectations, they saw their army so hardy as to encamp in that valley frontyred with troublesome mountains, and in the midst of the enemy's country. At the same time also the king's navy which contained eight light galleys, eight galleons, with many Fusts and Brigantins, presented themselves before Genes, and from thence sailed towards Portovenere and Speitia, pursuing the Genua navy being seven galleys and six barks, which not daring to keep the haven of Genes, were withdrawn into those places. From the valley of Pozzevero the army drew to the borrow of Rivarola two miles within Genes, and near to the Church of S. Peter d'Arena, which is joining to the sea: And albeit as they marched, they met in many places with divers footbands of the Genoese, yet they all being of one resolution and possessed with one pusillanimity of mind, fled afore them, their fears being greater than their dangers. This day arrived in the army the person of the king, and was lodged in the Abbey de Boshet right over against the borough of Rivarola: he was accompanied with the most part of the nobles of France, with many numbers of gentlemen of the duchy of Milan, and with the Marquis of Mantua, whom not many days before the king had declared chief of the order of S. Michael, and given unto him the standard, which had not been given to any since the death of king Lowys the eleventh. In the French army were eight hundred lances (the 
The contents of the French army.  king considering the difficulties of the country, had left the others in Lomberdie) a thousand eight hundred light horsemen, six thousand Swizzers, and six thousand footmen of other nations. It is to be understanded that the Genoese (because they would not leave free that way which leads by the mountains to Castellaccio, and so to Genes, a shorter way than by Saint Peter d'Arene, and joining to the sea) had builded a bastillion on the top of the Mountain called the promontory hill, between the borrow of Rivarola and Saint Peter d'Arene, from which bastillion the way lay from Castellaccio by the backside of the rock. The army then that lay encamped at Rivarola, marched the same day to the said bastillion: and on the other part, there issued out of Genes eight thousand footmen, guided by jacques Corse lieutenant to Tarlatin: for Tarlatin and the soldiers of the Pisans which were enclosed in Ventimiglia when the camp was levied from before Monaco, albeit they were revoked by the Genoese, who for their conduction sent them the ship of Demetrius justinian, could not return to Genes by land for th'impediment of the French, nor by seas for that the winds were contrary. But the French being now to issue and ascend, discovered the footetroopes of the Genoese, who being ascended to the mountain by that side of the valley that leads to the bastilion, and afterwards the most part of them being descended, had made head above a rock which is the half way of the mountain: against whom Monsr de Chaumont sent many gentlemen with a good strength of footmen: The Genoese, aswell for their odds in numbers as the advantage of the place, made a valiant defence, and that to the great damage of the French, who making a contempt of their enemies, for that they were bands compounded upon artificers and people universal, went gallantly to charge them, without considering the strength and situation of the place: And as Monsr de Palissa was hurt in the throat, but with no peril of life, Monsr Chaumont seeking to drive them from thence, caused to be mounted on high two Cannons, which beating them in flank, constrained them to retire to the mountain, where 
The first defease of the Genowies.  the residue of their strength remeined: The French following them in good order of war, those that guarded the bastillion (albeit for his seat and fortification, they might with surety abide the Cannon) fearing lest upon them and such as were upon the mountain, might fall some of the French bands, they left it abandoned to their great infamy, by mean whereof such as from the rock had begun to retire towards the bastillion, seeing their way was cut off, returned eftsoons to Genes by ditches and causeys, leaving the ordinary paths, and losing in the retreat about three hundred bodies. These successes brought an incredible fear over all the City, 
The Genoese send to solicit for pardon.  which depending wholly upon the wills of the inferior multitudes, neither directed by counsels of war, nor ruled by civil wisdom, sent two Ambassadors to th'army to solicit to tender themselves under covenants convenient: They could not have audience nor access to the king, but were referred to be heard by the Cardinal of Amboyse, who made them answer that there was no disposition in the king to accept them, if they did not make a free and general offer of their lives and goods to the kings absolute discretion, sparing to intromit all motions of capitulations or covenants, they that in th'offence had not respected his majesty, nor their fidelity: But during the parley with the Cardinal (it is hard to moderate a multitude given over to mutiny) one part of the commons not inclined to reconcilement and peace, going out of Genes by heaps, displayed their ensigns with many other footbands, upon the rocks and side of the valley which leadeth from Castellaccio: they approached within a quarter of a mile of the Bastillion, hoping to recover it, and entertaining the skirmish for three hours with certain of the French bands that came against them, they retired at last to Castellaccio, neither rejoicing in their fortune, nor leaving to their enemies any advantage. All which mean while, the king more fearful of a greater stir, than well assured of the conquest, remeined always armed on horseback in a plain between the river of Pozzevero and the place where the army was encamped, his mind wavering, and his expectation not satisfied: Nevertheless the night following the Genoese, whose counsels were now desperate, as the brute was common, that certain principals of the people had secretly conspired and compounded with the king even from the time he entered Ast, And the commons joining to their declining condition, many complaints that they had been abused: The Duke, with many of those that knew that no submission was worthy of place, nor their faults meet to be dispensed withal, together with all the regiments of Pisans, departed to go to Pisa, leaving the city to discretion, as themselves were driven 
The rebels of Genes yield to the French king.  to follow their fortune: The morning following by the appearing of the day, the same Ambassadors returned eftsoons to the camp, and consented to give up the town to the king's discretion, not having sustained the war above eight days: A notable example of the ignorance and confusion of multitudes and people, who grounding their doings upon fallible hopes & vain expectations, are furious when the danger is far of, and very irresolute when peril approacheth, not temperate in their counsels, irregulate in their actions, and for their common affections, most dissolute and immoderate: The accord being made, the king with his army approached near Genes, the footmen being bestowed in the suburbs, who become almost intractable, specially the Swyzzers, whom there was much to do to restrain from entering the town, and to make pillage of the goods: So sweet a pray is the spoil of a City, and so unbridled is the mercenary soldier that serveth but for his hire, bearing for the most part very negligent respects to equity, order, or conscience. After this Monsr Chaumont entered into Genes with the most part of the other regiments, having first furnished Castellaccio with garrison: The Genoese delivered up to him all the arms aswell public as private, which were immediately bestowed in the Castle, with three pieces of artillery brought thither by the Pisans, and afterwards reconueyed to Milan. The next day being the 
The French king entereth as a conquere● into Genes.  xxix. of April, the person of the king made his entry into Genes, with all the companies of men at arms and archers of his guard: And as he was alighted under a starely arch, holding in his hand a naked sword, and himself all attired in white garments, there appeared afore him the family of the Antyans accompanied with many honourable Citizens, who falling at his feet with tears, sorrow and submission, and all other arguments of men offenders, the one of them in the 〈…〉 ame of the whole, after silence was granted, besought the king in this sort:  
We come not here upon our knees (right merciful king) to debate the transgressions 
The sub 〈…〉 of the rebels of Genes.  we have done, but to offer ourselves guilty in as many faults as it shall please you to heap against us: our rebellion so late and apparent testifieth how little we hold of innocency, and our aggrieved minds show forth howmuch we are humbled by the remorse and conscience of our proper disobedience: The innocent man finds words to speak, but to the offender it is hard to keep a temperance in his tale, specially where the greatness of the fault exceeds the expectation of mercy or forgiveness: None can better judge of sorrow than such as are afflicted, nor any further of to speak for pardon then the minds that stand heavily loaden with the burden of their proper transgressions: it takes away their liberty of speaking, and makes them more ashamed to confess a fault then to do it, confounding the nature of th'offence with the remorse of conscience that followeth, which man's frailty can not suppress: if we would be silent, our humilities yet speak for us, attired with all those demonstrations of dolour which nature in any sort can disclose in hearts desolate and abandoned: And albeit (most Christian prince) in the beginning of our commotions against our gentlemen, we may assure that most part of the commons were chief actors, yet touching things that have been insolently done, but chief the contempt and disobedience to your commandments, they have proceeded from the dregs of the most base and inferior sort of people, whose rashness, the reverent authority of the best sort of this city could not restrain: And therefore the punishment that shall be imposed either upon this town, or upon us, it will afflict the innocents, without hurting the authors or parties to so heinous transgressions, who neither possessed of goods nor place in the city, are not esteemed with us in the society of men, and much less of Citizens, neither do they hold this wretched city for their patrimony and country: But our calamity having no conformity with excuses, our intention is not to allege reasons, but referring us to the same justice which we confess we have offended, we come accompanied with no other hope then such as may yet remain in the magnanimity and mercy of so great a king, not reasoning howfarre it may be stretched, but reapposing simply in it, and most humbly beseeching the same, that as not long since the offenders of Milan found favour in your eyes, you will also use the same property of grace and forgiveness upon this City, which within these few months was one of the most happiest regions in the world, and now lieth at your majesties feet the very example of all desolation and misery: If the clemency you used then ran through the world, with reputation joined to a perpetual glory of your name, it can not be less honourable to confirm it now in this action, using equal piety & compassion: you bear a title of right Christian, which deriveth his beginning of Christ redeeming mankind, by whose example, clemency & mercy are recommended to you, as next under him appertaining properly to your name and title: There are no faults so great which may not be either pardoned or excused, and for the offences we have committed against your majesty, though in the respect of us they are abominable, and for their own nature hateful, and in the judgement of the world irreparable, yet can they not be more great, more vile, nor more odious, then that your clemency is not sufficient to qualify them, nor bear such intolerable respects as can not be ranged by your pity, bounty, & perpetual religion: your majesty representeth amongst us with your dignity & power, the image of the great God, and you are bound no less to represent him with the semblance and similitude of will and working, whereof there is not one more glorious, none more agreeable, nor any that makes his name more wonderful, than the action of mercy: In cases of offence and trespass, by howmuch the fault is great & grievous, by somuch more religious is the nature that pitieth, but far more worthy the clemency that forgiveth, since to fall and err is familiar to frailty & humanity, but to pardon and dispense is a property inspired of the living God. These speeches were followed with the loud voices of every one, crying, Mercy, mercy. But the king passed on without giving any answer, bidding them nevertheless to rise, & delivering his naked sword which he held in his hand, he showed some tokens of a mind more inclined to compassion then to cruelty: he ascended immediately to the great Church, where infinite flocks of women & children of both kinds, fell prostrate at his feet, crying upon his clemency and mercy with weeping & wring of hands, and other demonstrations of humility, expressed also in their universal attire of white. This was it that most moved the king, notwithstanding the others were not without their particular impressions, In so much that albeit he was determined to deprive the City of all government and authority, and to confiske the revenues which under the name of Saint George belonged to many persons private, and lastly taking from them all form and image of liberty, to reduce them into the same state of subjection which he had done the towns of Milan, yet considering afterwards, that by this manner of proceeding, not only many innocents should be punished, but also the minds of the whole nobility estranged, and that it would be more easy to him to govern with remission and sweetness, then with rigour & severity, he reconfirmed the ancient government, and left it in the same form wherein it was before the seditions. And yet, to temper his mercy with some justice, & somewhat to accompany his clemency with severity, he condemned the commonalty in a hundred thousand ducats for the penalty of the offence, with aggravation of penalty of two hundred thousand ducats more, payable within a certain time, both to defray the charges he had sustained, and also to edify a Citadel in the place where is the tower of Codifa not far from Genes, and standing upon the sea above that suburb which leadeth to the valley of Pozzevoro & S. Peter in Arena: which Citadel, for that it may command the haven and whole city, is rightfully called the bridle: he ordained also that they should furnish a greater garrison than they were wont, & keep continually armed in the haven for his service, three galleys, & fortify the castle & Castellaccio, he broke all the capitulations & covenants that had been made afore between the city & him, granting to them again all the same things, but in form of privilege, & not in nature of covenant charter, to th'end he might always stand in power to deprive them: he defaced out of their moneys and coins their ancient stamps, causing them for afterwards to bear his standers and stamp in sign of absolute superiority. To these actions was added the death of Demetrius justinian, who was beheaded, disclosing in his examination all the practices which the Pope had made, together with the hopes he had given them: within few months after was beheaded Paul de Novo lately made duke, who sailing from Pisa to Rome, was betrayed by a pirate that had been his soldier, and sold to the French men: A death not much lamented of any, for that aspiring to his creation not by descent or merit, but by rash election, there was left to him no power to exercise the humours of a Prince: And to himself so much the less grievous, by howmuch the short continuance of his empery cut from him those delights which dominion do breed, losing with little sorrow the thing which he had got with little pain, and of the which his fortune gave him no opportunity to taste the very first and green fruits. After the king had ordained these things, solemnly receiving of the Genoese an oath of fidelity, and giving pardon to all, except to three score whom he committed to the disposition of the law, he went to Milan, dispersing immediately after this conquest, his army, with the which continuing the course of victory, he might easily have oppressed in Italy whom he had listed, all the potentates there standing more in fear of his power, than any way provided to resist perils: But having regard to th'estate of things, and promise' he had made, he dissolved his army, the better to assure the Pope, the king of Romans, and the Venetians, who were not without fearful suspicions, that his descending into Italy was for some other cause then to range the Rebels of Genes, & reduce the town to a policy.  
But nothing could appease the fretting mind of the Pope, who taking all things in the worst part, complained eftsoons (not temperately) of the king, as if it had been by his mean, that Hannibal Bentivole with six hundred footmen levied in the duchy of Milan, did assay in those times to enter Bolognia, assuring that if he had prevailed in that action, the king would yet have declared himself more against thestate ecclesiastic: Wherewith the Pope being wroth, notwithstanding he had before with great difficulty published Cardinals the bishops of Achx and Bayeux, he refused to raise to that dignity the bishop of Alby, complaining chief that by Monsr de Chaumont his brother, the Bentyvoleis had sufferance to devil in the duchy of Milan: yea (which was of greater consequence) the Pope overruled indifferently with hate and suspicion (two violent passions in a mind placed in authority) when the king first published that he would reduce the Genoese to obedience by arms, signified by his Nuncioes & peculiar letters to the king of Romans & electors of th'empire, that the French king prepared to pass into Italy with a most mighty army, under cooler to reappease the tumults of Genes, which he might redress with his authority, 
The Pope and the Venetians incite the k. of Romans to make war upon the French king.  his intention being to oppress thestate of the Church, and usurp the dignity of the Empire. The Venetians also joined with him in this certificate, having the same fears of the coming of the French into Italy with an army so well addressed: which advertisements being communicated with Maximilian, whose inclination embraced naturally new things, and being at th'instant newly returned from Flanders, where he had practised in vain to take the government of his little son: he assembled in 
The diet of Constance.  the town of Constance, the princes of Germany & the free towns (those are called the free cities, which acknowledging by certain tributes & determinate payments th'authority of th'empire, do govern themselves notwithstanding in all things by their own laws, not seeking to amplify their territories, but to preserve their liberty.) At this assembly appeared all the princes, barons, & commonalties of Germany, perhaps with more readiness & in greater numbers than had been seen long time before in any dyot: for thither resorted in person, all the electors & princes of Germany both ecclesiastic & secular, except such as were restrained by lawful impediments, in whose places were sent either their sons, their brethren, or some very near kindred to represent their personal presence: All the free towns in like sort sent thither Ambassadors, In which general assembly & aspect of thuniversal body of Germany, Caesar caused to be publicly read the Popes writ with many other letters significatorie from divers places, some of them expressing that the French kings intention was to advance the Cardinal of Amboyse to the supreme sea of Rome, and to receive of him the imperial crown. These advertisements breeding no small murmur in the minds of the audience, run throw the princes and barons with great variety of judgement, some of them fearing in deed th'ambition of the king, but the most sort disdaining much so great an indignity against the majesty & crown imperial, wherein as every particular began to prepare himself to make known with words & speeches his opinion & affection, Caesar cutting of that inclination by his authority, spoke to them in this sort: You see now (my Lords) what effects, the long patience we have 
Themperor speaketh in the diet.  hitherunto used hath brought forth, what fruits are gathered of the small reckoning that hath been made of my former complaints expressed in so many diots. And now your own eyes do behold that the French king, who heretofore durst not offer himself against any thing that appertained to the sacred empire, but upon occasions urged and colours very apparent, is now in preparation with an open force, not to protect our Rebels as he was wont, not to usurp any particular place which reasonably appertaineth to the Empire, but, taking the opportunity of the time, turning our patience into mockery, and forming an advantage and occasion upon our long settled negligence, he draweth his sword to despoil Germany of th'imperial dignity, so honourably gotten, and so long time continued by the virtue and valour of our ancestors: he is not entered into this boldness, by any conjecture or persuasion that either our forces are diminished, or his powers increased, neither can he be ignorant by how much the region of Germany is mighty above the nation of France, both in majesty of empery, in gravity of counsel, in agility of bodies, in multitude of Princes, in obedience of subjects, and generally without all comparison in valour of captains, and resolution of soldiers, in moneys, in munitions, in disciplines and directions of war with all other furnishmentes requisite to defend a violence and offend a proud enemy. But he is carried into this ambitious enterprise only by a hope, that according to th'experience of things passed, we will still devil in security and negligence, and that our proper dissensions and civil factions prevail more with us, than the provocations of glory, yea then the consideration of our particular safety: he thinketh that the same respects for the which we have suffered him to our common shame, to usurp the duchy of Milan, that he hath nourished in our own bosoms our civil quarrels, and that he hath borne a defence and protection of our rebels of Thempire, feeding us lastly with vanities and errors, as men governed by humours light and wandering: he hopeth that the same sufferance, security, & solemn negligence, will likewise keep us lulled asleep to endure that by him should be ravished from us the dignity of th'empire, and the glory and felicity of this Nation transported into France: it would be a thing less infamous to our common name, and to me in particular less grievous and intolerable, if it were known to the world, that the power of Germany were inferior to the forces of France, or that in the Almains were not continued the same virtue which in all ages, in all actions, and in all fortunes was found to bear reputation above the valour of the French: for the damage should afflict me less than the infamy, since at the lest, things should not be imputed to our negligence and indiscretion, which might proceed either of the condition of times, or of the malice of fortune: What greater calamity can happen? what misery more, then to be reduced to these terms, either to wish to be less mighty, or to make a willing election of a great damage, only to avoid (since otherwise it can not be) the perpetual infamy and dishonour of our name: the magnanimity of every one of you so many times experienced in matters particular, your resolute courage proper and natural to this Nation: And lastly, the memory of the ancient virtue and triumphs of our elders (the very terror heretofore of all other realms & kingdoms) do give me both hope and assurance, that in an action of so great importance, your invincible minds will be awaked and receive new life and spirit: for here is now no question of the alienation of the duchy of Milan, nor of the revolting of the Swizzers, in which actions of so great consequence there was made no great account of my authority, both in regard of thaffinity I had with Lodowyk Sforce, and for the particular interests of the house of ostrich: But now my Lords, what excuse may we pretend, what cooler or coverture may be given to our ignominy? What merit can we challenge in the world, or what majesty can we hold at home, when it is even now in question whether the Almains, who stand possessed of the Roman Empire, not by the hand of fortune, but by their proper virtue, and whose name and arms heretofore hath sounded fear and terror to most princes in Christendom, should now cowardly depose themselves of so great a dignity, and remaining the perpetual example of infamy, of the most ancient, most glorious, and most invincible monarchy of men, to become the most reversed, most despised, and most dishonoured region that standeth under the view & face of the sky: if these reasons, if these interests, if these disdains will not move you, what can be further objected against your security and negligence: if these respects, if these contemplations of peril, infamy, and perpetual ruin, can stir up no life in you, what can be said in more importunity: what can kindle in you the seeds of the valour and resolution of your elders, if your minds be not inclined to the consideration of these adversities: In ages and posterities to come, with what sorrow shall your children and descendants remember your names, if you leave not unto them the name of Almains in the same degree of greatness, authority, & reputation, wherein your fathers left it transferred to you? But let us fall from those sorts of comforts and persuasions, for that it is an office inconvenient in me, whom you have lifted to the height of this place, to use such liberty of words, but rather to recommend to you deeds and examples: I am determined to pass into Italy, under pretence to receive th'imperial crown, a solemnity as you know more full of ceremony, than of substance, for that the authority & dignity Imperial depend wholly upon your election. But my principal intention is to break the neck of the wicked purposes & plots of the French, and to chase them out of the duchy of Milan, seeing we have no other surety against their insolences. I hope there resteth in none of you all any difficulty, to accompany me according to your custom with other Emperors going to be crowned, neither doubt I, that carrying with me your hearts and affections, joining withal your forces to mine, I shall not pass a journey victorious, marching with such felicity as the most of the potentates and commonalties in Italy will meet me as petitioners, some to confirm their privileges, some to implore our justice against the oppressions they suffer, and some to appease with a devout submission, the ire of the victor. I doubt not but the French king will give place at the first brute of our coming, that nation bearing yet in memory, that being but young and almost an infant, I broke with true valour and magnanimity, the army of king Lowys the eleventh near Guiguegaste, since which time that kingdom refusing to make experience of my arms, have never fought with me but by ambushes and conspiracies: Consider with that reputation and magnanimity, which so long hath lived invested in the name of Thalmains, whether it agreeth with your honour, with your renown, and with our common peril, in a case so extraordinary, to make extraordinary provisions. The glory and greatness of our name, to the which this hath been always proper & peculiar to defend the dignity of the Popes of Rome, and th'authority Apostolic, and which now are wickedly defiled by the ambition and impiety of the French king: calleth us, I say, with the common decree of all Germany, to draw our swords and turn our sceptres to so holy, so just, and so reverent a protection: It is an interest that is wholly yours, seeing I have sufficiently acquitted the duty I own, in making so ready assembly of you, to lay afore you the common danger, urging you with th'example of my deliberation. The resolution of courage shall not want in me to communicate with you in all dangers, and less shall you lack the disposition of my person, accustomed of long time to endure pain and travel, neither is my counsel in conducting a war so insufficient, either by greatness of age, or doubtfulness of experience, as, in this enterprise you may have want of a leader worthy of so great an honour. And by howmuch you shall honour and set forth the greatness of your king with fullness of authority, by howmuch you shall environ him with an army mighty and appointed, with so much the more facility and your perpetual glory, shall you be protectors of the liberty of the Church of Rome our common mother, and leave exalted to heaven, together with the reputation of the Almain name, the Imperial dignity common to you all in greatness and amplitude, and particular only to this nation in just office of protection.  
This speech wrought marvelously in the minds of thasistants, being now ashamed that in the other dyots his complaints found no better passage and favour: And as it is easy to set on fire those minds that are already kindled: so every one having a vehement disdain, that by their negligence the majesty of Thempire should be translated into other nations: they began with a great unity, to treat upon articles necessary, holding it convenient to levy a most mighty army, and of such a sufficient appointment as (though the whole regions of Italy would oppose against them with the French king) to be able to renew and recover in Italy the ancient rights of Thempire, which had been usurped either by the disability, or other infirmity of the emperors past: for so required the glory of the name of the Almains: such a preparation worthy thassembly of so many princes and free towns: And that at last it was necessary to show to all the world that though in the wills of the Almains had remained a long division, and their minds not reconciled for many years, that▪ yet the nation was not less mighty, nor their spirits deprived of that magnanimity which in other worlds had made their ancestors terrible to all estates and principalities of men: by the mean of whose virtue, both there was diuolued in general to the nation of Germans, a liberal glory with the dignity imperial, & in part particular, many noble personages had aspired to much greatness and dominion, many of the best houses in Italy having by long prescription reigned in estates gotten by their valour. These things were begun to be debated with so great forwardness and inclination, that it is manifest no dyot to have assembled of long time, wherein was expectation of so great events, the multitudes persuading themselves universally, that besides the strength of all the other reasons, the Electors with the residue of the Princes, expressed a more quick readiness to th'enterprise, for a hope they had, that (for the minority of the children of king Philip) the Imperial dignity which had successively continued in Albert, Federike, and Maximilian, all three of the house of ostrich, would at last be passed into an other family.  
By these resolutions and agreements, the French king was induced to dissolve his army immediately after the action of Genes, both to take away thoccasion of so great a suspicion, and to leave every party satisfied of thintegrity of his intention, yea his own person had eftsoons repassed over the Mounts, had it not been for a desire he had to speak with the king of Arragon, who prepared to return into Spain altogether disposed to resume the government of Castille, for that jane his daughter was unable to so great an administration: not so much for the imbecility of her sex, as for that by a superabundance of melancholy grown since the death of her husband, she was become somewhat estranged from her understanding, and also for the minority of the children common between king Philip and her, whereof the eldest had not yet attained ten years: Besides, he was pushed forward by the desires of many, which called him to that government by a remembrance that they had been justly governed, and that those kingdoms had flourished under him by a long continuance of peace, the divisions already begun amongs the great Barons, together with the manifest signs of troubles to come, much increasing this desire: But his coming was no less desired of his daughter, who, wandering in mind in all other actions, was nevertheless constant in this, that she desired the return of her father, refusing obstinately against the persuasions and importunities of many, to subscribe with her own hand to any expedition, without which subscription, according to the custom of those realms, the affairs occurrant had not their perfection. For these reasons, the king of Arragon departed from Naples, where he remained but seven months, leaving unsatisfied the great expectation that was had on him: not so much for the shortness of time which runs in a voluble motion without respect, nor for that it is hard to answer the conceptions of men which for the most part are inconsiderate and not measured with due proportions▪ as for the many difficulties & impediments that opposed against him, by reason whereof he did nothing deserving memory for thuniversal benefit of Italy, nor any thing worthy of monument for the particular profit of the kingdom of Naples: for such was his desire to return eftsoons to the government of Castillo (the principal pillar of his greatness) that he reserved no opportunity to think of the affairs of Italy: only he turned all his studies to devise to keep himself in amity with the king of Romans and the French king, to th'end the one under cooler to be grandfather to the little children of the dead king, and the other with th'opportunity of his power giving courage to who would oppose against him, should give no impediments to his return: And the obligation wherein he was bound by the treaty of peace made with the French king to restore the estates that had been taken from the Barons of Aniow, and distributed either by covenant or by recompense to such as had followed his faction, hindered him to redress and gratify the kingdom of Naples: for seeking not to estrange from him, the minds of his good servants, he was constrained to recompense those of Aniowe either with estates of equal revenue (which he must buy of others) or with ready money (whereunto his Courts of faculties and treasures would not suffice) in which respects he was compelled not only to raise improvementes upon his revenues, and to refuse, according to the custom of new kings, to distribute grace and exemptions, and exercise any sort of liberality: but also with the incredible complaint of every one, to tax his peoples, who expected to be discharged of their intolerable burdens: the complaints made by the Barons of both the one and other part, were nothing inferior, for that to such as were possessed, besides that they resigned their estates with ill will, necessity made their recompenses short and limited, and touching others there was restrained as much as was possible, the benefit of restitution in all things, wherein happened any difference, for that how much less was restored to those, by so much less was the recompense of others. The great captain departed with him leaving behind him a good will incredible, and a renown nothing inferior, of whom besides his merits & praises in other times, his present liberalities than were most notorious, promising and disposing gifts of great valour, for the which he sold a great part of his own estates, caring less to make himself poor, then to fail in such an action of honour. But the king of Naples departed very ill contented with the Pope, for that demanding th'investiture of the kingdom, the pope refused to give it him, but with those taxations and tributes wherewith it had been given afore times to the former kings: he made instance that there might be made to him the same diminution which had been made to Ferdinand his cousin, and to his sons and nephews, demanding th'investiture of the whole realm in his own name as successor of th'old Alfonso, in which form whilst he was at Naples, he had received oath and homage, notwithstanding in the capitulations of peace made with the French king, it was disposed that touching the land of Lavora and Abruzza the name of the Queen should be jointly acknowledged. It was thought that the refusal which the Pope made of the investiture, was the cause that Ferdinand would not speak with the Pope, who remaining at the same time in the rock of Ostia, it was said he tarried there to expect his passage: But how soever the truth was, the king of Arragon took his course to Savona, where it was agreed that he should have interview and speech with the French king, who staying for that cause in Italy, was come thither from Milan assoon as he understood he had taken passage from Naples.  
In this interview and conference, the demonstrations on all sides were manifest, free, and full of confidence, and such, for the liberty thereof, as in no memory had been seen in any meeting or communication of like princes: for that other potentates, between whom were either private envies, or ancient quarrels, were wont to meet with such order, that the one was not in the power of the other, where this 
The kings of Arragon and France have interview together.  suffered neither restraint of companies nor exception of place: for when the ships of the king of Arragon were within the haven of Savoua, the French king being in their seeming descended upon the wall of the haven, passed by abridge of wood made for the nonce upon the poop in the galley of the king of Arragon, with a very small train of Gentlemen, and without any guard at all: where, being received with a joy agreeable to the honour that was in him, and with a common gladness of the king and Queen his niece, spending some time there in devices of mirth and courtesy: they went out of the galley by the same bridge, and made their entry on foot into the city, having much to do to pass through the press of so many multitudes of men and women as were drawn thither from the towns thereabouts. The Queen went accompanied with her husband on the right hand, and her uncle on the left, being preciously attired in stones of price, and other sumptuous array: The Cardinal of Amboyse and the great captain marched after the two kings: After them followed the young Ladies and gentlemen of the Queen's court, all set forth with glorious shows: And before and behind were the courts of the two kings appointed in an incredible pomp of rich and gorgeous ornaments. With these companies the king and Queen of Arragon were conveyed by the French king to the Castle, which was appointed for their lodging, having his prospect upon the sea: that part or half of the town which appertaineth to it was appointed for their train: And the French king was lodged in the bishops houses right against the Castle: A spectacle truly worthy of memory, to see together two of the most mightiest kings in Christendom, not long afore cruel enemies, and now not only reconciled and conjoined by parentage, but also setting apart all signs of hatred, and memories of offences passed, did every one commit to the arbitrament of the other his proper life, with no less assurance and confidence then if they had been lineal brethren: A manner of behaviour which gave occasion to such as were present to dispute, whether of the two kings had showed the greater confidence: Many referred much to the fidelity of the French king, who was the first that put himself in the power of the other, having no other assurance than the bond of faith: And to the other was transferred a greater occasion of shame, for that faith was kept to him first, and it was a suspicion more likely that Ferdinand desired to be assured of him, the better to establish himself in the kingdom of Naples: But the most sort gave greater reputation to the confidence of Ferdinand, who exceeding th'example of the French king, put himself in his power, not for a moment or few hours, but for many days and long time. And having despoiled him of so great a kingdom, with so many harms and damages to his peoples, and so late a slander of his name, he had to fear that the French king's hatred was no less mortal, than his desire of revenge just: beside, it was also to be doubted in whom was greater the profit of the disloyalty: for, to make the French king prisoner, Ferdinand could reap no great commodity by it, since the estate of France is managed under such a policy of laws and customs, that to keep the king restrained, could not much diminish the forces and authority of the kingdom: But there hanged other perils upon the person of Ferdinand, for that if he had been made prisoner, it was not to be doubted, that both for the minority of his heirs that then were very young, and the realm of Naples being to him a new kingdom, and also for that his other states, and singularly the realm of Castillo were through many accidents disordered amongst themselves, the French king should not have received of long time any impediment by the power and arms of Spain. In this interview and honourable spectacle of great Princes, the consideration of the great captain ministered not the lest occasions to debate and common upon: upon him were occupied the thoughts and eyes of every one, no less for the renown of his natural valour, then for the memory of his many victories: Considerations which so enticed the minds and affections of the French men, that notwithstanding they had been so often vanquished by him, & were wont to hold his name in common hatred, yet his very aspect and presence confirming the opinion and image of his virtue, took an other habit in the minds of the French, for that they could not be satisfied to behold and honour him, making discourse to such as had not yet been in the kingdom of Naples, sometimes with what incredible celerity and shift of war he invaded in Calabria the Barons encamped at Lain, sometimes with what patience and resolution of mind he endured so many difficulties and adversities, when in the midst of pestilence and hunger he was besieged in Barletto: sometimes with what diligence and efficacy he kept retained the minds of men, and amid a penury and want of money entertained long time his soldiers without pay: with what singular valour he managed the battle at Sirignolo: and with what greatness of courage, with what industry of a soldier, and with what unexperienced stratagems amid so many difficulties, with an army unpaid, and far inferior in forces, he kept his ground, and obtained the victory upon the river of Garillon: And lastly, how vigilant he had been always to embrace opportunities, and make his profit upon the disorders of his enemies: But that which drew men into most wonder & admiration of him, was the excellent majesty of his presence, the stately representation of his words and gestures, full of gravity, affability, and mildness, equal to those effects and actions which had always flowed from his right worthy and excellent virtues: above all the rest, the French king, who desired that he might sup at the same table with Ferdinand, the Queen, and him, and by commandment was placed near to Ferdinand, was as it were ravished with contemplation and devising with him, finding in the action of his countenance and speech, a confirmation of those singularities and merits which he had afore expressed in so many worthy examples of his natural valour and virtue: In so much that in the judgement of every one, that day was no less glorious to the great captain, then when he entered with his victorious army into the city of Naples, honoured with all those ceremonies of triumph which are wont to be exercised upon conquerors. But as time nourisheth a law of dissolution and forgetfulness of things worldly and transitory, so those were the latest triumphant days of the great captain, for that departing no more out of the kingdom of Spain, he had afterwards no mean to exercise his virtue, neither in war, nor in things memorable for peace. The two kings had conversation together for the space of two days, wherein were holden between them many discourses both long and secret, and Cardinal de S. Prassida the Pope's Legate not admitted to that conference, nor honoured but generally: but by that that might be comprehended by general conjecture, and also by the manyfestation of things afterwards, they passed a reciprocal promise the one to the other to entertain together a joint and perpetual amity and intelligence, and that Ferdinand should labour to reconcile Maximilian and the French king, to th'end that being all reunited, they might declare and protest quarrel against the Venetians: wherein, to express that they were no less careful for things common, then for such as concerned themselves in proper and particular, they published an intention to reform the estate of the Church, and to that end to call a Council: Nevertheless Ferdinand proceeded not with sincerity, but seeking to nourish in that hope the Cardinal of Amboyse, who thirsted much to be Pope, he lulled him so much by that abusing mean, that (with no little damage to th'affairs of his king) he perceived too late, and that by many signs and demonstrations, what difference were between the words and works of that Prince, and what subtleties and evasions were in his counsels. They communed together touching the cause of the Pisans, wherein the Florentines had entertained negotiation both with the one and other of them during the whole year: for when the French king prepared his army against the Genoese, being discontented that the Pisans bore favour to the rebellions of that people, and foresecing how much it would be for the commodity of his affairs to have the Florentines to recover that City, he gave them hope, that assoon as he had repressed the mutinies of Genes, he would convert his army to the devotion of their service, expressing in that promise, as also appeared in the general inclination of the Court, that the ancient good will which had been aforetime borne to the Pisans, was for this occasion turned into hate: But as even the counsels of princes have their variations & imperfections, so in their promises oftentimes is found little certainty, bearing more regard to the train and event of times, then to accomplish the words they speak: for the French king having performed his enterprise upon the Genoese, changed his determination with the Florentines, both for the same reasons which made him dismiss his army, and also for that he would not offend the mind of the king of Arragon, who assured him that he would so dispose the Pisans, that they should willingly return to th'obedience of the Florentines, from whom the French king hoped by that mean to draw no small quantity of money. To this the king of Arragon disposed himself, but for many sundry occasions, and albeit it had been more agreeable to him that the Florentines should not recover Pisa, yet knowing that it could not be long kept without great expenses and difficulties, and fearing withal lest they should obtain it by the French kings working, he hoped when he was at Naples, to have been able to induce the Pisans by his authority, to return under honest conditions, to the obedience of the Florentines, who promised (so farforth as the action were accomplished) to confederate with him, and to give him within a certain time, an hundred thousand ducats: but not finding in the Pisans that conformity and devotion which he expected, to let that the gratification and recompense should not remain only to the French king, he then protested openly to the Florentin Ambassadors, that if they should attempt in any sort to reconquer Pisa without his aid, he would manifestly object his power against them, And the French king (to turn him from those thoughts which he had to manage that enterprise by arms) he entertained cunningly with devices full of varieties, sometimes persuading that he hoped to draw them in the end to some composition, and sometimes he justified that the Pisans were under his protection: A matter no less false and contrary, than his devices were vain and fabulous: for albeit the Pisans had made many solicitations to him, with offers to endue him with the absolute jurisdiction of their town, yet entertaining their requests with hopes, & keeping his intentions dissembled, he always forbore to accept them, knowing what it was to take upon him the protection of a war popular and confused. But this matter being more particularly debated in Savona, they concluded that it were good & necessary, the Pisans should return under the jurisdiction of the Florentines, so farforth as either of them might taste of the profit: the same being the cause that the Florentines (fearing to stir to much the mind of the king of Arragon) forbore to give the spoil that year to the harvest of the Pisans: an action wherein they had reapposed a great hope, for that what by the want of victuals, and weakness of forces in the town, the Florentin soldiers overran the whole country even to their gates: And the peoples of the main country, more mighty in numbers within the town than the proper Citizens, grieving much to lose the fruit of their travel for the whole year, began to abate much of their accustomed obstinacy: Besides, their general cause was no more succoured by their neighbours as before, for that the Genoese overgreeved with so many calamities, had no more the same thoughts, Pandolffe Petrucci made weary between importunity and suspicion, found also the charges intolerable, and they of Lucquois, albeit they ministered secretly to their wants, yet their ability was no more sufficient to bear out so great a burden, being for the present no less heavy and intolerable, then in expectation, jealous and full of peril. The two kings departed from Savona the fourth day, with the same demonstrations of concord and amity: the one took his course by sea to Barcelonia, and the other returned by land into France, leaving the other affairs of Italy in the same degree, but with a greater discontentment of the Pope, who taking of new his occasion upon the stir made by Annyball Bentyvole, had made instance by Cardinal de S. Prassida to the king at Savona, to deliver up to him as prisoners john Bentyvolo and Alexander his son, whom he kept retained in the duchy of Milan: he alleged that since they had broken the contract made in Bolognia by ths of Monsr de Chaumont, the king was at liberty and no further bound to keep his faith, offering withal that if his majesty would satisfy his desire, he would send the Cardinal cap to the Bishop of Alby. The king answered, that albeit he could discern in them no sufficient appearance of fault or crime, yet for that he would somewhat bridle and restrain their dispositions, he had kept retained many days in the Castle of Milan, john Bentyvolo, but not finding good matter wherein they had offended, he aught to have no less regard to thinnocency of the parties, then to his proper honour, under the which he stood bound to keep his faith: And yet to gratify the Pope and leave him satisfied of his inclination, he said he was disposed to suffer him to proceed against them with curses and pains, as against the rebels of the Church, even as he had endured without complaint that in Bolognia in the heat of that stir, their Palace was destroyed even to the foundations.  
The Dyot of Constance continued still with the same expectation of men wherewith it was begun, which Caesar forgot not to nourish with diverse sleights and gallant words, publishing that he would pass into Italy so accompanied, that far greater forces than the armies of France and all Italy joined together, should not be able to resist him: And to give greater value and authority to his cause (always protesting that he had only fixed in his intention the protection of the Church) he advertised the Pope and College of Cardinals, that he had declared the French king rebel and enemy to the sacred Empire, for that he had descended into Italy to transfer into the person of the Cardinal of Amboyse the supreme dignity pontifical, and to set upon his own head the Crown Imperial, and lastly to drive the whole Region of Italy into one servile subjection: That he prepared to come to Rome only to take the Crown, and to establish a common surety and liberty: And lastly, that in regard of his Imperial dignity being protector of the Church, and for his proper piety very devout and desirous to advance the Sea Apostolic, it was not convenient he should tarry to be required or prayed, knowing well enough that the Pope for fear of peril and harms was fled from Bolognia, and that the same fear kept restrained both him and the religious College from communicating their dangers, or sending to demand succours. Thus the matters which were treated in Germany being by many intelligences signified into Italy, and the brute that was spread surpassing the truth of things, together with the general preparations which the French king made, being causes enforcing more credit and testimony of the public rumours, for that it was believed that he feared not without occasion: These things (I say) moved much the minds of every one, some for desire of new things, some for hope, some for fear, some for respects general, and some for their private and particular interests: In so much as the Pope fente as Legate to Maximilian, the Cardinal of Saint Cross, and the Venetians, the Florentines, with all other Potentates in Italy, (except the Marquis of Mantua) that were absolute and depended upon themselves, addressed to him messaungers special, either in the name of Ambassadors, or under some other nature, every one foreseeing for his safety according to the jealousy of the time. These things troubled much the mind of the French king, being very doubtful of the will of the Venetians, and more uncertain of the disposition of the Pope, aswell for many reasons and experiences of things past, as especially that he had elected to this legation cardinal S. Cross, in whom had remained an ancient and partial inclination to further the greatness of Maximilian. But touching the will of the Pope, much less that it was manifest to others, seeing it was scarcely known to himself: for, having his mind full of discontentmentes and suspicions against the French king, sometimes (to be at liberty from those humours wandering and troublesome) he desired the coming of Caesar: and eftsoons the memory of ancient quarrels between the Popes & Emperors, disaltered and amazed him, the same occasions remaining, and the same property of spirits working: In which incertainty and frailty of mind, he deferred to resolve himself, expecting first what would be determined in the Dyot: And therefore proceeding in terms general, he had instructed the Legate to persuade Caesar in his name to pass into Italy without an army, offering to him greater degrees and proportion of honours then ever had been done by any Pope at the crowning of Emperors. But a little after (the counsels of men obey occasions & times) thexpectations that were had of the resolutions in the Dyot, began to diminish: for when it was credibly understand in Germany, that the French king had dissolved his army immediately after the victory of Genes, his person also returning with the same fidelity and observation of promise over the Mounts, the heat of the Princes and peoples began to abate, and their fiery inclinations to resolve to smoke and fume, the fear being ceased that he came not to usurp the Popedom and the Empire. Besides (as it often happeneth) public respects fell not so strongly in consideration, but they were overcarried with interests private, for that, besides all other reasons, there was a general and ancient desire in all Germany, that the greatness of Emperors should not be so absolute, as the other estates should be compelled to obey them: And the French king omitted no diligence that might give advancement to his cause, for that he sent to Constance, men express, who forbearing all public practice, but working secretly, laboured by the hidden favours of the Princes that were his friends, to appease the minds of the residue, purging thinfamies that had been imposed by testification and evidence of th'effects, since assoon as he had ranged Genes, he did not only disperse his army, but also returned in person into France, with that speed that was agreeable to a parsonage of his greatness: they affirmed beside that he had not only abstained in example and action from offending the Empire of Rome, but also in all confederations, contracts, or bonds, he did always protest and except that he would be bound to nothing that was contrary to the rights of the sacred Empire: wherein nevertheless they reapposed not so much in these justifications, but that they laboured with great diligence and many liberalities to abate the fierce minds of the Almains with the engine of gold and silver, whereof that nation is not a little covetous: A battery of no little force to make breaches into the minds of most sorts and properties of men, that bear more inclination to corruption then to virtue. The Dyot at last determined and broke up the twentieth day of August, in the which was agreed, after many disputations, that there should be delivered to Cesar to follow him into Italy, eight thousand horse, & xxij. thousand footmen, paid for six months, and to furnish the expenses of th'artilleries, with other charges extraordinary, six thousand Florins of Rhein to be continued so long as the artillery was in service: the bands and regiments to be in the field & assemble near Constance about the midst of October. It was published at that time, that they would haply have furnished him with a greater proportion of men and money, if Maximilian had consented that th'enterprise (always under his government and counsel) had been managed wholly in the name of th'empire, and that th'election of Captains had passed by order from th'empire, and distribution of the places that should be conquered to be made according to the determination of the Dyot: But Maximilian retaining still a singler ambition in this journey, would admit no companion or community of name or authority (albeit all went under a general title of the name of the Empire) and much less suffer that the rewards of the victory should appertain to any other then to him and his: in so much as standing better contented with the aids they delivered to him in this sort, then to go better accompanied, with an authority assistant, there was made no other resolution. And yet albeit it answered not th'expectation that men had conceived afore, yet ceased not for all that the fear that was in Italy of his descending: for it was considered that the soldiers which his subjects would give him, with such as he would levy of himself, being joined to those bands that were erected in the Dyot, he would come appointed with a very mighty army, compounded of bodies resolute and trained, and furnished with sundry natures of artilleries: A matter so much the more to be feared, by howmuch Maximilian, for the disposition of his nature, and long exercise in arms, was very able and sufficient in martial discipline, and could well bear, with the labour of his body and faculty of his mind, all adversities and difficulties whatsoever: A sufficiency for the which he merited more, and carried away greater reputation than had been given to any Experours many ages before. He laboured beside, to levy and bring into his pay ten thousand Swizzers, whereunto albeit the Bailiff of Dion and others sent by the French king, did oppose & object with great instance in the Dyots of that nation, reducing to memory th'alliance continued for so many years with the crown of France, and eftsoons lately confirmed by the king reigning, together with the many sorts of profits which their peoples received by the conversation of France: And on the other side, they preferred their old and settled quarrels with the house of Austria, their grievous wars they have had with Maximilian, and lastly what indifferent peril and prejudice the greatness of th'empire brought to them: yet all these notwithstanding in the parliaments & dyots of the Swizzers, appeared a manifest inclination & desire to satisfy the demands of Caesar, or at the lest not to take arms against him, for that (as was supposed) they would not offend the general name and state of Germany, which it seemed was entangled and joined to this action: For this reason many doubted that the French king, if he were abandoned of the Swizzers, or that the Venetians failed to join with him, being not furnished with a sufficient strength of footmen to resist the footbands of thenemies, & hoping that the fury of Thalmains entering into Italy as a landflood, would vanish and dissolve for want of money, would retire his army into towns, the likelihood whereof was already manifest in this, that with a wonderful diligence he fortified the suburbs of Milan with many other places in the duchy of greatest importance: In regard of which alterations and preparations, the Venetians were traveled in no less perplexity of mind then the other regions of Italy, and by howmuch their deliberations & counsels were of greatest consequence, by somuch more busy, and greater were the pains and diligence that every one took to have them join with him: for Caesar from the beginning, had addressed to them three Ambassadors of great authority, not only to solicit that he might have free passage throw their dominions, but also to induce them to contract with him a straighter alliance, wherein should be agreed that they should participate in the rewards of the victory, protesting to them on the contrary, that it was in his power to accord to their prejudice with the French king, with the same conditions that so often had been offered to him at divers times. On the other side, both by his Ambassadors, & the Orator of Venice that was resident in his court, laboured to persuade them to oppose with main hand against the coming of Caesar as a matter of equal prejudice both to the one and other, offering for his part the service of all his forces, and to remain their perpetual confederate: But in those days the senate was not contented that the tranquillity of Italy should be troubled, neither were they carried into humours of new tumults, by the hopes that were offered to enlarge their dominions: for they had proved by a smarting experience, that the benefit and fruit of the conquest of Cremona, did not countervail the suspicions and dangers wherein they had been continually holden, since they had the French king so near a neighbour: They could willingly have been contented to be neuter, but being pressed with th'importunities of Themperor, they stood in a necessity either to refuse or grant him passage: if they refused him, they feared to be the first that should be vexed: and in gratifying his demands, they offended directly the French king, being expressly forbidden in their reciprocal confederation, to grant passage to thenemies of the one or other: And they were not ignorant, that beginning once to offend him, it would be great indiscretion after Maximilian were paste, to be idle beholders of the issue of the war, and expect the actions of two princes, whereof the one would be an enemy to the name of the Venetian, and the other having received no other pleasure then liberty of passage, had no great occasion to be their friend: Respects which wrought much with the Senate, that it was necessary to stick openly to the one or other parties, but to whether of them, their opinions, for th'importance of the matter, were very different: And therefore, being no longer able to temporize in a cause so earnestly laboured by th'ambassadors of both princes, they made it at last a council matter in the Senate house of the Pregati, where Nicholas Foskarin used this form of reasoning:  
If it were in our power to set down a resolution, by the which might be continued 
The oration of Ni. Foskarin.  the peace and tranquillity of our commonweal amid so many conspiring deliberations of these great princes: I am sure there would be amongst us no variety of opinion and counsel, and much less should any hope or offers lead us inclined to a war of so great expenses and petal, as is like to be this which stands now in preparation: But seeing in regard of the reasons and causes so often debated amongst us in our late assemblies, there is no expectation to entertain that common tranquillity: The principal reason whereupon we are to establish our deliberation, is to consider whether we may believe that between the French king and king of Romans (despairing once of our amity) may be contracted an union: or whether the hatreds between them be so mighty and resolute, as to let them from joining together in one sociable unity: for if we were well assured of such a danger, it were to be proved that we ought not to depart from the amity of the French king, both for that our forces being joined in good faith and meaning with his for a common defence, we should easily protect our estate, and also it would be more honourable to continued the confederation we have with him, then by light evasions to shift us from it without evident occasion: Besides, we should enter with more recommendation and favour of the world into a war which should bear the title and name of the protection of Italy, then to join with those armies and powers which we know manifestly to be levied to stir commotions and troubles. But if we set before our eyes the danger of this union, I think it will not be denied that there is not great necessity to prevent it, since it would be more profitable above all comparisons to join with the Emperor against the French king, then to tarry till both the one and other be united against us. And albeit it is hard to judge certainly which of the two will happen, for that it is a thing that not only dependeth of the will of others, but also is subject to many accidents & occasions, which scarcely will leave this resolution in the power of those that aught to execute it: yet, for that th'experience of times paste is a true instructor of things to come, and that matters that are to succeed can not be comprehended but by conjecture, we may discern that in this is more peril than profit, less surety than confidence, and an action whereof we aught to have great suspicion and fear: for, as touching the king of Romans, it is not like that he shall find any great impediments, considering with what fervent desire he aspireth to pass into Italy, which he can not do with any conveniency or reason, unless he join with the French king or with us: And albeit he soliciteth much our alliance, yet if we refuse him, who doubteth but necessity will drive him to seek confederation with the French, having no other mean to accomplish his purposes. Touching the French king, it seemeth there are far greater difficulties for this union: but yet I hold them not such, as vender them we may promise' to ourselves any surety: for that he may be carried to that deliberation by suspicion and ambition, two mighty motions in the minds of great Princes, either of them in his singler nature, being able to drive on those thoughts that are already raised to dominion: he marketh well the instance that Caesar maketh to enter unity with us, and measuring (albeit with false weights) our intention and desire, he may doubt that the same suspicion that we have, not to be prevented by him, induceth us to prevent him, knowing also that we have good intelligence of those things which so long time they have consulted together against us: lastly, he may fear that we are alured by ambition, looking into the liberalities and offers that may be made to us, and from this fear there can be no mean sufficient to assure him, seeing there is nothing that naturally breeds more suspicion than matters of estate: And besides suspicion, he may be driven on by ambition, having a desire as we know to the City of Cremona, whereunto he shall be the more kindled by persuasions of the Millanois, and no less for a thirst to occupy all the ancient estates of the Viscountes, which he pretendeth to be his inheritance aswell as the Duchy of Milan: to these he can not hope to aspire, if he first seek not confederacy with the king of Romans, for that our common weal being mighty of itself, if the French king assail us alone or of his proper forces, it will always stand in our power to join with Maximilian: which thoughts as they have always occupied his mind, so in this it is also approved that he never durst lift up his hand to oppress us without that union, which being the direct line to lead him to the mark he shoots at, why should we not fear that in the end he will be disposed to it? we are not assured from this fear by the consideration that it would be a resolution unprofitable to him, for the conquering of two or three Cities, to bring into Italy the king of Romans his natural enemy, of whom in the end he should be always molested, and with whom he should never have friendship but uncertain, and yet such as by this reason he should be always driven to buy and entertain with great sums of money: for that if he fear that we will not join with the king of Romans, he is to think that in preventing us, he shall not only put himself out of danger, but also shall stand in security: And though he do not fear this union, yet he may haply judge it necessary to confederate with him, to deliver himself from the troubles and dangers which he may suffer by him, either by reason of the aids of Germany, or by other alliances and occasions: And albeit greater dangers may happen to him if the king of Romans begin once to set foot in Italy, yet it is the common nature of men to fear most the dangers that be nearest at hand, to esteem more than is necessary things present, and to hold less reckoning than they aught of such as are far of and to come, seeing that to the same are referred many hopes of remedies, aswell by the favour of times, as benefit of accidents: But be it that it were not profitable for the French king to make this union, we are not assured for all that, that he will not do it: the minds of men are subject to many mutations, sometimes altered by fear, & sometimes blinded by covetousness: we know that the nature of Frenchmen is light, and ready to embrace any new enterprises, and whose hopes are never less than their desires: we are not ignorant, with what persuasions and offers (sufficient to kindle any mind) the French king is stirred against us by the Millanois, the Pope, the Florentines, the duke of Ferrara, and by the Marquis of Mantua. It is not given to all men to be wise and foreseeing, no it is a gift that rarely descends, and that but to a few, but who will prognosticate what will be the deliberations of an other, let him (if he will not deceive himself) not so much consider those things which by similitude and likelihood would make a wise man, as what is the spirit and nature of him that is to make the deliberation: And therefore if we will judge of that the French king will do, we are not to regard so much what belongeth to the office of discretion and wisdom, as to consider the natural humours of the French, light, wandering, and oftentimes accustomed to proceed more with fury and rashness, then with counsel or foresight: We must consider that the natures and inclinations of great Princes are not like to ours, neither so moderate in their affections, nor so easy to resist their appetites as men private, for that by howmuch more they are accustomed to be honoured in their kingdoms, & absolutely obeyed, by so much more are they made not only imperious and insolent, but also raising their will above reason or law, they can not endure not to obtain that which they hold for just: and that seems just to them which they desire, being persuaded that they have power to make plain with a word both hills and mountains, to remove all impediments, and to surmount the nature of things: yea they hold it a shame to restrain their inclinations for any difficulties, and measuring commonly great things with the same rules wherewith they are wont to proceed in actions more inferior, their counsels have less community with discretion and reason, then with will and arrogancy: vices which above all other Princes, have most society and participation with the French nation: the same being confirmed with the late example of the kingdom of Naples, where the French king induced by ambition and indiscretion, consented that the moiety of the kingdom should devolve to the Spaniard, not seeing how much he weakened his power (afore absolute and supreme amongst all the Italians) to bring into Italy another king equal to himself in authority, and nothing inferior in might. But why proceed we by conjectures in things whereof we have a certainty: we are not ignorant of that which the Cardinal of Amboyse treated at Trent with Maximilian himself touching the division of your estate: And we know well enough that to the same practice, they joined also a conclusion in the town of Bloys, and the Cardinal going for the same cause into Germany, brought back the oath and ratification from Caesar: And albeit I confess these practices brought forth no effects in regard of certain difficulties that happened, yet who can assure us, that there will not be found some mean to range or remove those difficulties, which have been impediments to their common desire: since their principal intention remaineth always one. These be the reasons that make me conclude, what necessity we have to consider with diligence, the imminent perils, the infinite charges, and perpetual infamies, which on all sides do offer to darken and deface the ancient reputation and wisdom of this senate, if measuring unadvisedly the condition of the affairs present, we suffer that an other put us in fear, and come to invade us with those arms which be offered to us for our surety & augmentation of estate. Let us consider (for the benefit of our country) what is the difference between moving a war to an other, & to expect till an other invade us, to dispute how to divide the estate of an other, and to temporize till the same peril fall upon us, and to be accompanied against one only, or to remain alone against many: for, if these two kings knit and draw to conspiracy against us, they are sure to be followed with th'assistance of the Pope, by reason of the towns in Romagna, to have many commodities from the king of Arragon, by reason of the ports of Naples, and to find many friendships through all Italy, some seeking to recover, and some to be assured: Lastly, being not ignorant how mightily the French king hath conspired against us, and for so many years communicated with Caesar to our prejudice: I think that if we arm ourselves against him that hath sought to surprise and beguile us, much less that we shall merit imputation, or be touched with the crime of faith breakers, but of the contrary, the world will respect us as fathers to our country, provident, wise, and just, and upon his head shall be broken the brand of that peril and danger, which every one knoweth he kindled to have consumed us:  
To the contrary of this opinion, Andrea Gritti a parsonage of great valour and virtue, rose up and reasoned in this sort:  
If it were convenient that in one self matter, the counsels and opinions of men 
The oration of Andrew Gritti.  might be referred to voices doubtful, I confess my advise should have no other reference, the present matter drawing on all sides such variety of reasons, that the nature and consideration of them leads me into confusion: But for that there is necessity of resolution, which can not be made upon foundations and suggestions incertain, it behoveth us, paysing well the reasons that impugn both the one and other, to embrace those which draw nearest to a likeness and similitude of truth and carry most mighty conjectures: which when I distinguish and examine, I can not find that the French king, neither for suspicion to be prevented of us, nor for desire of towns which erst appertained to the duchy of Milan, will agreed to bring the king of Romans into Italy against us: for the dangers and harms which such an enterprise draweth with it, are far more manifest and great, than the perils that may happen by our unity with Caesar, or the profits that he may hope for by that resolution: seeing, besides the other natures of injuries and hatreds between them, there is concurrence of dignity and estates, A matter able to set division between the best established friends among mortal men: In so much as the French king, calling into Italy the king of Romans, may be thought to do no other thing, then in place of a common weal peaceable, and remaining always in good devotion and friendship with him, to desire rather the neighbourhood of a king ambitious, injurious, and nourishing a thousand occasions to quarrel with him, aswell by reason of his authority and estate, as in regard of disdain and revenge: Let no man say, because the king of Romans is poor, disordered, and unfortunate, that the French king fears not his neighbourhood, seeing that for the memory of the ancient factions and inclinations of Italy, which remain yet kindled in many places, and especially in the duchy of Milan, an Emperor of Rome can not have so little a nest in Italy, which will not spread and multiply to the great prejudice and danger of others, but chief on the person of this man hangeth greatest fears and jealousies, being a prince of high stomach, of great conduit and experience in war, and to whom may be joined th'interest of the children of Lodowik Sforce, a ready mean to stir up the minds of many: He may also hope to draw to him in any action of war against the French, the powers of the king Catholic, though for no other respect, yet at lest for that both their estates are to descend to one heir. The French king is not ignorant, how mighty is Germany, nor how easy it is to unite either the whole or part when the way shall be made open in Italy, and the hope of prey and spoil laid afore them: And we have well seen what fear he hath always had of the descending of the Almains, and the king of Romans how poor and disordered soever he be, who if he were in Italy, it were not reasonable to think that he should have with him any other thing then a war full of perils and adversities, and a peace ill assured, and yet dearly bought. It may be he thirsteth to recover Cremona and haply all the other towns, but there is no conformity or likelihood, that he will embrace a great danger, to get a thing whose value is less than th'adventure: Not, it is more credible that he will proceed in this case rather with discretion than rashness, seeing by the consideration of the errors heretofore imposed upon that king, we shall find that they proceeded of no other infirmity then of his great desire to make his enterprises with surety: wherein I refer you to his examples in the actions of Naples and Cremona, being induced to make partition of that kingdom, and to deliver to us the city of Cremona for no other reason, then to make more easy the victory of those wars: so that it is more credible that even at this present he will rather follow his custom and wise counsels, then be carried with advises sudden and rash, seeing withal he remaineth not altogether deprived of hope to accomplish his expectations with the favour of an other time, in more surety, and with better occasion, which is a thing which mortal men are wont to promise' to themselves easily, therror being less to promise' a change and revolution of worldly affairs, then to persuade that they are always firm and stable: neither doth that much amaze me which is said, those two kings have treated so often amongst themselves, for that it is a custom with the Princes of our time to entertain one an other artificially with vain hopes, and dissembled practices: which, for that in so many years they have brought forth no effect, it can not be that they were other then fair shows, fictions, and shadows of things, or else nourished in themselves such difficulties as they could not be resolved, the very nature of th'affairs resisting to take away the distrusts that are between them, without which foundation they have no mean to come to that conjunction: So that I can not fear that for the covetousness of our towns, the French king will throw himself headlong into so indiscrete a deliberation, and much less will he attempt an action so casual for any suspicion he hath of us, for that besides the great knowledge and experience he hath of our intentions, having no want of persuasions and occasions to leave his alliance, the same reasons by the which we are assured of him, will interchangeably hold him assured of us: for nothing can be more prejudicial to us, than the king of Romans to have any estate in Italy, no less for th'authority of th'empire, over whose amplification and greatness we aught always to stand fearful and jealous, then for the ambition of the house of Austria, pretending interest to many of our towns, but most of all for the neighborhoode of Germany, whose inundations can not but be too perilous for us and our dominion, we bearing withal a brute to have all our counsels ripe and measured, and to err more in being too hard and slow, then to proceed with too much rashness and credulity. I deny not but things may fall out contrary to th'opinion of men, for that worldly actions oftentimes draw with them effects strange, and far above thexpectations and wisdoms of mortal men, and therefore who could set down any warrant or surety, were not of the lest merit or commendation: but since that can not be done without entering into most huge dangers and difficulties, we must consider that oftentimes vain fears are no less hurtful than too great confidence and credulity: if we enter confederation with the king of Romans against the French king, the war must necessarily be begun and continued with our moneys, which we must also advance to furnish all his prodigalities and disorders, otherwise he will either accord with the enemy, or retire into Germany, leaving upon our shoulders the whole burden and peril of the quarrel: we must sustain a war against a most mighty king of France, Duke of Milan, Lord of Genes, a prince environed with many regiments of men at arms, & no less mighty in artileries and provisions, and at the brute of whose pays and money will draw to him from all nations infinite bands of footmen. Besides, what hope of good success can be nourished in this enterprise, seeing we can not but fear, that in all those of Italy which either pretend against us, or that we hold any thing of theirs, or at lest stand jealous over our greatness, will not be a disposition to draw into conspiracy against us, but especially the Pope, to whom, besides his disdains towards us, the power of the Emperor in Italy will never be acceptable, for a natural hatred that hath always been between the Church and th'empire, the same making the Popes to have no less fear of themperors in things temporal, than they have of the Turks in matters spiritual. And this conjunction haply may be more dangerous to us, than the union which we fear between the king of romans and the French king: for that where is society of many princes, which pretend to be equal, there commonly do kindle suspicions and debates, by which oftentimes it happeneth that those enterprises which have been begun with no small reputation, slide easily into many difficulties, and lastly into dissolution and ruin: neither aught we to make this a last consideration, that albeit the French king have entertained certain practices contrary to th'alliance which we have with him, yet we have seen no effects, by the which we may say he hath dealt unjustly with us, and therefore to levy war against him, would be no other thing then to merit imputation of infidelity and faythbreaking, on the contrary whereof this Senate aught to build his principal foundation aswell for the honour as profit of the affairs which we have every day to manage with other princes: Neither can it be profitable to us to nourish and continually augment this opinion, to seek to oppress daily all our neighbours, and to aspire to the whole monarchy of Italy. I would in God, we had in times past proceeded more considerately, for almost all the suspicions that at this present are heaped against us, have no other beginning than that heretofore we have too much offended them, and it will not be believed that fear draweth us to a new war against the French king our ancient confederate, but rather that we are carried with certain ambitious and covetous inclinations (joining with us the king of Romans) to win upon him one part of the duchy of Milan, as we won upon Lodowick Sforce, being joined with him: In which time if we had governed ourselves more moderately, and not feared to much suspicions vain and light, neither should the affairs of Italy stand presently in such trouble and alteration, neither we, in whom should have been preserved a renown of greater modesty and gravity, should not now be constrained to enter into war either with this prince or that prince, more mighty than ourselves: Into which nature of necessity, seeing we are fallen, it can not but be more to our wisdom and profit, not to departed from the confederation we have with the French king, then overruled with a vain fear, or hope of benefits uncertain and hurtful, to embrace a war, which alone and of our singular power, we should not be mighty enough to support, and in those consociates and assistants which we should have, would be found more burden and charge, than advantage or profit.  
The opinions of the Senate were diverse in so great a variety of reasons: but in 
Deliberation of the Venetians.  th'end prevailed the memory of th'inclination which they knew the king of Romans had long entertained, to recover upon occasion the towns holden by them, which he pretended to appertain to th'empire, or to the house of Austria: Their resolution was to grant him passage if he came without an army, but coming armed with a power, they determined to deny him liberty to march: And in the answer they gave to his Ambassadors, they seemed to persuade, that that conclusion was made more by necessity, having regard to the condition of the time present, and confederation which they had with the French, than by any disposition or will to leave him discontented for any matter: They alleged that albeit they were constrained by the same confederation to aid him in the defence of the duchy of Milan with a proportion of men expressed in the same: yet in this action they would proceed with a greater modesty, without exceeding in any sort their limits and bounds, and, except they were compelled to any action for the defence of Milan, they would not oppose against any other his advancement, according to the true meaning of their affection, who so far as their power would stretch, would never fail him with those oblations and reverences which become the Senate of Venice to bear to so great a Prince, with whom they never had any thing then a perpetual amity and alliance: in commemoration whereof, they sought not to enter into new confederations and bonds with the French king, but desired to communicate as little as they could with the wars that should be between them, hoping that Maximilian (not to increase his own difficulties) would at lest leave their frontiers in peace, & embracing their affections according to the simplicity & innocency thereof, to turn his armies either against Burgundy, or the duchy of Milan. But as enterprises of high importance are full of imperfections, and draw with them their proper impediments, so Caesar being out of hope to join with him the Venetians, many other difficulties began to fall upon him, which albeit he laboured to surmount with the greatness of his spirit and conceptions, apt to promise' him daily more hopes than impediments, yet they delayed much th'effects of his resolutions and purposes: for that, both of himself he had not sufficient money to levy his proportion of Swizzers, and furnish the other expenses necessary for so great an enterprise, and also the treasures that were promised to his aid in the Dyot, were not sufficient to furnish the lest part of the substance and body of the war: And the foundation whereupon from the beginning he had laid his greatest hopes, that the commonalties & jurisdictions of Italy would for terror of his name and coming, offer composition and contribution of money, grew every day less and less: for, albeit in the beginning many showed a certain devotion, yet the conclusions of the Dyot of Constance not answering th'expectation that was conceived that the enterprise should rather be of the whole Empire, and almost of all Germany, than his own in peculiar, and seeing haply into the mighty preparations of the French king, and the new declaration of the Venetians, every one remained in doubt, not daring (in ministering to him things whereof he had most need) to offend so greatly the French king: Neither were the demands of Maximilian such in the time when he was most feared, as with their facility they might induce men to administer to his help: for, according to his conditions, he demanded much of every one, wherein his rates imposed upon the duke of Ferrara (whom he pretended did own to Blanch his wife the dowry of his sister Anne dead many years before) were excessive, and his proportions to the Florentins no less intolerable, upon whom the Cardinal of Brexe, managing his affairs at Rome, and having power to compound with them, demanded five hundred thousand ducats: which demand, for the immoderation thereof, was the cause that they resolved to temporize with him, till they discerned better what train his affairs would take, and withal (foreseeing not to offend him) they protested excuses to the French king demanding men, which they said they could not accomplish for th'impediments of the waste and spoil to be given this year to the Pisans in great preparation, and for that the Genoese and other neighbour's beginning eftsoons to administer new succours, they were constrained to stand continually prepared against them. In these regards, th'emperor failing (contrary to his hope) to have his turn served with the money of Thitalians (having only six thousand ducats of them of Sienna) he made request to the Pope, that at the lest he would suffer him to take the hundred thousand ducats which had been afore levied in Germany under cooler to make war upon the Turks, and being for that effect preserved in that province, they could not be converted to any other use, without licence of the sea Apostolic: he offered him also, that where he could not satisfy his demand not to pass into Italy with an army, that nevertheless, after he had restored to the duchy of Milan the children of Lodowick Sforce, (the protection of whom he protested, both to make the peoples of that state more favourable, and his passage more easy and less hateful) he would go on to Rome without arms, to receive the Crown Imperial, leaving all his bands in the duchy of Milan. But the Pope, in whom appeared no more affection to the one then to the other, refused also to satisfy him in this demand, alleging that in such a condition and estate of affairs, he could not without his great danger provoke the arms of the French king against him: And yet Maximilian, according to the property of his inclination being careful, credulous, and quick to execute all things of himself with pains incredible, amid so many difficulties forgot nothing that might entertain the brute of his descending, and causing to march th'artilleries towards many places of the frontiers of Italy, he recontinued the practice to have the twelve thousand Swizzers, who demanding many things, and propounding strange exceptions, gave him not any certain resolution: he solicited the bands that were promised him, and traveling in person from one place to an other for divers expeditions, he brought men's minds into many confusions, their judgements varying more through all Italy then erst had been seen in any other action: for in some the opinion of th'enterprise was greater than ever, and others supposed it to be already in an estate declining, which incertainty of mind was increased by himself, who being of nature secret and particular, did seldom communicate his thoughts with others, and to th'end his intentions should be less private in Italy, he had ordained that the Pope's Legate nor other Orators of Thitalians should not follow his person, but keep a part in places removed from the Court.  
Now was come the day appointed for the assembly of Thalmain companies, of whom notwithstanding there mustered at Constance but a very small crew, neither was seen any other preparations on his part, then removing of artilleries, and studying by what means he might recover money: In so much as being uncertain with what forces, in what time, and on which side he would enter: such as doubted him made mighty provisions in many places: some supposed he would make his entry by Friul, and others thought he would march by Trent into the country of Verrona, others judged that coming by Savoy, or by Coma, he would assail the duchy of Milan having many of the exiles of that state in his camp: others stood in some doubt lest he would make some stir on that side to Burgundy: In regard of these fears, the French king sent to the duchy of Milan many bands of horsemen and footmen, and besides other preparations levied for the defence of that state, he dispatched two thousand five hundred Spanish footmen, under the favour of the king Catholic, to whom Caesar complained grievously of such a sufferance. Monsr de Chaumont doubting the faith of the Boromeis, surprised in the same time Arona, a Castle belonging to that family standing upon the lake Maior: into Burgundy the king had also sent five hundred lances, under Monsr Trimoville governor of that province: And to draw away in many places the thoughts and forces of Caesar, he succoured continually the Duke of gelders, who molested the countries of Charles the little son of th'emperor. Besides all this, he had sent to Verona john jacques de Triuulce with four hundred French lances, and four thousand footmen, to the succours of the Venetians, who had also sent to Rovera the Count Petillano with four hundred men at arms, and many bands of footmen, to th'end to remain there for the repressing of those stirs that might arise towards Trent: and to Friul were sent eight hundred men at arms under Bartholomew Aluiano, who long time before was entered into their pays. But the first danger appeared on that side which was least doubted, for that Paul Baptista justinian and Fregosin exiles of Genes, led to Casuola, a town belonging to Lodowick Gonsagna feodar of th'empire, a thousand Almain footmen, who marching secretly and with great diligence over the mountains and impassable places of the Venetian territory, had an intention to go to Genes, after they had passed by the river of Po along the mountain of Parma: This expedition being doubted of by Monsr Chaumont, he dispatched suddenly to Parma many horsemen and footmen, to give impediment to th'enemy, which so cut off all hope from Thalmains, to be able to execute any thing against Genes, that they returned into Germany by the same way, but not with the same diligence and danger, for that the Venetians, respecting their common benefit, made a secret consent to their retiring. There were at the same instant, many of the exiles of Genes in the town of Bolognia, which drive the king into a suspicion, that this matter had been wrought by the consent of the Pope, of whose inclination and will, many other things put him in doubt, both for that Themperor was solicited to march by the Cardinal S. Cross, notwithstanding more of his proper motion and disposition, then for any other occasion: and also thexiles of Furly being by chance issued out of Faenza, and assaying one night to enter into Furly, the Pope complained that it was a matter compact between the French king and the Venetians. To these was added the conspiracy of a Monk, who being prisoner in Mantua, had confessed that he had practised with the family of Bentivole to empoison the Pope, and that he was solicited from Monsr de Chaumont to perform all his promises to the Bentivolei: by reason whereof the Pope proceeding by examination in form authentic, sent it to the king by Achilles de Grassi Bishop of Pesera, and afterwards Cardinal, to make request that the truth might be known, proceeding to the punishment of such as should be found guilty in so great a wickedness: In so much as Alexander Bentyvole, being suspected more than the residue, was adjourned by the king to appear and answer in France to such things as he was to be charged withal: with these actions and incertenties, ended the year 1507.  
But in the beginning of the year following, the traveling minds of them of Bolognia, no longer disposed to nourish their tranquillity, drew into conspiracy, and being led by Hannibal and Hermio Bentyvole, who had intelligence with certain young gentlemen of the family of the Pepolies, with others of race and years equal, they approached upon the sudden, Bolognia: an enterprise not without peril, for that the conspirators to th'end to let in the residue, had occupied the gate of S. Mamola: But as it is easy to repress a violence in the beginning, so the people taking arms in favour of thestate ecclesiastic, the young men abandoned the gate with more fear than valour, and the Bentyuoleis retired finding only that safety in their adventure. This invasion rather abated then inflamed the mind of the Pope against the French king, for that his Majesty showing great tokens how much it did discontent him, commanded Monsr Chaumont to be ready to secure Bolognia, and all that depended upon it, in all necessities and occasions: he gave order beside, that from thenceforth the Bentiuoleis should not be received into any part of the duchy of Milan: by which restraint, john, one of the chiefest of them, died about that time of displeasure, for that much less that he had been accustomed afore he was expulsed Bolognia to feel the adversities or bitter blows of fortune, seeing he had been the most happy of all the other tyrants of Italy, serving a long time as an example of prosperous fortune: for, in the course of forty years, during the which he commanded as he would in Bolognia, much less that he was touched with any heavy affliction, seeing in all that race of time he felt not so much as the death of any his friends: he had always for himself and children, pensions, appointments, and great honours of all the Princes in Italy, being followed withal with this felicity to escape easily out of all weighty and dangerous affairs: for all which graces & good succeding, he seemed (besides the convenient situation of that City) to be principally beholding to fortune, for that according to common judgement, he could not merit any thing by the property of his wit, or by his wisdom, and much less by any valour that was in his person.  
Caesar now minding no more to defer the moving of arms, dispatched a Heralte to Verona, to publish his resolution to pass into Italy to take Thimperial Crown, and to require lodging for four thousand horse: Whereunto the governors of Verona, having first communicated with the counsel of Venice, answered him, that if he would pass for no other occasion then to receive the crown, they would honour him with all the offices and observances they could, but they saw effects contrary to his persuasions, having already brought and bestowed upon their marches so great proportions of men at arms and artilleries: In regard of which answer, measuring by them the devotion of others, Maximilian assoon as he was come to Trent, to give beginning to the war, made a solemn procession the fourth of February, which he assisted in person, having before him the Heralds of the Empire, & the Imperial sword naked, and in the end of the solemnity, his secretary M. Lange afterwards Bishop of Gurce, being mounted into a high seat or theatre, published in the name of Caesar his determination to pass in warlike array into Italy: he named him no more king of Romans, but Emperor elect, as are wont to be entitled the kings of Romans when they come to take the Crown: And forbidding the same day that none should issue out of Trent, after he had caused to be baked a great quantity of Byskie, and made baskets of wood, and sent by the river of Adice sundry boats and lighters loaden with provisions, he went out of Trent the night after a little before day with a thousand five hundred horse, and four thousand footmen: not of those regiments which were agreed to him in the Dyot, but of the peoples of his Court and proper estates, taking the way that leads by those Mountains to Vincense. At the same time the Marquis of Brandebourgh marched towards Rovero with five hundred horsemen and two thousand footmen of the same country bodies, with whom he returned the day after, with no memory of other action then that he presented himself before Rovero, and demanded in vain to be lodged in the town: But th'emperor elect being comen to the mountain of Siagne, the foot whereof draweth within twelve miles of Vincensa, after he had taken the lands of the seven commonalties (a people so named dwelling in the top of the Mountain under many exemptions and privileges of the Venetians) and after he had filled up many trenches which they had cast for their defence, and to stop the way, he caused to be drawn thither many pieces of artillery. Hear it seemed that either his intention had imperfection, or his fortune was contrary to the disposition of the time, for, as men's minds entertained a wonderful expectation of some good success, he retired from this place the fourth day after he departed from Trent, and returned to Bolsana, a town further removed from the confines of Italy, then Trent: wherein as it gave occasion to every one to wonder at so great an inconsideration, or rather inconstancy: so, so weak a beginning revived eftsoons the minds of the Venetians, in so much that as they had already entertained many bands of footmen, so they called to Rovera the French companies which were at Verona with Triuulce, and beginning to make greater preparations, they stirred up the French king to do the like, who marching towards Italy, sent before an army of five thousand Swizzers of his pays, and three thousand paid by the Venetians, that Nation (for that Maximilian was not able to minister pay to them) being run without any regard to thentertainment of the French: And yet after they were departed and paid, they would not go upon the lands of the Venetians, alleging for their reasons, that they would not serve Caesar in any other action, then for the defence of thestate of Milan.  
A greater stir, but far more wretched and unhappy, as wherein was nourished the beginning of greater things, was kindled in Friul, whither did pass by the way of the Mountains, and by Caesar's appointment, four hundred horse and five thousand footmen, all bodies commanded in his country of tirol: Assoon as they were entered into the valley of Cadora, they took the borrow and Castle, wherein was a very slender garrison, together with the Magistrate of the Venetians that was within, which being understand at Venice, they commanded Aluiano and George Cornaro superintendant remaining upon the lands of Vincentin, to make speedily to the succours of that Country, and to keep occupied the enemies on that side, they sent towards Trent four light Galleys with certain vessels of other nature: And at the same time Maximilian, who was marched from Bolsano to Brunech, and turning to the way of Friul for th'opportunity of the passages, and largeness of the country, run through certain valleys more than forty miles within the territories of the Venetians, with a strength of six thousand footmen levied in those quarters: and after he had taken the valley of Cadora which leadeth to Trevisa, leaving behind him the borrow of Bostauro lately appertaining to the patriarchs of Aquilea, he took the borrow of S. Martin, the borrow of Pieva, & the valley which was kept by the Countess of S●●●●gina, with other places adjoining: he performed these incursions rather in the property of an inferior captain, then in the person & majesty of a king, more contented with victories of mean persons & places, then seeking after actions of importance according to th'expectation of his name & virtue: And after he had spent some days in these trifling services, he commanded his companies to draw to Trevisan, and returned himself upon the end of February to Ispruch to lay jewels in pawn, & make other provisions for money, whereof being rather a prodigal waster, than a temperate distributor, no reasonable quantity could suffice to furnish the necessity of his affairs: for that his wants could not be satisfied with thabundance of things, since he measured not his sufficiency according to the need of kind, but after the rage of his opinion & prodigalities. But understanding on the way that the Swissers had taken the pay of the French, he was not a little discontented with them, and so went to Vlma a City of Swauia, to induce that line to aid him as they had done in times passed in the war against the Swissers: he made also vehement instance to the Electors, that the aids promised in the Dyot of Constance, might be yet recontinued for six months more, alleging that the action of great enterprises require a long and deliberate time. And about this season the regiments of the estates which were abiding at Trent to the number of nine thousand bodies aswell footmen as horsemen, had battered the castle of Baioquo, and ranged it to discretion within three days: it stands right over against Rovero on the right hand, upon the high way that leads from Trent into Italy, and between it and Rovero which is on the left hand, runneth the river of Adica.  
Aluiano departed in great diligence to succour Friul, and passing along the mountains 
Aluiano being sent to su●●●r Friul, giveth the rout to the Almains.  laden with snows, he came in two days near to Cadora, where expecting his train of footmen, who could not march with the same speed and swiftness, he occupied a passage not guarded by the Almains, by the which is made the entry into the valley of Cadora: And as in a general peril a little comfort profiteth much, so at the coming of Aluiano, the men of the country affected to the jurisdiction of Venice, taking new courage, commanded the other passages of the valley by the which the Almains were to retire: who seeing themselves enclosed, and no hope of safety but by the sword, and judging by the disposition of Aluiano that he would daily strengthen himself, marched out against him in great fury: he refused not the offer of the fight, taking no less courage in the opportunity of the enemy, then in the innocency of the quarrel, whereupon began between both parties a most cruel feighte, wherein the Almains, who fought with great rage, more for desire to die gloriously, then that there was hope to save their lives, and casting themselves in a gross squadron, their wives in the midst, made a valiant defence for certain hours: but as in actions of battle, God oftentimes gives the victory, not to those that fight best, but to such as he favoureth most, so the Almains, not able to make long resistance, both for the numbers and virtue of thenemies, were in the end vanquished, more than a thousand of them remaining dead on the place, and the residue falling to be prisoners according to thadventure and fortune of the fight. After this victory Aluiano joining diligence and expedition to his felicity, took the castle of Cadora, which he assaulted on two parts, Charles Malateste one of the ancient Lords of Rimini being slain with a quarrel shot out of a tower: And following still the stream of his fortune and good success, he took Porto Navona, and afterwards Cremonsa situate upon the height of a hill, and so descended to encamp afore Goritia, standing at the foot of the Alps of julyan, strong by situation, and no less mighty by the munition it contains, and hath a Castle of very hard access: and taking first the bridge of Goritia, and planting afterwards his artilleries before the town, he carried it the fourth day by composition, being in great necessity of weapons, water, and victuals. After the town was commanded, the Castlekeper & companies within the Castle, eschewing their proper calamities by the examples of their fellows, came to rendering after they had received four thousand ducats. The Venetians erected there forthwith many fortifications to serve as a bulwark and bridle against the Turks, and to hold them in fear for passing the river of Lisonso, since with th'opportunity of that place there might be easy impediments given to their retraites. From Goritia Aluiano marched to encamp before Triesta, a City at the same time much molested by the sea, which he took easily, not without the discontentment of the French king, who gave counsel not to provoke so much the king of Romans: but for that it stood upon the gulf of Venice, and by that reason very convenient for their traficks, they, made proud by the prosperity of their fortune, could not be discounselled to follow the course of their victory: In so much as after the action of Triesta and the Castle, they took Portonon, and afterwards Finme, which is a town of Esclavonia in the prospect of Ancona, which they burned, for that it was the retreat of the ships which would pass by the sea Adriatic, without paying the customs that were imposed: And afterwards, passing the Alps, they took Possonia, which is upon the marches of Vngrie.  
These were th'enterprises that were done in the country of Friul: But on that side towards Trent, the Almain army which was now come to Calliano, a town famous for the harms of the Venetians, for that twenty years afore Ro. S. Severin a notable captain of their army was overthrown and slain, charged upon three thousand footmen of the Venetians, left for the guard of the mount Brestonia, who notwithstanding they were sufficiently fortified, fled suddenly into the next mountain, fearing more than was necessary the peril that was far of & doubtful, which made the Almains, scorning the cowardice of Thitalian footmen, rise into more violent actions, burning many houses, and after they had reversed many of their trenches and defences made in the mountain, they returned to Calliana. By this success, the Bishop of Trent taking stomach according to the fortune of the time, went with an army of two thousand footmen, appointed with part of the people that were at Calliana, to besiege Riva Trent, which is a great borrow standing upon the lake of guard, whither Triuulce had already sent a sufficient garrison: And after he had for two days battered the Church of Saint Francis, and in the mean while made certain incursions upon the villages that are about Lodrona, two thousand Grisons serving in the Almain camp, fell into mutiny for a quarrel of small importance concerning their payments, and made pillage of the victuals of the camp: by reason whereof all things being in disorder, and most of the bands of the Grisons forsaken the camp, the remainder of th'army containing seven thousand men, was constrained to retire, the same ministering opportunity and courage to the Venetian regiments to make invasions upon the next villages, of whom as three thousand went in trowps to burn certain towns of the Count d'Agreste, they were charged and broken by the peasants, and three hundred of them cut in pieces, not remembering that in matters of enterprise it is an office as necessary to foresee perils to come, as to execute when occasion is given. For the retreat of Thalmains which were before Rive, almost all the bands being separate, and the horsemen (containing a body of twelve hundred) being retired from their lodgings of Calliana to Trent, the regiments of the Venetians, on Easter-Day morning assailed Pietra, a place within six miles of Trent: But assoon as the strength that was within Trent issued out to their succours, they retired, and afterwards assailed the Rock of Crest, which is a piece of importance, and yielded before the succours that came from Trent were arrived: the same being the cause that the Almains, having eftsoons reassembled & reordeined their footmen, returned with a thousand horse and six thousand footmen to Calliana, distant from Pietra the shot of a Crossbow: And two hundred horsemen of the duke of Wittenbourg being gone from them, the Venetians with four thousand horsemen, and sixteen thousand footmen, came & encamped before Pietra, planting there a proportion of sixteen pieces of artillery: Pietra is a castle seated at the foot of a mountain, on whose right hand the way leads from Rovera to Trent, and out of the same comes a very strong wall containing in length the shot of a Crossbow, and stretcheth even to the river of Adice, and in the midst of the same is a gate, of the which who is not master, can hardly hurt Pietra. The two armies were within a mile one of another, and they both had before them the Castle and the wall, and on the one side the river of Adice, and on the other the mountains, and either army having at their backs, places of sure retreat: And for that the Almains had the castle and the wall in their power, they might when they list drive the Venetian army to fight, which was impossible to the Venetians, who for that they were inferior in numbers much less that they durst commit things to adventure, seeing they devised only to raise impediments that thenemies should not carry the castle which was continually battered by their artilleries: But the Almains, in whom was indifferent the virtue of celerity and courage, perceiving one day that their artillery was slenderly guarded, gave a furious charge upon it, and putting to flight the footmen that guarded it, they won with great valour two pieces, and drew them to their lodgings. This accident abated the stomachs of the Venetians, who now judging it but lost time to entertain the action of Pietra, which had devoured many of their peoples, broke up and retired to Rovero, and the Almains returned to Trent, where within few days after most part of the army disbanded and were dispersed: and the regiments of the Dyot, which never contained above four thousand (for all those in substance that assembled at Trent and Cadera, were of the countries thereabout) returned to their houses, their term of six months being ended, by whose example also most part of the footmen that were levied, broke up the service and departed. Maximilian himself who was much troubled in going from one place to another to levy provisions & practices, could never be present at those actions, but for that the Dyot of Vlma was referred to a time more convenient, being confused in himself with the multitude of affairs, and shame of his successes, withdrew himself to Cologne, not being acknown for many days where he was: And being not strong enough, neither in men, munition, nor money to resist so great a storm, having lost all that he held in the country of Friull, with the other pieces affronting, he found himself abandoned of all succours, and in greater peril to be deprived of Trent, if in the French bands had been any disposition to join with the Venetian army: But Triuulce, who by the king's direction was resolved rather to pacify then to provoke, would pass no further than was necessary for the defence of the Venetians: holding it as just and honourable in the office he had, to forbear to afflict further th'emperor, as to protect the Venetians. 
Truce between Maximilian and the Venetians.   
Maximilian standing thus abandoned, and desiring by some mean to put himself out of danger, sent, since the overthrow at Cadora, one of his Gentlemen to Venice, to demand truce for three months, of which the Senate made no account, having no disposition to make truce for less than a year, nor yet to give any consent, if the French king were not comprehended in it: But his dangers rising in increasing for the loss of Triesta, and his calamities altering things into worse condition, the Bishop of Trent, as of his peculiar motion, persuaded the Venetians to truce, alleging by that mean and foundation, a ready possibility and expectation of peace: The Venetians answered, that their minds were not estranged from it, so farforth as they were not alone in the action, but that there were liberty for the French king to communicate: In so much as after this beginning there drew to conference together the Bishop of Trent and serentane secretary of Maximilian, and for the French king Triuulce, and Charles Geffray precedent of the Parliament of Milan, and for the Venetians Zacharia Contarin Ambassador particularly appointed for that action: They agreed easily for other conditions, seeing, as touching the time, they were resolved that it should last for three years, and every one to retain that he possessed at that present, with power to build and fortify such places as they commanded. This only was the difficulty, that the French would have had a general truce, wherein should be comprehended such confederates as every one had out of Italy, and especially the Duke of Gueldres, but the Agents of Themperor stood obstinately against it, for that he had determined the ruin of the said Duke: They alleged beside, that the war being managed wholly in Italy, it was neither just nor necessary to communicate of any other things than such as touched Italy: wherein albeit the Venetians did what they could to have satisfied the desire of the French king, yet seeing little hope to dispose the Almains, they were contented to embrace the truce in sort as they had consented, especially for a desire they had to deliver themselves of such a war which was now brought wholly upon their estate, and no less to confirm in their obedience by the commodity of the truce for three years, the towns which they had conquered in those stirs: They excused themselves to the French with these reasons no less true than just, that neither the one nor the other of them being not further bound then for the defence of the matters of Italy, and their confederation being grounded thereupon, they had not to do to think upon matters beyond the Mounts, which if they were not bound to defend with arms, they were not also bound to devise to assure them with the truce. Upon this controversy Triuulce wrote into France, and the Venetians to Venice, whose Senate returned answer, that if there could not be admission of other conditions, that they should at lest conclude the truce for Italy, only reserving time and place for the French king to enter: whereunto albeit neither Triuulce nor the Precedent would not consent, complaining grievously that they would not so much as tarry for the king's answer, and that notwithstanding the Precedent protested that a joint and common enterprise should not be determined but by joint and common consent, alleging withal how little were respected the king's amity and alliance, yet the Venetians forbore not to proceed and conclude with Maximilian, and the contract running simply in their proper names, they agreed that on the behalf of Maximilian should be named and holden as comprehended and nominated, the Pope, the king Catholic, the king of England, the king of Hungria, and all the Princes and subjects of the sacred Empire in what place soever, together with all the confederates of Maximilian and the said kings and states of th'empire, which should be named within three months: And for the Venetians were named the French king, the king Catholic, with all the confederates and friends of the Venetians, of the French king, and king Catholic in Italy only, whom they should likewise name within three months. Thus was the truce accorded the xx. day of April, and with no less expedition ratified by the Emperor and the Venetians, by which means ceased the war, with great hope that the regions of Italy should now return to a perpetual concord and peace.  
After arms were laid aside by the resolution and covenants of this peace, it seemed to the French king that the Florentines would have declared themselves rather for Caesar then for him, if Themperors affairs had had a more happy beginning: and knowing withal that that disposition proceeded of no other thing then of a desire they had to recover Pisa in what sort they could, and of a discontentment that without respecting they had been always at his devotion, and in the services they had done him, he had not only not favoured them, neither with authority, countenance, nor arms, but also had suffered that the Pisans were succoured by the Genoese that were his subjects: he determined in these regards to devise how by some honest mean they might obtain that they desired: wherein for that (for the benefit of his former purposes) he would do it to his proper profit, and that he thought that fear would be a better mean then hope to draw from them a greater sum, he dispatched M. Riccio to make complaint, first that they had sent men express to accord with Caesar his enemy, that under cooler to give the spoil to the Pisans, they had assembled a mighty army, without having regard to the conditions of the time, and his suspicions and dangers: that in so great a stir and commotion which was prepared, they were never willing to express simply their intentions, wherein they gave him just occasion to doubt to what end tended those preparations: And lastly, that having desired them to aid him with their armies in so great perils, they refused it against all confidence and expectation. All which notwithstanding, aswell for the perpetual amity which he had always borne to their commonweal, as for the memory of the good offices and observances they had done in times passed for his service, he was very ready to pardon them all these new injuries, so farforth, as to cut off all occasions that might eftsoons trouble the tranquillity of Italy, they would not hereafter molest the Pisans without his consent. To these complaints the Florentines answered, that necessity had induced them to send men to Caesar, not with any intention to covenant with him against the king, but (if he passed into Italy) to assure their estate, which the king in the capitulation made with them would not be bound to defend against Caesar, according to the testimony of an express clause, bearing these words, Saving the rights of th'empire: That he could not reasonably complain of the army levied against the Pisans, for that it being no greater than of custom, it ministered no just occasion of new suspicions, and being assembled for no other effects then (as in other times) to give impediments to the harvest of the Pisans, there was no reasonable cause of doubt, if men's judgements were as indifferent as the matter was innocent: That for such a matter, and for the succours which the Genoese & other neighbours gave then to the Pisans, it was not possible for them to send their soldiers to the king, whereunto albeit they were not bound, yet for the devotion they had always borne to him, they would not have stuck to have done it, yea though they had not been required: That they marveled greatly at the king's desire, that the Pisans should not be molested, whom he had no reason to esteem or value with the Florentines, if he had any impression of their actions against him in the rebellion of Genes: And that he could not justly forbid them to molest the Pisans, for that the confederation which they had made with him did so import and bear it. Upon these beginnings they consulted afterwards to reduce Pisa under th'obedience of the Florentines: whereunto it seemed this did suffice, if order were given that neither the Genoese nor Lucquois should succour it in such a necessity of victuals and forces, that the Pisans durst no more issue out of their town: adjoining withal, for the loss of the harvest, the ill disposition of those of the plain country, being in greater number than the Citizens: In so much as it was believed that they could not hold out, if they received not from Genua and Lucqua certain quantities of money, by mean of which such as governed kept within Pisa certain foreign soldiers, and distributing the residue to the young men aswell of the town as of the plain country, they astonished with the arms of those, such as desired to accord with the Florentines, keeping by that mean the town in peace and free from mutiny. To this practice begun by the French king, was added th'authority of the king Catholic, jealous belike that without him such a matter could work no effect: and therefore assoon as he understood that M. Riccio was gone to Florence, he dispatched also an Ambassador, who going first to Pisa, encouraged them in the name of his king to take comfort and hold out: not for other respect, then that remaining wilful and obstinate to yield to the Florentines, they might be sold for a greater price. A little after these enterspeeches by consent of both kings, were carried into the Court of the French king, where, without any regard to the protection so oftentimes promised, the king Catholic solicited with great importunity the resolution of that business, both for that he knew that Pisa being not defended, would necessarily fall into the power of the Florentines, and also he had at that time no disposition to entangle himself with new affairs, and chief against the will of the French king: for, notwithstanding he had immediately upon his returning into Spain, resumed the government of Castillo, yet he stood not well confirmed in it, both for the separate wills and inclinations of the Barons, and also they had not justified his consent in the name of his nephew: But after the cause of the Pisans had been long debated in the court of France, diversity of affections hindering the success: At last, for many difficulties which happened, but principally for that both the kings sought to appropriate to themselves the price of the sale of it, the practice was dissolved without any form of conclusion.  
The end of the seventh book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE EIGHT BOOK.  
MOST of the Princes of Christendom draw into league at Cambray against the Venetians, who being overthrown by the French king, tender the towns of the Church, and make submission to the king of Romans. Pisa returneth to the obedience of the Florentines. The Venetians recover the town of Milan, which is soon after besieged by Caesar: afterwards they make war to the Duke of Ferrara. The Pope gives them absolution of the Church censures.  
THE EIGHT BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
THE divisions of Italy were not so tractable, as that they could be reconciled with little labour, nor the infirmities of the country so easy and private, as that they stood subject to be readdressed or recured with light medicines: But as it often happeneth, that in bodies replenished with humours corrupt, the remedy that is applied to repurge the malady of one part, engendereth more dangerous infections: even so the truce made between the king of Romans and the Venetians, in place of the universal expectation of tranquillity, brought forth to the Potentates and Commonalties of Italy, infinite calamities and cruelties of war, far exceeding the examples passed: for, notwithstanding the regions of Italy for fourteen years, had borne a perpetual cross of wars and mutations: yet, quarrels being oftentimes ended without effusion of blood, and battles and skirmishes falling for the most part upon the strangers only, the peoples had less suffered than the princes, and the natural regions much spared from the bloody miseries and actions of war: But the gap being opened to new discords in time to come, there followed throwout all Italy, and against Thitalians themselves, a miserable train of many calamities and cruel accidents, infinite murders, sackings, destructions, and spoils of cities, a liberty of war no less offensive to their friends, then hurtful to their enemies, and a lamentable violation of religion and all holy things, with less reverence and respect, then if they were profane and popular, the law and equity of things being measured by the wills of the soldiers, and nothing judged unreasonable against him that was able to allege authority, might, or will: fruits ordinary following devil discord, and by so much the more perilous and working, by how much they happen in a second mutation, as all evils are more dangerous in a second degree then in the first. The cause of so many afflictions in a general consideration was, th'ambition and covetousness of Princes, of whom many of them could not brook any limitation of power, empery, or kingdom: But if they be weighed in a particular consideration, they may be seen to take their beginning of the too ras●e and insolent manner of proceeding of the Venetians, by occasion whereof were ceased those difficulties which till that time had holden in suspense and impediments the French king, and Caesar from agreeing together against them: of whom, the one being greatly kindled, they put him in despair, and at the same time moved the other to no small indignation, or at the lest gave him mean to disclose under an apparent colour, that which he had long desired: for Caesar, being nettled by so many infamies and harms received, loasing part of his proper inheritance, in place to conquer th'estates of others, was not to omit any opportunity wherein occasion might be given him to recover or repair so greatslaunders and losses: A disposition which the Venetians undiscreetly increased a new, since the making of the truce: for that not sparing to aggravate his indignation no less with vain demonstrations then worse effects, they received into Venice Aluiano with public pomp, almost resembling a ceremonial triumph. And the French king, albeit at the beginning he gave a certain hope to ratify the truce that was made, yet expressing afterwards the discontentment he took, he complained of the presumption of the Venetians to name him and include him as adherent, and providing for their proper tranquillity, to give him over and leave him in the cares and travels of the war.  
These dispositions of mind both of the one and the other, began to burst out into speedy and manifest experience: for Caesar having no further confidence in his proper forces, and less expectation that the Princes or peoples of Germany would take to heart the injuries that had been done to him, made as though he had a desire to confederate with the French king against the Venetians, as the only remedy to recover eftsoons the honour and estates he had lost: And the French king, following the course and opportunity of the time, nourished the same inclination, the new disdain renewing in him the memory of ancient offences received in the wars of Naples, entertaining also a working desire to draw out of their hands Cremona, & other towns of the ancient possessions of the dukes of Milan: Therefore to th'end that in removing the impediments of things inferior, they might withal proceed to those of higher degree, they began to debate how to resolve the quarrels between th'archduke and the duke of Gueldres, whose safety the French king held much for recommended, for thancient alliance and commodities he had received by him: The Pope did also communicate in this motion, stirring up at the same time the French king against the Venetians, being, besides the ancient indignations newly kindled and made hateful against them for an opinion he had that by their means the exiles of Furly, who were retired to Faenza, had made a trial to enter that City, having withal received into their dominions the family of Bentyvoleis chased by the king out of the duchy of Milan. To these was added this imputation, that in many things they had borne slender regard to the authority of the court of Rome, and of late experience had slenderly respected it in this, which troubled not a little the Pope's mind: the Pope had translated the Bishopric of Vincense, vacant by the death of the Cardinal S. P. ad Vincla his nephew, to Sixtus his nephew also suborned by him into the dignity of Cardinal, and to those benefices. But the Senate of Venice, making small reckoning of this collation, choase a gentleman of Venice, who, the Pope refusing to confirm him, took boldness to name himself Bishop of Vincense of the election of the most excellent counsel of the Pregati: But the Pope being not a little kindled for these obstinacies, dispatched first to the king, Maximus secretary to the Cardinal of Narbona, and afterwards the Cardinal himself, who newly succeeding the late Cardinal of Achx in his Bishopric, was called the Cardinal of Achx: They were willingly received and heard of the king, and brought back with them the devise of many means and plots to put in execution that which he desired both without th'emperor, and without any confederacy with him. But the Pope showed a more inclination to complain, then to determine any thing, for that on the one side, the unquiet desire he had to make arms to be levied against the Venetians troubled his mind, and on the other, he seemed fearful to be constrained to depend too much of the greatness of an other: but much more was he moved by an ancient jealousy he had taken against the Cardinal of Amboyse, in whose respect it seemed grievous to him that the armies of the French king should pass into Italy: Besides, th'affairs of greatest importance were somewhat troubled by the late presumption of the Pope, disposing a little before without the king's knowledge, the bishoprics of Ast and Plaisance, and withal, for that the king resisted the new Cardinal of S. P. ad Vincla, to whom by the death of tother, the rich Abbey of Cleruault near to Milan was transferred, to take possession of it: so irresolute was the Pope, wandering between fear and ambition, and so inconstant the French king, observing to make his profit on the train & event of things: for, albeit the Pope could not be resolved amid so many difficulties, 
Thass●●bly of Cambr●●.  yet in the end the French king and Caesar, both applying with the course and opportunities of times, determined to communicate secretly together against the Venetians, wherein for the better countenance and colour to the action, and withal to give perfection to those things that should be debated, there assembled in the town of Cambray for Caesar, the Lady Margaret his daughter Regent of Flaunders and of those other estates which were descended to king Philip by the mother's right, assisted for the regard of this action by Matthew Longo a secretary of great credit with Caesar: And for the French king, was sent the Cardinal of Amboyse, followed with certain other particulars, rather to furnish his train, then to communicate in th'action: They caused to publish a brute that these estates assembled to solicit a peace between th'archduke & duke of Gueldres, between whom they had set down a truce for forty years: And keeping always unknown from the Venetians the true occasion, the Cardinal assured by great oaths to their Ambassador, that his king would continued in the confederation he had with them, wherein also the Ambassador of the king of Arragon followed him, rather not denying then granting, for that albeit that king was the first mover of these conferences between th'emperor and the French king, yet having continuation afterwards without him, both the one and other of them, were persuaded that the prosperity of the French king would be intolerable to him, and as touching the government of Castillo, would hold for suspected the greatness of Caesar, and therefore his thoughts in that action were not conformable to his words.  
At Cambray things were resolved in very few days, without communicating with th'ambassador of the king Catholic, till after the conclusion, which the tenth day of December was solemnly confirmed in the great Church, with the oaths of Lady Margaret, the Cardinal of Amboyse, and the Spanish Ambassador. In this publication they expressed nothing, but that there was established between the Pope and either of those Princes a perpetual peace and confederation: but in Articles more private and secret, were contained clauses of right great importance, which being full of ambition, and wholly contrary to the covenants which Caesar and the French king had with the Venetians, were covered with a preamble full of great piety, and affection to religion, as though the diversity of words were sufficient to altar and change the effects of things. It was expressed in that preamble, that, for a common desire to begin a war against the enemies of the name of Christ, and thimpediments which the Venetians had given, occupying ambitiously the lands of the Church, which now they meant to remove, to proceed with better consent and agreement to so holy and necessary an expedition: And by the persuasions and counsels of the Pope, the Cardinal of Amboyse as his procurer, and with his authority, and as deputed and authorized by the French king, and by the personal solicitation of Lady Margaret assigned and authorized by the king of Romans, and as governs to th'archduke and th'estates of Flaunders: And lastly by the consent of th'ambassador of the king of Arragon as fully appointed by his king: they were resolved to make war upon the Venetians, every one in his own right to recover the things they had usurped upon them, which for the Pope were Faenza, Rimini, Ravenna, and Ceruia: for the king of Romans, Milan, Vincensa, and Verona appertaining to him in the name of Thempire, and the places of Friul and Trevisan, being parcel of th'inheritance of the house of Austria: for the French king were Cremona, Quiaradada, Bresse, Bergama, and Crema: and for the regard of the king of Arragon, were the towns and havens which had been mortgaged by Ferdinand king of Naples. Tharticles were these: that the French king was bound to the war in person, and to give the first real beginning the first day of the next April, at what time also the Pope and the king Catholic should enter into the action: That to th'end the king of Romans should have just cause not to observe the truce that was made, the Pope should demand succours of him as of the protector of the Church, and that after that the king of Romans should send to him at the lest a captain, and should be bound forty days after the French king had begun the war, to invade th'estates of the Venetians in person: That which soever of them should recover that which appertained to him, should be bound to minister aid to the others, till they had made a full and sufficient recovery: That they were all bound to defend one another, in case the Venetians offered to oppress them for any places that were recovered, and not one of them in particular should compound or agreed with the Venetians without a common consent: that the Duke of Ferrara, and Marquis of Mantua, and who else would pretend the Venetians to usurp any place of theirs, had liberty to be named in the league within three months: and being once named, to enjoy all the benefits and favours of the confederation in as full power and nature as the principals of the same, communicating with the fullness of authority for the reconquering of those things that they had lost: That the Pope should summon the Venetians under great pains and curses, to make restitution of such things as they occupied of the Church: That he should be judge between Bianca Maria the king of Romans wife, and the Duke of Ferrara, touching the contention for an inheritance and succession of Anna her sister, and sometimes wife to the said Duke: That Caesar should invest the French king in the duchy of Milan, for himself, Francis d'Angoulesme, and to their issue males, for which investiture the French should pay to him an hundred thousand ducats: That Caesar and the Archduke should not during the war and six months after, make any innovation against the king Catholic for any respect of the government and titles of the realms of Castillo: That the Pope should exhort the king of Vngria to enter into the confederation: That every one should name within four months his confederates and adherentes, excepting expressly to comprehend the Venetians and the subjects freeholders of the confederates, and that every principal party in the contract, should ratify all these articles within threescore days next following: To this universal league was adjoined the particular accord between Tharchduke and the Duke of Gueldres, wherein was agreed that restitution should be made of those towns that were taken upon Tharchduke in this war, but not in like sort of such as were taken upon the Duke.  
Assoon as this new confederation was concluded in this sort, (all things that concerned the Venetians being kept as secret as might be) the Cardinal of Amborse departed the day following from Cambray: the Bishop of Paris and Albert Pio Count of Carpi being first sent to the king of Romans to receive his ratification in the name of the French king: he made no delay to confirm all the articles with the same oath & form of solemnities with the which it was published in the Church of Cambray, holding it but just to ratify the thing that so much tended to the confirmation of his estate and security, as he held it equal and reasonable to justify that by public approbation, which he had so long solicited by private desire and intention: it is most certain, that albeit the words of the publication bore, that th'authority of the Pope and king of Arragon did communicate in it, yet the confederation was made merely without their assistance and consent: An action which Caesar and the French king took wholly upon themselves, not doubting of the Popes and king of Aragon's consent, partly in regard of their proper profit, and partly for that according to the estate and condition of things present, neither of them both durst gamsay their authority, and particularly the king of Arragon, to whom albeit the Articles in their due construction seemed both jealous and intolerable, for that fearing lest the greatness of the French king would increase to much, he preferred the surety of the whole kingdom of Naples afore the recovering of one part which was holden by the Venetians: yet, expressing cunningly a readiness dissembled, and an inclination contrary to the intentions of his mind, he made present ratification with the same ceremonies which the others used. But touching the Pope, he made a far more doubt of things, wandering according to his custom between a desire to recover the towns of Romania, joined to a disdain against the Venetians, and a troublesome fear of the greatness of the French king: he saw not how dangerous it was to him for the power of Caesar to begin to stretch far in Italy, and therefore seeming that it was more for his profit to obtain by accord part of that he desired, then to recover the whole by war and sword: He laboured to induce the Venetians to tender to him Rimini and Faenza: wherein he forgot not to say afore them that those dangers which threatened them by the union of so many Princes, would be of greater terror and importance, if he were concurrant with them in the confederation, as to whose authority and place it belonged to pursue them with arms spiritual and temporal: where, if they rendered the towns which they had taken upon the Church since he was Pope, by which means he should make a joint recovery of honour & estates, he should have just occasion not to ratify that whereunto he had no interest either in assistance, consent, or authority: he debated with them that as the confederation communicating nothing with the holy and supreme authority would easily dissolve and vanish, having in itself many difficulties: so he said it was not reasonable they should doubt that he would not urge to th'uttermost his authority and industry to keep repressed in Italy the power of strangers, which brought no less peril to the sea Apostolic, then to their state. In this persuasion he omitted nothing that might make advanced his cause, which he followed no less with his authority and eloquence, then with liberalities and offers: Matters that move not the lest in a case of persuasion, carrying as they list the minds of men affecting ambition or worldly desires. The Senate drew to counsel upon this demand, some judging it a thing of great importance, to separate the Pope from Caesar and the French king, and others thought it an action unworthy, and not sufficient to turn away the war: At last, as in matters of debate and controversy, 
Deliberation of the Venetians.  opinion oftentimes commands reason, so the faction of such as gave the best counsel had carried it, had not been the reasons and persuasions of D. Trevisan a Senator of great authority, and one of the procurers of the rich temple of S. Mark, an honour next to the dignity of the Duke, of highest respect and reputation in the common weal of Venice: he discoursed with reasons full of efficacy and authority, that it was an action contrary to the dignity & profit of that renown●ed common weal, to restore those towns which the Pope required, and that the estate of their dangers would neither much increase or diminish for the conjunction or separation of him from the other confederates; for, albeit in the negotiation of the accord they had used the Pope's name, perhaps to make their cause seem less dishonest, yet in effect they had agreed without him, having no necessity of his consent and privity, and therefore would become neither the more cold nor the more hot in the execution of things they had concluded: Of the contrary, the arms of the Pope were not of that valour and importance, as to drive them to buy at so great a price the disposing of the same: seeing that albeit they should be assailed at one self time by the others, yet they might easily with a very slender garrison defend those cities which the regiments of the Church (the very dishonour of soldiers & men of service) were not sufficient to take of themselves, & much less import much as touching the substance of the war: he said, that in the stirs and heats of temporal arms, men did little respect either the reverence or threatenings of arms spiritual, which they aught not to fear to be more able to hurt them in that war, than they had done in many others, namely in the expedition against Ferrara: In which the arms of the Church could not let that they obtained not a peace honourable for them, and infamous for the residue of Italy, which with one universal accord, & in a time wherein it flourished most with riches, power, and valour, was banded wholly against them: And in reason & concordance of causes he alleged, that it was not likely that the almighty & omnipotent God would suffer that the effects of his severity and his mercy, of his anger and his peace, should rest in the distribution and power of a man ambitious and proud, and by his subjection to wine, with many other dishonest & immoderate affections, would administer them not according to the consideration of justice, & benefit of Christendom, but as he was pushed on with his vile, corrupt, and intemperate humours: Besides, he saw not by what reason they might hope for a greater constancy of faith in this Pope then in others his elders and predecessors, making for the most part their authority subject to their ambition, and their counsels always running with the concurrence and course of times: Neither could he discern how they might be assured that the Pope having obtained Faenza & Rimini, would not knit with the residue to recover Ravenna & Ceruia, having a mind specially watchful over opportunities and occasions given: That the experience of his actions and examples past, proved in him no greater stay or stability of faith, then agreed with the custom of other Popes, who, to give a colour of justice and equity to those things they did, left ordained amongst their other laws, that the Church, notwithstanding all contract, promise, and benefits recoined, might retract and directly impugn any bonds or obligations which the self prelate's had made: He alleged that albeit the confederation between Maximilian & the French king was made with a great vehemency of disposition, yet the wills and intentions of the other confederates did vary and differ, the king Catholic being brought in by means compulsive and extraordinary, and the Pope well expressing signs of his accustomed doubts and suspicions: And therefore the league of Cambray was not more to be feared, than the confederacy which the same Maximilian & king Lowis had with the same importunity treated aforetimes at Trent, & afterwards at Blois: for that many difficulties, which for their affinity and nature, it was almost impossible to remove or altar, did mightily resist th'execution of things determined: That for those reasons it touched the Senate in principal study, & diligence to devise means to separate Caesar from such conjunction: A matter of easy hope & expectation, no less for the respect of his nature and necessities, then for his ancient hatred against the French: and being once divided from it, the whole fears of the war were taken away, for that the french king standing abandoned of his society and succours, would bear no more stomach to invade them then he had done in times past: That in all public actions the beginning aught deeply to be considered, since afterwards it was not in the power of men to temporize or leave of without dishonour and danger to their deliberations, wherein they had long consulted: That as their elders, so they by succession, had been always careful in all occasions to augment their dominion, and with a disclosed & open profession to aspire to great things: A matter which made them hateful to many, partly for fear, and partly for displeasure & disdain of that they had taken from them: wherein albeit it hath been perceived long time before, that that hatred might engender some great alteration, yet, as they have not for all that forborn to embrace th'occasions that had been offered them, so it was not now a remedy to the dangers present, to begin to leave a part of that they did possess, since it would rather kindle then quench the humours of those that hated them, taking courage upon their fearfulness: And seeing it hath been a perpetual Maxim amongst the Potentates of Italy, that the Venetians never forsaked things that once were salne into their hands, who would not judge that to break now so honourable a custom, proceeded not of a last despair to be able to defend the perils that threatened: That whosoever began to give place and leave any thing how little soever, was the first detector of the reputation and ancient honour of his common weal, which as it is a ready opportunity to thaugmentation of dangers, so to that state that begins to decline, it is far more hard to conserve against the lest perils that be, that which remains, then against an other state, who caring to keep his dignity and degree, and making no sign to yield or give place, converts his force readily against him that seeks to oppress him: Valour and courage retain long those things that of themselves are weak and impotent: and as nothing doth more terrify the enemy then to seem to be resolute, so to hold fast that that hath been gotten, is a cooler iustificatorie to enable the title and interest of the thing: There can be no greater infamy to a prince or common weal, then by negligence or cowardice to loose that which their ancestors have gotten with diligence and valour: That it was necessary either to reject valiantly those first demands, or in yielding to them, to look to yield to many more, by which in short time is to be expected the absolute subversion of their estate, and by consequent the irreparable loss of their proper liberty: That as their common weal both in the ages of their fathers, and in their days, had borne out many great wars against the Princes of Christendom, of which they carried a glorious issue, for that they always showed one constancy and resolution of mind: so, in the present difficulties, notwithstanding they may seem greater, may be hoped no worse success, both for that their power and authority were greater, and also by experience that in wars managed in common by many princes against one alone, the terrors are wont to be more than th'effects, for that after the first furies be abated & banished, there riseth diversity of opinion, which breedeth variation of faith and constancy, all things dissolving with a natural facility, that grow into their being with an immoderate importunity and fury: Lastly, that Senat was to hope, that besides the preparations & remedies which of their own power they were able to furnish, God the most foveraigne & righteous judge, would not leave abandoned a common weal bred and nourished in a perpetual liberty, and in whom did shine the very beauty and aspect of all Europe: and much less would suffer to be oppressed with th'ambition of Princes under a false cooler to prepare war against the infidels, that city, which in so great piety and religion, had been for many years the very protector and defender of the whole common weal of Christendom. These reasons so wrought in the minds of the most part, that according to th'example of the year before, and being a thing fatal to that Senate, the worst counsel prevailed, contrary to th'opinions of many Senators of greatest wisdom and authority: In so much as the Pope, who had deferred the 
The Pope ratisieth the treatise of Cambray.  ratification till the last day, ratified the league, but under this express declaration, that he would not enter into any action of an enemy against the Venetians, until the French king had begun the war.  
Thus the year 1508. ended with many sedes of great wars, & foundations subtly laid of many dangerous accidents & mutations, which be the wretched & ordinary trains of ambition, division, & secret hates. About this time also th'affairs of the 
A continuation of the wars of Pisa.  Pisans suffering of late many declinations, seemed daily to devolve more and more into harder & straighter terms: for, beside that the Florentines the summer before, had cut down their corn, and with their men at arms made continual incursions upon the towns adjoining, even to the gates of Pisa: yet, the better to cut of all passage and traffic of victuals by sea, they entertained in their pay the son of Bardell of Portovenere with certain proportions of vessels: by which impediment, the Pisans standing as it were besieged both by sea & land, and not able by reason of their poverty and afflictions, to refurnish themselves neither with vessels nor foreign soldiers, found themselves in great despair to hold out any longer, being very weakly succoured by their neighbours. And yet as God seldom giveth so grievous a sentence of thestate of man's mortality, as to denial compassion to men in misery: so the Genoese & Lucquois owing pity to the afflictions of their neighbours, consulted to convey into Pisa certain quantities of corn, which being fraughted in a great number of Barks, followed with two ships of Genes, and two galleons, were transported to Spetia, & from thence to Voreggia, to th'end they might be conveyed into Pisa with fourteen brigantins, and certain small barks, according to the direction of the Pisans: But the Florentines seeking to oppose against this enterprise, as wherein consisted their hope or despair to get Pisa for that year, they joined to the navy they had already, a ship of England, haply riding in the road of Lyvorno, with certain other fustes and brigantins: And to minister to the Navy at sea with all the succours and preparations they could make by land, they sent all the horsemen, with a great portion of the footmen which were hastily levied in the Country, along all those passages and shores by the which the Navy of th'enemy might run the course of Pisa, either by the mouth of Arna, or the river called the dead flood entering into Arna: The enemies arrived at the mouth of Arna, and the Florentin vessels lying between the mouth and the dead river, and the Landmen commanding all the apt places, had planted their artilleries aswell on this side as beyond the brink of the river by the which they should pass: In so much as they seeing no possibility to pass further, retired into the river of Genes, with the loss of three brigantins laden with wheat. By thoccasion of which success, the victory seeming almost certain for want of victuals, the Florentines to take away all opportunities for victuals to enter by the river, made a bridge of wood upon Arna, which they fortified with bastillions on both sides the banks: And as when afflictions begin to fall, they thunder all at once, adversities having this in proper, not only to oppress, but also to deprive miserable men of ordinary comfort: so, in the same time, to cut of all succours of their neighbours, the Florentines fell to composition with them of Lucquay: for, having aforetime, to repress their insolences, sent part of their footbands that were within Cascina, to sack the haven of Voregge and the storehouses, wherein were many sorts of silks belonging to the merchants of Lucquay: The inhabitants of Lucquay made timerou, by those rigorous examples, sent their Ambassadors to Florence, where was accorded, that between both their common weals, there should be a confederation defensive for three years, the Lucquois being namely and expressly excluded from all power any more to succour the Pisans. This confederation to be continued for twelve years further, if the Florentines should recover Pisa within a year: and that during the term of this league, the Florentines (always reserving the prerogative of their rights) should not molest thestate of Lucquay, touching the possession of Pietra Sancta and Mutron, A league opening the principal gap to the ruin of the Pisans: But that which was of greatest importance to make easy the conquest of Pisa, was the capitulation which they made with the kings Catholic & French, which being solicited many months, had suffered many difficulties: for, the Florentines, by the experience of things past, feared lest it were a mean to draw from them a great quantity of money, and yet the affairs of Pisa to continued in the same degree: and on the other part, the French interpreted that they deferred cunningly, in hope that the Pisans would make a willing restitution, their extremities being desperate and now laid open to all men: The French king, unwilling that they should recover it, unless he did communicate in the price, commanded Bardell his subject to leave their pay, and to Monsr Chaumont to dispatch from Milan six hundred lances for the succours of the Pisans: which joined to other actions of fear and suspicion, occupied the Florentines with such perplexities, that ceasing all difficulties, they entered covenant in 
Contract between the French king, king of Spain and the Florentines.  this manner: That the French king & king Catholic should give no aid nor support to the Pisans, & also to forbidden that from no places of their subjection & obedience, nor likewise from any their confederates or others under their protection, should enter into Pisa any succours of victuals, money, munition or men, nor any other nature of relief whatsoever: That the Florentines so farforth as Pisa were recovered within a year following, should pay to either of them within a certain time fifty thousand ducats: And that in the same condition there should continued between them a league for three years, from the day that they reconquered Pisa. In consideration of which league the Florentines should be bound to defend with three hundred men at arms the estates that they held in Italy, receiving in like sort for their defence, of either of them a proportion of three hundred men at arms. To this capitulation made in common, it was necessary for the Florentines to add (without the privity of the king Catholic) new bonds to pay to the French king under the same conditions and terms, fifty thousand ducats, promising withal five and twenty thousand more to the ministers of both the kings, of which the greatest portion was to be distributed at the discretion of the Cardinal of Amboyse. These covenants albeit they were heavy and costly to the Florentines, yet, in the opinion of men, they brought no less infamy to both the kings: the one for money abandoning the city which many times he had assured to be in his protection, and which being willingly offered to him, the great captain had accepted in his name: And the other contrary to the reputation of so many promises made to the Florentines, both sold for a vile price the just liberty of the Pisans, and constrained the Florentines to buy of him the power and sufferance to recover that which justly appertained to them: So mighty now a days is the force of gold and silver, above the regard to honour, honesty, or conscience: And so weak is the resistance of Princes against the working of that enchanted humour of covetousness, the subverter of all honour, equity, and honest regard.  
But the affairs of the Pisans, upon whom all Italy was wont afore to turn their 
The French king prepareth against the Venetians  eyes, were in this time of slender consideration, for that the minds of men depended on th'expectation of greater things: for, after the league of Cambray was ratified by all the confederates, the French king began to make great preparations: And albeit he used not as yet any protestations or threats of war, yet matters being no longer able to be dissembled, the Cardinal of Amboyse in the presence of the whole council, complained with vehement words to th'ambassador of Venice, for that that Senate, despising the alliance and amity of the king, caused to fortify the Abbey of Cerreta in the territories of Crema, wherein had been of old time a castle which was razed by the capitulations of peace in the year 1454. made between the Venetians and Francis Sforce newly duke of Milan, with covenant that the Venetians should in no time make fortress there: to the capitulations of which peace, was referred in this and in many other things, the peace made between them and the king. But now the king being within few days after come to Lion, his regiments marched towards the mounts, and six thousand Swizzers levied and paid by him, prepared to descend at the same time into Italy: he obtained also of the Genoese, four Carrakes, and of the Florentines fifty thousand ducats, being his moiety which they should pay upon the conquest of Pisa: And joining to the aids of others, his own succours, he levied upon the duchy of Milan, (desirous to repossess the towns which the Venetians held) an hundred thousand ducats, besides the honourable devotion of many particular gentlemen and free holder's of that state, furnishing themselves with horses and arms, to accompany the king's person in the war.  
On the other side, the Venetians prepared in one common and resolute courage, 
The Venetians look to themselves.  to receive and sustain so great a war, labouring with money, with authority, and with the whole countenance and body of their territories, to levy provisions worthy of so great a common weal: wherein their diligence was so much the more importunate and resolute, by howmuch it seemed likely, that if they sustained the first brunt or fury, the league of the Princes so ill composed and worse confirmed, would easily decline and dissolve: In which actions (to the glory of that Senate) was well expressed in those that afore had counseled in vain to govern their good fortune modestly, the self same vehemency of mind which had been uttered by the others that had been authors of the contrary: for that preferring public safety afore private ambition, they sought not the increasing of their authority in reproaching to others their prejudicial counsels, nor in objecting against the remedies which were ordained to the perils happened by their indiscretion: And yet considering that almost all the regions of Christendom were banded against them, they summoned together all their wits to break so great a league, repenting even now that they so lightly rejected thoccasion to divide the Pope from the rest, hoping that he would not have stirred, if only they had made restitution of Faenza: In which regard, joined to the consideration of their present condition and estate, they renewed with him the first negotiation, and withal dispatched messengers to Caesar and the king Catholic, forbearing to make any practice with the French king, in whom, what for hatred and other hindering respects, they had no hope of disposition to conformity: But the Pope had no power now to accept that which he had desired afore: so vain is the second offer of things that have been once refused: The king Catholic, though he had no want of will and inclination, yet he was unable to range the residue: so little power is left to him that is drawn into action by compulsion: And Caesar possessed with a spirit of envy against the name of Venice, would not only not agreed, but also disdained to understand with what nature of offers they tempted him, refusing to see their secretary whom they had sent to him with very large commissions: In so much as beholding on all sides nothing but a face of adversity accompanied with a settled indignation of Princes, they disposed all their devices and studies to defend themselves by arms, entertaining from all Regions great proportions of horsemen and footmen, and armed many vessels to guard the shores of Romagna, and the towns of Powilla, and to thrust into the lake of Guarda, and river of Po, with other places by the which they feared to be molested by the Duke of Ferrara and Marquis of Mantua. But besides the threats of men, they were astonished with many adventures either fatal or accidental: for, a small bark which they had sent to transport money to Ravenna, was drowned with ten thousand ducats: the castle of Bresse was stricken with lightning: and the house where lay the charters of their common weal called Tharchivio, fell suddenly to the ground with a wonderful ruin: But that which most filled them with fear & perplexity, was at the same time, & in the very hour that the great Counsel assembled, 
The ordinance house of Venice on fire.  a fire kindled either by chance, or by some secret treason, in their store house called the Arzenale, even in the roameth where was their saltpetre: which burst out with such fury, that notwithstanding the concourse of men labouring with an universal diligence to quench it, yet, what by the force of the wind and nature of the matter proper to nourish and increase fire, it consumed to ashes twelve bodies of galleys, with a wonderful quantity of munitions. This was also added to their difficulties, that having entertained julio and Ranse Vrsins, and Troillo Savello with five hundred men at arms, and three thousand footmen, the Pope, with severe commandments as being subjects of the Church, compelled them not to departed out of the town of Rome: inducing them withal, to retain still fifteen thousand ducats, which they had received in priest for their pays, promising to abate so much of the debts which the Venetians aught to the sea Apostolic, for the fruits which they had received of the towns of Romagna. The chief care of the Venetians was to prepare and make themselves strong on that side by the which the French king was to make his enterprise, but they heard not of him neither so soon as they looked for, nor so mightily as the opinion went: for that from the king of Arragon, notwithstanding he had made great promises to the other confederates, appeared only brutes and demonstrations according to his custom, executing nothing that was of any consequence: And Caesar being gone into Flaunders to induce the subjects of his son in law to make some contribution of money, it was believed that he could not begin the war so soon as he had promised, beside, it was supposed that the Pope hoping more in the victory of others, then in his own strength, would be governed according to the proceedings of the confederates: It was not doubted that the French king would make his first action upon Guiaradada, passing the river of Adda near Cascina, and therefore the Venetian army assembled at Pontuique upon the river of Oglia, the Count Petillano being their general, and Bartlemewe Aluiano governor, and Commissioners in the name of the Senate, George Cornato and Andrea Gritti, gentlemen much renowned and honourable, aswell for their ordinary qualities, as for the glories they had won the year before, the one returning victorious from Friul, and the other for expulsing the Almains from Rovera: These two debating in what sort the war should be managed, had not only opinions divers, but also even between the general and governor were contentions and separation of council: for, Aluiano being of a mind stirring, and made proud by his fortunes of the year before, apt to embrace occasions, and of a wonderful celerity both to consult and execute, persuaded, that to plant rather the body of the war in the country of th'enemy then to expect till it were transferred to their territories, it were good to make an in 〈…〉 n upon the duchy of Milan before the French paste into Italy: But the Count 〈…〉 ano, either for that the resolution of his mind was abated by age (as Aluiano said) or by his long experience considering with a deeper discretion the dangers that might happen, and not willing to tempt fortune without a manifest hope of victory, gave this counsel: that despising the loss of the towns of Guiaradada, which imported not much for th'effect of the war, the army might encamp near the town of Orci, according to th'examples of Francis Carmignole and james ●iccinin, captains of great virtue and name in the wars between the Venetians and the Millanois: he alleged that the place was strong, having his situation between the rivers of Oglia and Seria, and of singular opportunity to secure all the towns of the jurisdiction of Venice, for that if the French men charged them in such a nature & strength of place, they need not doubt an assured victory, th'opportunity of the place ministering much to th'action: But if they encamped at Cremona, or at Crema, or at Bergama, or at Bresse, they might (for the defence of them) draw near with th'army into a place of surety, and with their troupes of light horsemen and estradiots, cut off their victuals and other commodities: A thing which as it would let them for taking any place of importance, so by this mean, without committing themselves to the sentence of fortune, the state of Venice might be easily defended against so mighty a preparation of the french king. Of these counsels, neither the one nor the other was approved of the Senate: to the opinion of Aluiano was referred too much rashness and boldness: dangerous humours to direct a great enterprise, and in the General was noted too much fearfulness, not considering the nature of the dangers present. The Senate could have been contented, according to thancient custom of that common weal, that they had proceeded surely, and adventured as little as they could: but they considered on the other side, that if at the same time when almost all their forces were occupied to make head against the French king, Caesar should make any mighty invasion upon their estate, with what armies, with what captains, or with what bands of soldiers could they oppose against him: In which regard that way which of itself seemed most sure and most certain, remained most uncertain and most dangerous, their conjectures being confounded in the nature and condition of th'enterprise: And therefore, as it happeneth in opinions contrary, they made election of the mean, determining to draw the army near the river of Adda, not to leave Guiaradada in prey to thenemies, and yet not to come to hand strokes with them without a great hope or urgent necessity, and that by express direction from the Senate.  
But far otherwise was the resolution of the French king, who desired to find out th'enemy, and give him battle: And coming accompanied with the Duke of Lorraine and all the nobility of France, sent his Herald Montioy (assoon as he was passed the Mounts) to denounce war to the Senate of Venice, charging him to make publication to the Magistrates of Venice, as he passed by Cremona, to th'end the Senate might the rather take signification: And albeit, his whole army being not yet assembled, he had determined no action to be done, till he were arrived in person at Casciana: yet, either to satisfy the Pope, complaining that the time set down in the capitulation was passed, or else to hasten the time against Caesar, being bound to enter into the war, forty days after the French had begun, he changed his first resolution, and commanded Monsr Chaumont to broach the war: observing th'opportunity of the time, for that the regiments of the Venetians, expecting their full assemblies, were not yet departed from Pontuiquo.  
The first actual beginning to so great a war was made the xv. day of April, 
Beginning of the war.  1505. when Monsr de Chaumont passed the ford of Adda near Cascina, conveying by boats six thousand footmen, and the artilleries: from thence he marched to the town of Trevy, which is within three miles of Cascina, wherein were julian Morosin governor of the Venetian estradiots, and Vitelli de citta de Castello, with Vincent de Naldo, who disposed the footmen which were to be distributed amongst the towns thereabouts: They believed that those French bands which lay dispersed in many places in the country, were not men appointed to assail the town, but to make incursions into the country, and therefore to make some experience of war with them, they sent out an hundred of their footmen, who with certain estradiots entertained the skirmish, & followed the chase even to the fortress of the gate: and being followed with their mainebattell and th'artillery, they began to play with such Culverins and Falcons as they had, so visiting the towers and places of the wall, that what by the terror of the shot, joined to the suddenness and importunity of th'action, and universal mutinies of the multitudes in the town, made afraid by th'examples of their chieftains and leaders, they yielded wholly to the discretion of Monsr de Chaumont, to whom in this first fortune were made prisoners justinian, Vitelli, and Vincent, and many others, with a hundred light horsemen, and a thousand footmen, all of the vale de Moon: only two hundred estradiots were saved by flying. After this good beginning Monsr de Chaumont, conquering also certain places adjoining, repassed with all his people over the river of Adda, carrying with him by the felicity of this first action, great hope of an absolute victory to the residue of the war. The same day the Marquis of Mantua, to whom the king had committed an hundred Lances, run up to Casal-Maior, which without resistance was rendered to him by the inhabitants, together with Lowis Bonne, Magistrate for the Venetians. The same day in like sort Rocabartin with an hundred and fifty lances, and three thousand footmen, passing over a bridge made of boats upon Adda as it entereth into Paw, made roads upon the towns of Cremona, as did also in an other part of the country, the soldiers of the garrison of Lodi building a bridge upon Adda: beside, all the peasants of the Mountain of Briansa, made incursions even to Bergama, joining to so common a favour of fortune, an universal readiness and resolution of mind. But this general invasion performed in one day, and in five several places, the enemies presenting no resistance, bore more brute than matter of effect, both for that Monsr de Chaumont retired immediately to Milan, to abide the kings coming, and also the Marquis of Mantua, who after the enterprise of Casal-Maior, had executed a vain attempt upon Asola, abandoned Casal-Maior, hearing that Aluiano was passed on this side the river of Oglio at Pontmolaro.  
The Pope seeing such a beginning given to the war, published in form of admonition 
The Pope's Bull against the Venetians  a horrible Bull, wherein were declared all the usurpations made by the Venetians upon the towns appertaining to the sea Apostolic, and the authority which they had attributed to themselves, to the prejudice of thecclesiastic liberty and jurisdiction of Popes, both in disposing bishoprics, and other benefices vacant, in deducing in secular course causes spiritual appertaining to the judgement of the Church, and also all other natures of disobediences passed. Among those declarations was not forgotten, that not long since, to the great trouble of thestate of Bolognia, and prejudice of the Church, they had called to Faenza the Bentyvoleis, who being rebels to the Church, were subject aswell in themselves, as in those that received them, to great censures: he admonished them to make restitution within xxiv. days next, of all those towns of the Church which they occupied, together with th'account of the fruits they have received since the time of their possession, and that under pain (in case of disobedience) to incur the pains of cursings and interdictions, not only to the city of Venice, and all the towns of their obedience, but also to all such, as being not subject to their jurisdiction, were yet receivers or reskewers of the Venetians, declaring them attainted of crimen laesae maiestatis, & defied as perpetual enemies to all Christians, to whom he gave full power to take their goods where they were found, & to make their persons slaves. Against this Bull not many days after, was brought into the town of Rome, a writing by men unknown in the name of the Prince & Magistrates of Venice, wherein, after a long & bitter narration against the Pope & the French king, was expressed an appeal from the admonition to the next Council, and for want of humane justice, to the tribunal of jesus Christ the most righteous and sovereign judge. To these spiritual thunderbolts, were joined temporal threats, for that the French Herald arriving at the same time at Venice, and brought afore the presence of the Duke & Senate, denounced in the name of the French king, the war already begun, charging them to have given many occasions, more apparent than true or just. The Duke, after some consulting with the Senate, answered the Herald in few words, that since the king his master was determined to make war upon them, in a time when they hoped most for th'observation of th'alliance which they had never violated, and for not breaking of it, had made Caesar their enemy, they would stand upon their defence, which they hoped to be able to do with their forces accompanied with the justice of their cause. This answer seemed to resemble more the dignity of their common weal, then if they had used justifications and complaints to one that had already assailed them with arms.  
The Venetian army was at last assembled and mostered at Pontuiquo, wherein 
The Venetians army.  were two thousand men at arms, three thousand light horsemen and estradiots, fifteen thousand footmen, chosen and the very flower of soldiers in all the regions of Italy, no less for their general valour, then for the experience of the leaders, and fifteen thousand other footmen of choice of the appointment of their countries, accompanied with great quantities of artillery: from thence the army marched to Fontevella, a town within six miles of Lodi, and a retreat very commodious to succour Cremona, Crema, Caravaga, and Bergama: where judging they should have occasion, for the retreat of Monsr Chaumont beyond Adda, to recover Trevy, the king's army withal being not yet assembled, they took the fields, following the deliberation of the Senate, but against the counsel of Aluiano, who said they were counsels almost repugnant, to forbid to fight with the enemy, and yet to draw so near them, seeing haply it might either not be in their power to retire, or if they did, it would be with a diminution of reputation hurtful to the substance of the whole war: In which regard, and for his particular honour, and universal respect of all the men of war of Italy, he had rather choose to commit his life to hazard and fortune, then give his consent to so great an infamy. The first town the army took was Rivolce, where the French had left no garrison, and having put into it fifty horse and three hundred footmen, they drew near to Trevy, a town very near the river of Adda, having his situation somewhat high and bearing, and wherein Monsr Chaumont had left fifty lances and a thousand footmen, under captain Imbault, Frontalle Gascon, and the white Knight: Thartilleries were planted on that side to Cascina, where the wall was weakest, & making great execution, such as were within yielded the day following, the soldiers saved, but without arms, the captains remaining prisoners, and the town wholly at the discretion of the victors: The houses and riches of the town were put to present sack, but with greater damage to the victors, then to those that were vanquished, for that the French king understanding the camp of th'enemy to be before Trevi, supposing that that place being lost almost in his sight, would bring great diminution to his reputation, he advanced his army, and with a speed according to the necessity of the peril, marched from Milan to rescue it: and arriving the day after th'execution of Trevy, at the river near Casciana, where were made before for th'opportunity of Casciana without impediment, three bridges of barks, he passed with his whole army, his enemies making no countenance to resist him: A matter which made many men of experience to marvel, that they idly lost so fair occasion to set upon the former part of his army which was passed: and Triuulce, enforcing the glory of that advantage, seeing the whole army pass without resistance, cried to the French king, The victory was won: Of such force are occasions being given by negligence of the one party, and followed with resolution and valour of tother: nevertheless it is certain, that the Venetian captains both discerned the benefit of thoccasion, and would have used it, saving it was not in their power, neither by authority nor by petition, nor with threats, to drive out of Trevy the soldiers occupied in pillage and pray: And albeit in a disorder so general, and a necessity so desperate, Aluiano had no other mean for their common safety, then to compel the multitude of soldiers to issue, by setting the town on fire: yet it was a remedy tooslowe and late, for that the French using the favour of their fortune, were already passed, scorning with great joy the cowardice and wretched counsel of th'enemy. The king encamped within little more than a mile of the Venetians, who lay in a place somewhat raised, and bearing such strength aswell by the opportunity of his seat, as by the rampires and trenches they had cast by their industry, that there was no possibility to set upon them without manifest peril, the time, the place, and almost the dispositions of men, with all other circumstances appertaining to such an action, being against them. As they drew to counsel in what form and manner they should proceed, many were of opinion, standing also upon th'expectation of the descending of Caesar, that they should temporize and defer, for that the condition of him that expectes to be assailed, being better than he that seeks to set on an other, necessity would compel the Venetian captains to seek to offer the battle, seeing they had no reasonable mean to defend their jurisdiction oppressed in so many places: A persuasion contrary to the opinion of the king, who sought chief to fight in a place, whose situation was not above the valour of the champions, being moved thereunto either for fear that Caesar would advance too slowly, or else for that being really in the camp in person with the choice forces of his kingdom, he stood not only in an absolute hope of the victory, but also judged it much to his dishonour, if he put not an end to the war of himself without the ministration of others: as of the contrary he esteemed it greatly to the glory and reputation of his name, if by his power and virtue, and in his own person, the residue of the confederates might come to communicate no less than himself in the rewards & fruits of the victory: An ambition of glory much familiar with great princes, and oftentimes most hurtful to great enterprises, specially when one particular power aspireth to execute an action which in reason, counsel, and confederacy respecteth a joint assistance: on the other side, the commissioners and captains of Venice, not forstalling their counsels for any fear they had of Caesar, were determined not to put themselves into places equal or comparative with th'enemy, but shifting always into places of advantage and strength, they sought at one time to eschew the necessity of the battle, and withal to let that the French should do nothing of importance, seeking to obey time, necessity, and all other things to be respected in an action of that nature.  
With these deliberations and counsels, neither the one nor the other army made any moving, but stood encamped a whole day the one in the face of the other: And albeit in so near aspect of two mighty enemies equal in ambition, and in glory nothing inferior, it is hard to contain men of service, yet there was nothing executed between them, but certain light skirmishes by horsemen, wherein though the French by advancing their artillery, sought occasion to fight, yet the battle was not embraced, men's counsels varying, and the respects of things not resolved. The day after, the king removed towards Rivolta, to try whether a desire to keep that place would 'cause Thitalians to move: who, not stirring, to obtain at the lest a secret confession that they had no stomachs to accept the battle, the king stood 
The armies affronted one an other, and fight not.  four long hours afore their lodgings with his whole army arranged in battle, the Venetians doing no other thing then move and show themselves in the front of the Frenchmen in good order, without abandoning their trench. At this time the Artillery being drawn by part of the king's soldiers to the walls of Rivolta, the place was forced and taken in few hours, where the king lodged that night with all his army, being not a little troubled with the manner of proceeding of thenemies, whose counsels he praised so much the more, by howmuch they were framed against his intentions, and discontented him: But to draw them by necessity to that whereunto they bore a will estranged, after he had remained a whole day at Rivolta, and set fire in the place afore he departed, he removed his camp to lodge at Vailo, or at Pandin the night following: he hoped that by the opportunity of either of these places, he might easily give impediment to the victuals coming from Cremona and Crema, and by that mean to put them in necessity to leave abandoned their lodgings wherein they had remained to that hour. The Venetian captains saw what were the thoughts and intentions of the king, and did not doubt that it would not be necessary to take a place strong & near th'enemy, to continued to hold them in the same difficulties & impediments: But the Count Petillano counseled to defer the moving of the camp till the day following, notwithstanding Aluiano made so great an instance to the contrary alleging how necessary it were to prevent them, that in th'end it was agreed to break up suddenly (rashness prevailing more than maturity of counsel.) There were two ways to lead to the said places, the one lower near the river of Adda, but a longer way and full of turnings: the other more removed from the river, but more short, and more strait, the one making the string, and the other the bow, as the saying runs: The lower way was taken by the king's army, which contained more than two thousand lances, six thousand Swisser footmen, and twelve thousand of Gascons and Italians, well furnished with artillery, and a sufficient provision of poyners. The Venetian army marched by the higher way upon the right hand towards th'enemy: in it were two thousand men at arms, more than twenty thousand footmen, with a great quantity of light horsemen, partly Italians, and partly levied in Grece by the Venetians, who ran before, but forbore to enlarge and spread according to their custom, the bushes and branches whereof the country was full between both the one and other army, being their impediments, as also they so shadowed both the camps, that they could not see one an other: But marching in this order, and the Venetians always advancing, there drew near together in one time the French vauward containing five hundred lances, and the Swisser footmen, led by Charles d'Amboyse and I jacques Triuulce, and the rearguard of the Venetians governed by Bar. Aluiano, wherein were eight hundred men at arms, with all the flower of the footmen of the army, but they kept no good order in their march, Aluiano not thinking that the battle would be offered that day: But when he saw himself in the face of his enemies, what by the renovation of his ancient valour, and that he was brought into such extremity of place, that he was compelled to fight, he gave present advertisement to the Count Petillano leading tother part of th'army before, his necessity, or else his resolution demanding his succours: The Count returned answer that he should continued his marching, and eschew the fight, the reasons of war so requiring, and the resolution of the Senate agreeing: But in the mean while, Aluiano having bestowed his footmen with six pieces of artillery upon a little trench made to stop the fury of a land flood, which at that time being almost dry of water passed between both the armies: charged thenemies with such courage and fury, that he compelled them to give ground, wherein this ministered not a little help to him, that the first charge was amongst certain vines, where, by reason of the hedges and intricat branches of the vines, the French horsemen could execute little: nevertheless the battle of the French army, wherein was the king's person, being advanced for that danger, the two first squadrons joined to charge the bands of Aluiano, who entering into a great hope of the victory for so happy a beginning, was not idle to labour to encourage the soldiers with vehement words: The battle was furious on all sides, the French receiving courage and comfort by the succours of their companions, and for that the battle was drawn into a place open and discovered, where their horsemen had space and skoape to manage at pleasure: beside, the presence of the king did much to stir them, who bearing no more respect to his person, then if he had been a private soldier, refused not to stand in the danger of the artillery, not ceasing where he saw need, to command, to encourage, and to threaten: on the other side, Thitallian footmen, who were full of resolution for their first felicity, fought with great constancy of courage and valour, Aluiano forgetting nothing that belonged to the office of an excellent captain: At last, three hours being consumed in this execution, the Venetian bands receiving by the plainness of the place great distress by the French horsemen, and not able withal to keep firm footing for the rain that fell during the battle, which made the ground slippery, but specially for that they were not succoured by the residue of th'army, began to fight with a great disadvantage, and yet made resistance with great virtue, in so much as when they saw no hope to overcome, it was well expressed in the effects of their valour, that more to win glory then to save themselves, they laboured to make the victory bloody to the French, despising perils with the same minds wherewith they sought for glory & monument: And albeit they kept the battle a long time in suspension & doubt, yet at last, being more deprived of strength then of courage, without turning their backs to th'enemy, they passed almost all 
De●ait of the Venetians.  under the sentence of the sword, leaving to the residue of the army an example of right worthy imitation, and to posterity a perpetual praise of their merit and virtue. Amongst the rest that were slain, many lamentations were made for one of the marquesses of the Mount S. Maria de Tuskana, a captain of great exercise in leading footmen in the wars of Pisa, when he lived in the pay of the Florentines, & now one of the Colonels of the Venetian footmen. The honourable resistance which this only one part of th'army made, bred almost a general opinion, that if the whole Venetian camp had entered the battle, they had either carried the victory, or at lest past it to th'enemy with greater peril and bloodshedding. But the Count Petillano, with whom was the greatest part of th'army, abstained from arms, either for that (thus he alleged) as he prepared to advance to the battle, he was ill advertised by an esquadron that fled away, or rather (such was the brute) standing in no hope or possibility of the victory, and no less disdained that Aluiano contrary to his direction had adventured to fight, he esteemed it a counsel better assured, to keep that part of th'army reserved, then to refer the whole to hazard for the rashness of an other, th'extremity of the peril making him more careful than honourable. In this battle perished very few men at arms, the whole slaughter falling upon the Venetian footmen, whereof died by good testimony eight thousand bodies, notwithstanding some reapport that the number of the dead men on both parts, could not pass six thousand men: such variation followeth brutes and rumours, being for the most part full of incertenties and errors: Bartholomew Aluiano 
Aluiano taken prisoner.  remained prisoner, who receiving a hurt in his eye, was by that misfortune half blinded with the blood of his wound, and in that array (pitiful in a captain of his merit) was led to the king's pavilion: The residue of th'army being not followed in chase, found safety in fleeing, loasing in all twenty pieces of great artillery. This was the notable battle of Guiaraddada, or according to the opinion of some, the victory of vail, which was fought the xiv. day of may, and in monument of which the king caused to be edified in the very place where the battle was executed, a chapel, which he honoured with the name of S. Maria de la victoria.  
The king, with the felicity of this victory, not willing to corrupt by negligence the occasion that had been won with valour and fortune: marched the day following to Caravage, where the Town being suddenly rendered by composition, 
The taking of many towns by the french.  he battered the Castle with artillery, which also within four and twenty hours yielded to discretion. The city of Bergama gave up the day after, without abiding the coming of th'army: where after the king had left fifty lances and a thousand footmen to batter the Castle, he advanced to Bressia, but before he arrived there, the castle of Bergamo, after the cannon had executed a whole day, was rendered upon condition, that Marin Georgio with the other Venetian Magistrates, should be prisoners, for that the king, not so much for hatred, as for hope to draw money, had determined not to accept any composition of towns, by the which the gentlemen of Venice should be saved, seeking to make the benefit of his wars to bear out the greatest burden and expenses of his army. In all ages, time hath carried a power to vary and altar the humours of men, governing their inclinations according to occasions that happen: the same being approved in the inhabitants of Bressia, in whom now remained no more that ancient disposition with the which their elders in the wars with P. M. Visconte, had sustained a grievous and great siege to preserve themselves under the jurisdiction of Venice: And being now disposed to take the yoke of the French, partly for fear of their arms, and partly at the persuasion of the Count joh. Fea. de Cambara chief of the Gebelin faction: they seized upon the gates of the town the day after the battle, opposing manifestly against George Cornato, who being gone thither in great diligence, sought to strengthen the place with men: And beside, the Venetian army which was very much diminished in numbers, not only by the slaughter of the battle, but also for that many were gone away, as often happeneth when an army falleth into adversities: they respected nothing, neither th'authority nor the petition of Andre Gritti, who was entered into Bressia to persuade them to take it for their defence: therefore th'army supposing no surety in that place, marched towards Pesquiero, the city of Bressia yielding to the French king, & the castle within two days after doing the like, under this condition, that such as were within should departed in safety, except the gentlemen of Venice.  
Nothing is more grievous than the reapport of an ill accident, & nothing more intolerable than when th'expectation of things is changed by sinister success: for that by how much the hope was likely and possible, by so much more desperate is the event falling in a course contrary to that was expected. The news of so great a calamity was no sooner understanded in the town of Venice, than it was incredible to behold the universal alteration that appeared: some afflicted with sorrow, but the most part perplexed with fear, the minds of those being most confused 
The lamentations made as Venice for the overthrow.  and amazed, who much less that they had been accustomed to feel such adversities, but of the contrary, had been wont always in other wars to carry felicity and victory: and as men not accustomed to adversities have little rule over their passions, so such as never felt but prosperity, can least judge of the worthiness of patience: for in this affliction they cried out against heaven and earth, and accused justly thinstability of mortal estate: their fear made them set before their eyes the loss of their whole dominion, with the latter ruin of their country and common weal, wherein their sorrow increased with the consideration of the time seeming to deprive them of glory, power, and reputation, even when they promised to themselves no less than the empery of all Italy: And in those dolours and miserable demonstrations of mind, they ran crying and complaining to the public palace, where the Elders and Senators taking counsel what to do in an adversity so much importing, after they had long debated with great diversity of opinion, the counsel broke up overcomen with despair: so weak and incertein were the remedies, and so slender the hopes of their safety and well-doing: Where the ill is common, there the discomfort is general, nothing remaining to retain the minds of men but impressions of despair and calamity: they considered they had no other Captains nor men to employ in their defence, than such as remained of the overthrow, and in them was equal the want of force, and diminution of courage: And for their popular multitudes, subjects of their general dominion, they saw them either inclined to rebel, or at lest so estranged from suffering, that there remained no disposition to put themselves in further peril for their safety. They beheld in the French king, (no less mighty for the greatness and glory of his army, then insolent for his late happiness and victory) a resolution to come on and follow the course of his fortune: They saw that the chance of the battle had made him master over the hearts and courages of men, and given him commandment over countries and common weals: And if against him alone they were not able to make resistance, what would be their condition when Caesar should arrive, whom they understood to be at hand, and to march with speed being drawn on by so great an occasion: They saw from all parts great concurrence of dangers, with occasions of despair, and very small appearance of hope or comfort: They feared lest in their proper Country full of multitudes of men of war, would rise some dangerous tumult, partly for a general hatred against Gentlemen, and partly for desire of pillage: lastly, in these contemplations of sorrow and calamity, they made their minds the very images of despair, esteeming as already happened, all the adversities that their timorous conjectures could imagine: Nevertheless taking courage and comfort in so great a fear, such as their present fortune would suffer, they determined, with the best diligence they could, to be reconciled in what sort soever with the Pope, with Caesar, and with the king Catholic, not looking any way to appease the mind of the French king, for that their despair was no less for the hate which he bore them, than they feared the power and might of his arms. And yet omitting nothing which they supposed might minister to their defence, they studied to leavy treasures and money, and gave order to refurnish and raise new bands. And for fear of the army at sea which was said to be rigged at Genes, they devised to increase their Navy to fifty galleys commanded by Ange Trevisan: But all their counsels were prevented by the celerity of the French king, to whom since the conquest of Bressia, was rendered the City of Cremona, the Castle holding good for the Venetians, which, notwithstanding it was strong, had followed the example of the others, together with that of Pisqueton yielding also in the same time, if the king had consented that every one should departed with safety: but, for that there were within it many Gentlemen of Venice, as Zacharie Contarin, a man of great wealth and possessions, he would not receive them but with condition to have power over the Gentlemen: In which mind he sent an army to keep them besieged: And for that the Venetian armies encamping in the field of Mars near Verona, and decreasing continually, for that they of Verona would not receive them into their town, the king went before Pesquiero to get the Castle, the town being already rendered: the battery had not played any long time, but the footmen Swizzers and Gascons entered with great fury through small breaches & ruins of the wall, and making slaughter of almost four hundred footmen whom they found at defence, they took prisoner the captain of the castle, being likewise captain of the town, a gentleman of Venice, who by the king's commandment was hanged upon the battlements of the same castle: A cruelty which the king used for example sake, that such as defended the castle of Cremona, induced by this punishment, might not continued in obstinacy to the extremity: There is nothing more swift than victory, specially where occasions are followed, & the opportunities of times & other circumstances embraced: for the French king within fifteen days after the battle, had reconquered (except the castle of Cremona) all that appertained to him by the division which was made at Cambray: A conquest no less honourable for the king, then of great commodity for the Duchy of Milan, and augmenting the revenues of the king to more than two hundred thousand ducats by year. 
The Pope's soldiers in Romagna.  About this time, albeit the armies of the king of Romans had appeared yet in no place neither in action nor show, yet the Pope, joining himself to the favour of the time, assailed the towns of Romagna with four hundred men at arms, four hundred light horsemen, and eight thousand footmen, with th'artillery of the Duke of Ferrara, whom he had chosen Gonfalonier of the Church, which is a title according to the practice of our times, that holds more of dignity then of authority: he recommended the charge of this army jointly to Francisco de Castello de Rye Cardinal of Pavia bearing the name of the Legate Apostolic, and to Francis Maria de la Rovera, son to john his late brother, who, being adopted for son by Guid. Duke of Urbin his uncle by the mother side, the adoption also confirmed in the consistory by the Pope's authority, had succeeded the year before in the Duchy, the Duke of Urbin being dead without other children. They run with this army from Cesena towards Servia, and coming between Imola and Faenza, they took the town of Solarola: and after they had been certain days at Bastida three miles from Faenza, they drew to Bresiquella, which is the capital town of Val de Move, wherein was newly entered john Paul Mansron with eight hundred footmen, and certain horsemen: who issuing out to fight, were trained into an ambush, and so hotly charged by john Paul Baillon and Lodowick de la Mirandola Captains of the Church army, that as they would have sought their safety in the town, the enemy entered Pelmell with them, and that with such fury, that Mansron being felled from his horse, had scarce leisure to retire to the Castle: afore the which th'artillery being brought and planted, the Munitions that were within were set on fire at the first blow: An accident that so terrified the defendants within, that they rendered absolutely the place to the discretion of the victor. After the whole valley was taken, the army descended into the plain, and took Garanarola with all the other towns of the country of Faenza, and so went and encamped before Russi, which is a borrow situate between Faenza and Ravenna, but not easy to be taken, for that beside it was environed with very large and deep trenches, it was defended with six hundred footmen foreigners: But that which made more uneasy the action of that town, was that there was not in the Church army, neither that counsel, nor that concord that was necessary, notwithstanding it abounded in strength and forces, three thousand Swyzzers paid by the Pope being there newly arrived: for which cause, albeit the Venetians were not strong in Romagna, yet things had no great advancement on that side: only john greek captain of thestradiots issuing out of Ravenna with his bands, was broken and taken prisoner by john Vitelli, one of the Captains of the Church: Lastly, after they had remained ten days afore Rossi, they took it by composition. And the victory of the king happening in the same time, the city of Faenza, who stood now in her own power, for that the Venetian strength was now diminished, agreed to acknowledge the Pope for their Lord, if they were not rescued within fifteen days: by the benefit of which convention there issued out of Faenza under the faith of the Legate, five hundred footmen of the Venetians, who were stripped by commandment of the Duke of Urbin: The City of Ravenna did the like assoon as the army approached. Thus, more by the reputation of the victory of the French king, then by his proper forces, the Pope conquered in a little time, those towns which he had so long desired in Romagna, in the which as the Venetians held no other piece than the castle of Ravenna, so, ever since the first overthrowing of their army, there disclosed daily against them new enemies: for, the Duke of Ferrara, who till that day had not declared himself, chased out of Ferrara the Visdomino, a Magistrate which the Venetians kept resident there, according to the ancient conventions, to minister equity to their subjects: And taking arms, he recovered without impediment Polesma, and sunk with Artilleries the Venetian Navies floating upon the river of Addice. To the Marquis of Mantua were yielded the towns of Asola and Lunato, which the Venetians had taken in the war they had against Philip M. Visconte, upon john Francis de Gonsagua his great grandfather. In Istria, Christopher Frangipan occupied Pisinia and Divinia: and the Duke of Brunswike, who by Caesar's commandment was entered into Friul with two thousand men trained, took Feltro and Bellona: At his coming, together with the brute of the victory of the French, Triesta with the other towns (the conquest of which had been the very wellspring and beginning of all the adversities to the Venetians) returned under th'obedience of Caesar. In like sort the Counts of Lodron occupied certain castles and borrows that were near them, and the Bishop of Trent usurped Riva and Agresta. But amid all these calamities and declinations of fortune, there was nothing that so much amazed the Venetians since the battle, as the taking of the castle of Pesquiero, whose strength and situation, with other opportunities of the place, they supposed would have stayed the fury of the victor: So weak is the hold of hope where is nothing but danger on all sides, that the Venetians standing amazed amid so many perils, were fearful that the king would pass further: And their condition being made so desperate, that the fear that possessed them, left them no liberty of counsel, together with their bands which were retired to Mestre, (amongst whom was neither obedience nor order) being reduced to a very small number: They determined (and haply to soon) to abandon the jurisdiction of the firm land, to th'end to have no more enemies, and no less to take from the French king all occasions to draw near to Venice: for they were not without suspicion, that in that City would rise some tumult, either by the people that now were grown insolent, or by thinnumerable multitude of strangers that dwelled there: some for desire of prey and pillage which makes men mutinous and disordered, and some for that they would not endure their deprivation of honours, and in all things to bear such a yoke of subjection to the Gentlemen, seeing they were Citizens borne by long succession of times in liberty and freedom, and most of them of the same blood and families: wherein in so great a despair and loss of courage, this reason was alleged in the Senate, that if willingly they abandoned the government to eschew the perils present, they should easily recover it with the return and opportunity of a better fortune: for that the peoples and subjects that willingly should separate themselves from them, would not make so strong resistance to return eftsoons under th'obedience of their ancient Lords, as they would do if they divided themselves from them by manifest rebellion: for which reasons the magnanimity of the Venetians coming now to be defaced, together with the reputation of so glorious a common weal declining, they were content to keep to themselves the salt waters only, addressing to the Magistrates and officers governing at Padova, Verona, and all other towns bearing interest to Maximilian, directions to return with speed, and leave the towns to the devotion of the people's: Besides, to th'end to obtain peace of Maximilian under what conditions soever, they sent to him with great diligence, their Ambassador justinian, who being admitted to his presence in public audience, spoke very pitifully and with great humility and submission, but in vain, for that Caesar denied to make any contract without the privity of the French king. But the better to make known how much the common weal of Venice was humbled and abated of courage, not feeling the like adversities in two hundred years before, it can not be impertinent to express hear the self Oration which their Ambassador uttered afore Caesar.  
In the ancient Philosophers and first men of civility, it was a disposition no less 
The oration of Anth. justinian to Caesar.  honourable, than a judgement equal and just, to assure that that was the true, firm, eternal, and immortal glory, which men got in conquering their proper affections: An action which they preferred above all kingdoms, triumphs, and virtues, for that in it was represented the very image and similitude of that which they called the divinity in men: For this virtue Scipio carried more glory and reputation, then for all the victories he won against Africa or Carthage: This was the respect for the which ages and posterities do yet nourish thimmortality of Alexander, when Darius, overthrown by him in a mighty battle, besought God, that in case he had determined to dispose his kingdom, he would ordain him no other successor than his enemy, whose victory could not make him other then merciful and gracious. Caesar the dictator, of whom you bear the name, and communicates no less in his fortunes and felicities, then in his liberalities, clemencies, and other virtues, was honoured with divine titles and glories, for that he favoured, respected, and pardoned: Lastly the Senate and people of Rome, whose empery in earth is only resembled in your person, as the majesty and greatness hath there his perfect image, brought more peoples and provinces under their subjection with clemency, equity, and mildness, then with the rigour of Arms and war. There is nothing more worthy than clemency, nor any thing better beseeming the majesty of a Prince, then to be easy to be appeased, and ready to forgive, for that if it be holden just & honourable to throw down an obstinate enemy, it is no less worthy and commendable to have pity on them that are already fallen into misfortunes. In consideration of these reasons bringing justification by virtue, I hope it shall not be the lest of your praises, if your Majesty, in whose hands stands the victory gotten over the Venetians, looking into the frailty of worldly things, will use it with moderation and temperance, and incline rather to the devices and studies of peace, then to the doubtful events of war: For touching thinconstancy of humane things, how incertain adventures are, and how doubtful, how mutable, how deceitful, and how full of dangers is thestate of men mortal. I need not prove it by examples strange, foreign, or ancient, since the common weal of Venice stands at this hour the true figure and representation of th'infirmity of humane condition & kingdoms: It was not long since, neither less mighty, less flourishing, nor less renowned, then that our name and reputation could not only be celebrated and contained within the limits of Europe, but with great pomp and magnificence, run throw all Afrique and Asia, and carried brute and terror even to th'extreme bounds of the earth: And now by the only loss of a battle, no less light and easy, then deprived of the praise and merit of arms, it is become despoiled of riches, divided from strength, defaced in renown, ruinated of all things, and especially of counsel, and so reversed and abated, that there remains nothing of our ancient virtue, but signs and shadows, all things being turned into desolation, and nothing remaining but a lamentable expectation of perpetual ruin. But greatly do the French men beguile themselves, if they make a glory of our spoil, or attribute our adversities to their virtue, since notwithstanding we have been heretofore worn and traveled by so many afflictions, wasted and consumed with so many dangers and ruins, yet we never made our courage base than our fortune: yea even in those dangerous wars which we managed many years against the terrible enemy and tyrant of the Turks, of men vanquished, we seemed victorious: And as there are no men miserable, but those that esteem themselves so by the base reputation of their courage, so we had still retained the same show of valour, resolution, and magnanimity, saving that the brute of the terrible name of your Majesty, together with the lively and invincible virtue of your soldiers, hath so abated the minds of us all, that there remains no hope, not to vanquish and overcome, not not to defend and resist: an adversity so lamentable to us, that depriving ourselves of arms and weapons, we have reapposed the hope and remedy of our afflictions in the divine piety and clemency of your Majesty, which we doubt not to find even in the greatest despair of our affairs. In which respect aswell on the behalf of the Prince & Senate, as of the people and commonalty of Venice, we pray, beseech, and conjure you, to cast the eyes of your mercy upon our afflictions, and to cure our grieves with remedies of comfort and consolation: we offer not to debate any articles of peace, but we come accompanied with minds to embrace all such conditions as you think meet to impose, judging them reasonable, righteous, and just: we are not worthy to tax ourselves, or appoint our own rates, but under our free & voluntary consents we offer to you as true and lawful lord, restitution of all those things which our Elders have taken from the sacred Empire, and Duchy of Austria: Whereunto (the condition of our fortune requiring to induce your majesty by all humilities) we add all those things which we possess in the firm land, renouncing all rights, all charters, all prerogatives and interests, by the which we either have got them, or do hold them: we will acknowledge a yearly payment tributary to your Majesty and your lawful successors in th'empire, of fifty thousand ducats for ever: we will obey you in all your commandments, laws, decrees, and impositions, and holding that to belong to our duty, devotion, and fidelity, which depends upon your authority, or respects your security, we will repute us in the condition of subjects, not conquered by arms and victory, but voluntarily yielded under your piety and clemency. We beseech you let our tears and true demonstrations of sorrow induce you to defend us from the insolency of those, who erst were our companions in arms, and now do prove them our bitter enemies, desiring nothing more than the ruin of our name: In preserving us by your clemency, we are to call and honour you by the name of father and founder of our City, to make you a perpetual monument in our Chronicles and registers, and to leave perpetual reapport to our children and posterity of your high merits and virtues: esteem it no small increase of your praises, that you are the first Prince afore whose feet the common weal of Venice falls prostrate, before whose face we bow our knees, under whose hands we offer ourselves humbled, and whom we honour, reverence, and respect as a Prince holding just authority over us. There can be nothing required which we are not ready to perform, and those things which of your modesty you forbear to demand, our necessity hasteneth us to offer into your hands, our humility being the true interpreter of the faith and devotion of our minds: we hope th'extremity of our perils will not make us the less apt to receive your favours, for that he gives a grievous sentence against the state of man's mortality, that denieth compassion to men in misery: And the law of honour & clemency holds us so far assured that you will not make us rejected because we are afflicted, since it is one chief office in your christian piety, to minister succours to men in necessities. Compassion debates not causes and reasons, but proceeds to the relief of such as suffer and expect it then agreeing with true magnanimity, when it ministers comfort upon free and liberal motions: The glory is greater to lend your hand to those that are already fallen, then by drawing your sword against your enemies, to carry the praise of their victory and confusion, the one being just and necessary, and the other a high action of charity, which carrieth the doers into the favour of God: if ambition and worldly inspiration had not so commanded our ancestors, that they had forborn to aspire to th'estates of others, our common weal might have stand advanced above all the cities of Europe in glory, in nobility, in magnanimity and riches, where now deformed altogether with infamy and reproach, it is torn and broken in a moment, and nothing remaining of so many honours and victories, but a perpetual monument, scorn, and derision: And by how much our adversities are great, and our petitions lamentable, by so much it concerns you in clemency, as you are able in power, to reestablish thestate of the Venetians, an action that brings with it such a reputation of name and honour, as in old age no prescription or antiquity, no law of time, nor course of years, shall be able to wipe it out of the minds and memories of mortal men: but as you shall merit with all peoples and nations the only name of pitiful, just, and pardoning, so for our parts, receiving our safety from your clemency, we shall attribute to your virtue, to your felicity, and to your goodness, that we live, that we breath, or that we are reserved to hold community with men.  
The calamities of the Venetians made them of nothing so careful, as to tender those pieces which so long they had occupied of others, their fortune giving them at that time no better means either to appease or assure their adversities: They sent according to the same deliberation into Powilla, to restore the ports to the king of Arragon, who knowing how to enjoy the fruits of other men's travels without his own expenses or danger, had dispatched into Spain, a small Navy at sea, which had commanded certain places appertaining to those cities and havens of the sea. They dispatched also into Romagna a public secretary, with commission, to give up to the Pope all that they held there, upon condition that john Paul Manfron and other prisoners might be restored, with liberty to draw out their artilleries, and that the people that were within the castle of Ravenna should depart in safety: Which conditions whilst the Pope made difficulty to accept, for that he would not displease the confederates, the castle of Ravenna was rendered, the soldiers giving it up of themselves, notwithstanding the Venetian secretary that was entered, sought to hinder it, for that such as solicited for them at Rome, gave hope that the Pope in the end would consent to the conditions, under the which they had offered restitution. But the Pope complained much that they had showed a greater contumacy against him then against Caesar or the king of Arragon: and therefore when the Venetian Cardinals in the name of the Senate, demanded absolution of the Bull, as being due, for that they had offered restitution within the term of xxiv. days, he made answer, that they had not obeyed, because their offer was not simple but joined to conditions limited: and for that they were admonished over & beside the restitution of the towns, to yield account of the fruits they had received, together with the benefits they possessed appertaining to Churches or to persons ecclesiastical.  
In this sort was overwhelmed with a wonderful fury, the estate of the common weal of Venice, one calamity growing upon an other, all their hopes declining, vain and fallible, and no sign remaining by the which, after the loss of so great a dominion, they might hope for the preservation of their proper liberty. So great a ruin touched diversly the minds of Thitalians, of whom many received contentment, 
divers opinions touching the fall of the Venetians.  remembering that the Venetians, proceeding in too great ambition, without respect to justice or observation of faith, aspiring to all things that occasion or opportunity offered, had manifestly quarreled the whole Monarchy of Italy, aspiring to the universal subjection of all those regions: things which made their names hateful, and their government intolerable by the consideration of their natural pride. On the other side, many looking without passion into the present estate of things, and how wretched and fowl it were for all Italy to be brought wholly under the servitude and yoke of strangers, felt no little grief that such a majesty of city, the ancient seat of liberty, and the very glory of Thitalian name through all the world, should fall into such extremity, that so worthy a member should be cut of, which more than all the residue had been the protector of their common glory and renown. But above all so great a fall and declination began to be grievous to the Pope, who doubting the powers of Caesar and the French king, desired to altar their thoughts from oppressing him, by entangling them with affairs. In which regard he determined (but secretly) to do all he could that the adversities of the common weal of Venice should have no further course: And in that good disposition of mind, he accepted the letters written to him in the name of the Duke of Venice, by the which he besought him in great submission, to receive the six Ambassadors sent to him of the principals of the Senate, to sue for pardon and absolution. These letters being read, with their petitions published in the consistory, he consented to admit them, after he had in few words protested that it was the ancient custom of the Church, not to show itself hard or rigorous to such as with repentance of their faults, sought for reconcilement and pardon. Thambassadors of the Emperor and the French strived what they could against it, putting him in memory that by the confederation of Cambray, he was expressly bound to persecute them with arms spiritual and temporal, till every one of the confederates had recoveted that which appertained to him. To whom the Pope made answer, 
The first hope of the Venetians.  that he had consented to admit them, with intention not to give them absolution, if first Caesar (who only had not recovered all) had not obtained the things that belonged to him. This gave some beginning to the hope and comfort of the Venetians, but that which assured them most in their latest fears, was the resolution of the French king, to observe simply and in good fidelity, the capitulation which he had made with Caesar: and having reconquered all that was his, to pass no further with his army, nor break his limits: And therefore albeit it was in his power after he had taken Pesquiero, not only to accept Verona, which had sent Ambassadors to yield to him, but also to occupy Padua without any impediment, together with all the other towns abandoned by the Venetians: yet he would in any sort that the Ambassadors of Verona should present the keys of their town to th'ambassadors of Caesar which were in his army, and for that cause he stayed with all his camp at Pesquiera, which he retained for himself for the commodity of the place, notwithstanding it appertained to the Marquis of Mantua, who durst not refuse it to the king, leaving to him the revenues of the town, with promise of recompense. At the same time the king had also by accord the castle of Cremona, under condition that all the soldiers should departed with goods and life saved, except such as were his subjects, and that the gentlemen of Venice should remain his prisoners, to whom he gave his faith for their safety. Vincensa & Padua followed th'example of Verona, as also other towns, except the city of Trevisa, which being abandoned by the Magistrates and soldiers of Venice, had run also that course, if Caesar had sent thither never so small a force, or at the lest any parsonage of authority: But Leon. De Dressino one of the exiles of Vincensa, went thither to receive it without strength or arms, and without any majesty of empery, receiving Padua in the like sort: and being entered and admitted, the exiles of the same city newly restored by the Venetians, for which benefit they were become faithful lovers of their name, began to draw into tumult, by whose example the people of no less affection to the government of Venice, roase and conspired with one called Mark shoemaker, publishing himself chief, and with great cries and concourse of the commons, carrying into the principal places the banners of the Venetians, they cried with one voice, S. Mark, assuring that they would acknowledge no other Emperor nor Lord. To this action was much helping and concurrant an Ambassador of the king of Hungary, who in his way to Venice, passing by Trevisa, and being thrown happily into this tumult, persuaded the inhabitants not to rebel: In so much that after they had chased out Dressina, and put into the city seven hundred footmen of the Venetians, the army also entering a little after, which was now increased with bands of footmen coming from Slavonia, with the remainders of the army, returned from Romagna, having an intention to encamp in some strong place between Margueta and Mestra: They fortified the town in great diligence, and made their horsemen skoure the places of the country thereabouts, procuring from all parts great relief of victuals, aswell for the necessity of that city, as for the use of the town of Venice, wherein they gathered great quantities from all sides, joining an incredible diligence to the sudden favours which their fortune seemed to recomfort them withal. The principal occasion of this accident, & to confirm in the Venetians a hope to retain yet some part of their dominion, together with many other great adventures that followed, was the negligence and disordered government of Caesar, of whom in so great a course of victory there was heard no other thing than his name, notwithstanding by the mean of the French arms, and for their fear, so many towns had been rendered to him, which was very easy for him to keep: Only, after the confederation made at Cambray, he occupied certain time in Flaunders, to leavy of the people a loan of money to furnish his wars, which he had no sooner got into his possession, then, according to his custom, he spent it unprofitably: And albeit at his departing from Macklin with all pomps and ceremonies imperial, and being come very near to Italy, he made publication that he would begin the war at the term appointed to him in the capitulation: yet being oppressed with his accustomed difficulties and confusions, he advanced no further, notwithstanding the Pope egde him with great importunities, for the fear he had of the French arms: wherein to give him a more life to th'enterprise, and to make him no less able to th'action, he sent to him by Constantin of Macodina fifty thousand ducats, consenting withal to the hundred thousand ducats which had been levied certain years afore in Germany, and reserved to make war upon the infidels: Besides all this, he had received of the French king, an hundred thousand ducats for th'investiture of the duchy of Milan, and was advertised of the fortune of the battle of Vailo as he drew near to Ispurch: and notwithstanding he dispatched with great diligence the Duke of Brunswike to recover Friul, yet he moved not (as in such a concurrence of occasions had been convenient) for want of money (the taxes which he had imposed and drawn from so many places not being able to suffice his prodigalities:) At last he arrived at Trent, from whence writing letters congratulatory to the king, he gave many thanks that by his mean he had recovered his towns: and assured him, that the better to express the good will he bore to the king, and withal to wipe out all memories of offences past, he had caused to be burned a book which was kept at Spires, containing an authentic register of all the injuries which the French kings in times past had done to th'empire and nation of Germany, confessing that since the king had accompanied his promise with such honour and fidelity, that he could do no less in common office, then for his part to dissolve all remembrances of things that might minister occasions to be unthankful to so great an affection. The Cardinal of Amboyse came to him to Trent the thirteenth day of june, to communicate of their common affairs, who being received with demonstrations well testifying the amity he bore to his king, promised him on the king's behalf, a succour of fifty lances. In so much that after they had with great agreement given directions for other affairs, it was resolved that Caesar and the king should speak together in plain field near the town of Guard, upon the Marches of both the one and others countries: For which cause the French king prepared to be there at the day appointed, and Caesar, in the same regard came to Riva de Trent, bringing in neither of their minds any suspicion, the one alured by good experience of benefit and fidelity, and the other assured by the consideration of the same. But such are the variations of Princes, and their ordinary subjection to suspicions and jealousies, that th'emperor, after he had been there only two hours, returned immediately to Trenta, signifying to the French king, that by occasion of new accidents happened at Friul, he was constrained to depart suddenly, desiring him to stay at Cremona, till he returned to give perfection to the interview determined. This variety (if notwithstanding it be possible in a Prince so inconstant to find out the truth) many attributed to his credulity & lightness of belief, some men blowing into his ears something that made him enter into suspicion: Others made this thoccasion, that having so small a Court, accompanied with a train ill appointed, he thought he could not present himself with that dignity and reputation, as might hold comparison with the pomp and greatness of the French king: who for his part desiring to dissolve his army to be delivered of so great a burden, & no less to return with speed into France, took his way to Milan, not tarrying for th'emperors signification, notwithstanding the bishop of Gurce, whom th'emperor had sent for that effect, following him even to Cremona, solicited him much to tarry, making promise that without all exceptions th'emperor would return. The discamping of the army and person of the French king from the confines of Caesar, diminished greatly the reputation of his affairs: And yet albeit he was accompanied with such multitudes of men, that he might easily refurnish Padua and the other towns, yet he sorbare to send garrison thither, either for thinconstancy of his nature, or that he thought afore hand to set upon some other enterprise: or lastly that he interpreted it more to his honour to descend into Italy with a greater army: And which more is, he pretended (as though the former actions had had their due perfection) that together with the joint forces of the whole confederates, they should assail the City of Venice: A matter very plausible to the French king, but grievous to the Pope, and no less impugned with open reasons by the king of Arragon.  
About this time, the Florentines put their last hand to the wars against 
The last action of the Florentines against the Pisans.  the Pisans: for after they had cut off all succours and entry of grains into Pisa, they levied new bands, to th'end by advancing all thindustry they could, to choke all their course of victuals both by sea and land: A matter that was subject to difficulty for the neighbourhood of the country of the Lucquois, who when they could secretly do it, observed with a very negligent faith their accord newly made with the Florentines: the necessities of their neighbours prevailing above the bond of their promise, oath, or fidelity. But notwithstanding the secret succours of those good neighbours, the want of victuals more and more increased within Pisa: an affliction above all others lest tolerable, and most contrary to the kind of man, expressing in that adversity a peculiar frailty. The soldiers of the plain country could not endure it, which made those principals of the Citizens, in whose hands rested all public resolutions, being followed with the greatest part of the youth of the City, the better to loll the country soldiers with devices accustomed, to introduce by the mean of the Lord of Plombin, a practice of accord with the Florentines: An action wherein were artificially consumed many days, and for which the Florentines sent to Plombin, Nicholas Machiavelli their secretary, the Pisans electing for Ambassadors both Citizens and country men. It was very hard to enclose Pisa, for that it stood in a felden large, and full of ditches and marris, neither could the entry of victuals be hindered by any easy mean, specially by night, both for the faithful industry of the Lucquois to refurnish them, and the desperate minds of the Pysans, refusing no peril wherein was any opportunity of provision: But to overcome those difficulties, the Florentine Captains determined to divide their army into three parts, bestowing one part at Messana without the gate of Plageis, the second at Saint Peter de Rene and Saint james over against the gate of Lucquay, and the third was appointed to the ancient Temple of Saint Peter d'ingrado, standing between Pisa and the mouth of Arna: In every camp, being well fortified, they bestowed a thousand footmen, with convenient numbers of horsemen: And to let that none should pass over the mountains by the way of the vale of Osola, which leadeth to the mount Saint julian, they builded towards the great hospital, a Bastillion capable of two hundred and fifty footmen: By these impediments the Pisans fell more and more into want of victuals, who seeking to get by policy that which they despaired to obtain by force, devised that Alphonso Mutulo a young man of Pisa, but of base condition, who being aforetime taken prisoner by the Florentin soldiers, and receiving many pleasures of his keeper, should offer to be thinstrument to make them surprise the gate that goeth to Lucquay: Their devise bore this meaning, that at the same time that the camp which was at Saint james should go by night to execute th'enterprise, they would not only oppress it when one part was entered, but also would charge the other camps of the Florentines, which according to the resolution, were to approach more near the City: but for that they made not their approach rashly nor in disorder, the Pisans won no other thing by this practice, but the lives of certain particulars, who at the sign given were come to the first gate, thinking to enter the City, amongst whom was slain with a shot Paul de Parana captain of a company of light horsemen to the Florentines, and Canaio de Pratovechio, to whom Alphonso Mutulo had been prisoner, and under his assurance had managed the practice. This hope being thus disappointed, and very small quantities of corn entering into Pisa, and that to the great danger of such as carried it, the Florentines withal not suffering that the unprofitable mouths should depart out of Pisa vexing them with many adversities, things necessary for the life of man were bought at dear rates, yea many perished by famine, for that there could not enter a proportion to suffice the general numbers: An affliction more lamentable than any other that the course of war draweth with it: And yet those necessities were surmounted by the obstinacy of those Citizens which were magistrates and principals in the government, who disposed to behold rather the extreme ruin of their country, then to yield to so horrible a necessity, deferred from day to day to negotiate or consult, entertaining as well as they could the commons, sometimes with one hope, sometimes with an other, but specially with this, that since there was expectation of the coming of Caesar into Italy, the Florentines would be constrained to retire from their walls. But one part of the country men with such as had been at Plombin where they saw into their intentions, drew into conspiracy, and constrained them to introduce new consultations with the Florentines, which being followed with Alaman Saluiat commander of that part of th'army which lay at Saint Peter d'ingrado, after many disputinges (the principals opposing many impediments) were at last resolved and concluded. Thaccord was made with conditions very favourable for the Pisans, seeing that not only all their faults both public and private were pardoned, but also many exemptions accorded, being also absolved from all restitution of movable goods which they had ravished from the Florentines at the time when they rebelled: So great was the desire of the Florentines to repossess it, and so great their fear lest th'emperor (naming the Pisans in the league of Cambray) or from some other part, there happened no impediment unlooked for: And albeit they were well assured that the Pisans would be constrained within few days to give place to hunger, yet they sought rather to assure the Town with hard conditions, then to obtain it without convention, to put any part of the certainty in the power of fortune, holding it more honourable to win peace by pardoning offences, then to publish their bloody desires by th'extreme execution of war. 
Pisa rendered to the Florentines.  This accord being begun to be negociated in the camp, was afterward translated and concluded at Florence by th'ambassadors of the Pisans: An action wherein the faith of the Florentines is worthy of memory, who notwithstanding their just hatreds provoked by so many injuries, were no less constant to observe things promised, then easy and tractable to thagreement.  
The king of Romans (no doubt) received a great displeasure by the rendering of the Pisans, for that he was persuaded, that either the demayne of that City might serve him to many occasions, or else by according it to the Florentines, he should draw from them a great quantity of money, for want whereof he let slip and lost many fair occasions that were offered to him without his pains and industry. But whilst he stood so negligent in opportunities offered, that neither at Vincensa nor at Padua was almost any soldiers for him, and whilst withal his delays abated th'affection of the inhabitants of towns, himself wandering with a very small company, sometimes to one place, sometimes to an other: The Venetians forgot not to follow the favour of the time, and taking th'advantage of his negligence, they embraced all opportunities that offered to recover Padua, whereunto they were induced by many reasons: for the retaining of Trevisa made them know, how unprofitable it was to them, with a counsel so rash and prejudicial, to abandon so soon the dominion of the firm land, the lingering preparations of th'emperor being the cause that they held him in less fear daily: Besides, they were not a little moved, for that seeking to bring to Venice the revenues of the lands which diverse particulars of the town of Venice held in the country of Padua, those of Padua made manifest resistance: In so much that the disdains of certain particulars being joined to a public profit, concurring withal the weak providence and furnishmentes of soldiers at Padua, together with the consideration of thinsolences which the Gentlemen of Padua used towards the populars, and many remembering the easy and moderate 
The Venetians determine to recover Padua.  government of the Venetians, beginning eftsoons to desire their ancient yoke: they determined to make an attempt to recover it, wherein they were assisted with this ready occasion, that those of the plain country of Padua stood yet at their devotion. They devised that Andrew Gritti one of their Commanders, leaving behind the camp, wherein were four hundred men at arms, more than two thousand light horsemen, and five thousand footmen, should go to Novalo upon the frontiers of Padua, and taking in his way a part of those footebands, which, with many troupes of peasants were sent to the village of Mirava, he should draw towards Padua to assail the gate of Codalonga: And the more to terrify such as were within, they gave directions at the same time, that two thousand of the popular soldiers, with three hundred footmen and certain horsemen, should execute upon the bulwark of the water standing in the contrary part of the city: And lastly, the better to cover this enterprise, Christo. Moro the other commander, was likewise appointed to encamp afore the town of Citaaella: The directions and plots of this enterprise were no less well laid and observed, than the issue happy, for that the footmen arriving at full days, found the gate of Codalonga half open, certain paysantes a little before being entered by chance with carts loaden with hay: In so much, as commanding the gate without any great difficulty, and expecting without any noise the coming of their other strength which was at hand, their fortune did not only carry them into the town, but also almost to the market place, afore the City, which contains a long circuit, and is not much peopled, was touched with any advertisement of th'accident, the sear of the Citizens helping no less to advance the enterprise, than the secret industry or valour of the Venetians. The knight la Volpe marched first with his light horsemen, 
The Venetians recover Padua.  together with Zirolo de Perousa & Lactance de Bergamo, with one part of the footmen: And the alarm being come to the Citadel, Dressina governor of Padua for Maximilian, prepared himself to failly out with three hundred Almain footmen which he had there only for his guard: the like did Brunault de Serge with fifty horsemen, who sustaining the fury of the enemies, expected that the gentlemen of Padua favourers of thAlmains would take arms with them: But that hope was vain with all the residue, for that in the City fallen into this surprise and sudden oppression of tumult, was found no disposition of resistance, especially many bands of th'enemy being entered and governing those parts of the town, wherein lay their chiefest protection: In so much as standing thus abandoned of fortune and hope, they were constrained, with the loss of many of their men, to retire with speed into the castle and Citadel, and they but weakly manned, were by the necessity of the present peril, yielded to discretion within a few hours after, they being no less unable to repulse a violence offered, than they were negligent to foresee it afore it happened. By this mean, the Venetians being eftsoons made Lords of the whole, laboured to appease the tumult, and save the City, whereof the greatest part, by the insolences of the others, were ranged to their devotion, nothing receiving spoil or harm, but certain houses and store places of the jews, which were afore declared enemies to the name of the Venetians. This accident happened the day of S. Marina, a day solemnly celebrated at Venice by public decree, as a first day of their felicity, and beginning of the restoring of their common weal. The brute of this victory did much to move the whole country thereabouts, which had found imitation in Vincensa, if Constantin de Macedonia had not entered with a very small strength: But as there is no worldly thing more mighty than the course of fortune, so by the felicity of this conquest, the Venetians become with a present diligence, masters of the whole country, the commons of towns and popular multitudes joining favour to the felicity that followed them. They recovered by this mean the town and castles of Leguagno, a place of great conveniency to trouble the countries of Verona, Padua, and Vincensa: They made attempt also to take the tower Marquisano within eight miles of Padua, a passage of singular opportunity to dissresse the country of Mantua, but by the rescues which the Cardinal of Este sent, their enterprise was defeated.  
It was thought that the taking of Padua did nothing stay the French king from returning beyond the Mounts, and as he was upon his discamping, he made in the town of Biagrasse new conventions with the Pope's Legate, by the which the Pope and the king bond each other to a mutual protection, with liberty that either of them might contract with any other Prince, so far forth as it was not prejudicial to the present confederation: The king promised not to hold in his protection, nor to accept into the same hereafter, any subject, homager, or dependent, either directly or indirectly of the Church, canceling expressly all articles of protection until that day: A promise not much agreeable to the honour of so great a king, for that a little before he had taken into his protection the Duke of Ferrara, for a consideration of thirty thousand ducats: beside, it was agreed that the Pope should dispose by his discretion the bishoprics that then were void in all the lands of the king's obedience, but for such as should fall void within a certain time, they should be at the nomination of the king, for whose better satisfaction, the Pope sent the Bulls of Cardinalshippe to the Bishop of Alby, promising to endue him with the Hat assoon as he came to Rome. Immediately upon the conclusion of this contract the king hasted out of Italy, carrying with him into France no small glory for so great a victory gotten, with so swift a course upon the Venetians: And yet he carried home by this victory, neither the more tranquillity of mind, nor greater assurance for his affairs: A matter that often happeneth, that in things obtained, after they have been long desired, men find neither that contentment, nor that pleasure which they imagined before: yea men might discern matter prepared to greater dangers and innovations, together with a manifest incertainty of his mind, by the deliberations he had to make by reason of those accidents newly happened: for, if things had good success with the king of Romans, his fear was far greater of him then of the Venetians: And if the greatness of the Venetians began eftsoons to be readressed, he must be constrained to devil in continual suspicions and expenses, to keep the things he had taken from them: beside, he must needs contribute to Maximilian both in men and money, for that in abandoning him, he was to fear lest he would knit with the Venetians against him, and withal, lest the king Catholic would not be of the faction, and haply the Pope: Besides, mean aids and succours would not suffice to entertain him in amity with Caesar, to whom he must minister so liberally, as by them he might obtain the victory against the Venetians: and on the other side, if he sent him strong and able succours, besides that it could not but draw with it intolerable expenses and harms, yet he confirmed his own dangers touching the greatness of Caesar: The king weighing thestate of these difficulties, stood in the beginning in doubt touching the mutation of Padua, whether he should hold it agreeable or troublesome: But conferring the surety which the deprivation of the firm land from the Venetians might bring to him, with the perplexities and dangers which he feared to suffer by the greatness of Caesar, and with hope to obtain of him by money in regard of his necessities, the city of Verona, which he desired much, as a place of singular opportunity to suppress the movings on the side of Germany: he judged it at last more to his profit and surety, to have things remain in that estate, then, for that there was great appearance of a long war between Caesar and the Venetians, both the one and other being made weary by so continual expenses, would become more weak. In this nature of opinion he stood better confirmed, when he had contracted with the Pope, with whom he hoped to have a confederation well assured and resolved: And yet he left upon the limits of Verona, Monsr de Palissa with seven hundred lances to be disposed by Caesar, no less for the preservation of things gotten, them to obtain that which the Venetians still possessed, And because by the commandment of Caesar, they being conveyed into Vincensa, the city of Verona was assured, which was in great danger and suspicion for the small numbers of men of war that were within it: and by that mean the Venetian army which lay encamped before the Citadel, was retired.  
After the king's departure, this good adventure fell also to the Venetians: Their horsemen which were within Leguagna, made continual incursions over the whole country even to the gates of Verona, doing many violences and harms of war, against whom the garrison of Verona could make no great resistance, being but two hundred horsemen, & seven hundred footmen: by reason whereof the Bishop of Trent, whom Caesar had appointed governor over it, determined to plant his camp there, and for the better execution, he called to th'action the Marquis of Mantua, who expecting the preparations that were in hand, lay encamped with those bands which the French king had given him, in the isle of Escalo, a great passage upon the country of Verona, neither environed with walls, nor made strong with other fortifications: But whilst he lay there without jealousy or doubt of 
The Marquis of Mantua prisoner.  any thing, he served as a notable example to all Captains, how much it imports them in all times and all places to be vigilant, and so manage their affairs with care and industry, that they may have confidence in their proper forces, without reapposing in this vain imagination, that either their enemies be far of, or that by an opinion of their weakness they may think their estate to stand in more security: for, as the Marquis had covenanted with certain estradiots of the Venetian army to come to him in that place to take his pay and follow his ensign, who from the beginning of the conference had manifestly communicated the devise with their captains: And as the captains, upon this occasion had ordained to assail him unprovided: So Luke Maluezzo with two hundred light horsemen, and Zitolo de Perousa with eight hundred footmen, which were secretly come from Padua to Leguagno, being joined to the bands which were within, and fifteen hundred men of the country, and sending before certain horsemen, who cried Turko, Turko, (that was the Marquis name) making as though they were those estradiots that were expected: they conveyed themselves in the peep of the day without that there was any doubt made, to the isle of Escalo the same morning that was appointed, where, finding no resistance they entered, and finding all the soldiers without guard and such as followed the person of the Marquis sleeping in their own negligence, they put them to the spoil, and took prisoner amongst others, Monsr de Boyssi lieutenant to the Marquis, and nephew to the Cardinal Amboyse. The Marquis understanding thalarme, leapt naked out at a window, and hid himself in a tough of corn: but he was discovered to thenemies by a peasant of the same place, who respecting more thestate of the Venetians, than his particular profit, made as though he would save the Marquis for the offers he made, but did the contrary: for that the Marquis not able to lie hidden in so ill a fortune, was presented afore the general, and so led to Venice, and there put prisoner in the little tower of the public palace, to the wondered rejoicing of every one.  
Caesar till this day had given no impediment, nor meddled to hinder the proceedings of the Venetians, for that he had not yet levied a force sufficient to put himself in the field: He was hardly bestead many days in the mountain of Vincense, where the country men bearing devotion to the Venetian name, and reapposing much in the difficulties of the place, were drawn into manifest rebellion against him: And after Padua was reobtayned by the Venetians, he descended into the plains, where being encountered with multitudes of the mountain men and paysantes in a passage of good situation and strength, his case was in no little peril: But after his valour and policy had removed the dangers that were opposed, and by their proper disorder had put the mountain men to the chase, he came to Escalo upon the frontier Vincentin, where the Venetian army had recovered a great part of the country of Vincense, and taken Seravallo, a passage of importance, where they executed many cruelties upon the Almains, which was recompensed with like example of slaughter by Maximilian upon the Italian footmen and mountain men, winning upon them the passage not many days after: A matter which aught not to find so ready imitation amongst Christians, notwithstanding the laws of arms are full of severities, for that in actions of revenge the virtue is greater to pardon, then to punish, and to a Prince by so much more honourable is his victory, by how much he useth his clemency above his justice: But as yet his forces being not so great as the necessity of his affairs required, he occupied the time in small enterprises, sometimes besieging this borough, and sometime that passage, with very little honour and reputation for the name imperial: and as always his conceptions were far greater than his forces or occasions, so he solicited at the same time with the confederates the union of all their forces, to make an action upon the city of Venice, making his commodity, over and above the preparations by land, of the sea armies of the French king, the king of Arragon and the galleys of the Pope being at that time conjoined and assembled into one navy: To which demand, notwithstanding no mention was made in the confederation of Cambray, the French had consented, if the conditions had been such, as the benefit of the conquest had turned to a common profit: so ready is th'inclination of Princes to embrace enterprises which depend upon benefit: But it was a thing grievous to the Pope, with whom, both then and at other times when it was commoned upon more amply, the king of Arragon joined to detest it for that it seemed to bring particular profit to the French, using this cooler that it was both unjust and dishonest.  
The calamities of war are hardly limited, and less seldom contained in one place certain, for whilst the countries of Padua, Vincensa, and Verona, suffered these torments by the armies of thAlmains and italians, the country of Fryul and those places which were for the Venetians in Istria, were afflicted with more miserable persecutions and ruins: for that the Prince of Hanau being entered by Caesar's direction into the country of Fryul with ten thousand men trained, after he had attempted in vain to take Montfalcon, carried by force the town and castle of Cadore, with a pitiful execution and butchery of those that defended it: And on the other side, certain light horsemen and footbands of the Venetians followed with many of the country men, took by force the town of Valdisera, and by accord, the town of Bellona, where was no garrison for thAlmains. The Duke of Brunswik, whom th'emperor had likewise sent thither, being repulsed at Vdnia the principal town of Fryul, was marched to Civital d'Austrich, a town situate in a high place upon the river of Natisona, where Federik Contarino lay in garrison with a very small company, reapposing much in the forces of the people who had minds well resolved to defend themselves: to his succours, as joh. P. Gradivio Magistrate of Fryul was coming with eight hundred horsemen and five hundred footmen, he was put to flight by certain hands of thAlmains: And yet, notwithstanding they had shaked Cyvitall with their artillery, they could not carry it, neither with the furious assaults which they gave, nor with the rumour they spread that they had defeated the succours that came to rescue them, so great a resolution doth the defence of liberty, above all other respects, breed in the mind of men: In Istria, Christopher Frangypan defeated near the borough of Vermes, the commissaries of the Venetians accompanied with the bands & soldiers of the country: A success that put into his hands the new castle & the town of Raspruch, to the great terrifying of the whole country with the damages, ruins, and burnings that he made: In this peril the Venetians sent thither Angeo Trevisan captain of their sea army, with sixteen galleys, who taking upon his arrival the town of Fiumo, addressed himself to occupy the town of Triesto: But the success falling contrary to th'expectation of thadventure, he turned his strength to Raspruch, and recovered it by force, and afterwards retired with his galleys to Venice, Fryul and Istria remaining in a pitiful estate, for that some times the Venetians commanding, and sometimes thAlmains prevailing, those towns which the one part had taken and sacked, being eftsoons recovered & prayed upon by the other, there was no action which tended not to the ruin of the miserable country, wherein the lives and goods of men being in continual pillage, the fruits and wealth of the country were horribly wasted by all those sorts of oppressions which so bloody a war may draw with it.  
During those accidents of temporal arms, there was disputation at Rome touching spiritual arms, six Ambassadors of Venice (since the reobteyning of Padua) being gone thither in habit and show miserable: for where afore they were wont to come in with great pomp and magnificence, and received with a reverence of the whole Court: now, much less that they were followed or accompanied, seeing they were not admitted to enter but by night: Such was the pleasure of the Pope, who denying them the presence of his face, referred them to negotiate in the house of the Cardinal of Naples with him and the other Cardinals and Prelates appointed, th'ambassadors of Caesar, the French, and Spanish hindering as much as they could that they should not obtain thabsolution of the Church pains, and of the contrary a Bishop of England whom the king of that Nation, Henry the eight had sent thither in their favour, soliciting manifestly for them with all the labours and devices he could use: So full of quarrel is adversity, and so infinite is the malice of the world, that to him that is overthrown there are few that will lend their hands to help him up again, and to such as are in wealth and favour, every one studieth to cast stumbling blocks to make them fall.  
But about this time, an expectation of far greater things occupied the minds of every one, for that as Caesar on the one side levying all the power he was able of himself, with such as he could gather of his aydors and friends, prepared to besiege Padua with a puissant army: so the Venetians on the other side, judging their universal safety to consist in the defence of the same City, laboured to strengthen it with all provisions necessary for their defence: They caused to enter, besides the bands appointed for the guard of Trevisa, their whole army▪ with all the forces they could gather from all parts: they conveyed thither infinite numbers of all sorts of artilleries, and all provisions of victuals, sufficient to nourish them for many months, and refurnished the town with proportions of labourers, workmen, and artificers, by whose help they made many mounts, and sluices of wood and iron, to th'end they should not be deprived of the water that was brought to Padua. And albeit the provisions and munitions were such as greater could not be desired, yet in an action of so great importance, the care, diligence, and industry of the Senate were incredible, omitting no opportunity wherein occasion was given to reconquer their losses, and defend their liberty that remained: They set before their eyes the consideration of all things that they judged to be either necessary or profitable, and brought into judgement all accidents that either fear, peril, or conjecture could devise, wherein as they were in open conference of things, in open counsel, Leonard Loredan their duke, a man much respected for his age, and of no less reputation for the dignity of his place whereunto he was called many years before, reasoned at large in this manner.  
In cases of adversities, more doth it hurt to be doubtful in counsel and wandering, 
The oration of Leonard Loredan.  than the multitude of ills that can happen, for that when peril and danger be at hand, it is to late to turn confidence into fear, and less declaration of virtue to be desperate in chances, seeing there is no accident that happeneth which comes not accompanied with his proper remedy: And as folly and rashness have no society with wisdom, nor fortune any community with good counsel: so when the last necessity hasteneth, to live in conjectures, is to draw on the ill that threateneth, and to be irresolute, is not to temper fortune, but to tempt her. I fear nothing less in you then want of wisdom and valour, for that in minds so well instructed, the respects to common honour and liberty can not but be far above the considerations of our present miseries and fortune. But I wish by the way of warning, that we be not too much amazed in the contemplation of our calamities, nor more fearful of harms that are yet but in shows and shadows, then mindful to foresee that they resolve not to bodies, and happen through our proper negligence and weakness. If it be true (right worthy Senators) that not only the hope we have to recover our dominion, consists in the well defending of Padua, but also all th'expectation that remains to maintain our universal liberty: And if on the contrary, it be most certain, that of the loss of Padua will descend the last desolation of our country, we must necessarily grant, that the provisions and preparations which hitherunto we have made, notwithstanding they were great, have not yet been sufficient, either for that that appertaineth to the surety of that City, nor for that which respecteth the dignity of our common weal: for in an action of such danger and importance, it sufficeth not so to order things, as there may be a bore hope of the defending of Padua, but we must so provide that with all our forces there may be such concurrence of all diligence and industry possible to the wit of men, that it may stand assured against all the accidents of fortune, who being mighty over all the things of the world, hath yet her greatest power over thactions of war: It is not a resolution worthy the ancient glory of the Venetian name, to commit wholly the public safety, our universal honour, and the proper lives of our wives and children, to the virtue of foreigners, and fidelity of marcenarie soldiers: it better agreeth with the extremity we are in, and with the ancient reputation and valour of this City, to run thither with our bodies, and stretch out our arms for the defence of that wherein is enclosed the safety of the community of this populous dominion: for if we now look not to the preservation of that City, there remains no time hereafter to make us assured, no fortune to hope in, no place to give us comfort, nor no action wherein to show our virtue, or to expend our treasure for our liberty and safety. Time is thankful to such as follow it, and favoureth occasions with opportunities convenient, which if we will apply to ourselves afore the season of our remedy and rescue be past, we must not leave unproved any policy, any example, nor any action that may respect our succour and safety, and much less expect, till we remain a pray to those that seek to sack our goods, and wash their covetousness in our blood. The conservation of our country comprehends not only a public good, but together with the safety of the common weal, is respected the security of every particular, suffering such affinity and conjunction together, that the one can not consist without the other: for the common weal falling into servitude, it can not be avoided that the substance, the honours, and lives of private men, become not also a pray to the covetousness, to the voluptuousness, to the cruelties, and to the vile affections of the enemies. Though there were no other respect or interest in the defending of a common weal, than the preservation of a country, is it not a thing worthy of noble Citizens full of glory and reputation in this world, and meritorious also afore God? the same so working with the people gentiles and heathen, that they held it as a religion, that in heaven is determined a place particular for the perpetual fruition and comfort of such, as either succoured, preserved, or augmented their country: And what country did ever deserve to be better rescued and supported by her children then this, who in all ages hath retained a sovereign principality over all the cities of the world, and by whom the Citizens receive infinite commodities, profits, and honours. It is wonderful, whether you consider it in the gifts which it hath received of nature, or in the things which declare her perpetual greatness and happy fortune: or lastly, in those effects which express her virtue, together with the nobility of the wits of her inhabitants: her situation makes men amazed, being the only city in the world seated amongst the salt waters, and hath all her parts so conjoined, that at one time men may enjoy the commodities of the water, and pleasures of the land: It is assured against thinvasions of the land, for that it standeth not on the firm land, and it is free from inundations of water, for that it is not seated in the plain and deep sea. I may allege to the dignity and reputation of this City, the wonderful majesty of public palaces and private mansions builded at incredible charges, and repolished with strange Marbles and stones of singularity, brought hither from all parts of the world, together with a stately aspect of excellent purtraites, imageries, sculptures, pillars, and other workmanshippes of worthy regard: Not city of the world comparative with this for the concourse of all strange nations coming hither, partly for the surety and freedom of habitation in this climate so well tempered, and partly for th'exercise of their traffic and negotiations, whereby our common weal doth draw more plenty of revenues and riches of things contained only within the circuit of this City, than many absolute kings receive of their large and whole kingdoms. Great is the affluence of men of faculty and science, reverent for their gravity, doctrine, and learning, and no less wonderful for their singularity & quality of wit, and other virtues of men, from the which, joined to other conditions, is descended the glory of actions which by this common weal and her discendants, have been made more great, then (since the empery of the Romans) by any other principality or state in the world. It may be holden not one of the lest wonders, to see so great abundance of things, in a City wherein nothing groweth, and yet subject to such multitudes of inhabitants. At the beginning our town was strayted and enclosed, and we constrained to retire ourselves into little rocks and caves, barren and naked of all things, and yet the virtue of our elders, stretching out first into the next seas and towns adjoining, and afterwards rising increasing by degrees of success upon the shores and provinces further of, yea even to the uttermost limits of the Levant, they got both by sea and land so great an empire, and power, that being redoubted to all the other towns in Italy, it was necessary to call in the unity, policies, and forces of other Christian princes to help to abate and depress it: Matters assuredly happened by the aid and favour of the omnipotent God, who with such graces hath blessed and sanctified the laws and observations of justice indifferently administered in this city: those respects also making many peoples and nations to offer willing subjection to our government. What city, what empire, or what principality gives place to our country, for matter of religion, piety, and works of good example? Where may be seen so many Monasteries, so many Temples full of so many precious ornaments and things of admiration dedicated to the service of God? Where may be found so many Hospitals and places of pity, prepared for the perpetual comfort of the afflicted, and continual exercise of charity? Great (sure) is the recommendation of our City for these favours and blessings, but far more worthy are her praises for the glory of this only, that our country being from the beginning begot and brought forth in liberty, there was never seen any man borne or die in Venice, which died not a free man, and was never troubled in his liberty: A felicity moving principally by th'exercise of civil concord, which hath stand always so rooted and confirmed in the hearts of men, that at the instant when they enter into our Senate and our counsels, they shake off all discords and private quarrels: Of this is the cause the form of government, which hath such temperature and community with all the best sorts of public administration, and compounded of such a well consenting armonie agreeing in itself, that it hath remained for many ages undefiled without partialities, without civil sedition, without arms, and without effusion of blood amongst Citizens: the same being the only praise of our common weal, excelling in this property of virtue both Rome, Carthage, Athens, and all other names of common weal of ancient commendation: yea, we prove in ourselves such an effect of this kind of government and policy, that all those ancients, who in ages past have made profession of Civil wisdom, could not describe or institute a better. Let not then the children, the offspring, and present people of so glorious a country, in whom for so many worlds and ages, hath been so worthily expressed the very strength and defence of the faith and the beauty of the whole Christian common weal, be slow in the execution of their duty, the necessity of their own safety so requiring. Let no man refuse to commit to danger the life of himself and children, for the protection of that wherein consists our universal safety, which being comprehended in the only defence of Padua, let no man refuse to put his person to adventure: And albeit we have certainty that the forces that be there already are sufficient for the defence of it, yet it apperteines to our honour, it is a just office of our common virtue, and it concerns the glory of the name of Venice, to make the world satisfied, that we are run thither in person, both to defend and preserve: The destiny of that City hath permitted, that in few days so great an estate of empery should fall out of our hands, wherein we have not to complain so much of the malice of fortune, for that such nature of adventures are common to other countries and kingdoms, as, for that failing of that constancy which till this day hath been invincible, and without all memory of the glorious examples of our elders, we have with too sudden despair, given place to the mighty blows of adversity, and are not able to represent to our children that valour & virtue, which our fathers have left well testified to us. In matters of enterprise occasion is of great force, and time doth now return upon us thoccasion to recover that notable ornament & member which is not yet lost, if we show the minds of men, but only altered without any peril of absolute ruin. Let us go against the fortune that envieth us, and make willing prostitution of our bodies to the dangers that are offered, so shall we not only redeem thinfamies that we have received, but also the world beholding yet that our ancient magnanimity and virtue is not lost, men will rather attribute the disorders passed to a certain fatal tempest, which neither the counsels nor constancy of men could resist, then to impose upon us either blame or dishonour, fulfilling all things that our condition can afford for our succour. In this respect, if it were reasonable that we went altogether to the rescue of Padua, and if for certain days we might leave this city abandoned without prejudice of her defence & other public affairs of importance, myself, without expecting your resolution, would be the first that should open the way, not seeing wherein I might better close up the latest days of my old age, then in my presence to participate with so glorious a victory which is required of my office and birth, or else not to remain on live after the ruin of my country: A calamity which my mind hath horror to express. But for that Venice, neither can, nor aught to be deprived of her public counsels, wherein consisteth no less the defence of Padua, then in the force and arms of such as be there already: And seeing that the unprofitable troupes of old persons will stand in that city rather as a charge and burden, then as a succour and aid necessary: And seeing withal it is not convenient, for things that may happen, to disfurnish Venice of all her youth: My advise is, respecting these reasons with the regard to accidents that may occur, that there be made a choice of two hundred gentlemen of the flower and principals of our youth, and every of them to go to Padua, with such proportion of his friends, followers, and servants, as his riches and ability will bear, and to continued there so long as shall be necessary for that defence: My two sons with their retinues shall be the first in this example, of whose lives and persons in so great a danger, I make a willing offer to the succour of their country: By their presence in th'action the city of Padua shall be more assured: by their example the marcenarie soldiers that be there will be more resolute, seeing a ready courage in our honourable youth assisting all actions that concern that service. And seeing our sons and kinsmen joined with them, their surety will be the greater to have no want of victuals, munitions, nor any other thing convenient to their comfort: The residue of our youth not put to this execution, shall be so much the more encouraged by this example, to commit themselves in all times of necessity, to all travails and dangers importing the service of their country: It is an honest emulation to strive in virtue, but it is more honourable to contend to excel one an other in the defence of our country: By this I exhort you, noble Senators, (whose words and doings serve as an example and doctrine to the whole City) to moster your sons, and make them of the number of those that shall communicate in so great a glory: for from them will not only proceed the assured & certain defence of Padua, but in this action is also brought to us with all nations, a peculiar reputation, that we ourselves are they, who with the danger of our own lives do defend the liberty and safety of the most worthy and flourishing country that is in the whole world.  
This counsel of the Prince was heard with great affection of the residue, to whom 
The gentlemen of Venice go to the succours of Padua.  nothing appeared more convenient for their common safety, then to join it to practise and execution: And as the nature and operation of the time, and the necessity of their affairs, could not without prejudice endure delays, so the flower and choice bodies of their youth of Venice, mostred and drew to them so many of their friends and followers as were apt to arms, and with them went with speed to the service of Padua, being accompanied to their embarking with all the other gentlemen and community of people, every one celebrating with many praises, and with vows and desires full of devotion and affection, so great a readiness to succour the country: An example of right worthy and honourable imitation, serving to instruct all posterities and ages, that when peril and danger be at hand, every one to be touched with the interest of his country: They were welcomed at Padua with an universal gladness of the captains and soldiers, much recommending the valour of those noble personages, who not trained in the traveles, experiences, and dangers of war, stuck not to prefer the love of their country, afore the respect of their proper life: In so much as ministering comfort one to an other, not as men traveled in calamities, but with minds resolute, they expected in great fidelity the coming of Caesar: who for his part labouring to reassemble and receive the bands of soldiers that came to him from all parts, was by this time come to the bridge of Brento three miles from Padua, and having taken Limini by force, and cut off the course of the water, he tarried the coming of th'artillery which was sent out of Germany, which was no less terrible for the quantity then for the quality: of this proportion of artilleries one part being arrived at Vincensa, and Philip Rosse and Federike Gonsague de Bossole being gone with two hundred light horsemen to be his guard, they were charged with a strength of five hundred light horsemen, who, led by certain peasants that during the war did much service to the Venetians, and being then issued out of Padua, they overthrew them five miles from Vincensa, where Philip remained prisoner, and Federike by the favour of the night escaped in his shirt. From the bridge of Brenta, Maximilian enlarged and stretched out his bands about twelve miles, drawing towards Polesina de Rowigua, the better to open to himself the commodity of victuals, and taking the borrow of Este by assault, and putting it to sack, he went to encamp at Monfelice, where the town standing in the plain, being abandoned, the second day he carried the castle standing on the top of a high rock: Afterwards he took by composition Montagnana, and so returning towards Padua, he encamped at the bridge of Bassanello near Padua, where he proved in vain to turn the river of Brenta which from thence hath his course to Padua. At this place did arrive all th'artilleries and munitions which he expected, and hither did resort all the regiments of men of war which lay dispersed in divers places, with whom in form and title of a main army, he approached near the town: and having bestowed four thousand footmen in the suburbs which are called S. Cross. his opinion was to assail it on that side, but being afterwards advertised that it was a part of the town most strong by situation and by walls, and also that there he stood most subject to the harms of th'artilleries, he determined to discampe and remove his army to the gate which is called the Waterfort, bearing his aspect to Venice: The cause why he removed to this place, was an opinion that there the town was most weak, and withal to give impediment to the succours which were to come either from Venice to Padua both by land and water: But for that he could not go thither for the discommodity of certain marshes and watery channels overflowing the country, but by fetching a great circuit, he came to the bridge of Bovolento within seven miles of Padua, where be pastures and feeding grounds upon the bank of Baguillon towards the sea, between Padua and Venice. To this place, environed with waters, & in the most sure part of the country of Padua, were withdrawn three thousand peasants with great herds of cattle, who being forced by the footbands of the Spanish and Italians that were in the vauwarde, were almost all taken or slain, the victors employing the two days following in praying the whole country, even to the sea, driving away infinite herds of cattle feeding in that quarter. There were also taken upon Brenta diverse barks, which laden with victuals were running up to Padua: At last, the fifteenth day of September, after he had consumed much time unprofitably, and given good leisure to th'enemy both to fortify and refurnish the town with victuals, he approached the walls of Padua on that side towards the gate of the waterfort. There hath not been seen in Italy neither in the age present, nor haply long time before, a besieging of more great expectation, nor wherein the minds of men were more busily occupied, than this, not so much for the nobility and majesty of the City, as for th'importance that was in the loasing and keeping of the same: For Padua, a city so anciently 
Description of Padua.  recommended for the university of studies and sciences, is seated in a country very fertile, and under a climate temperate and wholesome: it is encompassed with three orders of walls, and bearing a circuit and circumference as large as any city in Italy, it hath passing by it the rivers of Brenta and Baguillon: And albeit the Venetians won it out of the possession of the family of Carrato more than two hundred years since, yet it retains many proud aspects and shows of stately buildings, with many monuments & signs of antiquity well expressing her ancient greatness & beauty: And of the conquering and defending of so great a City depended, not only the confirmation or diminution of the Almain empery in Italy, but also the very estate and felicity of the City of Venice: for Padua being defended, it was easy for the common weal of Venice abounding in great wealth, and of one unity of mind and readiness of wit, subject to no such variations as th'affairs of Princes are, to hope to recover in small time so great a part of her jurisdiction: wherein they were so much the more assured, by howmuch the most part of those subjects which had thirsted after mutations, neither finding effects agreeable to their conceptions, and knowing by comparison what difference was between the moderate government of the Venetians, and the tyranny of thAlmains far estranged from the manners and customs of th'italians, and lastly being greatly disordered by the confusions and damages of the war, they began to call into respect and affection their ancient yoke: And of the contrary, if Padua were committed to violence and sack, much less that the Venetians could hope to restore the glory and magnificence of their common weal, seeing there were danger that the very city of Venice made naked of so large a member, and despoiled of so many treasures both by diminution of public revenues, and loss of so many natures of goods movable possessed by persons private in the firm land, would not be able to maintain defence against the armies of the Princes confederate, or at lest would not in time become a prey to the Turks, to whom they are neighbours in many places, and with whom they have had always either war or peace unfaithful and ill assured: But wise men were occupied with no less doubt and perplexity, the mighty preparations that were made on all sides keeping wonderfully in suspense the common judgements, which were very uncertain on whether part the better fortune would fall, either to the assailants, or to the defendants: for in the Army of Caesar, besides the seven hundred French lances, which Monsr lafoy palace commanded, there were two hundred men at arms which the Pope had sent for his strength: two hundred men at arms appointed by the duke of Ferrara under the charge of the Cardinal of Este, notwithstanding the quarrels that were between them were not yet reconciled, and six hundred Italian lances under sundry captains levied by him: he had xviij. thousand Almain footmen, six thousand Spanish, six thousand adventurers of divers nations and languages, and two thousand Italians, levied and paid by the Cardinal of Este under the same title. There followed him a wonderful proportion of all sorts of artilleries, with great quantities of munitions, whereof the French king had sent him one part: And albeit for the most part his own ordinary bands were not paid, yet, what with the consideration of the greatness and authority of such a leader, and the hope to pray and sack Padua, and to have at their devotion all those pieces which the Venetians possessed, much less that they abandoned his service, seeing they flocked to him daily in greater numbers, being carried chief by this inducement, that he that of his own nature was most liberal and full of humanity to his soldiers, would not fail of their payment by covetousness or will, but by disability or want. This was the strength of Caesar's army, compounded wholly of his own forces, but made mighty by the aid of strangers & marcenaries. But for that which concerned the defence of Padua, the army which the Venetians had in that city, was no less mighty: for there were six hundred men at arms, a thousand five hundred light horsemen, a thousand five hundred stradiots, all commanded by these notable captains, the Count Petillano general of the whole, B. de Montono, Anth. de Pic. Luke Maluazzo, john Greek, with other inferior leaders: There were twelve thousand footmen of the best experienced and trained in Italy, under the charge of Denis Naldo, Zitole de Perousa, Lactan. de Bergamo, Sacco de Spoleto, with many other officers: ten thousand footmen aswell Slavonians, greeks, and Albanois, whom they had drawn from their galleys, of whom albeit many were not much profitable to the service, yet some of them were well trained and able to execute necessary office: Besides, they had the youth of Venice in whom was no little importance touching the felicity of the service, and albeit they were much respected in cases of dangers, yet their example served no less to the advancement of the service, than themselves won great merit for their dispositions and piety to their country: There was also a wonderful abundance and store of all provisions necessary, great quantities of artilleries, and a plentiful proportion of all sorts of victuals, the people of the plat countries being no less careful to bring in provisions for their common surety, than the magistrates and officers of Venice to give order for their continual refurnishing: There were also many multitudes of peasants, who being levied at a certain price, were employed in the labours of their fortifications: In so much as to the valour and numbers of those that were appointed to defend it, they joined wonderful rampires and fortifications in that circuit of walls that environeth the whole City: for they had almost filled up all the waterdiche which runneth along the walls, and at every gate of the town and other places convenient, builded many forts and close bastillions without, but so as they were annexed to the walls, and had entries and conveyances into the town, and being well replenished with artilleries, they bet such as entered into the trench: And because the taking of those bastillions should bring no danger to the town, they had sunk in them all underneath, hollow vaults or caves filled up with barrels of gonnepowder, to blow them up into the air, when they were no longer able to defend them: And reapposing not altogether in the greatness and goodness of the old wall, notwithstanding they had searched it diligently, and renforced it where need were, filling up all the cranelles and ruins: yet they made round about the City within, a cover, or pavisse, or fortification of pales, trees, and other pieces of wood, so far distant from the wall as it was in thickness, and with a wonderful diligence, had filled up to the top of the wall with good earth, and well rammed all the void place that was between them. This fortification no less wonderful in th'effect, then of a labour and travel inestimable, thinfinite diligence of men being continually employed, seemed not so to satisfy the expectation of the defence of that City, but that they cast a deep ditch of sixteen fathom breadth, which drawing less and narrower in the bottom, and standing thick with mordring houses and little towers full of shot, seemed impossible to be forced. These natures of fortifications were made with hollow vaults and caves, according to th'example of the bastillions, having conveyances to be overthrown by fire when they would: And because they would be thoroughly prepared to all things, they raised behind the ditch a rampire of the same or greater largeness, which stretched out as far as the circuit of the town, except in certain corners and places, wherein they knew it was impossible to plant artillery: and before the rampire they cast a parapet of seven fathom, which was a defence to those that fought upon the rampire, that they could not be stricken with the bullet of the enemy. And to th'end that the courage of the soldiers and men of the town, might equally answer those rates of provisions and fortifications, the Count Petillano assembling the whole army in the place of S. Anthony, encouraged them with speeches of great gravity and persuasion, to consider upon what terms stood their common safety & honour: wherein for the better fidelity and surety of the service, he protested his own oath, and bound likewise in the same solemnity all the captains, all the army, and the particulars of the town, to follow the defence of the city until death. In a peril so general, there was none refused to give his oath to the defence of that whereunto he so frankly offered his life, and where the life is offered up to danger, it is nothing to give an oath to assure the fidelity. Thus the army of Caesar being drawn near the walls of Padua with so great a strength, and against so mighty preparation, he stretched out his camp from the gate of the waterfort, until the gate of All saints which leads to Trevisa, and from thence enlarged it to the gate of Codalonga which goeth to the Citadel, so as it contained in largeness three miles: Maximilian himself was lodged in the Monastery of S. Heleine, within a quarter of a mile of the city walls, encamping as it were in the midst of thAlmain footmen: And after he had imparted to every one his charge according to the diversity of nations and places of their encamping, he began to plant his artilleries, wherein albeit in his person being invincible in mind and of a body hardened with pain & travels, he performed a wonderful diligence to accomplish that action, yet it could not be achieved but with longness of time and great difficulty, aswell for the quantity and intolerable greatness of some natures of it, as also for that the whole camp, and specially those places where they sought to plant them, were continually tormented and distressed with th'artilleries of the town: At last the perpetual industry of Maximilian joined to the valour of his soldiers, made way to plant his artilleries, and the same day the French with the footmen of thAlmains, gave an assault to the tower of the gate on that side where Monsr lafoy palace had charged, but more to sound and prove their countenance, then with intention to fight in good appointment: and therefore finding the resistance valiant and well furnished, they retired eftsoons to their tents: The day after the charge recontinued, th'artillery not ceasing to thunder with terrible fury: some of them by their incredible hugeness and unmeasurable quantity of powder that was used, pierced thorough the rampires, & reversed the houses that joined nearest the walls: A fury which in short time shaked down to the ground many places of the wall, the bastillion also builded upon the gate of All saints being dismantelled and razed, without that the defendants afflicting the camp with continual volleys of shot, showed any sign of fear: So resolute is the virtue that feightes for honour and liberty. The stradiots that in great valour encamped in the suburbs refusing always to retire into the town, and the light horsemen making continual incursions in all places, skirmished with their enemies sometimes before, and sometimes behind, driving them even to their tents, sometimes they distressed such as were guards to the forraigers and victuallers, and sometimes overrunning the whole country with prey and pillage, they spoiled all the ways, except that which goeth from Padua to the mount of Aban: And yet there was in the camp a wonderful abundance of victuals, every house and place being plentifully furnished, for that neither the fear of the paysantes, nor the careful diligence of the Venetians, nor the infinite harms of the soldiers on both sides, could not drain or dry up the incredible plenty of that most fruitful and fertile country. At the same time also Luke Maluezzo issued out of Padua with certain troupes of horsemen, for the convey of forty thousand ducats which were sent thither from Venice, and albeit in his return the enemy charged him upon the tail, yet his virtue brought in the treasure in safety, without any other loss than one of his men at arms. By the ninth day th'artillery had executed so well, that it seemed there was no further necessity to shoot, and therefore using all benefits that the time offered, the day following the whole army appeared in order of battle to approach the walls: but finding that the same night they within the town had made swell and rise the water of the ditch, which afore was abated and fallen, Caesar gave order that every band should return to his place, holding it neither honourable nor necessary to commit his soldiers to a danger so manifest: The next day, the water eftsoons abated and retired, when embracing th'opportunity, they gave an assault (but with slender success) to the bastillion which was made upon the point of the gate of Godalonga, wherein themperor disposed to do what he could to force it, caused to be turned thither th'artilleries that were planted in the quarter of the French, encamping between the gates of All Saints & Codalonga: And with those artilleries, having done great execution of that place, he followed it with an assault two days after with the footmen of thAlmains and Spanish, accompanied with certain men at arms on foot, who in the fury of the fight ascended the bastillion, and set up there two ensigns: But the fortress of the diche was such, and the virtue of the defendants nothing inferior, and so plentiful thinstruments of defence not only concerning artilleries, but also of stones and wildfires, that they were constrained to descend by heaps, many remaining dead on the place, and some falling into the fortune of imprisonment: In so much as th'army that stood in readiness to give th'assault, immediately upon th'action of the bastillion, retired, and disarmed without making any other attempt, judging it no stain to their honour to abandon th'enterprise wherein was no hope of their safety. By this experience Maximilian lost wholly all hope of the victory, in which consideration he determined his labour with his fortune, & breaking up his camp, after he had bestowed his artilleries in places sure, he retired with his army to the town of Limini towards Trevisa. This was the seventeenth day after he was encamped before Padua, and so with many baits & resting places, he came at last to Vincensa, from whence after he had taken of that people the oath of fidelity, and almost dismissed his whole army, he drew toward Verona, being not a little discontented that his deliberations had taken no better success, but more touched with perturbation, for that they bore blame and slander both in his army and throughout all Italy, for that the execution of things were in deed no less infamous than the counsels: for both for that he had miss of the taking of Trevisa, and also that he had lost Padua, no man doubted that it was not his fault, and also that his too late arriving afore Padua made the action more hard, for that in that negligence the Venetians took opportunity and good advantage of time to make provision of soldiers, to refurnish Padua with victuals, and to raise wonderful fortifications to resist th'execution that was determined: And albeit himself could not deny that in that property of error consisted not the defence of the city, yet cloaking the vice of his own variety and proper disorders, he laid the fault from himself, and complained of the Pope and French king, for that the one had suffered the Ambassadors of Venice to go to Rome, and the other had been too slow to send succours, the same giving occasion to the world to believe that they were estranged from him, and had likewise encouraged the countrymen of the mountains of Vincensa to draw to rebellion: for the subduing of whom after he had consumed many days, he found afterwards in regard of the same occasion, the self same difficulties in the plain countries: Also the better to open to himself a way to revictual his army, and to assure his provisions, and withal to deliver his companies from many incommodities, he was constrained to take all the towns of the country: Herein the slow marching of the French had not only much hurt him, but also if they had come in due season and time, the revolt of Padua had not happened: He complained also that aswell for these hinderaunces, as for that the French and king of Arragon had dismissed their army at sea, the Venetians had the better opportunity and mean to refurnish and refortifie Padua standing delivered from all other fears: Lastly, he complained that those difficulties were acceptable to the king of Arragon, as means to induce him to consent more easily that th'administration and government of the kingdom of Castillo should be to him. But these complaints did nothing better his fortunes, and much less recovered his authority lost, for that he was negligent to use so rare occasions: for it did nothing discontent the French king that the world was possessed with such an opinion of him: and in the Pope was less care or affection, for that being of his proper inclination suspicious and distrustful, and weighing withal th'emperors continual necessities and wants of money, with his importunities to demand it, he was unwilling that his name should increase in Italy. At Verona he received the oath of fidelity, & in that city Pe. Guicciardin father to the author of this book, with the other Florentin Ambassadors, covenanted with him in the name of the common weal, (induced, besides their own respects, by the persuasions of the French king) to pay him in a short time xl. thousand ducats: for which promise, they obtained of him in most ample manner, many privileges, for the confirmation aswell of the liberty of Florence as of the dominion and jurisdiction of the towns and estates which they held, together with remission and acquittance of all duties and demands for times past. Thus Caesar, resting determined to return into Germany, to give order (as he said) for the wars which he intended in the spring time, sent for Monsr Chaumont to come and communicate with him of the present affairs: he laid afore him by demonstration the perils of the time, and what danger there were that the Venetians would recover Citadella and Bassana, places of great importance, which they prepared to assail, being made proud by the defence and success of Padua: he feared the same opinion of their fortune would encourage them also to the like action against Monselica, Montagnana, and Este, the felicity of victory making men insolent, and carrying their minds into enterprises above the proportion of their proper power and ability: He alleged how necessary it were to consider, not only of the protection of these places, but also to enter into practice how to recover Leguague, wherein being of himself not sufficient enough to levy provisions necessary for such effects, it touched the king in good policy to minister aid to him, whose places were to fall into manifest peril, if the pieces which he held were not supported. To these demands, Monsr Chaumont, in whom was no power to make any certain resolution, gave answer, that he would see the king advertised, on whose behalf he advouched a mind conformable to his desires, being all that appertained to his place to promise' well, having no authority to assure. After this conference, Caesar went to Chiusa, leaving the Marquis of Brandebourg for the guard of Verona: And a little after Monsr de Palissa remaining with five hundred lances upon the country of Verona, alleging the difficulties and incommodities of the place where he lay, gate leave with great importunities to retire to the frontiers of the duchy of Milan: for that the king's intention was, that if his men of war should remain in garrison and do nothing, they should not abide upon his estate, but should return to the service of Maxymylian to expect such enterprise as he would embrace, but chief the action of Leguagua, which notwithstanding it was much desired and solicited by him, yet it was so long differred by his accustomed difficulties, that the rains fell so fast by the property of the season, that it was impossible to encamp in that country being for his lownes much subject to waters: for these impediments, Caesar was driven to desire truce for certain months with the Venetians, but they rising into courage by his disorders, and seeing how slowly the confederates ministered to his aid, had more regard to the fortune that followed them, then to the motions he made, judging it not for their profit to consent to any ceasing of arms.  
Amid these suspicions and ielowsies of things, th'emperor at last returned to 
Max returneth into Germany.  Trent, leaving those places that he held in great danger, and all the governments in Italy in general doubt: for, there began to appear between the Pope & the french king, a new contention, the foundation whereof, albeit seemed to be laid upon light occasions, yet, there was fear jest it was entangled with more secret practice & causes of greater importance than such as were expressed: The outward cause appearing, was that a Bishoprik being voided in Provence by the death of thincumbent dying in the Court of Rome, the Pope had disposed it against the will of the french King, who pretended such action to be contrary to the capitulation which the Cardinal of Pavya had made between them, wherein albeit the words bore not expressly that there should be equal respect and observation touching the bishoprics falling in the Court of Rome, as of such as fell vacant in other places, yet he was assured no less by the mouth and promiss of the Cardinal, which the Cardinal confessed not to be true, more perhaps for fear, then for other occasion: The Pope affirmed the contrary, alleging that he took no knowledge of any thing promised in privity and secret, only in the ratification he had regard to that that appeared in the writing and particular articles, wherein he had set down distinctly all the contents of the capitulation, chapter by chapter, And th'article concerning the dying of the Bishops in the Court of Rome being not comprehended, he was not bound to th'observation of that that was not expressed: This did so much aggravate the discontentment of them both, that as the King, rejecting contrary to his custom the councils of the Cardinal Amboise, who had always advised him to entertain agreement with the Pope, made sequestration of the fruits of all those benefices which the Churchmen resident in the Court of Rome held in the Duchy of Milan: So, the Pope refused to endue the Bishop of Alby with the hat, who, according to the promiss made to the King, was gone to Rome to receive it: And albeit the Pope, overruled by the importunities of many friends, was brought in the end, to dispose of the Bishopric of Provence according to the kings mind, And albeit there was eftsoons agreed between them a new form of proceeding in benefices that hereafter should fall in the Court of Rome, and in that regard the sequestrations to cease on the one side, and on the other part the hat to be transferred to the Bishop of Alby: yet these agreements sufficed not to moderate the mind of the Pope, who was not a little kindled for many reasons, but specially for that, having from the beginning of his Popedom, transferred very unwillingly the legation of the Realm of France to the Cardinal of Amboise, A matter hurtful to the Court of Rome, and bearing prejudice to his authority, it was now most grievous to him to be constrained (to avoid displeasure with the french King) to continued it to him: he was jealous also that the same Cardinal aspired with all his thoughts & means to the sovereign seat, & therefore he stood in fear & doubt of every advancement and rising of the french: These were the apparent causes of his discontentment, but as far as could be afterwards conjectured by his thoughts and dispositions, he laid greater plots and aspired to far greater ends, desiring vehemently, either for greediness of glory, or for some secret hatred against the french King, or at least for the liberty of the Genowais, that the King might loose all that he possessed in Italy, judging his greatness a bridle to his ambition, and his power in Italy an impediment to his authority: he ceased not also to complain against him and the Cardinal of Amboise indifferently, but with such temperature and cunning, that it seemed his discontentment proceeded chiefly of fear: And yet, as he was of a nature obstinate and invincible, and for the most part accompanied the disposition of his mind with outward demonstrations: So, albeit he aspired in his secret thoughts to an end of so great consequence and hard to obtain, reapposing only in himself and the reverence and authority which he knew Christian Princes bore to the sea apostolic, yet he would not enter into alliance nor depend of any: but expressing both in speech and working, how little account he made of all, he forbore to join with Maxymylian, & refused to enter secret intelligence with the king catholic, but estranging himself from every one, he inclined only to the part of the Venetians, expressing daily more and more a confirmation of will to absolve them, judging it a thing very convenient for the common safety of Italy, and for his particular surety and greatness, not to suffer them to perish: Against this, did make great resistance th'ambassadors of Maximylian and the french, concurring also with them in public practice th'ambassador of the king of Arragon, notwithstanding he solicited the Pope secretly to the contrary, fearing no less the greatness of the french in regard of the kingdom of Naples, and reapposing little in the disposition of Caesar for the slender stability that was in him: These Ambassadors alleged that it was not reasonable that the Pope should do so great a benefit for those, whom he was bound by equity & promiss to pursue by arms, seeing by the confederation of Cambray, every confederate was bound reciprocally to aid one an other till there was absolute recovery of all those places which were named for every particular party: So that seeing Caesar had not yet conquered Trevisa, neither one of them stood acquitted of such bond and promiss: beside, they urged that he might justly refuse th'absolution, both for that they had not restored to the Church the towns of Romagna, neither frankly nor willingly, nor within the term set down in the monition: and also for that even then their obedience was not perfect & absolute, for that albeit, besides the rendering of the towns, they had been admonished to reckon for the fruits, which they had not accomplished: To these objections the Pope made answer, that since they were returned to penance, & had sued for absolution in due humility, it could not stand with the office of the Vicar of Christ, to persecute them any further with spiritual weapons to the prejudice of so many souls, specially having obtained of them, the towns, & by that mean the occasion ceasing, for the which they had been subject to the censures of the Church: That concerning the reckoning or restitution of the fruits, it was but a matter accidental and urged more to aggravat their disobedience, then for any necessary reason, & therefore not just that it should stand against them as a matter of importance: That it was an action of an other nature to pursue them with temporal arms, wherein (determining to persever in the league of Cambray) he offered himself to be ready and concurrant with the others, notwithstanding that every one of the confederates might justly leave of, for that if Caesar had not Trevisa, it happened by his proper error, refusing the first offers which the Venetians made to him by their Ambassador, both to leave him all that they possessed in the firm land, and also to set him down a sufficient allowance and recompense in exchange of Trevisa: And thus not being retained by any contradiction or impediment of th'ambassadors, he only was slow to this action by the disposition of his mind, wherein albeit he esteemed the absolution of the Venetians to be profitable to him, and to the plots he had laid, yet he determined not to give it to them but with great regard to the dignity of the sea apostolic, and so, as all those things which were dependent upon the Church were wholly delivered from their oppressions: the same being one cause that he deferred to absolve them, together with their unwillingness to consent to these two conditions: the one that they should set at liberty to the subjects of the Church, the traffic & navigation of the sea addriatike, which they restrained against all such as would not answer a kind of tribute for the merchandise they brought: the other, that they should continued no longer at Ferrara (A city depending upon the Church) the office of Vecedomino: The Venetians alleged, that they of Ferrara had consented to it, Clement the sixth giving no impediment, who at that time remained with his Court in the city of avignon: They proved beside, that Alexander the fourth had given them the jurisdiction and guard of the goolfe under very large privileges, whereunto they were induced, for that with their armies, with their virtue, & with their expenses they had defended it against the Saracens and pirates Turkish, & made that navigation assured to the Christians: To these reasons it was answered on the Pope's behalf, that they of Ferrara could not in prejudice of thecclesiastic jurisdiction, consent, that any other should hold office or exercise dominion in Ferrara, & that the people of Ferrara had never willingly consented, but were forced by a long and heavy war, & after they had in vain called the aid of the Pope, whose censures the Venetians contemned, were constrained to accept peace with conditions at the discression of those that could do more with them by arms then by reason: Touching their authority alleged of Pope Alexander that he had granted it to them, it neither appeared by history, nor other authentic tradition, neither was there any faith to be given to it but by the testimony of the Venetians, A thing of just suspicion in their own cause, especially carrying so great importance: And be it, there were some appearance of matter, yet it was more likely, that he, who they said had accorded to such things in Venice, had done it by threatenings or by fear, then that a Pope of Rome to whom afore all others appertaineth the defence of justice and the recourse of the oppressed, would have consented to an action so cruel and impudent, and bearing damage to the whole world.  
In this estate of affairs, in this diversity of intentions of Princes, in this slender 
The Venetian army at Vincensa.  power and reputation of Caesar, the Venetians, under the leading of Andrea Gritti, sent their army to Vincensa, where they knew the people, in a general disposition desired to return under their jurisdiction: And making their approaches in the entry of the evening, they won the suburbs of P. after they had made great batteries with their artilleries: Touching the city, albeit there were as yet within it very few soldiers, yet the Venetians had no great surety to carry it: Only the townsmen, by the incensing of Fracasse as the brute run, after they had sent their Ambassadors to them about midnight, put them into the city, the Prince of Hanaw and Fracasse retiring into the castle: And, (such is the property of victory) it was assuredly believed that if the Venetian army obtaining Vincensa, had without delay approached Verona, that town had done the like, examples being of great effect in the alteration of fortune: But the Captains were of advise not to issue out of the town till the castle were commanded, which they had at their devotion the fourth day, the P. of Hanaw and Fracassa distrusting their own weakness, leaving it abandoned: In matters of enterprise nothing is more hurtful than delays, and nothing more hindereth the felicity of victory than not to join opportunity to occasion and fortune: for, in this mean while and respite, new regiments of Caesar entered Verona, together with three hundred lances of the french King, under the ensign of Monsr d'Aubigny: In so much as containing a strength of five hundred lances & five thousand footmen spanish and Almains, it was now no more easy to take it: Not long after, the Venetian army approached Verona & was divided into two parts, in either of which were three hundred men at arms, five hundred light horsemen, and three thousand footmen: They hoped that upon their approaching, there would be some commotion in the city, but because they appeared not afore the walls all in one time, th'inhabitants within the town, going to meet with the former part which came beyond the river of Adice and was already entered the suburbs, constrained them to retire, Luke Maluezze coming a little after on the other side of the river with the other part, retiring also: And both they joining together, encamped in the village of S. Martin within five miles of Verona: Where understanding that two thousand Almain footmen issued out of Basciana, were gone to make pillage of the places about Citadella, turning that way, they enclosed them in a valley called Fidato: But thAlmains, succoured by those of Basciana, made their way by force, though with some hurt for the strait passages, & leaving Basciana abandoned, the Venetians took it: from Basciana, one part of th'army went to Feltro and Cyvitall, which places after they had recovered and commanded, they presented themselves before the rock of Escalo, which they commanded after th'artillery had somewhat executed: At the same time Anthony and Hierome Savorguiana, gentlemen that followed the Venetian faction in the country of Fryull, took new castle standing on a rough mountain in the midst of the patrimony, (so is called that part of Fryull which is beyond the river of Taillemont) And all this while there was heard no other thing of Caesar then vain rumours, and how being moved with the action of Vincensa, was immediately come to Pietra, he traveled from one place to an other using great diligence with very small effect.  
After this, the Venetian army drew towards Monselice and Montagnana, both to 
The Venetian army upon the country of Ferrara.  recover Polisena and to charge the places of Ferrara together with their navy, which the Senate, rejecting the council of the most wise Senators who judged it to rashness to be entangled with new enterprises, had determined to sand against the D. of Ferrara, well furnished with strength & munition along the river of Paw: To this manner of action they were induced, not so much for the profit of th'affairs present, as for thincredible hatred they bore to him: it seemed to them that they could not justly complain, of that he had done to shake of the yoke of Vicedomino, and to recover Polisena, but they supposed it neither to their honour nor profit to suffer, that being not content to challenge that which he pretended to appertain to him by right, he aspired to retain that whereunto he had no way any cooler of interest, for that at such time as Caesar levied his siege from before Padua, he received of him in fee, both the borrow of Este (from whence is sprung the name and family of Este) and also the borrow of Montagnana for pawn and assurance of the money that had been lent him: to which places he pretended no right at all, unless he reapposed equity in his ambition and tyranny: There were added to this the remembrance of many actions of insolency and violence, and other executions done by his people in the recovery of Polesina, who pushed on with an incredible hatred against the name of the Venetians, had executed great harms and cruelties upon the gentlemen, yea even to reverse their houses and put fire in them: In these respects it was agreed, that their navy and sea army, commanded by Ange Trevisan, compounded upon seventeen light galleys with a large furnishment of meaner vessels and able bodies for service, should sail toward Ferrara: This fleet entering into Paw by the mouth of the furnaces, and burning Coruola with certain other villages near to Paw, went pilling & spoiling the country up to the lake of Scuro, from which place the light horsemen who followed them as a strength by land, made incursions as far as Ficherolo: which albeit is rather a house of pleasance than a castle, yet it is not without his reputation and name, for that Ro. S. Severin lay long time before it, being captain to the Venetians in a war which they had against Hercules' father to Alphonso: The coming of this navy together with the rumour of th'army by land that was to follow, brought no little amaze to the Duke, who, having but a slender strength of soldiers, & th'inhabitants of Ferrara either for their small numbers, or for their ignorance in war, not sufficient enough to oppose against such a danger, had no other mean to defend himself, until he were comforted with the succours which he expected from the Pope and french king, then to let with force of shot bestowed upon the brink of Paw, that thenemies should pass no further: for these impediments Trevisan, after he had in vain assayed to pass, seeing he could advance nothing without he were succoured by land, came to an anchor in the midst of the river of Paw behind a little I'll right over against Puliselle: A place within xj. miles of Ferrara and very apt to torment the town and make many hurtful executions upon the country: his intention was to expect there the army who had gotten without great difficulty all Polisena, having first recovered Montagnana by composition, by the which the Magistrates of Ferrara were delivered to them as prisoners, together with the Captains of the footmen that were within: In this time of expectation of th'army, for the more safe riding of the navy in the place where it lay, Trevisan began to raise two bastillions upon the banks of Paw, the one on that side to Ferrara, the other upon the shore right against it, casting withal a bridge upon the vessels to have the more opportunity to succour that bastillion that was on Ferrara side: afore this work was accomplished, the Duke devised either to reverse it or at least to hinder it, and with a council haply more courageous than discreet, he called together all the youth of the town with such companies of soldiers as were come to his pay, and sent them out to assail the bastillion: but it was an enterprise in vain, for that the defendants receiving succours of their peoples which issued out of the vessels, began to disorder the enemy and put them to flight, wherein albeit the Duke himself came to the medley with a fresh succour of horsemen, and with his presence brought a new heart to most of his people not trained in war, yet such was the fury of the enemy, for whom the surety of the place fought being manned with many pieces of small shot, that in the end he was constrained to retire, leaving many of his people either dead or taken, and that not so many of the inexperienced and base multitudes, as of the most brave soldiers and nobility of Ferrara: Amongst them was Herc. Cantelmo, a young man of great hope, and whose Ancestors afore time were Dukes of Sore in the kingdom of Naples: The fortune of this man was more tragical then of any of the residue, for that as certain Slavonian soldiers led him prisoner into a galley, and contending amongst themselves for the interest of his body, there was one of them, who, with a new example of barbarous cruelty, miserably strick of his head: for these perils joined to the manifest appearance of extremity to the town of Ferrara, Monsr Chaumont sent to the succours of it the lord of chastilion with an hundred and fifty french lances: And the Pope being kindled against the Venetians for entering into that action without any regard to the superiority which the Church hath there, appointed the two hundred men at arms which he had sent to Caesar, to be converted to the defence of Ferrara: But it might have happened that these succours had been to slow, if the Venetians had not been compelled to look to the defence of their own estate: it hath been declared before how the french King was not discontented with the difficulties of Maxymylian, partly for the continual fear he had of his prosperity, and partly for that burning in desire to make himself Lord of Verona, he hoped by his necessities to have it on him at last either by purchase or by engaging: on the other side he was not a little jealous over the Venetians, and no less was his discontentment that their greatness was eftsoons re-established, which would nourish continual peril and perplexity for his Duchy of Milan: And therefore Caesar not having sufficiently refurnished Verona for want of money, the french king was constrained to enter into care of things, and, in sending new companies besides those men at arms which were entered there already, to foreseethat that city returned not to their obedience: To this Monsr Chaumont gave beginning, who, after the loss of Vincensa, being drawn upon the marches of Verona, retained in the french Kings pay two thousand spanish footmen, which were within Verona, who began to draw into tumult for want of payment: he sent thither for a greater surety, other bands of footmen according to the advice of , who, for that Monsr Chaumont feared lest the King would be discontented with so great expenses, made answer, that it was a less evil that the King charged him with thexpenses of his money, then by sparing his treasure, to loose or put in danger his estate, the one bringing safety to the King's things, and in the other no honour nor reputation to the place he held under the King: Besides this, he lent to Caesar eight thousand ducats to pay the soldiers that were within Verona, receiving in pawn both for the repayment of that sum and others which hereafter he should advance for his affairs, the town of Vallegge, a place which the king esteemed much for the surety of Bresse, both for the nearness being within six miles of Bresse, and for th'opportunity of the passage over the river of Myncia which is always commanded by such as are Masters of Valegge and Pesquiero: The marching of Monsr de Chaumont being followed with the most part of the lances in the Duchy of Milan, together with the companies which he had put into Verona, and the rumour that run of his preparation to besiege Vincensa, were the causes that the Venetian army, leaving for the defence of Polisena and to succour their navy, four hundred light horsemen and four hundred footmen, retired from the country of Ferrara, dividing themselves into Leguago, Soave, and Vincensa: And being careful to assure Vincensa, & to provide that the country there about were not distressed by the garrison of Verona, they fortified it with a wonderful trench full of water environed with a rampire whereon were dispersed many bastillions: it began from the foot of the mountain which lieth above Soave, & reaching about five miles along the plain that leads from Rovigne to Montfort, it ended at a corner of certain marshes which join to the river of Adice: They also fortified Soave and Leguague, by which mean standing upon their guard all the winter, they assured the whole country: And albeit, by the retiring of the Venetian regiments, the danger of Ferrara was somewhat diminished, yet, it was not altogether taken away, for that though they were acquitted of all fear to be forced, yet they were troubled with a suspicion lest the people for the great harms they received would decline to an utter weakness, or else fall into the last despair: for, the soldiers of the navy and their followers run up every day even to the gates of the town, and other vessels of the Venetians which had on an other side distressed the state of the Duke of Ferrara, had taken Comache, And putting diligence to their fortune, they were troublers of those places in many sorts of afflictions: About this time arrived the companies of the Pope & the french king, by whose comfort the Duke who being warned afore by the harms received in th'assault of the bastillion, was encamped in a strong place near to Ferrara, began to make many incursions & proffers, to draw thenemies to battle, who hoping that their army would return, refused to fight before: And as there can be no action of war without his proper fortune & calamity: ●o, in these intercourses of saillies & skirmishes, it happened one day the Cardinal of Este having run up near to the bastillion, as he returned back, a shot came out of one of the vessels of thenemies which carried away the head of the Count Lodowyk de la Mirandola, one of the Captains of the Church, none other in so great a multitude being hurt either with that or any other shot: At last the knowledge & experience of the country, joined to the nature & opportunity of the river, made easy that which in the beginning had seemed so hard & dangerous: for, the Duke & Cardinal, hoping to be able to defeat the navy with the artillery, if they had mean to make it descend in sewerty upon the bank of the river, the Cardinal returned to charge the bastillion with one part of the bands, wherein his fortune was so equal with his valour, that giving the repulse to th'enemy which were issued out to the skirmish, & making slaughter of some of them, he occupied & fortified that part that was next to the rising, & so without all privity & knowledge of th'enemy, upon the beginning of the night, he drew th'artillery to the bank side right over against them, & breaking it & planting it with a wondered silence, he began to execute upon thennemiesenemies with a wonderful fury: making terrible to them that advantage which he had won of them by his industry and valour: The vessels would have sought safety by flying, but because there was a long train & rank of great artilleries, which managed by men experienced, bet a far of, they changed rather the place of peril, then avoided the danger, having withal the presence & labour of the duke's person, who knew both how to force artilleries, & how to manage them: by th'affliction of so many shots of artillery, notwithstanding the enemies for their parts ceased not to shoot but in vain, for that they that played upon the brink were covered with the rising of the hill, their vessels fell into diverse fortunes & were consumed with sundry miserable adventures: some of them that had no more ability to govern their ships & defend their bodies against the fury of the shot, yielded themselves without respect of condition: some, whose destiny was driven with a more violence, were miserably burnt with the men that were in them: & others, governed by desperate resolution, gave themselves a prey to the bottom of the waters, for that they would not fall into the mercy of th'enemy: And the captain, leaping into a little skyff almost in the beginning of the skirmish, found savertie by the swiftness of his oars, his gallye being galled thorough both sides, was sunk after he had fled above 3. miles using continual defence against the adversity of her fortune: In this discomfeyture, all things beingful of blood, full of fire, & dead bodies, the calamity of th'enemy brought to the power of the Duke, fifteen galleys, certain great ships, many foists, with infinite small vessels: There died about two thousand bodies, some by shot, some by fire, & some by water: threescore ensigns were taken, but not the principal standard which was saved with the general: And as in a general calamity every one hath his fortune, so, many winning shore & land, were gathered up by the Venetian light horsemen, in whose valour they found safety for their lives: others that could not avoid the persecution of thenemy fell into th aduenture of imprisonment, & others in flying, happened into many harms by the paisants, & escaping from the danger they feared most, they were driven into perils which they doubted lest: The prize of the vessels was carried to Ferrara, where, in memory of so great a victory, they were kept▪ many years until Duke Alfonso made restitution having desire to gratify the Venetians: Immediately after the overthrow of this navy, Duke Alfonso dispatched with expedition 3. hundred horsemen & 5. hundred footmen to defeat the other army that had taken Comachio, who recovering Loretto which the Venetians had fortified, it was thought they had broken the whole army, if, seeing into their danger, it had not retired to Beb. finding more sewerty to avoid the peril, then to hope in fortune: This was the end of the siege of Ferrara which continued about a month, the event & issue whereof (which ordinarily is the true touchstone by the which men may judge of worldly things) did well declare how much wiser were the counsels of a few, who persuaded that leaving all other enterprises, & reserving their treasures to be employed in actions more convenient & profitable, they should only look to the preservation of Padua, Trevisa, with other places recovered: than of such, who though more in numbers yet inferior in discretion replenished with passions of hate & disdain, were easy to be entangled with those enterprises, who as their beginning was bred in rashness, so their conclusion brought forth at last incredible exspenses, with no less infamies & harms to the common weal: such commonly are the fruits that follow enterprises begun with light counsels, being governed by a fortune equal to the condition & nature of th'action.  
But on Padua side, matters succeeded rather to the furtherance of the Venetians than others: for, notwithstanding Caesar kept upon the country of Vincensa with four thousand footmen, yet one part of the regiment of the Venetians, (and that neither strong nor great) joining with them thaid of the peisants of that quarter, took almost before his eyes, the passage of Escale, Cogolo & Basciana, a place of so much more importance, by how much it is convenient to hinder the descending of thalmains into Italy: And as himself, complaining much that for the departure of Monsr lafoy Palisse many disorders were happened, went at last to Bolsave to assist the diet which by his ordinance was to be kept at Yspruch: So according to his example, Monsr Chaumont left there all his thoughts and great desires to perform th'enterprise of Vincensa and Leguague: And joining to this disposition to departed, these reasons and considerations that both those places were well manned and fortified, & also the season of the time very contrary, he retired to Milan, leaving good garrison within Bresse, Pesquiero, & Valegge: And within Verona, for that Caesar of his singular forces was not able to defend it, he bestowed six hundred lances and four thousand footmen, who being separate from the soldiers of Caesar, were lodged in the suburbs of S. Zena, having yet in their power the Citadel for their greater surety.  
The city of Verona of great name and antiquity is divided by the river of Adice, 
Description of Verona.  a river both large & deep coming from the mountains of Almany, and as it falls into the plain, it goeth crooking on the left hand touching upon the foot of the mountains, & so entereth into Verona, And when it issueth out, he runneth from the mountains and spreadeth into a goodly plain and very fertile: That part of Verona which hath his situation upon the coast and somewhat into the plain, is beyond Adice towards almany: the other part which is on this side Adice, and all in a goodly plain, hath Mantua for his prospect: upon the mountain near S. George's gate, standeth the castle of S. Peter, and within two bows shooting from thence drawing against the hill, is the castle of S. Felix, the one standing upon the very top of the hill, and they both no less strong by situation then by walls: And yet to loose them, for that by the advantage of their situation, they command the city, were to put Verona in manifest danger: These castles were kept by the lanceknights: But in the other part which is separate from this by the river, is the old castle looking towards Pesgara, and hath his situation almost in the midst of the city, going thorough the river with a bridge: Not three bow shootings of, drawing towards Vincensa, stands the Citadel, and between them both, the walls of the city join without, in form of half a circle: but within, is a wall going from the one to the other which is in the midst of two great ditches, the space between both the walls being called the suburbs of S. Zene, which, with the guard of the Citadel was appointed for the lodging of the french: Whilst arms were there as it were in rest, Maxymylian solicited continually to make truce with the Venetians, the Pope also interposing very diligently by the working of Achilles de Grassi Bishop of Pesero, and his Nuncio: And to this end his Ambassadors went to thospital which is above Escalo, to negotiate with john Coruaro and Lowys Monsevigno Deputies for the Venetians: But as all matters of state have their proper difficulties and impediments, so, in this action the demands of Caesar were so excessive, that this conference took no effect, to the great discontentment of the Pope, who wished that the Venetians were delivered of all trouble, and with whom he had wrought so much, to th'end there should be no matter of question to tender to the Duke of Ferrara the town of Comacho which they had burned before: withal they had promised him to vex no more thestate of the Duke of Ferrara, to whom he gave great favour & support, both to make hi● beholding to him, for that he had obtained and was to obtain by his mean, and also he had hope that for these respects he would depend more upon him then of the french king: Against whom, being in continual study to lay foundations of right great importance, he had secretly dispatched a Messenger to the king of England, and begun to work the Swyzzers at that time inclining to some quarrel with the french king: To this action and for this reason came to him the Bishop of Ston (whom the Latins call Sedunensis) enemy to the french king, and under that cooler pretending to be Cardinal, and for that respect was received of him with great joy.  
About the end of this year, were accorded the king of Romans & king Catholic, between whom was some difference touching the government of the Realms 
Them● and the k. Ca●h ●a. to accord touching the government of Castill.  of Castillo: This controversy was long debated in the Court of France, & albeit it suffered many great perplexities & difficulties, yet in the end it was guided to perfection by the mean & undiscreet council of the Cardinal of Amboise, who not considering how much this union was hurtful to the affairs of his king, was carried perhaps by this ambition, that if by his working there might be stability & agreement between them, it would be a degree to lift him to the Popedom, being in this, a dangerous councillor to respect more his proper interests, than the safety of his country: Such than was the power of his diligence and authority, that he induced Maxymylian to consent that the king Catholic, in case he had no issue males, should be governor over those Realms until their little son Charles were come to the age of majority, to whom should be no power to take upon him the title of king during the life of his mother bearing the prerogative and jurisdiction of Queen, for that in Castillo the issue males exclude not the general issue: That the king Catholic should pay to Caesar fifty thousand ducats: that he should aid him according to the treaty of Cambray, until he had recovered all that appertained to him: And lastly to pay to Charles every year forty thousand ducats: By this convention, the king of Arragon was confirmed governor over the Realm of Castillo, & standing now in state to have faith & credit with Caesar, since both the controversies were determined, & they both had equal interests touching their Nephew: he might now more boldly look into the means by the which he might hinder the greatness of the french king, which he held always suspected for the regard of the kingdom of Naples: About this time also, the Pope entered into suspicion that the pronotary Bentyvolo remeining at Cremona, laboured secretly to return into Bolognia, against which accident he caused to be retained in the palace of Bolognia for certain days, julian de medicis: And attributing all things to the ill disposition of the french king, he made known the fear he had that he would pass into Italy to subdue it, & make Pope by violence the Cardinal of Amboise: And yet at the same time, he spoke without any regard in derogation of the honour of Caesar as of a person incapable of such a dignity, & by his incapacity 
Death of the Count Petillano.  had brought the name of the Empire into great contempt: About the end of this year, died the Count Petillano general over the Venetian armies, a man for his age and grave experience in actions of war, of great name & worthiness, & with the Venetians, of that credit and trust, that they never feared he would put their state in danger, by rashness or want of council.  
The year after which was 1510. the same doubts & suspicions continuing, wars began to stir on all parts, but coldly & according to the season: for the Venetian army lying encamped at S. Boniface upon the country of Verona, held Verona as it were besieged: from whence Charles Baillon, Federyk de Bossole & Sacromoro viscount, coming to their succours, were charged by the stradiots, who overthrew them, & taking prisoners Charles & Sacromoro, Federyk found safety in the rescue of the french which issued out of Verona for their succours: An other time they broke an other band of french horsemen, amongst whom Monsr de Clesy was taken prisoner: on the other side (fortune can both smile & laugh) two hundred french lances issuing out of Verona with three thousand footmen, forced by assault a bastillion towards Soave, which was guarded by a band of six hundred footmen, & in their return, they overthrew a great multitude of peasants: But whilst the war was occupied with these cold proceedings, the minds of Princes were in great pain and care, but specially Caesar had his perplexities, who doubting how he might carry the victory of the war against the Venetians, & posting over (according to his custom) his affairs from one diet to an other, had caused to be published the diet at Auspurge, and being kindled against the Pope for that the Electors of thEmpire pushed on by his authority, made instance to negotiate in the diet rather for peace with the Venetians then for provisions for the war, he had caused to depart from Auspurge the Bishop of Pesero, his Nuncio: he considered also that the deliberations of diets were uncertain, tedious, and full of difficulties, the end of one breeding the beginning of an other: he saw withal, that the french king excused himself daily of the demands and enterprises that were tendered to him, some times alleging the sharpness of the season, sometimes requiring assignation certain of the expenses which were to be made, & eftsoons protesting that by the traity of Cambray he was not bound to aid him alone, but jointly with the Pope & king of Arragon, with whom it was reasonable that the proceedings were mutual and common, as the confederation and bond were joint & general: for these reasons, he entered into resolution that there was no remedy more ready for his affairs, then to induce the french king to embrace th'enterprise to take Padua, Vincensa, and Trevisa, employing his own forces, and taking sufficient recompense: This demand was well liked by many of the king's council, who considering that till the Venetians were wholly chased out of the firm land, the King should devil in continual expenses and dangers, persuaded his Majesty upon those reasons, to deliver himself of them at one blow, and in one action making but one exspensse. The kings mind was not altogether estranged from this council, being carried haply with the same reasons, and therefore albeit he inclined to pass in person into Italy with a mighty army, which he called mighty and puissant as often as he had in the same more than a thousand six hundred lances, with his gentlemen & pensioners: yet, hearkening to other counsels by the consideration of other reasons, he stood suspended in mind, expressing a confusion more than he was wont, for that the Cardinal Amboise, A man of great authority and stomach, afflicted with a long & grievous malady, forbore to manage his affairs which were wont to be dispatched wholly by his direction: The king besides that of his natural disposition, he loved not much matters of expenses, was retained also by a desire he had to Verona for thaccomplishing whereof it seemed to him a good mean to have the king of Romans entangled with continual wars, for which regard he had newly lent to him eighteen thousand ducats to pay the lanceknights that lay in garrison in the city, and was bound to make it up a further sum of fifty thousand, with condition that he should not only hold the Citadel for his security and pawn, but also the old castle should be set over to him, together with the next gate of the town, the better to have free entry and issue: And lastly, for want of restoring the money within one year, the town of Valeggo should remain to him in perpetual government, with power to fortify aswell the town as the Citadel at the charges of Caesar: These considerations drew the kings mind into no small perplexities, but much more was he troubled with fear, lest the Pope's intentions would wholly vary and altar, if he should either lead or send into Italy a new army: for, the Pope, no less full of suspicion, than also ill contented that he should impatronise upon Verona, besides that he still kept a will entertained to absolute the Venetians, did also all that he could to join himself with the Swyzzers: for confirmation of which disposition, he had sent back again into that country, the Bishop of Zion, with money to distribute amongst them, and promiss to endue himself with the holy cap: he sought also with all his diligence, by what means he might estrange the King of England from the amity of the french King, whom albeit his father at the instant of death had advised, for his security and benefit, to continued in assured league with him, and for that respect was yearly paid to him fifty thousand ducats: yet, being carried over with hot humours of youth and the great ability of treasure that his father had left him, it seemed he had no less in consideration the councils of those, who for the desire of new things joined to an ancient hatred which the English do ordinarily bear to the french nation, made persuasions to him for the war, than the wisdom and discreet example of his father, who refusing all contentions with the french, had governed his kingdom in great obedience and tranquilletie, notwithstanding he had aspired to a state new and full of troubles: All these considerations vexing not a little the mind of the french King, who, the better to devise for the affairs of Italy, was now gone to Lion: he feared least his marching into Italy, which the Pope detested openly, would stir up some new innovations by his means: beside, he saw that the King of Arragon dissuaded him from it, but under demonstrations of a friend and an indifferent lover of the common tranquillity: In so much as amid those multitudes of doubts which traveled him on all parts, he saw no more certain nor present council, then with great labour and diligence, to study so to appease the mind of the Pope, that at the lest he might stand assured that he were not his enemy and against him: Wherein it seemed that occasion favoured him greatly, for that it was believed, that by the death of the Cardinal Amboise, who was extremely sick, he should be eased of those suspicions, from whence it was supposed his ill contentments did principally proceed: And for that the King was advertised by good intelligence, that the Cardinal of Auchx, Nephew to the Cardinal Amboise, with others that managed his affairs in the Court of Rome, had with great rashness both in deed and words laboured more to quicken and kindle, then to appease and mollify the Pope's mind: he would no more use their service in those actions, but sent to Rome in post the Lord Albert Pie Count de Carpy, A parsonage in whom was indifferent the greatness of his mind and expedition of his wit: he carried very large commissions not only to offer to the Pope the kings forces and authority to serve his turn in all accidents and upon all occasions, but also in inclining as much as he could to his will and nature, he was to communicate with him frankly and simply the state of all things that were practised, together with the requests that Caesar made to him, and finally to refer to his arbitration and will whether he should pass into Italy or not, and whether he should minister to th'emperor speedily or slowly: he had also in charge to dissuade the absolution of the Venetians, but before he arrived, it was resolved and promised by the Pope: the Venetians after long dispute and abode of their Ambassadors there, consenting at last to the conditions whereupon the difficulties stood, not finding any other remedy for their safety, then to bejoined with him: The conditions for the which th'absolution was to be given, were openly published in the consistory the xxiv of February in presence of the Venetian Ambassadors, who confirmed them by writing according to thauthentic direction from their common weal: These were the particulars: That they should not in any sort dispose the benefices or dignities of the Church: and that they should make no resistance or difficulty touching the fruits & provisions deriving of them to the Court of Rome: That they should not gainsay that in that Court should not be persecuted the causes for benefices with others appertaining to thecclesiastic jurisdiction: That they should not charge the goods of the Church, and exempt places of their temporal dominion, with tenths or any other sorts of imposition: That they should renounce from th'appellation against th'admonition, and from all interests & rights gotten upon the Church lands in what sort soever, but specially from all those prorogatiues and rights by the which they pretended to hold the office of Vicedomino in Ferrara: That the subjects of the Church and their vessels may freely traffic through their goolfe, and that with such ample faculty, that the merchandise of other nations brought in their bottoms, should not be troubled nor subject to pay tolls: That it should not be lawful for them in any sort to meddle with Ferrara, or any towns of that state which were dependent on the Church: Thatal covenants & contracts which they had made to the prejudice of the Church, with any the subjects or vassals of the same, should be canceled and made void: That they should not receive any Duke, Baron, or other subject or vassal of the Church, that should be an enemy or rebel to the sea Apostolic: That they should be bound to make restitution of all the moneys which they had exacted upon the revenues of the Church, together with reparation of all the harms which the Church had suffered.  
These obligations with the promises and sufficient renouncements, being received in the consistory, the Venetian Ambassadors at a day appointed according to thancient examples of times, were brought under the portal of the great Church of S. Peter, where falling at the Pope's feet, being set in his pontifical seat near the brazen gates, and honoured with thassistants of all the Cardinals and college of Prelates, they asked him pardon in great humility, confessing their contumacy 
The Venetian absolved.  and faults past: After this, according to the custom of the Church, were pronounced certain prayers, and so proceeding to all the other degrees of ceremonies, the Pope receiving them into grace, gave them absolution, and enjoined them for penance to go visit the seven Churches: After the action of absolution was done they entered into S. Peter's Church, being guided by the great penitencier: And after they had heard Mass which was denied to them before, they were very honourably accompanied to their houses by many prelate's and Courtier's, not as persons excommunicated and interdicted, but as reconciled Christians and devout children to the sea Apostolic. Soon after they returned to Venice, more loaden with the ceremonies, than made blessed with the virtue of their absolution, leaving behind them at Rome, Hieronimo Donato one of their number, and who by his virtues and singular facility of wit and learning, becoming very agreeable to the Pope, did afterwards great service to his country in things which he negociated with him.  
  

THE ARGUMENT OF THE NINTH BOOK.  
POpe julio the second turneth against the French men: The French king and king of Romans enter league against the Venetians, who besiege Verona: The Pope taketh Mirandola, and makes war upon the Duke of Ferrara: The families of Bentyvole return to Bolognia: A Council is published at Pisa against the Pope.  
THE NINTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
THE minds of men of their proper inclination are mutable, bearing no small subjection to passions of envy, ambition, and glory: And to great Princes aspiring to high actions, by so much less tolerable is the stroke of revolution and change, by howmuch more th'occasions are wrought directly contrary to their expectations, and do conclude prejudicially against their proper empery and greatness: for, as this absolution which the Pope gave to the Venetians, brought no little grief to the mind of Maximilian, being so much the more vexed, by howmuch th'action was accomplished with a will resolute, and touched him more particularly and principally then all the residue: So also the French king, having no less interest in the harms that might happen, did equally communicate in the perplexities of this alteration, for that he desired for his private profit that the greatness of the Venetians should not be eftsoons re-established: Nevertheless he could not find out what were the intentions and last ends of the Pope. And therefore feeding himself with vain hopes concerning the difficulties of th'affairs that were prepared against him, he persuaded himself that the Pope stirred only for suspicion of his uniting with Maximilian, and that temporizing with him, and giving him no occasion of greater fear, he would pass no further, but rest satisfied with thabsolution he had given: A persuasion much abusing the king's affairs, and no less far from the resolution of the Pope, who growing more and more confirmed in his deliberation, and little respecting the declarations and impediments of the confederate Ambassadors, suffered the subjects and dependants of the Church to enter into the pay of the Venetians, who received into entertainment john Paul Baillon as general of their whole companies, standing without a governor by the death of the Count Petillano: they took also into their wages john Lowis and john Vitelli, sons to the late john & Camilla, and made Ranso de Cere colonel of their footmen, (holding it a justice as reasonable to favour them with this liberty for their temporal aid, as to acquit them of the pains of the Church, both the one and other respecting one meaning and matter:) And as in this action he made open declaration that he took the Venetians into his protection, so he laboured also to bring them to agreement with Caesar, hoping under that mean not only to separate him from the French king, but withal to knit him with himself and with the Venetians to make war upon him: wherein, for the more easy succeeding of this devise, taking his opportunity upon the necessities of Caesar, he interposed his authority to the electors of th'empire and the free towns, to th'end that in the diet of August there should be no consent of contribution: But the more he advanced and urged this practice, the more he found it of hard operation, for that on the one side, Caesar would not hearken to any motion of agreement, unless Verona might remain to him: and on the other side, the Venetians (in whom the Pope had hope of a greater facility) persuading themselves to be able to defend Padua in all fortunes, and that keeping that city, time would favour them with more occasions, demanded resolutely the restitution of Verona, offering to pay in recompense a huge sum of money. To a mind disposed to troubles, nothing is more sweet than the study of vexation: and by howmuch more plentifully doth abound the humour of ambition, by so much less is limited the desire of oppression, which in minds corruptly inclined, holds nothing unlawful that may serve to th'action pretended, nor any thing unreasonable that agreeth with the humour of their passion, in whom this is one natural custom, to convert all things to his own property & working. The Pope omitting neither mean nor matter that might give furtherance to his purpose, made secret solicitation to Henry the eight then king of England, to raise war against the French king, wherein enforcing the memory of thancient emulations of those two kingdoms, he joined to the facility of th'enterprise, this occasion of the felicity and success: that if he would begin to levy arms against France, th'action would take imitation in many others, to whom the puissance and greatness of that crown was either suspected or hated: he forgot not to encourage him to embrace with that devotion which in other times had been proper to the kings of England, the glory that was offered him to be protector and preserver of the sea Apostolic, which, without the aid of his authority and rescue, stood in manifest danger by th'ambition of the French king. In this practice the king of Arragon did communicate with the Pope, but secretly and not really, using perhaps this moderation of mind, not to suffer his desires to be greater than his fortunes. But that which was of greatest importance, the Pope entertained still with the Swizzers the negotiations which were begun by the Bishop of Zion, by whose authority (being great with that nation) and perpetual importunity labouring their assemblies and counsels, and preaching in their Churches: he obtained at last that the Swizzers, receiving every year a thousand Florins of Rhein for every Canton, should be bound to the protection of him and the estate of the Church, with permission to the Pope for his defence against all men that would vex him, to levy certain proportions of footmen: The occasion that most helped forward this matter, and made his request more easy and plausible, was the disagreement that began to kindle between them and the French king: For the Swissers being of nature proud and weening, become more raised and lifted up in mind by the estimation that others had of them, and challenging to themselves peculiarly the glory of the French victories, were carried into this presuming, that all the conquests and honourable actions which either the king reigning, or his predecessor had obtained in Italy, proceeded principally of their valour and the fear of their arms: And thereupon insisting upon merits, as though the crown of France aught much to them, they demanded (the French king soliciting to make renovation of th'alliance that now was determined) that he would augment their pensions, being then threescore thousand franks by year, over and above the mercenary contributions which were secretly dispersed amongst private persons, pensions which had been begun under Lowis the eleventh, and continued unto the present time: But for that they accompanied their demands with a presumptuous audacity which the king construed to manifest insolency, and for that of peasants and mountain men (such was his phrase) they sought imperiously to impose and tax him being a king, he began so to shake them of with words and countenances, that they might discern how much he disdained them, more respecting his dignity royal, then regarding the present utility of things: He was the more induced to this, for that at the same season by the solicitation of George Sopressan, the peoples of the valleys subjects of Zion, who were governed in seven communities which they call courts, being corrupted by public promises and private pensions, were not only confederate with him, but also bound to give passage to his people, and refuse it to his enemies, and withal to enter into his pays with such numbers of footmen as their forces were able to bear. In the same sort did enter confederacy with him, the Lords of the three leagues, whom they call the Grisons: and albeit one part of the men of the valley had not yet approved it, the king was not without hope to induce them to ratification by the self same means: In so much as he began to persuade himself that the amity of the Swissers was now no more necessary to him, having determination to supply his wars with Almain footmen, over and beside those proportions of soldiers which the valley men and Grisons should furnish him of: Besides, he feared little their stirs or preparations, and less expectation that they were able to assail the duchy of Milan but by the straits of Ballinsona, and other passages of great difficulty: through the which, if they should march in great troupes and numbers, he made his reckoning that they would be easily reduced into necessity of victuals by a small army: And if they came but in small companies, a slender strength would likewise suffice to make them retire: Wherein he made his conjectures at random, and seemed to limit the fortunes of them whose forces he yet knew not, flattering himself with his proper greatness: An humour prejudicially moving in Princes, in whom there aught to be no partiality of comparison, when there is question of enterprise and action: But because he stood resolute not to grant them augmentation of pensions, he could not obtain in their councils a renovation of th'alliance, notwithstanding there were many even in the midst of them, who did earnestly persuade it, to whom in particular were retributed no small rewards: And for that cause they consented more easily to the confederation which was demanded of them by the Pope: By which new confederation the Pope seeming to have laid a great foundation for thadvancing of his purposes: and having a perpetual nature to proceed in all things as supreme and sovereign above all men, and as though the whole world were in necessity to receive laws of him, he began to sow seeds of new controversies with the Duke of Ferrara, either pushed on by the cause that was in disputation between them, or else by an ancient hatred, for that having received of him so many honours, benefits, and gratifications, he seemed nevertheless to depend more upon the French king then upon him: A dealing which he construed prejudicially and far contrary to the recompense of his merits. But whatsoever was the cause, searching a beginning of the quarrel, he commanded imperiously Alfonso Duke of Ferrara to forbear to continued the working of salt at Comacchio: he alleged that it was not reasonable that that which was not lawful to him when the Venetians held Ceruia, should now have sufferance being possessed by the sea Apostolic, to whom appertained the absolute government of Ferrara and Comacchio: Besides, it was a matter of great profit, for that the working ceasing at Comacchio, the saltpittes of Ceruia ministered traffic to all the towns thereabouts. But Duke Alphonso, who reapposed more in the conjunction which he had with the French king and in his protection, than he feared the Pope's forces, gave small obedience to this commandment: he complained that he should be constrained not to reap the fruit which grew to him in his proper house with small labour, and to be driven to buy of an other for the usage of his peoples, the ware whereof he had enough to replenish foreign countries, alleging withal that that aught not to be enforced for an example which the Venetians had made him consent unto, more by compulsion of arms then by condition of justice: Which reasons little availed to content the Pope: who eftsoons sent to protest to him under great pains and accursing to discontinue that work: such were the thoughts and actions of the Pope, inclined altogether to raise up and support the Venetians:  
But on the other side Caesar and the French king thirsted not a little after their embacement, with desire to diminish their authority and greatness: And being much discontented with the demonstrations which the Pope expressed on their behalf, they drew into a more straight alliance and intelligence one with an other, 
The league of Caesar and the French king against the Venetians.  concluding to invade the Venetians that summer with huge forces: for the better advancing of which expedition, the contract bore that the French king for his part should send Monsr Chaumont with a strong army, whereunto should be joined the lanceknights that lay at Verona: And Caesar for his part, should make entry into the country of Friul with those levies of men and munitions which he hoped to obtain of th'empire in the diet of Auspurge: and having accomplished that action, he was to proceed to other enterprises according to the estate of occasions and time. They solicited the Pope to join with them according to the bond of the league of Cambray, holding it but just to summon him to perform that which he had so willingly promised: But he who was no less discontented with that motion, then having a capacity searching above the wit of other men, made answer that he was no more bound to that confederation which hath had already his perfection, seeing it had been in the power of Caesar to have first Trevisa, and afterwards a satisfaction & recompense in money. Caesar likewise solicited to have succours from the king Catholic, both by virtue of the same capitulations of Cambray, and also under covenants and promises made particularly with him, at such time as he consented to him the government of Castillo: But this solicitation, as it bore a form of request to aid him rather with money then with men, so the king of Arragon whom it imported much not to disfurnish himself of the thing whereof he had most need, answer that he would send him four hundred lances: A strength of little profit for Caesar, for that aswell in the French army, as in his own camp, the service on horseback was plentifully furnished. About this time the City of Verona lived in great afflictions under the soldiers that guarded it, who, for that they were not paid, drew into secret conspiracy with certain Venetian bands, by whom they thought to work some traitorous stratagem: for which purpose the Venetians issuing out of S. Boniface, approached the City by night to scale the Castle of S. Peter: and as they were entered S. George's gate, whilst they tarried to fasten their ladders together (for that being single they sufficed not to reach to the height of the wall) either they were heard by the warders of the castle of S. Felix, or in their fear they seemed to hear a brute of armed men: And as in matter of enterprise imagination abuseth much, so whether they feared their own shadows, or whether they doubted that to be in deed which was but a vision in their timorous fantasies, they suddenly retired, leaving behind them their ladders as testimonies of their fear and intention, leaving to th'enemy to doubt much of their valour, that in so fair an opportunity forsook the felicity that their fortune had prepared. The army retired forthwith to S. Boniface, and at Verona the conspiracy coming to detection, many were passed over to justice and punishment, though some found favour more by clemency then their proper innocency.  
In this season the Pope expressed certain inclinations to be eftsoons reunited with the french king, not of goodwill, but for fear: for that Maximilian summoned him with brave messages to lend him two hundred thousand ducats, threatening that otherwise he would join with the French king against him: An other reason of his fear was a brute that was spread, that in the Diet of Auspurge it was agreed to minister to him a strong succour, and also the peace had been newly established between the kings of England and France, and published with great solemnity. By reason of these fears, he began to trayte with great diligence with Albert de Carpy, whom till that day, he had entertained with words and hopes general, using in all his actions of negotiation more art then true meaning, and less fidelity then fair resemblance: But besides the mutability of his own nature, the variation of occasions made him not devil long in that resolution: both for that the Parliament of Auspurge (without the forces and aids of which there was no great reckoning to be made of the threats of Caesar) not answering expectation, determined for him no other succours, than a supply of three hundred thousand Florins of Rhein, whereof his prodigalities had already made great wastes: And also the king of England signified that he had setdowne an article in the peace, expressing that it should be no peace as often as the French king should offend the state of the Church: In regard of these things, the Pope re-entered into new stomach, and returning eftsoons to his former thoughts, he began to heap new complaints against the Duke of Ferrara, 
The Pope threateneth the duke of Ferrara.  who, he said, that since it was suffered to the subjects of the Church to sail and traffic frankly through the gulf of Venice, had imposed new tributes upon the goods which were brought to Venice by the river of Pau: A taxation which the Pope alleged that the vassal could not levy (according to the interpretation of the laws) without licence of the Lord paramount, and withal it was a thing that brought great prejudice to the people of Bolognia, who were his subjects: for which consideration he made instance that they might be deposed, threatening that otherwise he would bring war upon him. Wherein to give him a greater fear, he caused to march his bands of men of war into the country of Bolognia and into Romagna. These things troubled not a little the mind of the French king, being loathe on the one side to fall at odds with the Pope, and on the other side he felt himself touched in honour and conscience to leave abandoned the Duke of Ferrara, to whose protection he had bound himself by receiving thirty thousand ducats. Not less was he moved with the regard of his proper profit, for that duke Alfonso depending wholly upon him, and fleeing so much the more to his devotion, by howmuch he saw him persecuted by the Pope, he esteemed it his proper interest to preserve him, and for that cause he interposed his deputies with the Pope to solicit some accord between them: But it seemed just to the Pope that the king should withdraw himself from that protection, alleging that he had taken it upon him against the capitulations of Cambray, by the which (made under colour to tender to the Church that which was usurped) it was forbidden that none of the confederates should take into protection any that was named by an other, and that for his part, he had named the Duke of Ferrara: and moreover it was defended that no one of them should have any action with things appertaining to the Church: He alleged that the like also was confirmed in the confederation made particularly between them at Biagrasso, wherein was expressly provided that the king should not take into his protection any estate depending of the Church, and should aswell refuse to take them hereafter, as also cancel and make void all protections which he had accepted heretofore. To which adiections notwithstanding it was answered for the king, that by the same convention it was provided that the king should have power to dispose of the bishoprics on this side the Mounts as he listed, which the Pope had violated in the first avoidance that fell, as likewise he had broken in favour of the Venetians, the capitulations made at Cambray, by which evasions the king was at liberty not to observe the things he had promised: yet because he would not come to arms with the Pope for the quarrel of the Duke of Ferrara, he offered conditions by the which, not offending directly his honour, the Pope in a great part might rest satisfied touching thinterests which the Church and he pretended against Duke Alfonso: And beside, he was contented to bind himself by promise (according to the Pope's request) that the French armies should not pass the river of Pau, but for the protection of the Florentines whereunto he was bound, and to molest P. Petruccio and john Paul Baillon, under colour of money promised by the one, and detained by the other. 
Monsr de Chaumont against the Venetians.   
Whilst these things were in action, Monsr de Chaumont advanced with an army of fifteen hundred lances, and ten thousand footmen of many nations, amongst whom were certain regiments of Swizzers privately levied, and not by permission of the Cantons, and followed with great proportions of artilleries, with certain bridges prepared to pass rivers: having also joined with him the duke of Ferrara with two thousand men at arms, five hundred light horsemen, and two thousand footmen: With these companies he took in the mean while without any impediment, Polisena de Roviguo, a piece which the Venetians had abandoned, & taking also the tower Marquisano standing upon the river of Adice towards Padua, he marched on to Castelbaldo, and had at the first summon the towns of Montagnano and Este, the one appertaining to Alfonso d'Este by grant from Maximilian, and the other given to him in gage. Alfonso after he had recovered these towns, sent back his regiments under colour to encounter certain galleys of the Venetians which floated upon the river of Paw. By the imitation of Chaumont, the Prince of Hanaw Maximilians lieutenant, marched in like sort out of Verona with three hundred French lances, two hundred men at arms, and three thousand Almain footmen, and joining with Chaumont, he followed him always within one remove of his camp: They left behind them Montselice holden for the Venetians, and marched towards the country of Vincensa, where Lonigua and the whole country yielded without resistance: for that the Venetian army containing six hundred men at arms, four thousand light horsemen and stradiots, and eight thousand footmen under john P. Baillon general, and Andrew Gritti treasurer, having first abandoned Swavo, and always retiring into places of surety according as th'enemy advanced, and lastly having bestowed sufficient garrison within Trevisa, and a thousand footmen within Mestro, they were retired to the Brentelli, a place within three miles of Padua, and of great surety for their encamping, both for that the country is full of hills and risings, & the place itself standeth environed with the waters of these three rivers Brento, Brentello, and Baguillon: Such is the frailty of man's nature, that the soddennes of peril is more terrible than the danger itself: and by howmuch it happeneth to a multitude ungoverned, by so much it seems more desperate, for that when their minds are once possessed with fear, there is no place for confidence and resolution, and all hopes are turned into doubts, their extremity making them timorous, which aught to make them resolute. The poor people of Vincensa, for that the army was thus retired, finding themselves no less abandoned, then altogether unable to defend their estate, and seeing that their fortune had left them no other hope then such as they might expect in the mercy of the victors, which they supposed they might more graciously obtain by the mean and working of Monsr de Chaumont: they sent to him to demand safeconduit to address ambassadors to him and the Prince of Hanaw, which being granted, they presented themselves in form and aspect pitiful and full of sorrow and fear afore them both being then at the bridge of Barberano ten miles from Vincensa: Their attire representing the lamentable condition of their fortune, and their other doleful circumstances, bearing a presence of sorrow and languishing minds, moved pity in such as came prepared to spoil them, and inclined to grace even those that afore had determined their destruction: So effectually worketh the consideration of misery in minds tractable to compassion. The chief of the Embassage, being the mouth of the residue, was licenced to speak in this sort in the presence of all the capteins and principals of th'army.  
This Question may be asked in the consideration of our present condition, which is least hurtful, either to be extreme miserable, without the threats and fear of fortune, or to be in full prosperity which always stands subject to diminution and falling: And since there is a divine power that hath been appointed from the beginning to guide all our mortal accidents, methinks that that man erreth less who promiseth to himself a change of th'affairs of this world, than he that persuadeth that they are always firm and stable: The same being a comfort to earthly men (if any thing could moderate their frail passions) not to hold those things grievous which both can not be avoided, and also are sent for our better reformation & necessary correction. If it were known to any of this honourable presence (at whose feet I speak) how much this City of Vincensa (heretofore envied of her neighbours for her riches and felicities) hath suffered, since more by error and rashness of her inhabitants, and haply more by a certain fatal disposition then through other occasion, she returned under the jurisdiction of the Venetians, together with the intolerable harms and damages she hath received: We believe (and your gracious aspects assure no less) that in your hearts will be greater the compassion of our miseries, than the hatred for the memory of our rebellion, if rebellion may be imposed upon therror of that night, wherein our people, drawn into universal confusion, for that the army of our enemy had forced the suburbs of Postello, not to rebel nor to flee from the easy government of Caesar, but to deliver ourselves from the sack and extreme afflictions of other cities, did send out Ambassadors to compound with the enemy. To which action our multitudes and peoples not accustomed to arms, and less acquainted with the dangers of war, were altogether pushed on by the authority of Fracasso, a captain, who experienced in so many several wars, and appointed of Caesar, either by subtlety or by fear (a matter not appertaining to us to search) gave us counsel to solicit an accord for the safety of our wives, our children, and our poor afflicted country: The same making it manifest that no ill impression of mind, but only fear increased through th'authority of such a captain, was the cause, not that we did determine by long counsel, but rather that in a very small computation of time, in so great a tumult, and in so fearful a noise of arms and artilleries thundering, whose terror vanquished our resolution, we ran rashly under the rule of the Venetians, the felicity and power of whom were not such as we aught either to fear the one or affect the other: Our condition was not to expect or temporize, for that th'enemy was encamped in the places which the strength which was left for our succours had newly abandoned: and as in commonalties or multitudes the hope that is deferred maketh their hearts to languish: so the long continuance of miseries sufficeth even to shake the minds of the most assured. Men not accustomed to adversities, have lest rule over their passions, & such as never lived but in security, have lest temperance to bear a change: Faults done by necessity bring with them their proper pardon. And as you are not now to doubt of the difference between faults committed by fear & error, and offences proceeding of fraud and ill intention: so nevertheless, though our fortune move you to interpret our rebellion not to fear, but to will, & that so vile an action was begun by counsel & consent universal, & not through confusion & unbridled rashness of a few, whom neither counsel nor authority could repress: and be it lastly that the transgressions of this wretched city were altogether inexcusable: yet our calamities have been so great since that accursed revolt, that we may truly say, that the punishment without all comparison hath been greater than the fault: for within our walls, the garrison soldiers that were left for our safety and comfort, turned themselves into the habit of adversaries, doing all things to thaggravationaggravation of our miseries, not sparing to spoil those goods that were left us for our relief & succour: And without, we have not been free from all those sorts of harms which war and hostility are wont to draw with them, our afflictions being so much the more grievous and great, by howmuch the war hath been continual without intermission: we have nothing remaining in this miserable country which carrieth any memory of the riches, delight, or felicity thereof: All the houses of our poslessions are burned, all our woods cut down and wasted, all our fields & gardens defaced, and all our infinite herds of cattle driven away and devoured: This is the second year that we have been driven to reap our harvest afore the time, that we have had no security to sow our seeds, and less season to gather our fruits, yea the severity of the time hath left us no hope that this country so generally destroyed, can be ever readdressed: Our miseries are come to these desperate terms and limits, that what with the needful supportation of our lives, and to furnish th'intolerable exactions which our necessities have imposed upon us, all that remaineth either of our hidden treasure or common store, is far insufficient to nourish the lives of our wives, children, and ourselves, to whom remaineth nothing but a miserable spectacle of the happiness wherein we have lived: If the present state of our country were now objected to any that had seen and known it before, and our calamities present measured with our felicities passed, I know it would stir up motions of pity and compassion even in the minds of enemies, considering specially that this City (albeit it hath small circuit) which was wont to be replenished with inhabitants, stately in majesty and presence, rich through magnificence of buildings and palaces, an assured and free retreat for all strangers, a City rejoicing in friendships, societies, and gratulations, to be now made void of dwellers, poor in the presence and countenances of men and women, no place left for hospitality, no one man able to feed his family for one month, and in place of stately feasts, meetings, and banquets, nothing left but penury, desolation, and fear to show friendship, men sighing in the sorrows of their wives and children, whom they can not comfort, and women wailing the severity of their common destiny. And these calamities (o gracious Prince of Hanaw) would be yet greater, if we considered not that on your virtuous will dependeth either the last desolation of our afflicted country, or the hope that once again under the wings of Caesar, guided by your high wisdom and clemency, we might lift up our heads, not to be restored (for that agreeth not with our merit and fortune) but consuming our lives to th'uttermost, to avoid at lest an extreme and last destruction: A grace which we so much the more exspecte and hope for, by howmuch your affability and easiness is known to us, wherein we doubt not but you will resemble and imitate Caesar, with whose examples of clemency all Europe is replenished. All our wealth is consumed, all our hopes determined, all our fortunes laid at your feet, there remaineth nothing else to us but our lives and persons, against the which to use cruelty, were neither profit to Caesar, nor praise to you: for, as that benefit is unjust that is purchased with the hurt of an other, so that glory can not be without infamy, that is won with the punishment of men in misery. Clemency is as great a virtue as justice, and Nature hath sown in men aswell seeds of pity and forgiveness, as of cruelty and revenge, and hath enjoined Princes above all other creatures, to bear an infinite regard to the dignity of virtue. We beseech you with tears, which it may please you to imagine to be mingled with the miserable complaints of every sex, of every age, & of every order that is within this City, to make the wretched and desolate state of Vincensa an example to all others of the clemency of thAlmain empire: Call to your honourable memories the pity and magnanimity of your renowned elders, who being victorious in Italy, preserved the Cities that were united and confederate, many of them choosing those seats for their proper dwellings, and from thence, to the singular glory of thAlmain race, are descended so many noble houses in Italy, as Gonsaguo, Catraro, and Escalo who sometimes were our Lords. Let Vincensa serve at one time for example, both that the Venetians aided and supported by us in our lesser dangers, have cowardly and dishonourably left it abandoned in the greatest perils and necessity of defence that ever could happen: and on the other side that the Almains, in whom was some reason to distress us, have joined remission to our offences, and both frankly and gloriously preserved us whom by due justice they might have put to punishment. The punishment of one only is not cruelty, but the calamities of many: That Prince that looks strictly upon the offences of his people, cannot be called merciful, but rigorous: and having an example in the dealing of God with sinners, if he look straightly upon offenders, who can abide it? We appeal also to you o invincible Lord Chaumont, to take us into your protection: look back to th'example of your king, whose clemency was greater to them of Milan and Genua drawn into revolt without necessity, than was their fault which was both voluntary and vain: but after they had found his clemency greater than their transgression, and that his pardon prevailing above their offences, he had reclaimed them by so great a benefit as to give them life, he could never after find any fault in their fidelity and service. Severity keeps men in obedience but it is by compulsion, which is servile: but clemency winneth the heart and affection, which confirmeth the surety of the Prince. O Prince of Hanaw, if the preservation of Vincensa turn nothing to the profit of Caesar, at the lest it will bring him glory, remaining as a perpetual example of his benignity: If he destroy it, it can serve him to no use, and the severity which he useth to us will be grievous to all Italy: Clemency will make acceptable to all men the name of Caesar, and as in actions of war and managing of an army, he is known to have great affinity with the ancient Caesar, so in being easy to pardon where he hath power to punish, his clemency will make him equal with Caesar in all those virtues which have made his name perpetual to all posterities. Vincensa that flourishing and ancient City, and heretofore the seat of nobility, lieth now prostrate at your feet: she expecteth from you either her preservation or destruction, her life or death: take pity of so many innocent persons, so many unfortunate women, and so many guiltless children, who in that lamentable night full of folly and error, meddled with nothing, and now with plaints and wailings expect your deliberation. To pardon many for th'offence of one, is th'office of a pitiful prince, but to punish many for the fault of one, can not but hold of tyranny. Consider that what is done by force and necessity, brings with it a sufficient reason of excuse: In which regard we kiss your knees, and aswell with the repentance of thoffenders, as with the innocency of the guiltless, and lastly with the humility and submission of this whole afflicted state, we beseech you pronounce at last that reviving voice of mercy and clemency, through the which our wretched City coming to receive a new life, shall call you always her right worthy preserver and patron.  
Such is the obstinacy of a mind once justly injuried, that neither the pitiful phrase of this Oration, nor the sorrowful aspect of the speaker lying prostrate at his feet, and much less the compassion of so wretched a City, could moderate the mind of the Prince of Hanaw, whose felicity making him insolent, and his authority cruel, he could not so much command over his passions, as to make his words less cruel than his deeds, making by the mouth of a Doctor this rigorous and uncomfortable answer.  
Think not that either the power of your persuasions, or other respect of your dissembled sorrows, can suffice to wipe out of memory the faults you have committed against the majesty of the name of Caesar, without any regard to his greatness or dignity, and less respect to the honour wherein you were received by him: you have by common council & consent of the whole city, called into your town the Venetian army, who forcing the suburbs with great difficulty, disinherited to take it, and began to go away: you called them in against the will of the Prince that represented the person of Caesar: you constrained that prince to retire into the castle, & in the fury of your rebellion have sacked the artilleries and munitions of Caesar: you have torn in pieces his pavilions displayed in honour of his victories in so many wars and triumphs. These insolences were not done by the soldiers of the Venetians, but the people of Vincensa have defiled their loyalty, discovering their violent thirst after the blood of thAlmains: It was not long of you that the Venetian army took not Verona, which they had done, if knowing thoccasion, they had followed the victory: This happened not by the counsel or persuasion of Fracasso, who abused by your slanders, hath expressed clearly his innocency: it was an effect of your wicked minds, it moved by a poisoned impression of hatred, which without cause you bear to the Almain name: your offences are so heinous, as there is no place left for pardon or merit: the despite of the injury you have done, maketh double the desire of revenge: it was not your errors that made you offend, but your wicked inclinations, and therefore to use clemency to you, would be both hurtful and infamous, for that you would return to your vomit upon every occasion: And the harms you have received, have not been for a punishment and scourge of your faults, but for that you would obstinately persever in rebellion: And now that the Venetians have abandoned you, you have no other remedy to defend you, but to implore the pity of Caesar, whom you have betrayed. The Prince was determined not to hear you, following th'intention and commission of Caesar, and yet he hath not denied you audience, satisfying the will of the Lord Chaumont: but he will not change the sentence, which since the first day of your rebellion hath remained fixed in the mind of Caesar: he will not receive you otherwise, then to discretion for your goods, your honours, and your lives: And hope not that he will do that to show you the more clemency, but the better to make you serve for example of punishment to such as accursedly break their faith to their sovereign Prince.  
The severity of this answer did not a little amaze the aggrieved people of Vincensa, who seeming to suffer a general privation of all sense and feeling, began eftsoons with a new estate of tears and sorrow, to recommend them to the mercy of him in whom they discerned nothing more ready than a disposition to revenge: But being repulsed by the same Doctor, rebuking them with words more bitter and fierce than the first, they stood more desperate than before, expressing by their looks which they cast upon Monsr Chaumont, how much they hoped in him, & how grievously wrought in them the sharp answers of the Doctor: Chaumont encouraged them to obey necessity, and in giving themselves wholly up to the will of the Prince, to seek to appease his wrath: he comforted them in the singular humanity and courtesy of Caesar, in whom being a Prince of so noble race and an excellent Captain, was not to be expected that he would do a thing unworthy of his name and virtue: he willed them not to be amazed with the severe answer that was made, but said it served better for their turn that noble and free minds should sometimes burst out sharp and biting words, for that delivering by that mean some part of their anger, the rigour of their doings was thereby somewhat the more abated: he offered to do all that he could to moderate the mind of the Prince, so far forth as they would prevent the worst by humbling themselves simply to his discretion: by whose counsel and consideration of 
The Vincentins yield to discretion.  their own necessity, the poor afflicted Vincentins falling eftsoons prostrate on the ground, referred absolutely both their honours, lives, and city to the power of him in whom they could yet discern no hope of mercy; Then Monsr de Chaumont began to solicit for them, declaring to the Prince, that in chastising them he was to respect more the greatness and glory of Caesar, than the quality of their offence: That he should not set down such an example to others that were to fall into the like faults, lest despairing to obtain mercy, they would become obstinate to th'extremity: That clemency had always brought forth to Prince's goodwill, surety, and reputation, where cruelty was the cause of disobedience, distrust, and conspiracy, not taking away (as many undiscreetly believe) impediments and difficulties, but rather served as working instruments to redouble them and make them greater: lastly he told him that it was worthy the virtue of a noble Prince, to forbear to strike when he had power to do it, and not by correction to increase th'affliction of such as are sufficiently punished with the remorse of their proper transgressions: his authority accompanied with the petitions of many others, together with the miserable wailings of the Vincentins, ranged the Prince at last to this moderation, to promise' them safety of life, the disposition of all their goods remaining wholly at his will: A booty greater in opinion then in effect, for that the City was left almost no less desolate of men then of goods. The Almains in this licence of war searching after pray and spoil, understood that many of the town and country were withdrawn with their goods into two caves in a certain mountain near to Vincensa called the gutter of Masano, where by the strength of the place, and difficulty to enter, they supposed to find security, or at lest to be free from the fury of the soldiers: Thither went many troupes of the Almains to make pillage of the Caves, and being not able after long trial and many harms, to force such as were within the great Cave, they went to the lesser, where making a vain experience of their strength, they used at last the mean of fires, and by the benefit of the smoke carried it, with the loss of more than a thousand persons: Such are the insolences of soldiers when is no authority to bridle their fury, and liberty hath law to overcome discipline.  
Vincensa being taken in this manner greater difficulties appeared in other things carrying more respect and importance than was expected in the beginning: for, not only Maxymyltan did not stir against the Venetians as he had promised, but also the regiments which he had in Italy diminished continually for want of pay: In so much as Monsr Chaumont was constrained to stay himself upon the guarding of Vincensa, much less that he was able to execute any other enterprise, thincertainties of th'emperor standing as great impediments to his valour, and most prejudicial to the common fortune of them both: Nevertheless he determined to go encamp before Leguaguo, A town of such special regard, that if it were not taken, all that had been done till that day served to nothing: The river of Adice passeth by the town of Leguaguo, and the lesser part of the same which they call the haven is towards Montagnana, where the Venetians not reapposing so much in the strength of the town & valour of the defenders, as in th'opportunity & impediments of the waters, had cut the river in one place: And in an other portion of the bank where is the greater part of the town, they had cut it in two places, so as the river coming falling through those trenches and so spread itself by many arms into the lowest places, had so covered the country about, that standing drowned for many months, it was almost become a marish: it happened that the rashness and disorder of the Venetian bands, partly made these difficulties lesser: for, Monsr Chaumont coming to encamp with his army at Minerva three miles from Leguaguo, and having sent before certain of his horsemen and footmen, who as they would have passed the last arm of the water which was within half a mile of Leguaguo, they encowntred the bands of footmen which kept the ward of Porto who were issued out to stop them of passage: But the foot bands of the Gascons and spaniards rushing resolutely into the water up to the breast, repulsed them and pursued them with such valour & fury, that they entered with them pellmell into Porto very few of the footmen of that place being saved, for that as some were slain in flying, so the greater part that sought into Leguaguo were drowned as they would have passed the river of Adice: This success caused Monsr Chaumont to levy his camp at Minerva, going the same night to lodge within Porto: And after he had caused to trail under the water, the great artilleries which the firm bottom of earth did sustain, he caused the labourers and poyners the same night to fill up and choke the trench of the river: And knowing that on that side to Porto, Leguaguo was inexpugnable for the largeness of the river, so great, that scarcely could they fight on that side, (notwithstanding between Leguaguo and Porto for that it is encompassed with the hills, it is not so large as below) he commanded to prepare a bridge for th'artillery and greatest part of th'army to pass on the other side: but finding the boats & barks which he had caused to be brought thither, not to suffice for the largeness of the river, he encamped near the river upon the opposite of Leguaguo making to pass by the benefit of the boats and barks to tother side of Adice, captain Molard with four thousand Gascon footmen and six pieces of artillery, assoon as they were over the river, they began on both sides the river to batter the bastillion which was upon the rising of a hill at the point of the town, on that side above: And having battered a great part of it, notwithstanding the defendants expressed great office and valour in renforcing, yet the night following, the treasurer of the Venetian camp, having more fear of his enemy then hope or confidence in his own people, withdrew himself suddenly into the castle with certain Venetian gentlemen: Assoon as it was day and their retiring 
〈…〉.  understanded, the captain of the footmen that guarded the bastillion, rendered it to Molard, their lives and goods saved, which nevertheless was not observed, for that when he was come out, he and his footmen were stripped by the soldiers of the camp: A licence contrary to the law and reputation of arms: By th'example of the bastillion the town was immediately put to sack by captain Molard, & the bands of footmen who guarded an other bastillion made on the other point of the town, fled through the marish, leaving their armour & weapons in entering the water: Thus Leguaguo by the cowardice of such as were within it, was conquered with a more ready facility and speed then either was expected or imagined, the cowardice on the one part giving as great opportunity to the victory, as the valour of the other side: The castle made no greater resistance than the town, for, the bulwarks and defences being executed the day following by the artillery, and beginning to undermine one side of a tower with intention afterwards to give fire to it, they within fearing the peril which yet was but in demonstration, yielded themselves with condition that the gentlemen of Venice remaining in the power of Monsr Chaumont, the soldiers should depart with a white rod in their hand: fortune in this victory mixed the felicity of Monsr Chaumont with some bitter composition, for that in that place he had advertisement of the death of his Uncle the Cardinal Amboise, by whose great authority and regiment with the french king, he, having been already raised to high promotions and honours, hoped still to be lifted up higher, and receive far greater advauncements: such a busy humour is ambition, for that in whom it ruleth, it makes them hard to be contented with things that they have, since that which they have gotten doth not content them, so long as they hope to have better: for that the Almains had not then sufficient soldiers to leave within Leguaguo, Chaumont resupplied their garrison with an hundred lances and a thousand footmen, And so giving licence to the Grisons and Valesiens' (footmen marcenarye in this service) he prepared to return with the residue of his army to the Duchy of Milan, following the commandment of the king who would no more entertain so great expenses: of this army, for that the provisions on Caesar's part answered not the promises that were made, there came no effect of importance (their fortune offering to bring to pass the things that either their policy could not foresee, or their valour durst not attempt:) Nevertheless the king sent a new commandment to Chaumont to stay yet for the whole month of june, for that Caesar, being then come to Yspruch, no less replenished with difficulties according to his custom, then perplexed with plots & hopes, made instance that he should not departed, promising from hour to hour that he would pass into Italy: About which time the Almains desiring to reconquer Marostiquo, Citadella, Basciano & other pieces there abouts, to make the descending of Caesar more easy on that side, Monsr Chaumont with 
M. Chaumont incampeth as Lungaro.  his army encamped at Lungaro upon the river of Baguillon, to th'end to stop the Venetian companies for entering into Vincensa (very weak in garrison) and that they should not oppose against the Almains: But, being there advertised that the Venetians were retired to Padua, the Almains joining themselves of new with him, they went to the Torricelli upon the high way that leadeth from Vincensa to Padua, And from thence leaving Padua on the right hand, they marched to Citadella with no little discommodity of victuals, being troubled by the light horsemen that were within Padua, and much more by such as were at Monselice: Citadella yielded without resistance, by whose example also Marotisto, Basciano, with other pieces thereabouts abandoned by the Venetians, came to composition: In so much as things being dispatched on that side, the armies returned to the Torricelli, and leaving Padua on the right hand, and taking towards the mountain on the left hand, they encamped above Brenta near to the mountain within ten miles of Vincensa: the chief reason why they went to that place, was, for that the Almains desired to occupy Escalo, A passage very convenient for the regiments that were to come out of germany, And a piece that only of all other places from Trevisa to Vincensa, remained in the hands of the Venetians: from this place the Prince of Hanaw being departed with his Almains and an hundred french lances, took the way of Escalo which was xxv. miles from thence: But he could pass no further, for that the paisants and country people, bearing an incredible affection to the Venetians, and such as being prisoners stuck not to offer their bodies to torments and death rather than to deny them or to speak ill of them, had taken many passages in the mountain: And after he had obtained by composition newcastle which is also a passage of the mountain, he returned to the encamping place about Brento, having sent by an other way towards Escalo, many of his footmen, who, according to his direction forsook the way of Basciano, to avoid Covolo which is a strong passage in the mountains there, And taking the tower more low by the way of Feltro, they found a very few people within Feltro, which they sacked and burned, and so took the way to Escalo, which, with the passage of Covolo, they found abandoned: About that time also the ruins were nothing less in the country of Fryul, for that being sometimes assailed by the Venetians, and sometimes invaded by the Almains, now defended and eftsoons pillaged by the gentlemen of the country, this day advancing, and that day declining according to occasions and times: there was seen in every place nothing more than dead carcases of men, towns sacked, and fortresses burned: And as the calamities that a war draweth with it be infinite, so it happened often times that the places which had been first sacked by one army, was eftsoons burned by the other, & except certain strong pieces, all the residue of the country put to miserable destruction: But because in those actions there was nothing done worthy of memory, it would be no less superfluous to recount the perticularities, then trouble some to understand so many variable revolutions which brought forth no effect importing the substance of the war.  
The time now approaching that the french army should departed, there was made this new convention between Caesar and the french king, that his army should yet 
Convention between Caesar and the fr. king.  continued for the month following, with covenant that the extraordinary expenses such as run over and above the pays of the bands which the king had defrayed till that time, should be paid hereafter by Caesar, together with the regiments of the footmen for that month: But because Caesar was not then provided of money, the rate and sum should be set down of those expenses, and the King to make it up by way of loan to the sum of fifty thousand ducats: which if Caesar did not repay within one year following together with the other fifty thousand which were lent him before, the king should resume into his hands Verona with all the territories, and keep it possessed till he were satisfied: Chaumont having the king's commandment to follow still those wars, turned all his wits and devices to take Monselice, In which disposition assoon as four hundred spanish lances led by the Duke of Termyny were arrived, who, being sent by the king Catholic to the succours of Maxymylian, had according to their custom marched very slowly: The armies after they had passed the river of Brento, and afterwards the river of Baguillon at the village of Purlo within five miles of Padua, arrived at Monselice, not without suffering a wonderful scarcity of victuals and forages by th'incursions of horsemen that were within Padua and Monselice, who besides those damages, took S. Benzone de Cremo, A captain for the french king being gone with a very slender strength of horsemen to view the scouts: This captain, for that he was the Author of the rebellion of Cremo, Andrea Gritti respecting more that he was a subject to the Venetians, than a soldier of thenemies, caused him to be executed presently.  
In the town of Monselice which standeth in the plain, is a rising as it were a stony hill, (by that reason it is called Monselice) which is very high, in the top whereof is a castle, And at the back of that hill which goeth always lessening be three wastes of walls, the lowest whereof embraceth so much space that it well needeth two thousand 
The taking of Monselice  men to defend it against a whole army: The enemies abandoned suddenly the town wherein the french being bestowed, planted their artillery against the first waist, and after they had well battered it in many places, the footmen of the Gascons & Spaniards began to approach the wall in disorder, striving to enter by many breaches: There were within for the defence of it, seven hundred men, who supposing it had been an assault appointed and ordered, and seeing their disability to make resistance if the assault had been followed in sundry places, after they had made a small defence, began to retire according to an agreement made amongst themselves before as was believed: But they made their retreat in such disorder, that th'enemy that began but now to enter, entertaining with them the skirmish & chasse, entered pelmell with them at the other two wastes & so to the castle: There the greatest part of them were slain, and the residue which were withdrawn to the dungeon offering to yield upon surety of life, were not accepted by the Almains, whose fury joined to their fortune, led them at last to put fire in the dungeon: so as of seven hundred footmen thexecutioners reserved very few, every one bearing less compassion to their calamities for the cowardisse they showed in their own defence: There were amongst them five Constables & Mareshals whereof Martind Bourg of Tuskane was the principal, who being parties in the confusion, they found severally their particular fortune: The cruelty of thAlmains was showed nothing less against the buildings and walls, for, not having sufficient companies to guard them, they did not only dismantel the fortress of Monselice, but also consumed the town with fire, holding nothing unlawful which was within the compass of their fury to accomplish: After this journey, those armies did nothing of importance, saving that four hundred french lances run up to the gates of Padua, rather declaring their goodwill, then doing any action worthy so great valour: About this time the Duke of Ferrara departed from the camp, and Monsr Chastillon with him, whom Chaumont sent with two hundred and fifty lances for the guard of Ferrara where the people lived in great suspicion, for that the bands of the Pope were not far from thence: The Almains persuaded much Monsr Chaumont (urging the traitie that was made between them before) to go encamp before Trevisa, laying afore him that the actions which had been done with so great expenses, were of little importance, if Trevisa were not taken: for, touching Padua, there was no hope to be able to have it: Of the contrary, Chaumont replied that Caesar was not descended against the Venetians with such forces as he had promised, as also such as were joined to his army were reduced to a very small number: That within Trevisa, where the Venetians had made very great fortifications, there were strong companies of soldiers: lastly he alleged that the store of victuals was worn out of the country, and no less the difficulty to bring provision to the camp from far places for the continual vexation of the light horsemen and stradiots of the Venetians, who being advertised by the diligent espial of the country men of every little moving that they made, and being beside in great number, discovered themselves always in every place where they thought they might endamage them: These disputations ceased by a new commandment that came from the french king to Chaumont, that leaving in the army of thAlmains four hundred lances and fifteen hundred spanish footmen of the kings pay, besides those that were in garrison in Leguaguo, he should suddenly return with his army to the Duchy of Milan: for that many troubles & dangers began to disclose by mean of the Pope: by reason whereof Monsr Chaumont leaving the government of those companies to Monsr Persi, followed the kings commandment, And the Almains distrusting to be able to do any thing of importance, put themselves into Loniguo.  
The Pope had of long time set down in his mind an obstinate resolution not 
The Pope's deliberation to chasse the french out of Italy.  only to repossess the Church of many estates which he pretended to appertain to him, but also to chasse the french king out of all that he held in Italy: The matter that induced this disposition was either a secret and ancient ill will that he bore him, or else a settled suspicion and jealousy which he had nourished a long time and now was converted into extreme hatred: or haply it might be an ambition of glory to be the deliverer (as he boasted afterwards) of Italy from foreign nations: To these ends he had absolved the Venetians of the Church censures: To these ends was he entered into intelligence and strait alliance with the Swyzzers, making semblance to proceed in those things more for his proper surety, then for desire to offend an other: And to these ends not being able to withdraw the Duke of Ferrara from the devotion of the french king, he was determined to do all that he could to occupy that Duchy, blazing his devices with this cooler, that he stirred only for the quarrel of the salt and salt pits: And yet to th'end not to discloase the plainness of his thoughts until he were better prepared, he had continual negotiation with Albert Pio, to have agreement with the french king, not sparing to protest openly, though he kept his intentions dissembled: The king for his part interpreting all his discontentment to come for that he had taken the Duke of Ferrara into his protection, and having a careful desire to avoid his ill will, consented to contract with him new covenants, referring himself to the capitulations of Cambray, wherein was expressed that not one of the confederates should intrude into the things appertaining to the Church, and did insert with all such words and clauses as might make it lawful to the Pope to proceed against the Duke of Ferrara so far forth as concerned the particularity of the salt and salt mines, to which ends the king supposed that the Pope's thoughts did chief aspire: wherein he made such interpretation of the protection which he had taken of the Duke of Ferrara, as though there was left to him a lawful liberty to contract with the Pope in that manner: But the nearer the king approached to the demands of the Pope, the further was he estranged and separate from him, inclining nothing the more for the news he heard of the death of Cardinal Amboise: for, to such as persuaded him to the peace, and took their argument upon this, that his suspicions were now finished, he answered that the same king living, the same ielowsies did yet endure, confirming his opinion by this that the accord made by the Cardinal of Pavya had been violated by the king of his proper deliberation contrary to the will and council of the Cardinal Amboise: yea such as looked deeply into the intentions of the Pope and his manner of dealings, found that his stomach and hopes were so much the more increased and not without occasion: for, the qualities of the king being such as he stood in more necessity to be governed, then that he was able or proper to govern, it is without doubt that he was much weakened by the death of the Cardinal, since that besides his long experience, his ability of wit was great, and stood withal in such grace and authority with the king and had such power over his directions and councils, that he would often times take upon him to give of himself a form and resolution of affairs: A matter which could not be found in such as succeeded him in the government, who durst not communicate with the king in affairs which they thought would displease him, much less that they had authority to deliberate: Besides, he reapposed not the same faith & confidence in their counsels, and being a body of a council compounded upon many persons, & they respecting one another without any great trust in their new authority, they proceeded both more coldly and carelessly then either th'importance of the present affairs required, or was necessary against the heat and importunity of the Pope: who not accepting any of the offers that were made to him by the king, required him at last to renounce, not with condition and limitation, but absolutely and simply, the protection which he had taken of the Duke of Ferrara, not weighing to advance his own purposes with the king's dishonour: And albeit the king persuaded him much that such a renunciation would bring him great infamy, yet it was in vain to labour to stay him with words and reasons, whose ambitions were infinite and his intentions full of malice, with which property of mind he answered the king, that seeing he refused to renounce simply, he would also take liberty not to contract with him, nor yet to be against him, and not binding himself to any person, he would study to maintain the state of the Church in peace, beginning even then to complain more than ever of the Duke of Ferrara: whose friends weighing wisely with what adversary he had to do, persuaded him to give over the working & making of salt, which he answered he could not do without prejudicing the rights of thEmpire to whom the just jurisdiction of Comacho appertained: many entered into a certain doubt and opinion which took increasing with time, that Albert Pio the french king's Ambassador, not proceeding sincerely in his lagation, stirred up the Pope against the Duke of Ferrara, for a burning desire he had (wherein he continued till his death) that Alfonso should be deposed from the dukedom of Ferrara: The reason was for that Hercules, father of Alfonso, having had certain years afore, of Gilbert Pio, the moiety of the dominion of Carpy, giving him in recompense the borrow of Sassola with certain other lands, Albert feared least in the end the other moiety either by compulsion or corruption would deuolue to him, th'experience often happening that the neighbour less rich and able yieldeth to the covetousness of the most wealthy and mighty: A matter which in all common weals hath been seen to minister no small troubles, and therefore it hath not been thought good that the poor and rich should devil near together, for that as in the wealth of the rich man are sown the seeds of envy in the mind of the poor man, so of the wants of the poor, & superfluities of the rich, are nourished the disorders of a whole people: But what so ever was the simplicity and truth of it, the Pope expressing tokens of a person unappeasable against Alfonso, and having a full resolution to leavy war against him, prepared first to proceed with th'authority and censures of the Church: Wherein seeking to give some justification to the grounds of this action, he gave it out that he had found amongst the records of the chamber apostolic, th'investiture of the town of Comacho, given by Popes to the house of Este: These were the public and manifest behaviours of the Pope, but in secret he solicited to set abroache far greater movings, wherein he seemed to have given a good foundation to his affairs in contracting amity with the Swyzzers, and to have at his devotion the Venetians who now were upon their feet: Besides, he saw that the king of Arragon respected the same end that he did, or at lest was not sowndly joined with the french king: That the forces and authority of Caesar were so weakened that there was left no occasion to fear him: And lastly that he was not without hopes to procure the king of England to stir: But that which should most have appeased him, he made to serve most to stir up & kindle his stomach, which was the knowledge he had that the french king having no disposition to make war against the church, nourished a settled desire to have peace, In so much as it seemed that it would always remain in his power, to draw him to peace yea though he had levied arms against him: The reason of these matters making him rise daily more insolent, and redoubling openly his complaints and threats against the French King and Duke of Ferrara, he refused in the feast of the celebration of S. Peter (A day wherein according to ancient custom are offered the tributes which are due to the siege apostolic) to accept the tribute of the Duke of Ferrara, saying that the evasion of Alexander the sixth who in marrying his Daughter had from four thousand ducats reduced that offering to a hundred, could not take example to the prejudice of that sea: Besides, he would not afore this time give licence to the Cardinal of Achx and other french Cardinals to return into France, and understanding that day that the Cardinal of Achx was gone to take the pleasure of the fields with certain greahowndes, he entered into a vain suspicion that he would secretly start away, and therefore sent speedily after to take him and held him prisoner in the castle S. Ange: Thus disclosing openly his manifest contention with the French King, and for that cause seeing himself so much the more constrained to say great and assured foundations, he granted to the King Catholic th'investiture of the kingdom of Naples under condition of the same tribute with the which the kings of Arragon had obtained it, notwithstanding he had refused afore to bestow it otherways then for forty thousand ducats, A rate afore time imposed upon the french when he obtained it: In this action the Pope respected not so much the bond which in other investitures of the same kingdom, was wont to be made to him to entertain every year for him as often as need required 3. hundred men at arms for the defence of the Church as the desire he had to make him his friend, joined to a hope that his aids (upon occasion) might do much to lead him into open contention with the french king: Whereof were already discerned certain seeds and beginnings for that the king Catholic, suspecting much the greatness of the french, and no less jealous of his ambition, for that not content with the limits of the league of Cambray, he aspired to draw to his obedience the city of Verona, and besides all this, being pushed on by the memory of ancient quarrels, desired greatly that there might be found some impediment in his affairs, And therefore ceased not to council a peace between Caesar and the Venetians, which was not a little desired by the Pope: And albeit he proceeded secretly in those actions, yet he was not able altogether to cover his thoughts: In so much as his army by sea being fallen upon Sicily, which he sent to assail the isle of Gerbes (anyland anciently called by the Lattins the great Sirta) the king was entered into suspicion, and the minds of men that were well acquainted with his suttletyes, were occupied with many doubts.  
But as in worldly dealings it often happeneth that the thing that is feared lest, doth soon chance, and hurteth most, so troubles and perplexities began to rise to the French King, from those parts which he doubted lest, and in a time wherein he had no expectation of any moving of arms to be prepared against him: for, the Pope between whose suttletye and secrecy was no difference, working always under hand, solicited that at one time Genes might be assailed both by sea and land: That twelve thousand Swyzzers might descend upon the Duchy of Milan: That the Venetians should take the field to recover their towns holden by Caesar: And that his own army should enter upon the country of Ferrara, with intention to pass afterwards into the Duchy of Milan if things began to succeed happily to the Swyzzers: he hoped that Genes being assailed upon the sudden, there would easily arise some mutation or mutiny, both for that there were many that bore no sound affection to the french, and also that the faction of Fregosa would minister aid, going thither under cooler to make Duke, Octavian, whose father and Uncle had possessed the same dignity: That the french men amazed for the commotion of Genes and invasion of the Swyzzers, would revoke to the Duchy of Milan, all the bands which they had with Caesar and the Duke of Ferrara, which would be a cause that the Venetians should easily recover Verona, and afterwards set upon the Duchy of Milan: lastly that his regiments should do the like after they had made an easy conquest of Ferrara being abandoned of the french, making a judgement upon these computations, that the state of Milan would have no ability of defence against so many enemies, and so sudden a war: he began at one time the war against Ferrara and against Genes: And albeit the Duke of Ferrara (against whom he proceeded the more to hasten th'execution as against a notorious offender) offered to give him the salts that were made at Comacho, with obligation that hereafter there should be no more made: yet (nothing can satisfy a mind possessed with malice) after he had licenced his Ambassadors he caused his army 
The Pope's arivie against Ferrara and Genes.  to march against him, which with the only summons of a trumpet, and no defence appearing, obtained Cente & Pieva: Which borrows appertaining first to the bishopric of Bolognia, Pope Alexander in marrying his Daughter, had annexed them to the Duchy of Ferrara recompensing the bishopric with other revenues: Against Genes were sent eleven galleys of the Venetians guided by Grillo Conterin, and one special galley of the Popes, carrying Octavian Fregosa, jeronimo Dorea with many other of the banished men of that state: And by land at the same time and for the same expedition was dispatched M. Anth. Colonno with a hundred men at arms and seven hundred footmen: This captain having left the pay of the Florentines, and being interteyned by the Pope, abode upon the territories of Lucqua under cooler to furnish his band, giving out a brute that he was afterwards to go to Bolognia: And albeit Monsr Chaumont entered into some suspicion of Genes by reason of his abiding, yet not knowing that the army by sea was to come, and the Pope spreading a subtle and dissembling brute that the preparations of the Swyzzers and hovering of M. Anth. were to execute some surprise upon Ferrara: Chaumont made no other provision for Genes then a certain small crew of footmen whom he sent thither.  
Mark Anth. marched with his companies up to the vale of Visagna within a mile of the walls of Genes, notwithstanding he was not received (according to the Pope's hopes) either into Serezana or into the town of Spetia: and at the same time the army by sea which had occupied Sestria and Chiavara, was come from Rapalo to the mouth of the river Entelle which falleth into the sea near the port of Genes: But there were entered into Genes for the french king at the first brute that thenemies approached, the sons of Io. Lowys de fiesquo with eight hundred men of the country, with whom was joined the Catdinalls' Nephew of Finalo with an equal proportion of soldiers, which both assured the town, and kept suppressed all stirs & commotions: By this succour and providence, the Pope and the exiles being deceived of their principal hope, seeing besides a continual flocking and concursse of people, out of lombardy and the river of Ponaut together with six great galleys entering the haven guided by Pressan, they thought that to tarry longer there could not but bring more peril than profit: And therefore both the navy by sea, and th'army by land returned to Rapalle, where in assaying to take Portofino died Francisco Bolani a patron of one of the Venetian galleys: from thence their army by sea hoyssing sail to go to Civita vechia, M. Anth. Colonno doubting his surety to pass by land for the commotions of the country men and popular fury always raging against soldiers that retire in disfavour, embarked himself in the galleys with three score of the best horsemen, sending the residue by land to Spetia, who were all stripped aswell upon the country of Genes, as upon the marches of Lucqua, and frontiers of the Florentines: This attempt was done with very small honour to Grillo and Octavyan, for that of fear they abstained to charge the vessels of Preian, who being inferior, it was believed that before he entered the haven they would have set upon him with a great advantage: Assoon as they had weighed anchor and gone, Preian issued out of the haven with seven galleys & four ships, taking his course to pursue the Venetian navy which was stronger than he in galleys, but weaker in number of ships: Both the one and other fell with the isle of Elbo, the Venetians in the port of Lungano, and the french men in the haven of Ferrat, who returned eftsoons to Genes after they had accosted th'enemy to the Mount Argentaro: About this time the Pope's soldiers were entered into Romana under the Duke of Vrbyn against the Duke of Ferrara, where having taken the town of Lugo, Vaguacaval, and all the residue that the Duke held on this side Paw, they held the castle of Lugo besieged: And whilst they lay there both in disorder and without effect, being suddenly advertised that the Duke of Ferrara with the french bands, & a hundred & fifty men at arms of his own, with many troupes of light horsemen, was marching to the rescue of it, they levied their siege, and leaving in pray to the enemy 3. pieces of artillery, they retired to Ymola nothing being able to assure them whom fear had compelled to flee: Alfonso taking th'advantage of this occasion, recovered with a wondered facilitical that they had taken from him in Romagna: But the camp ecclesiastic being eftsoons reassembled & reassured, reconquered eftsoons the self same places, and immediately after forced the castle of Lugo having battered it many days: And after the taking of it, their fortune presented to them an occasion of greater success: for, being no garrison in Modona, for that the Duke being occupied in defending other places where the danger was nearest, was not able to refurnish it of himself nor obtain of Monsr Chaumont to sand thither two hundred lances, The Cardinal of Pavya passing with th'army to Frank castle obtained by composition that city, whether he was invited to come by Gerrard and Francis Maria Rargons' gentlemen of Modona, whose authority was so great as they were able to dispose of it as best liked them, And in this action it was believed that they were pushed on more by ambition and desire of innovation, then by any other occasion: The loss of Modona was a warning to the Duke against other harms, who fearing jest the like would happen to Regge, bestowed present garrison there, as also Chaumont, doing after the hurt received that which would have profited more in the beginning, sent thither two hundred lances, notwithstanding he had many impediments for the descending of the Swyzzers.  
The confederation between the french king and the Swyzzers was determined 
The descending of the Swyzzers to the Duchy of Milan.  many months before, the king continuing his resolution not to augment their pensions, contrary to the council of all his Nobles, who advised him to consider of what importance it would be to make those armies his enemies with the which he had before achieved his greatest fortunes: And they already drawn into arms under th'authority of the Pope's promises, but specially made angry with the king's obstinacy in denying their demands, were resolved by an universal consent of the Commonalties in an assembly holden at Lucerna, to conspire against him: But Monsr Chaumont looking into the peril of these levies and stirs, set good guard upon the passages towards Coma, took away from the rivers all boats & barks, withdrew into places of strength all victuals and provisions, and lastly cut from the mills their instruments to grind by, leaving nothing that might be employed to the service of th'enemy but the rivers and land which he could not remove: And being uncertain whether the Swyzzers would make their descending upon the Duchy of Milan, or else passing the Mount S. Barnard, to enter into Pyemont by the vale of Augusto, and so go to Savona, with intention to endamage Genes, or else from thence passing the Appenin, to make invasions upon the Duke of Ferrara: he had also induced the Duke of Savoy to deny them passage, and for their more impediment, he sent with his consent five hundred lances to Yurea, not ceasing nevertheless to do all that he could to corrupt with presents & promises the chief commanders of that nation to draw them from their rising, holding it but just to object practice against them in whom was so great lightness to stir upon so small occasion: But in vain did he labour and solicit those commonalties whose minds did not retain any thing more willingly than the memory of the king's denial, being grown from a hatred to a violent desire to be revenged of the french nation: In so much as the Commons (thinking it to be their proper cause) notwithstanding the difficulties that were in the Pope to sand them money for that the Fookers' bankiers of germany who had promised to defray it for him shrunk back for fear to offend Caesar, 6. thousand of them levied by the Pope entered really into th'action in the beginning of September: Amongst whom were 4. hundred horsemen, half armed with shot, 2. thousand five hundred footmen with halfacques, & fifty arquebusiers, without artillery or other provision of bridges or vessels: In this forniture, they marched turning to the way of Belinsone, & taking the bridge of Tresa, with a garrison of 5. hundred french footmen left abandoned, they encamped at Varesa expecting there (as they said) the Bishop of Zion with new companies: Albeit these beginnings troubled much the minds of the french, both for an ordinary fear they had of the Swyzzers, & also particularly respecting their own weakness having at that time in Milan a very small number of men at arms, for that part of them were distributed for the guard of Bressa, Leguaguo, Valegge & Pesquiero, 3. hundred lances sent to the succours of the Duke of Ferrara, & 5. hundred being joined with the army of Almains against the Venetians: yet Monsr Chaumont assembling his forces & expressing his valour even amid his hard fortune, marched with 5. hundred lances & 4. thousand footmen, & took the plain of Chastillon within 2. miles of Varesa, having sent to the Mount of Briansa joh. ja. Triuulce, to th'end that not so much with the bands which he brought with him which were in very small number, as with the favour & further strength of the men of the country, he might be an impediment to the Swyzzers for taking that way: The Swyzzers assoon as they werearived at Varesa, sent to demand passage of Monsr Chaumont, saying they would go to the service of the Church: By reason whereof it was doubted that they would pass to Ferrara, either by the Duchy of Milan, by which way, besides th'impediments of the french companies, they should have found difficulty to have passed the rivers of Paw and Oglia: or else by taking the lefthande and coasting by the hills below Coma and Lecqua, And passing the river of Adda which there is narrow and not rough, from whence they might have been guided by the hill of the country of Bergamo and Bressia to the river of Oglio: And having passed over there, they might have descended either by the country of Bressa or by Guiaradda upon the marches of Mantua, which is a country large & beareth no places of force to have resisted them: So great was the reputation of the valour and order of that nation, that in all events Monsr Chaumont had no intention to set upon them, although they made their descending into the plain, but with his horsemen & footmen joined together & with his field pieces, to accost and hover upon them to cut of their victuals, and to give them as many impediments as he could without assaying the fortune to pass the rivers: And in the mean while, for that the places near Varesa were well furnished with horsemen and footmen, he visited them often times with false alarms keeping them in breath all the night: At Varesa, where the Swyzzers suffered great want of victuals, A new supply of four thousand came & joined with them, And the fourth day after their coming, they marched altogether towards Castillon keeping upon the left hand a long the hills, marching always in close rank, in good order, more respecting to march in safety then to make speed: They were in every esquadron four score or an hundred, the last ranks being all halfaques & arquebusiers: Their observation was such in marching, that much less that thenemy could avoid them by any advantage, but of the contrary they made a valiant defence against the french army which always accosted them & put them to the skirmish both behind & before, yea some times they would draw out of their squadrons an hundred or fifty to entertain the skirmish, some times advancing, some times staying, some times retiring, not that there could be discerned in their doings the lest disorder: They thought it no dishonour to retire, when by giving of place they might profit themselves & endanger th'enemy: In this order they arrived the first day at the passage of the bridge of Vedin, which was guarded by captain Molard with certain Gascon footmen, who being driven back with the shot of their balfaques, they lodged the same night at Apprana eight miles from Varesa, & Chaumont encamped within Assaron towards the hill of Brianso six miles from Appiano: The day following, they drew along the hills, towards Cantu, Chaumout accosting them always with two hundred lances, for that by the sharpness or steepness of the places, th'artilleries remeined more lower together with the footmen that guarded them: And yet in the half way either for the damages which the french had given them that day (whereof Chaumont made not a little glory) or for that such was their resolution, leaving the way of Cantu, and turning more on the left hand, they went retiring by the high places towards Coma, encamping for that night in a subberbe of that city and in the villages thereabout: from the subberbe of Coma, they made an other lodging at Ch●asso three miles more forward, keeping the french men in doubt whether they would return to Belinsone by the valley of Lungaro, or draw towards the river of Adda, where, albert they were not furnished with bridges, yet many supposed that their valour would open them a way to pass, necessity making them to use planks in stead of bridge▪ But putting them out of doubt the day following, they went and harboured at the bridge of Trese, and from thence retired by troupes into their houses, being reduced into the uttermost extremity of victuals and wants of money: it was believed that this retreat so sudden was done for want of money, for the difficulties to pass the rivers, but much more for the necessity of victuals, impediments of great importance to hinder both the fortune, the valour, and felicity of an army: In this sort the french men were delivered for this time of a danger which they esteemed not little, notwithstanding the king making those things greater than they were in deed, affirmed that he could not but hold it profitable for his affairs to suffer them to pass, making this question whether of these two things would make the Pope more weak either to be without soldiers, or to have an army that came to offend him as did the Swyzzers whom, with so many forces and so much treasure, he had had all the pain in the world to manage.  
The peril of the french had been far greater if at one time they had been assailed 
The Venetians recover most part of their towns after the departing of Chaumont.  in many places according to the devices of the Pope: But as thenterprise of Genes was afore the moving of the Swyzzers, so the army of the Venetians advanced not so soon as was determined, notwithstanding they had a singular occasion and commodity, for that the Almain bands within Vincensa with whom were the Spanish footmen and the five hundred french lances, being much diminished since the departure of Monsr Chaumont, the Venetians issuing out of Padua recovered without great travel Este, Monselice, Montagnano, Marestiquo, and Basciana: And joining valour to their fortune they passed further, & taking advantage of the retiring of thAlmains drawing the way of Verona, they entered into Vincensa which they had abandoned: except Leguaguo, they reconquered with this felicity all those pieces which with foe great expenses & travel of the french men, they had lost in the whole summer: And so they came to S. Martin five miles from Verona, into which city thenemies retired, their retreat not being without danger by the doubtful valour of Luke Maluezzo: who being then their general for that Io. P. balon had left their pay, showed a courage inferior to the reputation of the place which he held: for, the Venetians being come to the village of Tower, thenemies leaving great provision of victuals in their lodgings, took the way to Verona, being followed with the whole Venetian army, & continually suffering by their light horsemen: And yet the french sustaining valiantly the rearguard chief with their shot, they passed the river of Appan and marched without danger to New town, the Venetians encamping within half a mile of them: who, forbearing to follow the day after, with that diligence they did before, for that their footmen were not able to hold chasse with the horsemen, they retired in safety to Verona: from S. Martin, after they had remeined there certain days, approaching near Verona not without being blamed for the unprofitable stay they had made, they began to employ their artilleries (which they had planted upon the other mountain) against the castle of S. Felix and the next wall: perhaps they made choice of that place for the difficulty to be refortified, and that the horsemen could not execute but with great discommodities.  
The Venetian army contained eight hundred men at arms, three thousand light 
Ver●na besieged by the Vencuans.  horsemen, the most part estradiots, & ten thousand footmen with a great train & quantity of peysants that followed: And within Verona were three hundred spanish lances, one hundred lances of Almains & Italians, and four hundred french lances, five hundred footmen paid by the king, and four thousand Almains, no longer under the guiding of the Prince of Hanaw who was dead certain days afore: The people and inhabitants of Verona very ill disposed to the Almains, were up with their weapons in their hands, A matter wherein the Venetians had much hoped, whose light horsemen passing at the same time the river of Adice at a ford under Verona, run over the whole country: Thartilleries of the Venetians battered the wall in great fury, notwithstanding the artillery planted within by the french and covered with defences, did greatly distress those that were without who had no rampires: Lactance Bergame A Colonel of the greatest account with the Venetians, was stricken with a shot of th'artillery, of which he died within few days after: At last thartillery without having done a wondered execution and dismantled a great part of the wall, even to the beginning of the skarpe, and so dismounted and broken their cannons that th'artillery within was of little service, thAlmains were not without fear to lose the castle notwithstanding it was well rampired: To which loss, to th'end the loasing of the city were not joined, they determined in cases of necessities to retire to certain rampires which they had made in a place near, to beat upon the sudden with their Cannons which they had already planted, the face of the inner part of the castle, hoping to make such an opening, that thenemies should find small safety to tarry there. But the valour of those that were within, was far above the yertue of the other, for that in the Venetian army were no other bands of footmen than Italians, who being ordinarily paid every forty days, followed that service more for that they found in other places very slender preferment, then for any other reason: Besides, thItalian footmen not accustomed to the order of service beyond the Mounts, neither assured in holds nor resolute in the field, were at that time almost rejected of every one that had mean to furnish their service with footmen strangers, specially with Swizzers, Almains, and Spaniards. Therefore the town being defended with a greater valour than it was assaulted, there issued out one night about eighteen hundred footmen with certain French horsemen to charge the artillery, and the footmen that guarded it being easily put to flight, they choked two great pieces, striving to draw them into the town: The Alarm was suddenly through all the camp, when Zitolo Perouso bringing a rescue of footmen, and making haste more than others to the misfortune that attended him, in fight valiantly finished his life with great glory; But Denis de Naldo coming on with the greater part of th'army, th'enemy was compelled to reabandon th'artillery and retire, notwithstanding with great praise, for that in the beginning they broke the guard that defended th'artillery, and after made slaughter of a great part of such as came first to the rescue, and lastly retired almost all in safety. This accident brought great discouragement to the Venetian captains, who seeing the inhabitants made no mutiny, and judging withal that their abiding there would be no less unprofitable than full of peril for theyll surety of their camp (their footmen being lodged in the mountain, and their horsemen in the valley) they determined to retire to their old lodging at S. Martin, wherein they made so much the more speed, by howmuch they understood that Monsr Chaumont would come to the rescue of the town, having already avoided the peril of the Swissers. At such time as the camp levied and broke up, the foragers of Verona accompanied with a great strength entered the valley of Poliente joining to the mountain of S. Felix: but many light horsemen of the Venetians being sent out for rescue, and seizing first of the entry of the valley, put them all to the sword, or to the fortune of prisoners. From S. Martin the Venetian army drew to S. Boniface, being fearful of the coming of Monsr Chaumont. About this time the garrison within Trevisa took by composition the town of Asola near the river Musone, wherein were eight hundred Almain footmen: The castle also suffering the samefortune: And in the country of Friul they proceeded with the same variations and cruelties accustomed, not seeming to make war upon enemies, but prosecuting on all parts the extreme destruction of buildings, places, and whole countries: The like calamities also consumed Istria, the liberty of the war making all things lawful to the fury of the soldiers, whose insolences left no other comfort to any sorts of people, than such as may be expected in an unbridled fury of war.  
About this time the Marquis of Mantua was delivered out of prison by a strange devise practised by the Pope, whereunto he was induced by an ancient affection 
Marquis of Mantua escapeth out of prison.  which he bore to him before, joined to a desire to serve his turn of him, and the commodity of his estate, in the war against the French king: It was spread throughout all Italy, that in these respects he was the worker of his delivery, and set him at liberty: But it was credibly known by an Author worthy of faith, and through whose hands at that time passed the whole government of the state of Mantua, that his liberty was wrought by an other mean: There was great doubt lest the Venetians, either for the hate they bore him, or for the suspicion they had of him, would not hold him a perpetual prisoner: and therefore after there had been used in vain many trials and remedies, it was determined in the council of Mantua to have recourse to Bajazet Prince of the Turks, whose amity the Marquis had entertained many years, by visiting him oftentimes with many presents and other offices of goodwill and honour: Assoon as he understood the calamity of the Marquis, he sent for the governor of the Venetian Merchants lying at Constantinople, & commanded him to make him promise' that the Marquis should be delivered: The governor answered, that it was not reasonable he should promise' that which was not in his power to perform, only he offered to writ to the state of Venice, who he doubted not would set down a resolution conformable to his desire. But Bajazet speaking in the person and authority of a tyrant, replied proudly that it was his will that he should make an absolute promise, whereunto he was constrained to condescend, obeying the will of the tyrant as a law forced and unrighteous, which he signified with expedition to te state of Venice, who considering that it was not now time to stir upso mighty a Prince, determined to set him at liberty. But he, to hide his dishonour, and to reap some fruit of his devise, inclined to the desire of the Pope, by whose mean being concluded (but secretly) that to assure the Venetians that the Marquis should not move against them, his eldest son should be put into the Pope's hands. The Marquis was conveyed to Bolognia, where after he had delivered over his son to the Agents of the Pope, he went to Mantua, excusing himself both to Caesar and the French king by the necessity he had to go redress his own estate, that he visited not their armies to do them service, as freholder to the one and soldier to the other (the French king holding him always in the number of his pensioners) notwithstanding his intention in deed was to remain a neuter.  
The ill success of things no less rashly attempted then vainly prosecuted, had 
The Pope determineth to assail Genes.  nothing diminished the hopes of the Pope, who promising himself more than ever of the mutations of Genes, determined to assail it of new: By reason whereof the Venetians following him more by necessity, then that they allowed of his furious dealing, augmented their Navy which was at Civita vecchio by four great ships, to the which after the Pope had joined one of his Galleasses with other vessels, and persuading that by the publication and authority of his name, the Genoese would be the more easy induced to rebel, he gave public benediction to his banners with ceremonies Pontifical as though in that manner of celebration were power either to work effect to his intentions, or to make better his fortune. It was marveled that now that his thoughts were made manifest and discovered, and that within Genes were many soldiers, and a strong Navy within the haven, how he could hope to obtain that which he was not able to win when the haven was disarmed, the garrison very weak within the City, and when there was no doubt at all of him: But as nothing can satisfy the ambition of man, so the mind that hath malice mixed with the desire of glory, is always made more apt to hope for honour then able to get it. To the armies at sea which were followed with the banished faction, and also with the Bishop of Genes son of Obietto de Fiesquo, were to be joined the forces of the land: for Federike Archbishop of Salerne brother to Octavian Fregosa, levied with the Pope's money companies of footmen and horsemen, john de Sassatelle and Reinold de Sassete his captains having commandment to be ready with their regiments at Bagno, to make an approach to Genes as occasion should require. The warning of a mischief brings with it his remedy, and the harm that is looked ●or before hurteth little when it cometh: for in that City had been made mighty provisions both by sea and land, In so much as at the first brute that the Navy of the enemy approached wherein were fifteen light galleys, three great galleys, one galeasse, and three Biskain ships, the French Navy lancing out of the haven of Genes with xxij. light galleys, went proudly to meet them at Portovenere: The diversity of vessels was to them a surety, for that being inferior to thenemies being united together in one strength, but at lest equal with him in force touching galleys, they might always find safety in their swiftness, and by dispersing, they might make an easy evasion from the ships. The two Navies approached one another above Portovenere within danger of artillery, and after they had exchanged between them certain volleys of shot, they broke of, the Pope's navy going to Sestry which is in the coast of Levant, from whence they presented themselves afore the port of Genes, (john Fregosa entering within the port with a Brigantin:) but the town being so straightly guarded that the contrary faction could not rise, and th'artillery of the tower of Godifa thundering without ceasing, they were constrained to retire, their fortune being inferior to their valour: Afterwards they sailed to Portovenere, where they spent certain hours afore it without commendation, unless they sought praise in an action whereunto they had no possibility of power to prevail: And so beginning to express a manifest despair of the success of the whole enterprise, they returned to Civita vecchia, from whence the Venetian vessels departing with the Pope's consent to return into their own seas, they fell distressed at Far de Messina with such a furious tempest, that five of their galleys being lost, the others were cast upon the coast of Barbary, from whence, being bruised and broken, they fell at last with many harms with the havens of the Venetians. The forces that should have come by land, were not concurrant in this action, for that the companies that were levied in the country of Lunigano, stirred not, judging it an enterprise full of peril to enter the coast of Levant, for the preparations which the French had made: And such as were ready at Bagno making excuse by the Florentines that would not suffer them to pass, marched no further: But entering into the mountain of Modena which yet obeyed the Duke of Ferrara, they assailed the town of Favana, which though they found difficult to obtain at the beginning, yet they compelled it in the end to come to rendering (the mountain men bearing no minds to express further faith to their Duke, in whom they saw so small appearance or hope of succours.)  
Thus till this day did nothing succeed to the Pope of all that he had attempted against the French king: for, neither was there any mutation at Genes as he did assuredly promise' himself, neither did the Venetians after they had in vain assayed to take Verona, hope for any advancement on that side: neither did the Swizzers accomplish any thing, their action being rather in demonstration and shows then in matter and effect. And touching Ferrara, what by the ready succours which the French had sent▪ and the opportunity of the winter already come on, there was no appearance of any danger: only he had taken Modena, which was no reeompence worthy of so great a moving. But such is the nature of hope, rather to prolong then to satisfy, and guiding a mind vain and glorious, it nourisheth him in infinite expectations. And touching this Pope (disappointed of so many hopes) we may lay him in comparison with that which is written by the Poets, of Anteus, that being 
Pope julio.  tamed by the forces of Hercules, as often as he was thrown to the ground, so often did appear in him a greater strength and courage: Such weening had the Pope amid his adversities, for when he seemed most abased and oppressed, it was then that he did most lift up himself with a spirit more constant and resolute, promising better of his fortune then ever: And yet he had almost no other foundations then of himself, and he would openly say, that albeit he was made naked of valiant and loyal arms, having no other assured friends then the Venetians, yet for that his enterprises moved not of any particular interest, but of an only frank desire to set Italy at liberty, he doubted not with the aid of God to manage them to an issue honourable, happy, and commendable. He could not hope much of the Venetians, for that they were already drained of money, and oppressed with many difficulties and afflictions: And touching the king Catholic, he seemed rather to counsel him secretly, then to aid him openly, using his ordinary subtlety, to keep entertained on tother side Maximilian with the French king: And albeit he made him many promises, yet he held them suspensed with many conditions and impediments: And for the travel he had used to separate Caesar from the French king, and to make him agreed with the Venetians, it seemed every day no less doubtful than unprofitable: for that Caesar, at such time as the Pope had sent out an army against the duke of Ferrara, had sent an Herald to charge him not to molest him: And Constantin de Macedonio, being gone in the Pope's name to solicit an accord between him and the Venetians, he did not only refuse to hear him, but also giving to know that he would more firmly knit with the French king, he determined to send into France the Bishop of Gurce to negotiate with him of all their affairs: Also the electors of th'empire, notwithstanding they bore great inclination to the name of the Pope, and to the devotion of the sea Apostolic, would not hear speak of the expenses: in so much as being addicted only to th'affairs of Germany, they were not to do him any great service in those actions: And lastly, it seemed he could not hope much more of the king of England, notwithstanding he was young and desirous of innovations, & had made profession to affect the greatness of the Church, and heard his Ambassadors not without some inclination of mind: for that being so far removed from Italy aswell by land as sea, he was not able of himself to embase the French king, having withal ratified the peace with him, and by a solemn embassage sent to that end, received the full confirmation. Sure there is no man building upon so weak foundations, and encountering so many great impediments and adversities, who would not have abated and restrained his courage, seeing withal he had mean to obtain peace with the French king with such conditions as a conqueror could not in reason desire greater: For the king consented to abandon the protection of the Duke of Ferrara, though not directly (in regard of his honour) yet indirectly to satisfy the Pope, referring it to the arbitration of the law, but under th'authority of such judges as would have pronounced according to the Pope's will: And albeit he was certain that he might obtain this form of peace to his quiet and honour, yet he added that over and beside these, he would have the king to leave Genes in full liberty, proceeding in these actions with such an implacable obstinacy▪ that not one of his dearest familiars durst once advise him to the contrary: yea th'ambassador of Florence offering to sound him according to the king's commandment, purchased by his labour more displeasure than profit: His resolution that way could suffer no counsel to the contrary, for a messenger whom the duke of Savoy had sent to him about other affairs, offering that his prince (if it so liked him) would interpose in the working of the peace, he cried out that he was sent to espy, and not to negotiate, committing the messenger to prison, and to be examined with torments: his singular courage carrying him every day into higher weenings, made him also confirmed in the difficulties that appeared, that not respecting the impediments nor dangers, and determining to say aside all his other thoughts saving such as tended to the taking of Ferrara, he resolved to go in person to Bolognia, both to hasten things by his presence, to give more authority to his affairs, and to increase the courage of his captains, whose valour seemed far inferior to his fury: he assured himself that to take Ferrara his own forces sufficed joined with the Venetians, who laboured to feed him in that persuasion, for fear lest in the end losing all hope of good success, he came not to accord with the French king.  
On the other side, the French king being now made certain by so many experiences 
The king's disposition against the Pope.  of the affection and intention of the Pope, and seeing how necessary it was to provide against other dangers that might happen to his estates, determined to defend the duke of Ferrara, and keeping established the amity he had with the king of Romans, he resolved to persecute (by his consent) the Pope with arms spiritual, and in the mean while to entertain and support things until the spring, when he would pass into Italy with a puissant army both by sea and land, to make war either upon the Venetians, or against the Pope, as the estate of affairs should require. He persuaded the king of Romans that he would enter into action against the Venetians, not only as he was wont to do, but also to aid him (knowing well his ancient desire) to occupy Rome together with the whole estate of the Church as appertaineth of right to th'empire: and likewise to dispose all Italy except th'estates of Milan, Genes, Florence, and Ferrara: By these allurements he ranged him easily to his opinion, but specially that by their authority, joining with them the consent of the nations of France and Almain, they might call a general council, wherein they hoped would be concurrant the Spanish regions and the king of Arragon, not daring to do any thing against their william. To these was added an other most great foundation, that many Cardinals of Italy & beyond the Mounts, having minds ambitious and stirring, promised to make open profession to be the authors of the council. The king for the better direction of these things expected with no small desire, the coming of the Bishop of Gurci whom Caesar had determined to to send to him: And in the mean while, to say a beginning to the institution of the council, and to remove presently from the Pope the obedience of his kingdom, he made summons to all the prelate's of Fraunçe to assemble at Orleans in the midst of September. Such were the resolutions and preparations of the French king, not altogether approved by the wise men of his council and his Court, who seeing how unprofitable it would be to give leisure to th'enemy, persuaded him not to defer the moving of arms to a new time, whose counsel if it had been followed, the Pope had been easily brought to such necessity, and his affairs so confused, that he had not been able with that fortune and facility to stir up against him so many Princes as he did after: But such was the destiny of those affairs, that the counsel of wisemen were of less credit with the king than his own opinion, who seemed to stand confirmed either through covetousness which overruled him, or by fear that other princes would be jealous of his greatness if he only made war against the Pope: or perhaps he abhorred such an action as contrary to the surname of Right Christian, & unworthy of that profession to defend the Church wherewith his predecessors had been honoured of long time.  
The Pope made his entry into Bolognia upon the end of September, with resolution 
The Pope's army and the Venetians upon the country of Ferrara.  to invade Ferrara aswell by water as by land, using only his own forces and the supplies of the Venetians: who at his request sent out two fleets armed against Ferrara, & they entering into the river of Paw, the one by Fornaci, and the other by the port of Primaro, began to do many damages to the people of Ferrara, as did also at the same instant the Pope's companies, who overran and pillaged the whole country, but not coming near to Ferrara, in which city was a strength of two hundred and fifty French lances, besides the Duke's garrisons: fotalbeit the camp ecclesiastic was paid for eight hundred men at arms, six hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen, yet, besides that they were bodies untrained & taken up at random, the numbers were far less, (the Pope's having by custom to be very ill served in wars:) Besides Monsr de Chaumont having sent, after the loss of Modena, to Regge and Rubiero two hundred and fifty lances, and two thousand footmen: Mark Anth. Colonno and john Vitelli were departed from th'army by the Pope's commandment with two hundred men at arms and three hundred footmen, to go to Modena: For these reasons the Pope made instance that of the Venetian army, which now that the forces of Caesar were so diminished at Verona and every where, had without great difficulty recovered almost all Friull, he might pass one part of it upon the country of Ferrara, where they had newly recovered Polesina de Rouigno, left abandoned by the necessity of th'affairs which the duke had about Ferrara: The Pope also expected three hundred lances Spaniards, whom the king of Arragon should sand to him under the leading of Fabricio Colonno whensoever he would demand them, according to the bond & contract of the investiture: Assoon as they should arrive in his army, he made his purpose to set upon Ferrara on his side, & the Venetians to do the like on their part. He persuaded himself that assoon as the people of Ferrara saw the army approach the walls, they would take arms against the Duke, notwithstanding his capteins told him that the garrison within was both able to defend the city, and keep the people contained, what disposition soever they had to run into tumult: Nevertheless his desire raging above all reason or counsel, he forbore not to levy with an incredible care in many places, many bands of footmen: But the Venetians were more slow in coming forward then either the Pope expected, or stood agreeable with the plots he had laid, for that having brought by water upon the marches of Mantua many barks to make a bridge, the duke of Ferrara charging them upon the sudden with certain french bands, did not only take them from them and defeat their passage, but also within certain Creeks of Polisena took many barks & other vessels, together with the treasurer of the Venetian army. About this time upon the disclosing of an intelligence which the Venetians practised within Bressia to make it rebel against the French king, the Count john Maria de Martinengo was committed to justice, and paid the price of the practice with the loss of his head. But far more slow in marching were the companies of the Spaniards, who being arrived upon the frontiers of the kingdom of Naples, refused, according to the direction of their king, to pass the river of Tronto, unless he would first deliver to his Ambassador the Bull of investiture which had been promised: The Pope on tother side would not present the Bull, but at such time as the bands of soldiers were come to Bolognia, doubting lest after he had dispossessed himself of it, the companies that were promised would not be sent at all: And yet, neither for any declaration that his Captains could make to him, neither for the present difficulties, did his hope diminish that he was able to carry Ferrara with his own strength only: But as one whose private desire was stronger than all the reasonable persuasions that could be made, he looked into all thexpeditions of war with a wonderful travel and affection, notwithstanding that at the same time he fell into a great malady, which (governing his body contrary to the counsel of Physicians) he despised no less than the other difficulties, promising no less to overcome that, than he assured himself of the victory of the war, having this firm persuasion, that it was the consent and will of God that Italy should be restored to liberty by his mean: Such was the greatness of his mind, and so much respected his authority, that it was dangerous to give him counsel against his will and liking, and that which in other men might be called fury and rashness, was under the terror of his authority holden for temperance and wise proceeding: He brought to pass likewise that the Marquis of Mantua, whom he had called to Bolognia & honoured him with the title of Gonfalonnier of the church, should take pay of the Venetians under the name of their captain general (the Pope participating for an hundred men at arms, and xii. hundred footmen. This matter was kept secret upon the request of the Marquis for this reason, that it was necessary that he provided first for the stay and order of his own country, to th'end to withstand the harms of the frenchmen: But in truth this was his meaning, that taking this charge upon him, not of goodwill, but by necessity of the promises he had made, he sought to defer th'execution, the better to deliver himself of it by some occasion or help of the time.  
The great desire which the Pope had to offend others, was turned into a necessity to give defence to his own things: and this desire had been yet both more ready and more greater, if new accidents had not constrained Chaumont to defer his purposes: for after the Venetian army was broken up from before Verona, Chaumont being comen as far as Pesquiero to march to the rescue of that city, determined to return speedily, and employ his army in the recovery of Modena: in which quarter, his bands that were at Rubiero had taken by assault the town of Formingo: if he had gone forward in this action, it was thought he might have easily obtained it, both for that the garrison was slender, the town not fortified, and thinhabitants nothing brooking the jurisdiction of the Church: But it happened as he thought to go his way, that the Almain footmen that were within Verona began to draw into tumult, for that they were ill paid of Caesar, by reason whereof, lest that City should remain abandoned, Chaumont was constrained to abide there till he had reassured them, distributing nine thousand ducats for their present pay, and promising the residue the month following. In war one misfortune draweth on an other, for he had no sooner given order to these disorders, than there happened an other accident, for that the Venetian bands being retired towards Padua, & Grotto the governor of Leguaguo thinking now that thoccasion offered to sack the town of Montagnana, he caused to march thither all his men at arms & four hundred footmen: against whom whilst they of the town (who could not be without fear of a facking) made defence, many troupes of the Venetian light horsemen finding them in disorder, broke them easily to their great harms, for that the mean to flee was taken from them by th'enemy that had battered & beaten down a bridge. By this adventure Leguaguo being almost made naked of men, it is without doubt that if the Venetian bands had put diligence to their fortune, they had made it a glory of their valour, and a reward of their victory. But as in all worldly things, so chief in actions of war, fortune continueth not all one: this opportunity passed away forthwith, for that Chaumont being advertised of all that was happened, dispatched thither in great diligence other bands, preserving that by his policy which th'enemy had miss to take by their virtue. But by these impediments he lost thoccasion to recover Modena, into the which in this respite of time, were entered many footbands, and many fortifications had been made with great devise and study: And yet for his coming to Rubiero, the Pope was compelled to address to Modona that army that was appointed to go against the Duke of Ferrara: There all his forces being assembled under the Duke of Urbin Captain general, and the Cardinal of Pavia his Legate, and under john Paul Baillon, M. Anth. Colonno, and john Vitelli, all Captains of name and authority, he made request to give battle to thenemies: A matter which all his captains did impugn, as knowing that the forces of the French were without all comparison both greater in numbers, & more approved in valour: both for that the footmen of the Church had been levied in haste, and in the army was no such obedience and discipline as appertained: and between the duke of Urbin and the Cardinal of Pavia a manifest emulation & discord, the same extending so far, that the Duke accusing him of infidelity to the Pope, led him prisoner to Bolognia, either of his proper authority, or by the Pope's commandment: But the Pope eftsoons holding him purged from all crimes and imputation of crimes, held him in better degree of favour and authority then before. Whilst the two armies lay one right against the other, Chaumont lying with his horsemen at Rubiero, and his footmen at Marsaglio, and on the other side, the Eccleisastics keeping at Modena in the suburbs of Rubiero, many skirmishes and interchange of feats martial passing between them. The Duke of Ferrara, who a little before had recovered without resistance Polisena de Rouigno, joining to him the Lord Chastillion and the French lances, recovered without impediment Finale, & from thence entering into the town of Cento (which the Pope had taken before) by the Castle that held for him, he sacked it and burned it, preparing himself to go join with Chaumont. The Church armies fearing much by these behaviours, retired within Modona, bestowing one part of their footmen in the suburb that is toward the mountain: But such is the variation of war, not carried always with one fortune: the Duke was no sooner removed than he was constrained eftsoons to abide for the defence of his own, for that the Venetians containing three hundred men at arms, many light horsemen, & four thousand footmen, to win the passage of Paw, & so to join with the Pope's army, were encamped before Ficquerolei, which is a little & weak borrow upon Paw, but of great renown, both for the long time that Robert of S. Severin was afore it in the war which the Venetians had with Hercules' duke of Ferrara, & also for the defence made by Federike Duke of Urbin, captains of great valour in that time. The Venetians took it by composition, and afterwards forced the town of Stellate which is upon the shore opposite: And commanding in that sort the passage of Paw, there rested no more to march over but to cast the bridge, which, Alfonso after the loss of Stellate being come with his army to Bondin, hindered with his artillery which he had planted upon a point of the land from whence he beaten easily that place, and besides that skowred the whole river of Paw with two galleys, which retired immediately, for that the Venetian fleet, who in the beginning could not enter Paw, the mouths of the river being guarded by th'ordinance of the Duke, found entering now, being come up by Adice against the stream, insomuch as the country of Ferrara suffered many damages by the presence of two fleets of the Venetians. But those harms ceased forthwith together with the fears of the peoples, for that the Duke issuing out of Ferrara, set upon that fleet which was entered by Primaro and come up to Adria, with two galleys, two foists, and many small barks: and having repulsed them with an easy fortune and no great hazard, he came to the other, which being compounded but of foists and other small vessels, was entered by Fornacei and come up to Pulisella: and as they would have entered within Adice by a river near it, they found impediment by the shalownes of the water: in so much as standing open to peril without any appearance of succours, & being continually beaten with th'artilleries of th'enemy, they left their vessels abandoned, seeking their safety in those means which their present fortune provided for them.  
In these stirs of temporal arms, the spiritual thunderbolts began to make noise on all parts: for the Pope joining authority to his fury, excommunicated Alfonso d'Este, and all such as either were come or would come to his succours, but particularly Monsr Chaumont with all the principals of the French army: And in France the assembly of prelate's that had been transported from Orleans to Tours, had consented (notwithstanding more not to oppose against the will of their king assisting oftentimes their assembly, then of their proper will or judgement) to many articles propounded against the Pope, with this only modification, that before they went from his obedience, there should be Ambassadors addressed to him, both to communicate such articles as were agreed upon by the clergy of France, and also to admonish him that hereafter he should observe them, and in case of impugning or resisting he should be cited to the council, wherein request solemn should be made to all Princes of Christendom to be concurrant in th'action: There was also agreed to levy a great impost of money upon the Churches of France. And a little after in an other session of the xxvij. of September, they published the council to begin at Lion in the beginning of March next: The same day the Bishop of Gurce entered into Tours, where he was received with so rare and incredible honour, that upon thexcessive pomps that were used to him, was sufficiently expressed with what long and great desire his coming had been expected: beside, now began to be disclosed the division of the Cardinals against the Pope, for that the Cardinals of S. Cross and Cosenso, Spanish, & the Cardinals of Baieux & S. Malo, French, together with the Cardinal S. Severin, leaving the Pope going to Bolognia by the way of Romagna, and visiting in his journey the temple of our Lady of Loretta, very notable by many miracles, they took with his leave their way through Tuskane: But being come to Florence, and obtaining of the Florentines safeconduit, not for any time determined, but until they revoked it, and fifteen days after the revocation should be signified to them, they delayed with many excuses to pass further: Their long abiding gave cause of suspicion to the Pope, who after many general requests to have them to go to Bolognia, wrote privately to the Cardinals of S. Malo, Baieux, and S. Severin to come to the Court upon pain of his indignation: and proceeding more gently with the cardinals Cosensa and S. Cross, a Cardinal of mark both for his nobility, his knowledge, and his other merits, and also very notable for the great and weighty embassages which he had managed for the sea Apostolic, he dealt with them by persuasions & inducements of friendship to return to the court. But they not disposed to obey him whom they did not love, took the way to Milan by Lunigiana, after they had in vain solicited the Florentines to give not only to them, but also to all the cardinals that would come thither, an assured safe conduit for a long time.  
In this mean while Chaumont devising to recover Carpy, which had been taken before by the soldiers of the Church, sent thither Albert Pio & Monsr Palisso with four hundred lances & four thousand footmen, Albert Pio going before with a trumpet, & accompanied with a small troop of horsemen, the town that loved well his name, hearing of his coming began to tumult: for fear of which peril the eccleisastics lying there in garrison to a number of xl. light horsemen, and five hundred footmen, for sook their charge & took the way to Modona: But being pursued by the French which came soon after, they were broken & put to flight in the meadow of Curtille, which is almost in the half way between Carpy and Modena: The horsemen found safety in the swiftness of their horses, but most part of their footmen fell into the last calamities of war, which was slaughter and imprisonment. Chaumont esteemed it the best policy, and to better purpose for the present war, to set upon th'enemy afore the arrival of the Spanish lances, whom to advance and hasten the more, the Pope had delivered into the hands of Cardinal Regine the bull of investiture: He judged it also very convenient to go to the charge afore the Venetian companies joined with them, who having raised certain rampires against th'artilleries of Alfonso, hoped speedily to have cast down their bridge. In this mind he drew near to Modona, where after was spent a long time in skirmishing between both parts, thecclesiastics looking into their weakness, would never issue out with all their forces, not seeking peril by separation, where they were assured of safety keeping together in one strength. This hope being lost, he determined to put in execution that whereunto many of his bravest captains, and namely the Bentiuoleis, did persuade him with sundry offers: They advised him not to consume time unprofitably about matters of so small respect, that the difficulties were far greater than the profits: but raising his mind equal to the offers of his fortune, that they wild him to set upon the body of the war: and the principal head from whom proceeded so many perils and troubles: They alleged that he had now a good occasion, for that within Bolognia were very few foreign soldiers, and amongst the people many minds that favoured the Bentiuoleis, the most part of the residue being inclined rather to expect thissue of things, then to take arms to sow the seeds of new dangers, and reap the fruit of new hatreds and harms: That if thattempt were not now given, the present occasion passing, fortune would also vanish and make vain thexploit hereafter: for that coming the bands of the Venetians and Spaniards that were expected, there was no hope to do that with an army mighty, which now the occasion and time made easy with far less forces.  
Thus the whole army being assembled which the Bentiuoleis followed with certain 
Chaumont besiegeth the Pope within Bolognia.  horsemen and a thousand footmen of their own pay, took the way between the mountain and the high way, and assaulted Spilinberto, which is a borrow of the Count's Rangons, wherein was a garrison of four hundred footmen sent thither by the Pope: They had no sooner begun to batter it, than they had it by composition, the valour of the soldiers doing nothing to help the weak situation and plot of the place: The next day Frank castle rendered upon conditions more easy than honourable, saving that the fortune of the victors did somewhat defend their dishonour: And from thence they marched and encamped at Cresplano a village ten miles from Bolognia, with intention to present themselves the day after afore the gates of the City, wherein, what by the coming of th'army, and what by the reapport that the Bentiuoleis were in it, all things were full of confusion and tumult, and the Nobles no less than the Commons expressed an universal disposition to change, the one part fearing, and the other part desiring the return of the family of Bentivoley. But greater confusions and fears occupied the minds of the Prelates and Courtiers, better acquainted with the delights of Rome, then accustomed to the dangers of war: The cardinals full of timorous passions ran to the Pope, complaining that he had put himself, the sea Apostolic, and them in so great peril: their timorous condition took away the reason that in cases of danger is wont to rule wise men, and the same fear that moved their confusion, suppressed in them all respect and reverence to the dignity of the place and person, but pushed on with those passions which they were not able to moderate, they besought him with great importunities, either to make some sufficient provision for their defence (which in such a shortness of time they held impossible) or at lest to seek to appease and reassure things by composition under such conditions as the necessity of their estate required, whereunto they supposed th'enemy would incline: or at lest that he would make his departure out of Bolognia together with them, and to consider that if his particular danger touched him not, of what importance it would be for the sea Apostolic and for all Christian religion, if there happened any inconvenience to his person. His dearest fovourits and most acceptable ministers and servants did communicate in these complaints, and having all one fear they followed all one suit, like men that never feeling but security, had least rule over their passions when they saw peril and danger at hand: But he only, amid so great a tumult & disorder of things, no less uncertain of the fidelity of the people, then ill contented with the slow coming on of the Venetians, made obstinate resistance against all these adversities, neither amazed with the perils that he saw, nor once moved with the perplexities of his Cardinals, & joining to these afflictions the malady that had much weakened his body, they had all no ability to bend the greatness of his mind. At the beginning he had caused to come thither M. Anth. Colonno with one part of the soldiers that were within Modona, and likewise had sent for Jerome d'Onato Ambassador to the Venetians, to whom he complained with bitter exclamations, that for the long delaying of the aids which had been so many times promised him, his person and his estate were in manifest danger, not only with an ingratitude abominable towards him that had begun the war chief for their safety, and who with his great expenses and dangers having brought the whole empire and the french king to be his enemies, had been the cause of the preservation of their liberty till that day, but also with an incredible indiscretion for the regard of themselves, seeing if he should either be vanquished, or constrained to yield to any composition, there could be no hope of their safety, and less expectation of good degree for their common weal: he lastly protested with words and action full of fury and resolution, that he would fall to agreement with the french if the next day passed over and no succours of their people which lay at Stellata entered into Bolognia, having this difficulty to build a bridge and to pass the river upon barks and other vessels: He assembled the government and Colleages of Bolognia, with whom he occupied persuasions of great gravity, that remembering the miseries of their tyranny paste, and how hurtful and dangerous would be the return of tyrants after they were expulsed, they would lift up themselves to the defence of the jurisdiction of the Church, which they had found so easy and tractable: And to induce them to a more readiness, besides the favours he had granted them before, he gave them exemption of the moiety of all the imposts exacted upon the victuals that entered into Bolognia for the use of man, with promise to gratify them hereafter in greater benefits: he caused to publish these favours by proclamation, the better to move the people to take arms for the defence of thestate ecclesiastic: But as his purpose was corrupt, so his labour was without fruit, for that not one body stirred, not one hand was holden up, nor any sign made in his favour. These cold affections of the people considered, with other causes and shows, brought him at last to look into the danger wherein he stood, and pitying withal the importunities & plaints of so many peoples, joined to the perpetual intercession and labour of th'ambassadors of Caesar, the king Catholic, and the king of England set on by the Cardinals, he consented to sand to Monsr Chaumont, to suffer john Fran. Piqua Count of Mirandola to go to him in safety in the Pope's name: And not many hours after he dispatched to him one of his chamber, to require him to sand to him Albert de Carpy, not knowing but that he was in the army. And in the action of these things, to th'end that in all adventures the most precious Relics of the pontificacy might be in safety, he sent Laur. Pucci his Datario with the Regno (so they call the principal Mitre) wonderfully garnished with precious stones, to be kept in the famous Monastery of the Murato of Florence. Chaumont by consideration of the requests that were made to him, hoped that the Pope would incline to peace, which he did so much the more desire, by how much he knew it was agreeable to th'intention & mind of the king: and therefore, not to trouble such a disposition, the day following he retained the army in their lodgings, suffering notwithstanding the Bentiuoleis with many horsemen of their friends & followers, to run even to the walls of Bolognia, having marching a good space after them an hundred & fifty french lances: At whose coming notwithstanding Hermes, one of the brothers both youngest & most resolute, presented himself on that side of the gate, yet there was no mutiny made within, th'expectation of peace that was then in action prevailing more to contain the people, than any affection or obedience they bore to the Pope. Chaumont gave gracious audience to Fran. de Mirandola, and returned him the same day to Bolognia to signify to the Pope the conditions wherein he was content to accord: That the Pope should absolve Alfonso d'Este of all accursing and pains, together with all those whosoever, which for any occasion were parties to the defending or offending of thestate ecclesiastic: that likewise he should acquit the Bentiuoleis of all pains and censures, and make them repossessed of the goods which manifestly appertained to them, referring to arbitration and judgement such as they were possessed of afore their exile: That it should be lawful for them to devil in what place they would, so farforth as they came not near to Bolognia by lxxx. miles: That touching the Venetians there should be nothing done contrary to that which had been agreed upon in the confederation of Cambray: That between the Pope and Alfonso d'Este should be a surceasing of arms at the lest for six months, every one retaining all that he possessed: in which respite of time their controversies should be decided by judges assigned by common accord, reserving to Caesar the order of the things of Modona, which City should be incontinent deposed into his hands: That Cotignole should be restored to the french king: That the Cardinal of Achx should be delivered: That the Cardinals that were absent should be pardoned: And that the collation of benefices through all the dominions of the french king, should be disposed according to his nomination: With this answer Mirandola returned to the Pope, not without hope that Monsr Chaumont would not continued so severely in all those conditions: The Pope, contrary to his custom heard the reapport with patience, together with the petitions of the Cardinals, who besought him with an incredible affection that he would have regard to the estate of the time and their universal calamities, not refusing the composition that was offered, if he could obtain no better: They told him that he stood in condition to accept and not to expect more than was offered, his own fortune and the felicity of his enemy striving against him: But on the other part he complained of the too bitter conditions that were offered, And mingling all his speeches with complaints against the Venetians, he consumed all that day without expressing what was his resolution, not showing so much doubt of the peril he was in, as having regard to the sorrows of the Cardinals and others that stood before him: At the last he took hope for that Chappin Vitelly in the evening entered into Bolognia with six hundred light horsemen Venetians, And an esquadron of Turks paid by them: he departed by night from Stellato, and coming upon the spur all the way, arrived at Bolognia in the evening being charged by the governor of Venice to omit no diligence to rescue the Pope's dangers: The morning following Chaumont encamped with his whole army at the bridge of Rene which is three miles from Bolognia, where the Secretories of th'ambassadors of the king of Romans, the king of Arragon, and the king of England, went to him, and soon after th'ambassadors themselves: who, together with Albert Pio which now was come from Carpy, returned many times that day between the Pope and Monsr Chaumont: But the disposition of both the one and other party was greatly changed: for, Monsr Chaumont having now no hope, by th'experience of the day before, to be able to raise the people of Bolognia by mean of the bentivolis, and beginning withal to fall into necessity of victuals which would continually increase upon him, had great distrust of the victory: And the Pope taking courage by th'affection of the people disclosed in the favour of the Church, re-entered eftsoons into arms the same day: And because they looked for at Bolognia before night, two hundred other Venetian estradiots, 2. hundred light horsemen under Fabricio Colonno, and one part of the spanish men at arms, he did not only discern that he was delivered of danger, but also returning to his accustomed glory, he threatened to assail thenemies assoon as the Spanish bands were come which were not now far of: This confidence made him give answer all that day, that he bore no inclination to peace, unless the french king would be bound to abandon wholly the defence and protection of Ferrara: The day after were proponed new conditions, and during the negotiation, the Ambassadors made many goings and returnings to Monsr Chaumont, but, such and so many were the difficulties that their labour remeined vain: In so much as Chaumont distrusting to be able to profit much either by arms or by practising of peace, together that it was hard for him to remain there both for the want of victuals, and distemperance of the time winter approaching, he returned the same day to Frankcastell, and the day after to Rubiero, 
Chaumont retireth from before Bolognia.  making show that what he did was done at the requests of th'ambassadors, both to give time to the Pope to consider of the offers that had been made, and leisure to himself to expect the further will and direction of his king: At that time many accused the resolution of Monsr Chaumont to be undiscreet, and th'execution negligent: for that not having forces sufficient to take Bolognia (In his army there were but three thousand footmen) it was a council ill debated to stir and move at the persuasions of men banished, whose hopes being measured more by desire then with reasons, become for the most part fallible and vain: At the lest if he desired to embrace this enterprise, he oughtfirst to have restored and repaired the weakness of his forces: But of the contrary they urged, that he had abused & corrupted th'opportunity by his too much tarrying, for that since the commodity he had to departed from Pesquiero, he had unprofitably lost three or four days, and in the mean while considering the weakness of his army he was in doubt whether he should assay any thing of himself or expect the bands of the Duke of Ferrara and the Lord Chastillion with the french lances: And be it that that might be defended, yet what excuse can be made that Frankcastell being taken, he made not sudden approaches to the gates of Bolognia, and not to give leisure to a city to take breath, wherein not one succour was yet entered, the people hanging in suspense, and as it happeneth in sudden things, all disposed into fears and confusion: A singular mean (if there be any at all) to make him obtain either the victory, or some honourable composition: But perhaps the authority of such as reprehend things that have ill succeeded, would be less, if at the same time might be known what would have happened if they had proceeded otherways.  
After the retiring of Chaumont, the Pope bearing a mind inflamed against the french king, began to make his complaints to all Prince's Christian, that the french king, using unjustly and against truth the title and name of right Christian, and despising the confederation solemnly made at Cambray, and lastly no less moved with ambition to usurp all Italy, then wickedly thirsting after the blood of the Popes of Rome, had sent out his army to besiege him with all the Colleague of Cardinals and the whole estate of Prelates within Bolognia: And in this disposition of mind, returning eftsoons with a courage redoubled to the thoughts and studies of the war, he refused to hear speak th'ambassadors, who, following the solicitation begun by Chaumont, offered him the means of peace, if first Ferrara were not delivered to him: yea, such was the violence and fury of the spirit that governed him, that notwithstanding by the travels he had suffered in so greatan accident both in body & mind, his malady was made much worse, yet he began to make new levies of soldiers and to stir up the Venetians (who at last had cast a bridge between Ficquerolo and Stellate) to sand under the Marquis of Mantua, one part of their army to Modena to join with his, and with the other part to vex and molest Ferrara, assuring them that within few days he should have Reggia, Rubiere, and Ferrara: The ambition of his mind made him apt to hope for all things and to despair in nothing, And what seemed unpossible in reason, art or policy, he made no doubt to bring to pass by the benefit of his fortune, which he supposed was of power to remove all the difficulties that could be objected against him: The Venetian bands deferred to pass the river for the peril they had run into, if the death of the Pope had happened (as was doubted:) But being in the end compelled to yield to his wills, after they had left the other bands upon the shore beyond Paw, they sent towards Modena five hundred men at arms, A thousand six hundred light horsemen & five thousand footmen, but not under the conduction of the Marquis of Mantua, who, staying at Sermydy to leavy horsemen and footmen to th'end to march afterwards to th'army (as he said) notwithstanding the Venetians were already entered into suspicion of his long abiding, went to S. Felix, A borrow belonging to Modena: There he received advertisement that the french that were within Verona, were entered into the country of Mantua to pillage it, And therefore alleging the necessity to go to defend his estate, he returned from thence to Mantua, having the Pope's leave, but not without great complaints of the Venetians: for that notwithstanding his promiss to make present return, being already entered into suspicion of his faith, they believed (all Italy almost was partaking in that opinion) that Chaumont, to give him an excuse not to go to the army, had suffered certain french bands to make incursions upon his country: This suspicion was increased by a letter which he wrote from Mantua to the Pope, that he was not able to march for a sickness that was newly beflane him, desiring that his good will might be holden for recommended having his body subjecteth to his infirmity: After the bands of the Pope, the Venetians, and the spanish lances were reassembled and united into one army about the confyns of Modena, if they had joined diligence to th'opportunity, and marched, it was thought that Chaumont had abandoned the city of Reggio and retained the Citadel, having upon his discamping from Bolognia dismissed all his Italian footmen for avoiding of expenses: But taking advantage of their slowness, and making their negligence a help to his fortune, he began of new to leavy bands of footmen, determining only to look to the guard of Sassuola, Rubiera, Reggio and Parma: But as the army lay upon the marches of Modena, without direction whether they should pass further or turn against Ferrara, certain troupes of the Church which run up towards Reggia being put to flight by the french, lost an hundred horses and Count de Mateligne taken prisoner: At which time the Duke of Ferrara, together with the Lord of Chastyllion with the french bands, lay encamped upon the river of Paw between the hospital and Bondin on the opposite to the Venetian regiments which were beyond Paw: whose navy seeking to retire for the sharpness of the season and for the ill provision that came from Venice, being charged by many barks of Ferrara whose artilleries sunk eight vessels to the bottom, retired with great pain by Newcastle upon Paw, into the ditch that falleth into Tanare and Adice and there is separate: Immediately after, the Pope gave order that the army (governed by Fabricio Colonno for that the Marquis of Mantua was not come) should draw straight to Ferrara, leaving the Duke of Vrbyn for the guard of Modena: And albeit most of the Captains blamed this council, being both prejudicial & dangerous, yet he eftsoons reassured them with a hope almost certain that the people would draw into tumult, so violent was his desire above all reason, above all council, above all policy, and above all experience: But the minds of men governed by desire are full of variations and subject to mutability and change, for, the same day they departed, they were eftsoons returned by his commandment, keeping from the knowledge of every one thoccasion that moved him so suddenly to altar his determination: And leaving there his first devices and plots, the army marched & encamped afore the town of Sassuola, whether Chaumont had sent five hundred Gascons footmen: After they had battered it two days to the great pleasure and contentment of the Pope, who heard in the same chamber the noise of th'artilleries that battered Sassuola, wherein not many days before, he had heard to his great disliking, the thundering of thenemies shot that were about Spilimberto, They gave the assault, which with small a do succeeded haply to them, for that the footmen that were within fell into disorder: And after, the artillery being immediately presented before the castle whether they were retired, they yielded almost without any composition with the same infamy and infelicity of john Casalo that was their captain, which he had felt & suffered at the same time that Duke Valentynois took the castle of Furly: he was a man of very low and base place, but for that in the flower of his age he had been conformable to Lodowyk Sforce, he was now risen to some honourable degree, his fortune and not his virtues preferring him, and the favour of others more than his proper merits making him able to the opinion & credit that he had: After the taking of Sassuola, the army took also Formingo: And the Pope appointing by his direction that they should go and take Montechio which is a place of strength and importance standing between the high way and the mountain upon the frontiers of Parma and Reggia, and part of the territory of Parma, notwithstanding it is holden by the Duke of Ferrara: Fabricio Colonno refused to execute the direction, alleging that his king had forbidden him to molest any thing that was under the jurisdiction of thEmpire: Monsr Chaumont provided not for these disorders, who having left within Reggia Monsr d'Aubigny with five hundred lances and two thousand Gascons under captain Molard, was gone himself into Parma, the king having sent him word to abstain as much as he could from expenses: for, the king persevering in his devise to temporize until the spring, made no purveyance for th'affairs on this side the Mounts: by mean whereof his reputation declined in Italy, and the courage of his enemies augmented more and more: And the Pope impatient that his army advanced no more, not admitting any longer the excuses which his Captains made upon the season of the year with other difficulties, he assembled them all together at Bolognia and told them he would march to encamp afore Ferrara: A resolution which was allowed only by th'ambassadors of Venice, either not to offend him in gainsaying his devices, or that by that occasion their soldiers should return more near their frontiers: it was blamed of all the residue of Captains and nations in the army, but in vain, for that he did not consult but command, his authority making him tractable to nothing that was not conformable to his liking and will: it was then determined that the army should march to Ferrara, but with this conduction that to let the french for succouring it, they should attempt to take Mirandola if the difficulties were not greater than the adventure: This city together with the town of Concorda, inherited by the sons of the Count Lod. Picqua, and by Frauncisse their mother & Tutor, was kept under the devotion of the french king following the authority of joh. ja. Triwlco natural father to Fraunciss, by whose mean his Nephews obtained th'investiture of Caesar: The Pope had received them long time before into his protection as appeared by writing: but now he excused him that by the conditions of the present times he was constrained so to deal, that those towns should not be holden by persons suspected, offering, if they would willingly put them into his hands, to redeliver them immediately after the conquest of Ferrara: from that time it was doubted (& the doubt increased much more afterwards) that the Cardinal of Pavya who was already suspected to entertain secret intelligence with the french king, was artificially the Author of this council: Wherein he meant by th'enterprise of Mirandola, to hinder the besieging of Ferrara, the which city at that time was neither well fortified, nor sufficiently manned: beside, the french men were made weary aswell in body as mind by their pains and travels passed, the Duke in great weakness, and the king altered to make any more provisions there.  
Whilst the Pope with so great care and diligence managed th'expedition of the war, the french king who was more inclined to practices then to arms, recontinued with the Bishop of Gurce, the negotiation of things which had been begun: And they carrying in the beginning a show of great facility, proceeded now with greater delays, both for the slowness of the answers of Caesar, and also for the doubt that was conceived of the king of Arragon, Caesar and the french ●nge judged it necessary to make him ascertained of their intention, aswell in regard of the continuation of the league of Cambray, as for th'action that was to be done with the Pope, if he still persevered in the amity of the Venetians, and rested possessed of his ancient ambition & covetousness to get immediately to the Church the territories of Ferrara: The cause of this doubt against the king of Ferrara was, that besides his other actions, he had newly called home to the kingdom of Naples his regiments that were within Verona, expressing this cooler, that towards Ottranto the navy of the Turk was discovered coming with a mind prejudicial to him and his Realm: The king Catholic after certain days answered to the demands of Caesar and the french king taking in the same time occasion to purge himself of many things wherein Caesar and the french king complained against him: That he had sent the band of three hundred lances to the Pope according to the obligation of th'investiture, respecting only the defence of the state of the Church, and to recover the things that were thancient demesnes of the same: That he had called back his men at arms from Verona, for that the term was expired for the which he had promised them to Caesar, and yet he would not have revoked them had not the fear of the Turk been greater than other occasion: That at Bolognia his Ambassador interposed with others to work the peace with Monsr Chaumont, not to give time to the succours of the Pope, but to quench and put out so great a fire in Christendom, knowing withal that to entertain war with the Church was grievous to the king: That he continued still in one settled purpose to accomplish all that had been promised in the league of Cambray, and that he would do more hereafter aiding Caesar against the Venetians with five hundred lances and two thousand footmen: That this was not his intention to bind himself to new bands, nor to be restrained to new capitulations: both for that he saw no urgent occasion, and also, desiring to keep himself free the better to make war upon the Infidels of Affrika, he would not increase the dangers and calamities of Christendom, which had need of tranquillity and rest: That he liked well of the council and reformation of the Church, if it were universal, & that times did not repugn against it, of which disposition he asked no better a witness then the french king in the speeches they had together at Savonna: but now the state of times were much contrary, seeing that as peace and concord between Christians were the foundations of councils, and that there could be nothing agreed upon to the universal benefit without the union and consent of wills: so it could not but be unworthy to being the council at such a time and in such sort, that it might seem to take beginning more by disdain & desire of revenge, then for the honour of God, or zeal to the estate of the Christian common weal: he said lastly but a part to th'ambassadors of Caesar, that it seemed somewhat intolerable that he should aid him to preserve & keep his towns, since he disposed them afterwards to the french king for money, meaning expressly Verona: Thus the intention of the king Catholic being known by this answer, the Bishop of Gurce on the one part, in the name of Caesar and the frenchking on the other part, in person, delayed no longer to make a new confederation, reserving place to the Pope to enter into it within two months next, and to the king Catholic and the king of Hungria, within four: And for a necessary foundation of the covenants that were made, the king bound himself to pay to Caesar an hundred thousand ducats, part in hand, and the residue at times limited: Caesar promised to pass into Italy in the springe with three thousand horsemen and ten thousand footmen, against the Venetians: In which action the king was bound to sand him at his proper charges two hundred lances, and eight thousand footmen with sufficient provision of artilleries, And to rig out by sea, two light galleys, & four bastard galleys: That they should observe the league made at Cambray, and in both their names require observation of the Pope and king Catholic: Whereunto if the Pope were heard to beinduced for the regard of Ferrara, that the king should be bound to hold himself contented with that that should be reasonable, But if the Pope would prove obstinate & refuse to consent to their request, that then they should prosecute the council, And for that cause Caesar should assemble the Prelates of Germany, as the french king had done the Clergy of France, to th'end to proceed further as they should after be advised: Assoon as these capitulations were published, the Bishop of Gurce receiving many honours & rich gratifications of the king, returned to his Prince: And the king, with whom the five Cardinals that were parties to the calling of a council, had presently contracted that neither he without them, nor they without his consent, should capitulat any thing with the Pope, expressed with vehement demonstration in words, the forward desire he had to descend into Italy in person, leading such a power as should be able for long time afterwards to assure his affairs: And to th'end that afore his marching they fell into no adversity or declination, he sent to Chaumont to minister speedy succours to the Duke of Ferrara, and at the same instant he added eight hundred lanceknights to the company of two hundred lances which he had asfore sent to the Duke under the leading of the Lord of Chastillon.  
On the other side the Pope's army, after they had made with great delays, necessary provisions, and left Mar. Anth. Colonno for the guard of Modona with an hundred men at arms, four hundred light horsemen and two thousand five hundred footmen, went and encamped before Concorda, which they forced the same day thartillery was planted: And taking immediately afterwards the castle by composition, they approached near to Mirandola: it drew now towards the end of September, & haply the season of that year was much more sharp then ordinarily it had wont to be: In which respects, and that the town was strong, & being also believed that the french would not leave a place so convenient, the Captains began to distrust of the victory, not having regard to the felicity of the Pope which made all things fall out well to him, but judged according to experience and policy, which in matters of enterprise aught principally to guide men of war: Nevertheless the Pope promising to himself so assuredly the victory of the whole war, that sending Cardinal Sinagale a new Legate into th'army, for the discord that was between the Duke of Vrbyn and the Cardinal of Pavya, he charged him in the presence of many, that above all things when the army should enter into Ferrara they should look to the keeping 
Mirandola besieged.  of that city: The fourth day after the army approached near Mirandola, the artillery began to execute, notwithstanding with no less travel than discommodity, aswell for regard of the present season, as for want of victuals which came very sparingly from Modona: The reason of this restraint of victuals grew by th'impediments that the french gave, who having bestowed fifty lances within Guastallo, as many within Corregia, and two hundred and fifty in Carpy, and having withal cast down all the bridges & occupied all the passages by the which relief might come from Mantua, they kept the army no less distressed with want of food, than the hardness of the season hindered their other actions: But as necessity is mighty to make men resolute, so their extremity stirred them up to a devise that diminished their skarceties, for that delivering out a false brute that th'army would come and assail Carpy, such as were within being fearful for that they were not furnished with artillery, did presently dislodge from thence, leaving the place abandoned, nor by compulsion but by fear.  
About the end of this year there fell upon the person of the Pope some imputation and infamy as though it was conspired by his privity and consenting that by the mean of Cardinal de Medicis, there was practise with Mark Anth. Colonno and certain young gentlemen of Florence, to kill Pe. Soderin Gonfalonier, by whose working it was supposed that the Florentines followed the french faction: This suspicion was aggravated by this conjecture, that the Pope notwithstanding he laboured by all his means and authority to win that common weal, yet he was never able to bring that to pass by practice, by policy, nor by compulsion, which they refused for want of affection, opinion, and liking: Besides, a little before at the french king's request, and to the Pope's discontentment, they were broken of from the truce with the people of Syenna, although they had refused to move arms until six months after: A thing which the king desired, to hold the people in sear: And lastly, they had sent to the king two hundred men at arms for the guard of the Duchy of Milan, A matter demanded by the king by virtue of their confederation, not so much for th'importance and necessity of such a succour, as for desire to make them enemies with the Pope: In this estate of affairs did end the year a thousand five hundred and ten.  
But the beginning of the new year was made notable by a matter not expected according to the time present, nor never read of in any the actions or examples of ages past: The Pope was jealous that there was not used that diligence in the service of Mirandola that was either necessary to such an enterprise, or able to satisfy his desire, wherein taking occasion of their slow proceedings, he interpreted to the ignorance and infidelity of his Captains, but chief to his Nephew, that which reasonably proceeded of many difficulties: for these respects together with his ambition which held him altogether subjecteth, he determined to go thither and advance things by his presence, preferring thimportunity and violence of his mind afore all other regards: he considered not how dangerous and unworthy it was for the majesty of such a degree, that a Pope of Rome should in person lead armies against towns of Christians, And much less was he careful of the opinion and judgement that the world would make of him, to give an apparent cooler and almost a manifest justification to those factions as were in practice, to call a council and stir up Princes against him, making their suggestion that his government was hurtful to the Church and his vices infamous and incorrigible: Such speeches ran thorough the Court: such conjectures were made: some marveled at his fury: some blamed his intemperance: some feared the thing they durst not utter: And every one comparing his actions with the importance of his place and calling▪ accused his indiscretion, wherein the Venetian Ambassadors were no less forward than the residue: The Cardinals besought him with great instance, his favourits made reasons to persuade, but durst not displease him, And his whole Court objected against the unworthiness of the journey, but his obstinate resolution made vain all their labours and devices: his singular passion was invincible against all reason, in which disposition he parted from Bolognia the second of januarie, accompanied with three Cardinals, And being come to the camp, the 
The Pope in person at the camp assure Mirandola.  necessity of the place compelled him to be lodged in a little country cottage subject and open to the artilleries of thenemies, for that it was no further from the walls of Mirandola then a common crossbow will shoot at twice: There he dispensed with no travel of his body nor forbore any care or study of mind, There he was no less prodigal of his authority, then of his presence, And riding continually thorough and about the camp, he had almost finished the planting of th'artillery, whereof till that day the lesser part could not be employed for th'impediments which the unseasonable time and snows gave to all actions of war: Besides, the pioneers and labourers could not do their office, who the more they were urged and put forward, the more they shrunk and gave back, the danger of the shot that came out of the town being greater than their virtue: And for this reason being thought necessary to raise new rampires in the places where th'artilleries were to be planted, and to refurnish the camp with new pioneers, the Pope, in that respite of time, withdrew himself to Concorda, somewhat to eschew thincommodities of th'army: At this place Chaumont addressed unto him Albert Pio to make many offers and means of accord, which, (notwithstanding the many labours and meetings of th'one and other side) grew to no resolution or effect, either for his accustomed hardness and obstinacy, or else for thinfidelity of Albert, who was more and more suspected not to negotiate with that sincerity that appertained: The Pope remeined not long at Concorda, the same impatience and violence of mind causing him to return, which first procured him to come to the camp: neither was his fury any thing abated by the hurtful snows that continually fell from heaven whilst he was in the field, nor his rigour the more restrained by the sharp cold, whose bitterness the soldiers could not endure but with great pain: he was lodged in a little Church near to his artilleries, but somewhat nearer the walls than was his former lodging: And being discontented with all things that either were already done, or stood to be done, he complained with bitter words against all his Captains, except only Mar. Anth. Colonno whom he had newly sent for from Modona: he traveled with great impatience about the army, enforcing him to persuade a diligence in the men in whose slowness he took grief, he accomplished both in words and action the office of a captain, promising the soldiers for the reward of their valours the spoil of Mirandola, which he said he would not take to composition, but leave it to their liberty to ransecke or ransom to their own profit: In this action he forbore nothing which he thought might advance his desire, not sparing to make that lawful to the soldiers by his grant & proper administration, which of itself was injurious, impious, and of example hateful: This proveth that there is nothing more unworthy then to add to a natural cruelty, A great authority, And that which we call collar in private men deserveth the name of fury in him that exerciseth public charge: Truly it was a thing notable, and to the eyes of men strange and new, that a French king, A Prince secular, in an age and disposition flourishing, trained from his first years in wars, should take his rest in his Court and Chamber at home, and administer by Captains a war that was made against him abroad: And on the other side to see a sovereign Bishop, a supreme Pastor, a Viccaire of Christ in earth bearing a body diseased, aged, and dejected, and nourished in a calling contrary to arms and war, to go in person to a war stirred up by himself against Christian Princes, and to lie in camp afore a place of little name where submitting himself as a leader of soldiers to pains and dangers, he retained no other thing of the Pope than the habit and the name: By his extreme diligence and labour, by his complaints and threats, and by his offers and promises all things were more advanced then otherways they would have been: And yet, for the resistance of many difficulties, they had but slow proceeding both for the small numbers of poyeners, and also for that the camp bore no great proportion of artilleries, and withal the weetenes of the season was an impediment to the powder to do his office: They that were within made a valiant defence, having for their governor Alexander Triuulce with four hundred footmen foreigners: And they supported all dangers with so much the more valour and resolution, by how much they had hope in the succours promised by Monsr Chaumont, who, being commanded from his king not to suffer the Pope to take that town, had sent for all the bands of spanish footmen that were at Verona, and making continual levies of men from all parts, wherein was concurrant with him the Duke of Ferrara, he promised to set upon thenemies in their camp before the twenty day of januarie: But these difficulties made that promiss both hard and dangerous: the little time he had to make so great provisions, the leisure given to thenemies to fortify their camp, the much a do to convey th'artilleries, munitions, and victuals in a season so hurtful by ways so troublesome, and thorough so great snows as had not been seen of long time: lastly, by him were augmented the difficulties, in whom was expectation to diminish them by recompensing the time lost with a new diligence: for, Chaumont upon the sudden made a posting journey to Milan, promising that the cause of his going thither was to make provision of money and other things necessary for the war: but it was believed that some amorous passion towards a Lady of Milan carried him more than any other regard: This hasty journey (notwithstanding his return was speedy) abated greatly the courages of the soldiers, and no less diminished the hopes of such as defended Mirandola: Amongst whom as their opinions were diverse touching the delays he used, so some were bold to use this liberty of judgement, that no less did hurt the negligence of Chaumont then the hate he bore to john jacques Triuulce, In which regard, inclining more to his proper passion, then to the profit of his King, they supposed it was not disagreeable to him that the Nephews of Triuulce should be deprived of Mirandola.  
And on the other side the Pope dispensed with nothing that might be made a furtherer of his victory, wherein his fury was so much the more renewed, by how much the Canon from within the town slew 2. of his men in his kechin: for which danger forsaking that lodging, And eftsoons returning thither again being carried with his intemperances', he was likewise constrained by new perils to take the lodging of the Cardinal of Regina, against the which, they within the town (haply suspecting that he was there arrived) braked a great piece not without the danger of his life: At the last, the defendants standing desperate to be succoured on all sides, & seeing what great execution th'artillery of th'enemy had made, And fearing withal that by the hard frozen ditch being able to bear the soldiers, they should not be able to resist th'assault that was to be given within two days, sent, the self same day that Chaumont had promised to succour them, Ambassadors to the Pope, to yield themselves, their goods and lives saved: To whom albeit the Pope made answer in the 
Mirand●la yieldeth ●● the Pope.  beginning that he would not be bound to save the life of the soldiers, yet in the end he suffered himself to be won by the petitions of his Court, and accepted the town under such conditions as were offered, saving that Alexander Triuulce with certain other Captains of footmen, should remain his prisoners, And the town to pay a certain rate of money, to redeem the spoil which he had promised to the soldiers: And yet the soldiers seeming to urge that as due which was promised, & which by their valour they had won, the Pope had much to do to satisfy the soldiers & keep the town from sacking: By th'example of the town, the castle also yielded, with this permission to suffer the Countisse to departed with all her goods, one fortune at one instant subjecting both the town and the castle, as the glory of one man reversed with one kind of calamity a whole estate & famulie of great antiquity: The Pope restored Mirandola to Count john Francisquo & endued him with all the rights of the sons of Count Lodowyk, as gotten by him in just wars: he received of him bond, and for performance the person of his son, to pay within a certain time for all defrayments, twenty thousand ducats: And, not to loose that by negligence which had been won with so great pain and peril, but chief to keep the french from reconquering it after the army was retired, he left within it a strength of five hundred footmen Spaniards, and three hundred Italians: from Mirandola he went to Sermydy, A borrow upon the limits of Mantua standing near the river of Paw, And being by the victory of Mirandola puffed up into assured hopes to have Ferrara, he gave resolute answer to Albert Pio, that he would hear no more of any offers or speeches of peace, if, for the first condition, he were not made possessed of Ferrara.  
But those thoughts were changed by a new deliberation of the french: for, 
A ne● deliberation of the french according to the kings direction.  the king considering how much the loss of Mirandola had diminished his reputation, And now fully despairing that the mind of the Pope would be ranged to councils paysible, addressed present direction to Monsr Chaumont not only to look well to the defending of Ferrara, but also not to forbear upon convenient occasion, to offend the state of the Church: According to which commission, he made present levies of men from all parts, and so really entered into th'action that the Pope by the council of his Captains, retired to Bolognia, And abiding there but very few days, either for fear or to advance (as he said) more speedily the battering of the bastillion of Genivola, against the which he determined to sand certain bands of soldiers which he had in Romania, he came to Lugo and from thence lastly to Ravenna, thinking perhaps that so small an expedition was not worthy his presence: The Venetian army, who, for the nearness of thenemies, could not well be employed in the siege of Ferrara, were stayed at Bondyn, as the spanish and Ecclesiastikes remained distributed between Cento and Finalo: They, notwithstanding the term of three months was passed, surceased at the request of the Pope.  
On the other side, Monsr Chaumont, having assembled his army which was above his enemies in footmen, and far above them as touching the valour of the horsemen, but inferior in numbers & multitudes, took council with his Captains what were best to be done: The french Captains persuaded that the companies of the Duke of Ferrara being joined to the army, it were best to march directly to seek thenemies, who notwithstanding were lodged in places strong and sure, yet there was hope that with the virtue of arms and importunity of th'artilleries, they would be driven to dislodge and retire: A matter that would not only make Ferrara delivered and acquitted of danger, but also in this expedition would be won again the reputation that had been lost till that day: They alleged also for the same opinion, that the army passing by the marches of Mantua, they should take from the Marquis all thexcuses and impediments for the which he professed to be retained to take arms as Feodater of Caesar, and soldier to the king, And that it was a thing profitable for the surety of Ferrara that he should come in and declare: lastly, that he being declared, th'enemy would found many discommodities in this war, both for restraint of victuals, and annoyances of bridges and passages of rivers which thereby should be taken away from the Venetian armies, and also the Marquis should revoke immediately the soldiers which he had in the camp of the Church: But Triwlco, being returned out of France about the same time that Mirandola was lost, gave council to the contrary: he declared what danger it were to go seek the enemies and set upon them in their camp, and how hurtful it would be to be referred and governed by necessity, to proceed day by day according to the proceeding and doings of th'enemy: That it was far more profitable and better assured, to turn th'army to Modona or to Bolognia, for that, if thenemies removed for fear to loose th'one of those two towns, than were won the way that was sought, to deliver Ferrara from the war: And if they did not stir, there was yet this benefit in the council, that the one or the other of those two towns would be easily carried: In which case as a great necessity would draw them out to defend their own, so in leaving their place of strength, the army should be subject to many occasions to obtain an honourable victory: This was the persuasion of Trywlco▪ and these were the reasons he occupied, such, as for their gravity expressed his great wisdom, but for secret envy and partiality, were neither embraced nor followed: for, the other opinion was allowed, Chaumont and the other french captains bearing an inclination to diminish his authority, Alfonso d'Este being also concurrant for hope that thenemies would be constrained to dissolve or at lest retire from his estate, which being so afflicted and consumed, he said was unable any longer to sustain so heavy burdens: he feared, that if the french men went away, thenemies would make entreye upon Polisenade Ferrara, A thing which would so much have increased the calamities of that city deprived of all hope and spirit, that there remained no more comfort nor remedy: So the French army marched by the way of Lusero and Gonsagno, to encamp at Rassoula and at Moia where they remained three days for the ill weather that fell, rejecting the council of such as persuaded to go assail Mirandola, both for thincommodity to encamp in the fields, and also that at the Pope's going away, the suburbs were burnt and all the houses about: They supposed it in like sort neither convenient nor honourable to charge upon Concorda five miles from them, holding it but lost time to entertain action in a matter of so small importance: The army therefore came to Quistello, and making passage over the river of Secchia upon a bridge of boats, they lodged the day after at Rovera upon the river of Paw: The same being the cause that Andre Gritti, who, having afore recovered Polissena Rouigno, and left one part of the Venetian soldiers at Montagnana under Barnardin Montono, to make resistance against the garrisons that kept Verona, was with drawn to Montagnana with three hundred men at arms, a thousand light horse men, and a thousand footmen: These were already drawn near the river of Paw to join with the army of the church, having afore sacked the town of Guastallo: from Rovero the french men went to Sermydy, and dispersed themselves in good order in the villages thereabouts: from thence Monsr Chaumont accompanied with certain Captains (but not with Triwlco) went to the town of Stellata, being there expected by Alfonso d'Este, to take council in what manner they were to proceed against their enemies, who were now lodged altogether at Finalo: it was there agreed that the bands of Alfonso should be joined with the french army about Bondyn, and so to march altogether and encamp in certain villages three miles from Finalo, to proceed afterwards according to the nature of places, and occasions offered by the enemies: But as Chaumont was returned to Sermydy, it was told him how hard it was to go to that place both for th'impediment of waters whereof the country was full about Finalo, and also that by necessity, he was to take the high way along the risings of the canal which th'enemy had cut of in many places and bestowed guard to hinder passage, A matter also which seemed so much the more hard and troublesome, by how much the ill weather and season was joined to the other impediments: The consideration of these perils bringing Chaumont into no small doubt, Alfonso that had about him certain discoverers and men knowing the country, and by them well informed of the situation and disposition of places, laboured to persuade the contrary, assuring him that with the force of artillery, such as manned the passages that were cut of, would be compelled to leave them abandoned, by which mean it would be very easy to cast bridges for passage in any place where it should be necessary: These reasons being brought by Chaumont into council and debated, the opinion of Alfonso was approved, to whom Triuulce was rather not contrary, then consenting, his silence leaving to the company a more occasion of murmur, then if he had directly impugned the devise: for, what with the greatness of the difficulties, which still augmented, and authority of that captain carrying long experience, and had always reproved that expedition, it was thought that the harms and inconveniences happening, the king would say them upon the Authors of that opinion: In which respect Monsr Chaumont, assembling an other day the council for the same matter, desired Triuulce, that not with silence as he did before, but frankly and simply as appertained to him, he would express his opinion, which he delivered in this sort having no less regard to the gravity and importance of such a council, then to the great desire and expectation of thassistants so well disposed to hear him.  
I used silence yesterday, not bearing a mind prejudicial to the present business, 
Triwlce reasoneth.  and much less to arrogate to myself any singularity of council, And yet if my opinion had found imitation in the beginning, we had not now stand possessed with doubts, nor this gallant army had spent so many days in vain, which might have been employed with more profit: And I could yet continued in silence, if, suppressing all other respects, I were not spurred on with th'importance of the matter, being now upon terms to set upon one incertain cast of a die, both this flourishing army, the state of Ferrara and the Duchy of Milan, matters too great to be put all to adventure without retaining some part from chance and fortune: Besides, one reason that moves me to speak, is an opinion I have that Monsr Chaumont desireth that I may be he that in this action shall give the first council: A matter which as he beginneth now to found good by reason, so it is no new thing to me, for that heretofore I have proved by experience that my counsels have been less rejected when was question to retract any thing not sufficiently deliberated, then when the first deliberations were debated: And as true council consists not only in telling what must be done, but also what will be the end and success of things, so, for my part, I make bold thus far to enable myself that the man of observation by the experiences he hath made, gives often times better council than the man of learning by all the rules he hath read: we debate to go seek the enemy to fight with him, & I have always seen great captains hold this as a firm principle, not to attempt the fortune of a battle, unless there be offer of special advantage, or compulsion by great necessity: the laws and rules of war give it to thenemies that be thinvaders, and have taken the field to conquer Ferrara, to seek to assail and charge us: But to us to whom it is sufficient to defend ourselves, it can not but be impertinent to obtrude into th'action, contrary to all directions and disciplines of war. Such as resist injuries and fight for their own safeties, are of more merit and valour, than they that enter into arms to oppress others: But let us examine the advantages & necessities that may draw us: I am of opinion which hope is confirmed by evident reason, that there is no possibility to execute the devise of the duke of Ferrara, but to our great harms and disadvantage: since we can not go to their camp, but by a hill side, a strait and narrow way, where all our forces can not be employed, and yet they with small numbers may make resistance, having th'opportunity of the place favourable to their virtues: We must march by the rising of the hill one horse after another, neither have we any other way to draw our artilleries, our baggage, our carts, and bridges, but by the strait of the hill: And who doubteth that in a way so narrow and cumbrous, every artillery, every cart, or every wheel that shall break, will not stay a whole army for an hour at the lest, by which impediments every contrary accident may easily put us into disorder. Thenemies are lodged in covert, provided of victuals and forages: and we must encamp all bore and naked, not carrying with us that should serve for our necessary nurture, but must expect the things to come after, which in reason aught to go with us. It belongeth not to us to be credulous in brutes, and much less to be carried with the reports and opinions of the countrymen that know the country, since wars are managed with the weapons of soldiers, and with the counsels of capteins: they are determined by the execution of the sword, and not by such plots as are presented in paper by people ignorant in war, bearing no other knowledge then according to thinstruction of their rude nature. To attempt new enterprises whereof the victory is less certain than the peril, is contrary to the gravity and reputation of a leader: and in actions of war, those enterprises are put to adventure, that are done by will and not by reason. For my part I neither suppose our enemies to weak, nor their camp in such disorder: and much less that in their encamping they have been so negligent to take th'opportunity of the waters and other situations, that it can be in our power to assail them, though our fortune bring us in safety to the place where we seem so desirous to express our valours. Many difficulties may compel us to make our abode there two or three days, yea the snows and rains joined to the crabbedness of the season may suffice to detain us: how shall we then do for victuals and forages? what shall we be able to do in the war, wanting the things that should give us strength and sustenance? In war no less needful is food and forage, than the weapon to strike▪ And be it we should have them in our power to assail them, what is he that can promise' any surety of the victory, which seldom followeth the multitude of the soldiers that fight, but hath regard to the innocency of the cause that is followed? What is he that considereth not how dangerous it is to go seek th'enemy in a strong camp, and to be driven at one time to fight against them, and against thincommodities of the situation of the place? If we compel them not to abandon their camp, we can not but be enforced to retire: A matter of very hard action in a country so wholly against us, and where every little disfavour will turn to our great disadvantage. I see no necessity to put the kings whole estate in a danger so present, since (as I take it) we are entered into arms for no other occasion then to secure the city of Ferrara, which if we do eftsoons refurnish with new garrisons, we may hold ourselves in surety, though we should dissolve our whole army: And be it that that City is so much consumed, that it is impossible that in short time it will not fall of itself, thenemies remaining at the back of it, yet we have mean to divert them, which in war is a most mighty remedy, and with the which we may enforce them to draw back from Ferrara without putting one horse in danger. I have always persuaded, and stand still firm in this counsel, that we turn either to Modona or to Bolognia, taking the high way, and leaving Ferrara well furnished only for those few days it shall be necessary. This is no fleeing from the enemy, and yet in war it is no shame to flee, when the fleeing profiteth in giving place to the adversary. I hold it best according to the time, that we go to Modona, whither also we are called by the Cardinal of Este, A parsonage of name and merit not unknown, and by whom we are assured of intelligences able to put it into our hands: and conquering a place of that importance, there resteth no other safety to thenemies, then to retire towards Bolognia, like as also if our fortune make us fail of our expectation of Modona, yet the fear that thenemies will have aswell of it as of thestate of Bolognia, will drive them to abandon: A thing which no doubt they had done many days since, if this counsel had been executed from the beginning.  
Now did the whole assistance, by the reasons of this grave captain, discern the difficulties that were present, which he had found and seen when they were far of: In which regard his opinion was allowed of every one. And Chaumont leaving to the Duke of Ferrara for his better surety, a greater strength of men, he drew towards Carpy by the same way, having not yet obtained that the Marquis of Mantua should come in, which was one of the principallest reasons that had been alleged by those that gave counsel against th'opinion of Triwlco: for the Marquis desiring to stand indifferent, and as a person neuter during the troubles, when the time drew on wherein he had given hope to declare himself, he solicited with many excuses to be yet deferred for certain days, debating with the Pope the danger of the French army that threatened him, and beseeching Monsr Chaumont▪ not to take from him the hope he had that the Pope would restore to him his son within a very short time. But the devise to take Modona took no good success, the subtle and secret counsels of the king of Arragon, giving greater impediments, than the armies of the Pope.  
Caesar showed himself ill contented that the Pope usurped Modona, a city esteemed in all times of the jurisdiction of the empire, and holden by long continuance by the family of Este with privileges and investitures from themperors: And albeit he had made request with many complaints to have it delivered to him, yet the Pope, nourishing an other opinion touching the rights of that city, had always refused it, but principally so long as he hoped to be able to take Ferrara. But assoon as the French armies began to discover more manifestly in favour of them of Este: and that he had no ability to defend Modona without making great expenses and defraymentes: he began to taste the counsel of the king of Arragon, who encouraged him to redeliver it, both to avoid so many present troubles, and to appease the mind of Caesar, and also by that action to kindle some alteration between him and the French king: he induced him beside with this comfort, that if he desired to have it again in an other time more convenient, it would be a matter of no great difficulty▪ contenting Caesar with a reasonable sum of money. This debating was prolonged for many days, for that, according to the diversity of hopes, the deliberation of the Pope changed: only they stuck always upon this one difficulty, that Caesar refused to receive it, unless in the instrument of assignation it were clearly expressed, that that City appertained to th'empire: A matter whereunto albeit the Pope would not consent at the first, yet seeing after the taking of Mirandola that Monsr Chaumont was the strongest in the field, and that the wonted expenses and difficulties for the defence of Modona returned upon him again, he left the disputation of words, & consented to have it set down in writing, that Modona should be restored to Caesar of whose jurisdiction it was. And as Vitfruch th'ambassador of Caesar resident with the Pope, had received the possession of it, and that he might remain there in surety by the authority of Caesar, he dismissed Mark. Anth. Colonno with the other bands with whom he had kept it afore in the name of the Church, advertising Monsr Chaumont that Modona was no more the Popes, but was justly reverted to the jurisdiction of Caesar: This was not believed of Chaumont, who still continued to work the Cardinal of Este to put in execution the conspiracy and intelligence which he entertained with that City: In so much that according to direction, the French bands which Chaumont had left in garrison within Rubiero, were made out one night, but notwithstanding they marched with as little brute as they could within a mile of Modona, they returned the same night to Rubiero, either for that the order of their faction within was not correspondent, or else the Frenchmen had prevented their time and were come to soon: Nevertheless they gave no place to this ill success, but made an other ●ally out of Rubiero to come to Modona, falling notwithstanding into the same impediments they did before, aggravated now by the depth and rage of the waters to pass the river of Sekchie which runneth before Rubiero. At last Vitfruch become suspicious, and committing to imprisonment certain of the City, upon whom he imposed an intelligence with the cardinal of Este, he obtained of the Pope that Mark Anth. Colonno should eftsoons return thither with the garrison that was there before: A matter which had not stayed Monsr Chaumont (being now come to Carpy) to march and encamp before it, if the quality and season of the time had not taken from him the drawing of his artillery along the way between Ruolo and Carpy, A way not more than ten miles from thence, but even the worst of all the ways in Lombardie, notwithstanding their overflowing with waters and marish natures: Besides all this, Chaumont was every day more and more advertised, that Modona was redelivered to Caesar simply and absolutely, which made him make this covenant with Vitfruch, not to offend Modona nor his territories, receiving reciprocally his promise, that in the actions between the Pope and his king, he should not favour the one nor the other party. But such is the destiny and end of all flesh, that all men borne in humane nature, must in their time appointed resign to the earth the life they had of the earth: it happened not many days after that Chaumont fell into a grievous malady, and being carried to Correge, ended his life within fifteen days, expressing devoutly somewhat afore his death, how greatly he was repented and remorsed of the vexations he had done to the Church, and besought the Pope by a public instrument to give him pardon and absolution, which being granted whilst he yet lived, could not come to his knowledge by reason of the suddenness of his death: He was a Captain that in his life bore great authority in Italy, both by the singular credit of the Cardinal Amboyse, and also for that he managed almost absolutely the Duchy of Milan and all the armies of the king: But touching his ability or valour, it was far inferior to so great a burden, the greatness of his place carrying him into such singularity of mind and weening, that not knowing of himself the art and order of war, he would not give faith to such as were able to instruct him: by which it happened that after the death of his uncle, his insufficiency being no more supported by countenance and favour, he fell in his latter days almost into the disdain of the soldiers, notwithstanding he suffered in them wonderful insolences and licentious behaviours to stop them from ill reapporting him to the king: In so much as Triuulce, a captain trained in ancient discipline, would oftentimes protest by oath, that he would never go more into the French armies, unless the king marched in person, or at lest himself commanded as chief: Nevertheless the king was determined afore to send for his successor, Monsr Longeville, descended of the blood royal, but a bastard borne, and not so much esteemed for his virtue, as for his descending and riches. By the death of Chaumont, john ja. Triuulce remained governor of th'army by the prerogative that he was one of the four Mareshalls of France, to whom, the general being dead, the rule of th'army appertaineth by the statutes of France until the king do otherwise dispose of it: And albeit, not knowing how long he should be continued in that government, he durst not attempt any matter of consequence: yet he returned with th'army to Sermidi to go to the succours of Genivola, afore the which the Pope had not only sent his bands that were in Romagna, but also had procured the Venetian fleet to approach at the same instant, which came thither with thirteen light galleys, and many other vessels of meaner burden: But he had no necessity to pass further, for whilst the landemen encamped about it with very little obedience and order, there was discovered upon a sudden the Duke of Ferrara and the Lord of Chastillon with the French soldiers that were led out of Ferrara in greater numbers than were thenemies: and marching along the brink of the river of Paw, and being come up as far as the river of Santerno, they cast the bridge which they had brought with them, and in one moment charged and confused thenemies, who, by reason of their disorder being not able to make resistance, fell into one general and voluntary fleeing, saving three hundred Spanish footmen which guarded th'artillery: In which confusion they lost their ensigns and artilleries, many chieftains of the horsemen finding more safety in the fortune and swiftness of their horses, then in their proper valours: By reason of this adversity the Venetian fleet, to avoid the danger that threatened, hoist sail into the wind, and so retired into the river of Paw.  
The affairs of the wars had these divers proceedings, not expressing any assured token to judge what would be the issue of it: The thoughts also of Princes were no less diverse, and no less incertain, specially the cogitations of Caesar, who contrary to all expectation, determined to send the Bishop of Gurce to Mantua to negotiate a peace.  
It is set down before that by the working of the Bishop of Gurce, it was resolved between Caesar and the French king, to make strong war upon the Venetians in the spring time, and withal, to call a council, if the Pope consented not to the observation of the league of Cambray. To this Caesar bearing a very vehement inclination, had since the returning of the Bishop of Gurce, sent to all his prelate's of his estates patrimonial, to debate in what manner & in what place the council should be celebrated. But as he was of natural condition variable & inconstant, & an enuior of the greatness & name of the French, so making no less vain his proper promises than th'expectation that others had of him, he declined afterwards to inconstancy, and listened to the persuasions of the king of Arragon, who considering that what by the unity of Caesar with the French king, and the embasing of the Venetians by their common armies, and withal the ruin of the Pope by mean of the Council, the French might rise into a greatness too jealous and suspected, laboured to persuade him that an universal peace would fall out better for his purposes, so farforth as by it he obtained either the whole or the greatest part of those pieces which the Venetians usurped upon him: he advised him to send to this effect, some notable parsonage to Mantia with full power, and labouring to induce the French king to do the like, he promised that he would also send thither, by which examples he alleged that the Pope could not refuse to join in the action, & lastly that he would not go against the will of so many great Princes: he told him that upon the resolution of the Pope, depended all the deliberations of the Venetians, in whom was a necessity to follow his authority, as not being able to stand alone: for which reasons it was to be hoped, that Caesar without difficulty, without arms, and without increasing the reputation and might of the French king, should to his perpetual praise, reobtayne his estate together with an universal peace. And be it that it brought not forth that success which reasonably may be expected, yet he should not be deprived of means to move the war at the time appointed, and with the same commodities and hopes: But being chief of all Christian princes, and protector of the church, his justifications would be the more augmented, as also by such a Council would come the exaltation of his glory, for that it would appear to every one, that as he principally had sought and desired the peace and unity of Christians, so by the obstinacy and wicked counsels of others he was constrained to make war. These reasons no less by the gravity of matter they expressed, then by th'authority of the parsonage from whom they came, were right acceptable to Caesar, who at the same instant addressed letters to the Pope and to the French king: To the Pope, that he had determined to send the Bishop of Gurce into Italy, for that (as appertained to a Prince religious, being protector of the church and chief above Princes Christian) he was resolved in all that he might, to procure the tranquillity of the sea Apostolic, and the universal peace of Christendom: summoning him, bearing th'office of the high vicar of Christ, to join and proceed with him in the same intention, and to do that which belonged to the place & name of Pope, to th'end he were not constrained to have recourse to other remedies, to establish the peace of Christendom: That he did not allow the practice that was made to deprive the Cardinals that were absent▪ of their holy dignity, for that being absent not to any evil end, nor for hatred they bore to him, neither could they deserve so great a pain, neither was the authority of the Pope only able to impose it upon them: He told him beside, that it was a matter very unworthy and unprofitable, in so great troubles to make creation of new Cardinals, since he was specially forbidden by the capitulations which the Cardinals made with him when he was elected Pope: He desired him to reserve that office till times of better tranquillity, when he should either have no necessity or no cause, to prefer to so great dignities none but persons well allowed of for their discretion, their doctrine, and good life. To the French king he wrote, that according to his virtuous disposition always inclined to embrace a good and assured peace, he was resolved to send to Mantua the Bishop of Gurce to solicit a peace universal, whereunto he believed (with reasons and foundations not light nor vain) that the Pope (whose authority the Venetians were constrained to follow) would readily incline, the Ambassadors of the king of Arragon concurring in th'action, and promising the like on the behalf of their king: Therefore he desired him to sand thither likewise his Ambassadors with full power, and in the general assembly, the Bishop of Gurce should beseech the Pope to do the like, whereunto if he made refusal, the Bishop should denounce the council in the names of them all, having also given order that to make their proceedings more justifiable, and to put end to all controversies, the Bishop of Gurce should indifferently understand the reasons of every one: only in all accidents that he should hold this for certain, never to make any agreement with the Venetians, if at the same time were not resolved the controversies which he had with the Pope. This solicitation pleased well the Pope, not for any desire he had to peace and concord, but for that he persuaded himself to be able to dispose the Senate of Venice to compound with Caesar, and so delivering him from necessity to remain united with the French king: he supposed to separate him from him, and the same easily to be made a cause of confederation of many Princes against him. But the French king stood not a little discontented with these resolutions both new and unexpected, for that nothing hoping that an universal peace would proceed of them, he judged that the lest evil that might happen, would be a protracting and delaying of th'execution of those things which he had agreed with Caesar, he feared also that the Pope, promising to help Caesar to reconquer the Duchy of Milan, and to endue the Bishop of Gurce with the dignity of Cardinal and other graces ecclesiastic, would separate him from him: or at lest, being the worker of the composition with the Venetians to the advantage of Caesar, he might be put into necessity to accept the peace with conditions dishonest: wherein one thing also that increased his suspicion was, that Caesar was newly confedered with the Swizzers, notwithstanding for defence only: Besides, he occupied in himself this persuasion, that the king Catholic had been the author of this new counsel, of whose intention he doubted much for many reasons: for he was not ignorant that his Ambassador resident with Caesar, made open travel and solicitation to establish an accord between Caesar and the Venetians: he believed that he gave secret encouragement to the Pope, in whose army his companies and bands of soldiers had remained a longer time than he was bound unto by the capitulations made touching th'investiture of the kingdom of Naples: he was not ignorant that to give impediment to his actions, he objected himself manifestly against the convocation of the council, and under cooler of modesty he blamed apparently that with armed hand and in a time when Italy burned with an universal fire of war, there should be such negotiation of a matter which without the concord and consent of all Princes, could not bring forth but fruits full of venom and infection: lastly, he was well advertised that he prepared a strong army by sea, with the which, albeit he published a brute, that he would pass in person into Affrika, yet it could not be decided whether he levied that force for other ends: Wherein he was so much the more suspicious, by howmuch his words were always full of sweetness and affability: for he always besought the king (as it were with a brotherly affection to make peace with the Pope, forsaking (if otherwise it could not be wrought) some piece of his own rights, both not to show himself a persecuter of the Church contrary to the ancient piety and devotion of the house of France: and also not to turn him from the war which he had determined to make upon the Moors in Affrika for thexaltation of the name of Christ: he added lastly, that albeit it had been a perpetual custom amongst Christian Princes, when they prepared armies against infidels to demand succours of others in a cause so holy and honourable, yet for his part it sufficed him not to be hindered, and was content to require no other aid but that Italy might remain in peace: Which words notwithstanding they were carried to the French king by his Ambassador, and pronounced by his own mouth to the French Ambassador resident with him, and that with great demonstration of amity: yet it seemed that they contained a secret protestation to take arms in favour of the Pope: A matter which seemed not likely to the king that he durst do without hope to be able to induce Caesar to the same. These things troubled much the king's mind, & filled him full of many suspicions, fearing that to work the peace by the mean of the Bishop of Gurce, would be a thing no less vain than prejudicial unto him: And yet, not to stir up Caesar, he determined to send to Mantua the Bishop of Paris, a Prelate of great authority and deep knowledge in the science of the Laws. These were the doubts of the one king and the deceits of the other, the one full of devices and the other not void of distrust: they both open in words, and yet kept both their intentions dissembled: A matter of familiar custom with Princes to entertain one an other with vain hopes and artificial fears.  
All this while john jacques Triuulce remained with th'army at Sermidi dispersed into many places thereabouts for the better commodity of lodging and victuals: And in this time he received signification from the king, that it was his will that the war should be administrated by him, with this limitation, that expecting the coming of the Bishop of Gurce, he should abstain from all violent action upon the state ecclesiastic, the hardness of the season being also against it, by reason whereof it was impossible to encamp in the field notwithstanding March was now begun: Therefore Triuulce, both for that he had no occasion to attempt any other enterprise, and for that he was in places so very near, determined to devise how he might offend th'army of thenemies, who being dispersed abroad when Monsr Chaumont returned from Sermidi to Carpy, most part of their footmen were lodged at Bondin, and the horsemen in the towns near about Finale. But assoon as he had received his commission from the king, he marched the day after to Stellata, and the day following somewhat further, where he bestowed th'army abroad in the villages thereabouts, and raised a bridge of boats upon the river of Paw between Stellata and Ficquerolla, having given direction to the duke of Ferrara to make an other a mile lower at the place which is called the point, being that breach or branch of Paw which goeth to Ferrara, & that also he should march with th'artillery to the hospital, a place right overagainst Bondin. In this mean while Triuulce was advertised by his espials, that many troupes of light horsemen of that part of the Venetian army which lay on the other side Paw, were the next night to approach Mirandola to dress some ambush: Against whom he sent out secretly certain horsemen, who being come up to Belair, a plain house in the country of Mirandola, found within it Leonard Napolitain captain of the Venetian light horsemen, & a man of great place & reputation in th'army: he nothing doubting that his enemies would descend so far as to that place, was withdrawn thither only with fifty horse, and there expecting a greater strength that was to follow, he with many of his were slain, their valour not being able to resist the malice of their fortune. Alfonso d'Este came to the hospital according to his direction, beginning the night following to employ his artillery against Bondin: And at the same time, not omitting thopportunity of their felicity, Triuulce sent Guaston lord of Foix the king's sister's son, a man very young and newly come to the army the year before, to run up even to the bars of thenemies camp, with an hundred men at arms, four hundred light horsemen, and five hundred footmen, with whom he put to flight five hundred footmen appointed to guard that front or part of the camp: By this example, bringing distrust of greater peril, all the residue leaving Bondin under good guard, retired into places of strength on the other side the canal. The counsels of war and enterprise carry with them for the most part a success variable and differing from expectation, for that no more in those actions, then in any other mortal causes, the devices of man can not be separate from their imperfections: not one of the plots of Triuulce succeeded as was looked for, for that th'artillery planted against Bondin made little exploit, both for the distance of the place (Paw being between them) and also the river being swelled and the rising part cut of by them of Bondin, it so drowned the country that there was no possibility of passage from the front of the French camp to Bondin but upon barks: In so much as the Captain despairing eftsoons to use the commodity of that way to distress the lodging of thenemies, called from Verona two thousand lanceknights, giving also direction to levy three thousand Grisons, the better to draw near them by the ways of Saint Felix, in case the peace proceeded not by the working of the Bishop of Gurce, whose coming had been made somewhat the more slow and delitorie, for that at Sale upon the lake of guard he had in vain expected answer from the Pope, whom he had prayed by letters to send Ambassadors to negotiate: At last he came to Mantua accompanied with Dom Peter de Vree ordinarily resident with Caesar for the king of Arragon: not many days after arrived there the Bishop of Paris, the French king (who to be more near the solicitations of peace, and the better to furnish his provisions for the war, was now come to Lion) persuading himself that the Pope would also send thither and join frankly in the action: But such was his obstinacy against the devout wills of all these great Princes, that he made great instance to have the Bishop of Gurce to come to him: not so much that he thought it answered th'expectation of his dignity Pontifical, as for that he hoped, that in loading him with honours, ceremonies, and promises, joined to the efficacy and authority of his presence, he might range him, and make him conformable to his will, being now more estranged then ever from peace and agreement, wherein to make the labour more easy, and the success agreeable to his desire, he solicited Hierome Vich which was of Valence and Ambassador resident for the king Catholic, to go on his behalf to the Bishop of Gurce: The Bishop of Gurce refused not to condescend to the Pope's will, but he objected, that it were good he would first take order for that that was to be done afterwards, assuring that the difficulties would be more easily dissolved and decided, if the negotiation were first managed at Mantua, with intention to go afterwards to the Pope with matters well debated and almost resolved: He alleged that this course he was bound to take, no less for the necessity then for the facility of things: For, as it could not be convenient for him to leave alone the Bishop of Paris, whom the French king had sent to Mantua at the instance of Caesar, so there was no hope he should debate in th'affairs of his king, and no less inconvenient to require him to go with him to the Pope, seeing that neither it answered his commission nor the dignity of his king to go to the house of th'enemy afore their controversies were accorded, or at lest very near to be resolved: Of the contrary, the two Ambassadors of Arragon, declared that the whole hope of peace making depended upon the agreement and composing of the affairs of Ferrara, for that they being determined, and no more cause remaining to the Pope to sustain the Venetians, they should be constrained to yield to peace with such laws and conditions as Caesar would: That the Pope pretended that the sea Apostolic had great and strong rights over the city of Ferrara, and did esteem Alfonso to have used towards him a great ingratitude, and had done him many unworthy injuries: That to abate and qualify the rigour of his mind which was now full of displeasure, it was more convenient that the subject or vassal should implore the clemency of his Lord, then to come and dispute of his justice: For which reasons they persuaded that it was not only comely and honest, but also convenient and necessary, to go to him, in which just humility and submission they doubted not but he would diminish a great part of his rigour: They thought it not profitable that that diligence, that industry, that authority which was to be employed to dispose the Pope to peace, should be consumed in persuasions tending to ends doubtful: lastly they added with very sweet words, that neither could matters have their full disputation, nor the quarrels sufficiently searched into, unless all the parties were together in full assistance. And that within Mantua was only but one part, for that Caesar, the French king, and the king Catholic, were in such unity of leagues, parentages, and amities, that in this action they were to be reputed as brethren, thinterests of every particular being common to them all. What by these persuasions and other respects more special and private, the Bishop of Gurce suffered himself to be won to go thither, with intention that the Bishop of Paris should expect at Parma, what would be the success of his voyage. During these actions the Pope, notwithstanding all solicitation made appertaining to the peace, had not yet altered his thoughts from the war, entertaining the one with shows dissembled, and embracing the other with desires burning and importunate: He supposed to surprise of new the bastillion of Genivola, recommending the charge of that enterprise to john Vitelli: But aswell for the small and slow payments that were made, the numbers of footmen were far inferior to thappointment, as also that all the country thereabouts stood overflowed both by the plenty of rains that fell, and by the cutting of the rysinges of the river of Paw, there was nothing advanced: Besides, Alfonso d'Este was the stronger by water, who, with an army of Galleys and Brigantins so charged the Venetian fleet near S. Albert, that what with the fury of that encounter, and with the fear of an other fleet of lesser vessels which they discerned sailing from Comaccho, they retired to the port of Ravenna with the loss of two fustes, two barbottes, and more than forty smaller vessels: This accident disappointed the Pope's hope to take the bastillion, and therefore he returned those companies to the camp which lodged at Finalo, very much weakened of the strength of footmen for that the pay was so small. About this time the Pope created eight Cardinals, partly to allure to him the minds of Princes, and partly to arm him against the threatenings of the Council: Such as he created were prelate's learned and experienced, and as they bore in the Court of Rome a great authority, so they were personages of special election, such as he reapposed most surety in: Of the number of this creation was the archbishop of York Ambassador for the king of England, and the bishop of Zion, the one being a man of importance to stir up the Swizzers, and the other being gracious with his king, whom he hoped to kindle against the Frenchmen: And to draw on the Bishop of Gurce as it were with an earnest penny certain of the same dignity, and with that hope to make him the more tractable to his desire, he reserved to himself with the consent of the Consistory, a power to name an other, such a one as he had fashioned already in his mind. After he understood that the Bishop of Gurce had consented to come to him, he determined to receive him with great honour, wherein to express more office then thestate of a Bishop of Gurce could challenge, and less respect than appertained to so supreme a dignity as a high Bishop of Rome, he went from Ravenna to Bolognia, to th'end to join the magnificence of the place to the residue of the honours he pretended: There he received him with pomps and ceremonies equal to the estate and dignity of any king, the glory of his demonstrations and shows giving great detection of his dissembled mind. The Bishop also for his part expressed no less pomp and magnificence, for that descending into Italy with the title of Caesar's lieutenant, he came accompanied with a very great train of nobility, all their bands and followers being sumptuously appareled. The Ambassador of Venice resident with the Pope came to meet him at the gate of the town, making signs of very great submission: But he, with a wonderful pride and arrogancy both in his gestures and words, showed himself not a little discontented that he that represented the enemies of Caesar, could not so much bridle his impudency and boldness, as to forbear to come in his presence. With this pomp he went up to the public Consistory, where the person of the Pope attended him with all the Cardinals: There he expressed in short speech, but with very haughty and proud words, that as Caesar had sent him into Italy, in a desire to obtain that that appertained to him, more by the way of peace then by the rigour of war: so nevertheless, there was no place or possibility for peace, if the Venetians made not frank restitution of those things that belonged to him in any sort soever. After he had declared thus much in public audience, he delivered no less in private to the Pope, nothing abating his hawtines, and the day following he accompanied these severe beginnings with actions no less proud & arrogant: for the Pope having by his consent appointed three Cardinals to negotiate with him, the cardinal S. George, Cardinal Regina, and Cardinal de Medicis, who attended him at the hour assigned to meet together: he sent three of his gentlemen to negotiate with them, excusing himself to have other business, holding it in deed a matter of great indignity to debate with any other than the Pope. This indignity with many others the Pope swallowed sweetly, thincredible hatred which he bore to the French, surmounting the disposition of his nature. But in the accord between Caesar and the Venetians which began first to be drawn into disputation, there were many difficulties: for albeit the Cardinal of Gurce who in the beginning had demanded all the towns, consented in the end that Padua and Trevisa should remain to them with all their parts and appurtenances, yet he stuck to have them give to Caesar in recompense a very great quantity of money, and that they should hold them of him in chief, and resign to him the rights of the other towns: Matters which could never be agreed unto by the Senate of Venice, wherein it was universally concluded, that it was better for their common weal, having already so fortified Padua and Trevisa that they feared not to lose them, to preserve and keep their money, for that if ever that tempest passed over, there might fall out some occasion to recover easily all the residue of their dominion. On the other side the Pope nourished an importunate desire to have them agreed with Caesar, hoping to make that an occasion to estrange him from the French king, in which regard he pressed them partly by requests, and partly by threats, to accept the conditions that were offered them: But his authority was no more so great with them, not so much for that they were not ignorant from whence proceeded so great a desire, as for that they knew that their association and company was so necessary to him if he were not reconciled with the French king, that they made assured reckonings that he would never abandon them: Nevertheless, after the travel of many days and much disputation made, the Bishop of Gurce abating somewhat of the hard conditions which he offered, and the Venetians yielding more to the vehement instance of the Pope than they had determined, and withal th'ambassadors of the king of Arragon interposing in the action, it seemed they came at last to accord, the Venetians (the better to retain Padua and Trevisa by the consent of Caesar) paying huge sums of money, but referred to long terms: There rested only a mean to reconcile the Pope and the French king, between whom appeared no other difference then for the quarrels of the Duke of Ferrara: and to resolve them with the residue of the controversies (for without that Caesar was determined to establish nothing) the Bishop of Gurce went to speak with the Pope (to whom he went but seldom) being persuaded by the hopes which the Cardinal of Pavia and the Catholic kings Ambassadors had put him in, that it would be a matter of very easy action: And on the other side he knew, that the French king having less regard to dignity then to tranquillity, was disposed to consent to many things, which bore but little prejudice to the Duke of Ferrara: But the Pope on the contrary cutting him off at the first, began to exhort him, that agreeing with the Venetians, he should leave at liberty the matters of Ferrara, seeming to be sorry that Caesar knew not thoccasion that offered, to be revenged with the forces and money of an other, of so many great injuries done against him by the French: and withal that he carried to be required in a matter wherein reasonably he should beseech others with great instance. To which things when the Bishop of Gurce had replied with many reasons, seeing he was not able to turn him from his opinion, he told him he would departed without giving other perfection to the peace with the Venetians: And at the instant, having according to the custom, kissed his feet, he departed the same day (being the xv. after his arrival at Bolognia) to Modona, the Pope sending after him in vain to call him again, assoon as he was departed the City: from Modena he took his way towards Milan, complaining of the Pope for many things, but specially for that whilst by his coming into Italy there was almost a general surceasing from arms, the Pope had sent secretly the Bishop of Vintemille, son to the late Cardinal Fregosa, to trouble the state of Genes: nevertheless the French men set such good espial of his journey, that they took him in the country of Mountferat all disguised and unknown as he was, and from thence carried him to Milan, where he made manifest detection of the cause of his going, and the whole enterprise: his present peril driving him to seek his safety more by disclosing then by excusing. When the Bishop of Gurce departed from Bolognia, he required the Ambassadors of Arragon (seeming not a little discontented with the Pope's obstinacy) to see returned to the realm of Naples the three hundred Spanish lances: whereunto they condescended readily: A matter which made men to marvel the more, for that at the same time that the general council was in negotiation, with expectation that the armies of France & Germany accompanied with the presence of their Princes, should be most mighty in Italy, the Pope, besides the yllwill of the French king, separated Caesar from him, & stood deprived of the succours of the king Catholic. Some doubted that in this action (as almost in all others) the counsels of the king of Arragon were different from his demonstrations, and that his Ambassadors had practised one thing in public, and an other thing in secret with the Pope: for that having provoked the French king by new offences, and in the same given a new memory to ancient wrongs, it seemed he aught to fear lest the peace with all others came not to be the cause of great perils against him, the Venetians remaining weakened of estate, of money, and of reputation, and Caesar no more mighty in Italy, and more variable and prodigal then ever: Others that discoursed more subtly and deeply of things, made this interpretation, that notwithstanding all protestations that the king Catholic made to abandon the Pope, yea though he revoked his bands, yet the Pope dwelled firmly in this confidence, that he would always support and defend him in his greatest necessities, considering that the embasing of him could not but be prejudicial to the king.  
Within four days after the departing of the Bishop of Gurce, the Pope sent after him the Scottish Ambassador to debate of the peace with the french king, wherein th'effect was no less frustrate, than the devise and hope of the Pope were vain: And as by his departing the hopes of the peace were left troubled, and less expectation of agreement in so great a discord of wills: so by his going away also did cease the causes that had so long lingered john jacques Triuulce, who thirsted in an honest ambition to do something worthy his virtue and ancient glory, and by the which he might induce the king to know, how hurtful it is to recommend the government of wars (a matter above all other humane actions most painful and hard, and most requiring discretion and experience) not to captains able and trained, but to young men unexperienced, and of whose virtue there is none other thing to give testimony then favour and countenance. Therefore continuing in his first resolutions, notwithstanding the foot bands of the Grisons were not yet arrived (for the general of Normandy, upon whom depended thexpeditions, had deferred to send men to levy them, both hoping that the peace would go forward, and also seeking to avoid expenses to the king) he brought the camp affore Concorda in the beginning of May, containing a thousand two hundred lances and seven thousand footmen: he took it the same day he presented his camp afore it, wherein the security of the townsmen helped no less than his own valour, for that being made fearful with the first execution of th'artillery, whilst they sent Ambassadors to make their composition with him, the footmen of his army entered the town and sacked it, the towns men being negligent in their guard, by the hope they had in their Ambassadors that were sent out to capitulat for their safeties. After the taking of Concorda, to th'end to give no occasion to such as envy him to charge him with partiality, as respecting more his proper profit, than the king's service, he left Mirandola behind him, and drew towards Bonport (a village upon the river of Panaro) to approach so near th'enemy, as either to constrain them to dislodge, or to fight out of their strength, and by the same mean to cut off their victuals and provisions: As he was entered into the country of Modena and lodged in the village of Cavesse, he sent Gaston de Foix with three hundred footmen and five hundred horsemen, to do an enterprise upon john Paul Manfron that lay at Massa near to Finale with three hundred light horsemen of the Venetians, who hearing of their coming put himself in battle array upon a bridge: but the valour of his soldiers not answering his virtue and courage, he was made prisoner, being abandoned both of his fortune and faith of his people. After this th'army drawing near to Bonport,  had an intention to cast a bridge there where the channel which is drawn from above Modena out of the river of Panaro, entereth into the river: But th'enemy, to give impediment to his passage over the river, was already encamped in a place so near, that they distressed him with their artilleries wherewith captain Perault a Spaniard & commander within the Church army, was killed, as he walked along the rising of the river: In that place the bank is very high, by which help as it was easy to th'enemy to distress him: so Tryuulce, meeting with these impediments by a new council, cast his bridge somewhat higher, A mile only above the channel: And having passed the channel he drew towards Modena, marching along the rising of Panaro, and seeking out a place where he might more easily cast his bridge: But because he saw always afore him, bands of horsemen and footmen of his enemies, who were encamped near to Frankcastell upon the way of Romagna (but their lodgings all environed with banks and waters) he came by the same way to the bridge of Fossalto two miles near to Modona, and there turning on the left hand towards the mountain, he passed without impediment the ford of Panaro which in that place hath his channel very large and without banks: from thence he encamped in a place called the beache of Panaro three miles from the army ecclesiastic: The day after he drew towards Plumacce being refurnished with victuals from them of Modona by the consent of Vitfruch: And likewise the same day the army ecclesiastic, which durst not present themselves in plain field, supposing it very necessary to draw near to Bolognia, the better to prevent all mutinies and stirs in that city, the rather for that the family of the Bentyvoleis followed the french army, went and encamped at the bridge of Casalecquo three miles above Bolognia, A place very strong and sure, having his situation between the river of Rene and the channel, And by the commodity of the mountain at his back, it defends Bolognia from all privation of the relief of the channel which coming from the river, passeth into that city: This is that place wherein, in the days of our Ancestors joh. Galeas viscount, the mighty Duke of Milan, obtained a most great victory against the Florentines, the Bolognians and other states confedered, his numbers far exceeding the enemies: The day following Frankcastell was rendered to , who, after he had remained three days in the lodging of Plumacce, both for th'impediment of the rains that fell, and also to revictual his people being then in great necessity, he came to encamp upon the high way between Samoggia and Frankcastell, where he stood in great doubt what he were best to do for many difficulties that appeared to him in all deliberations: for, he knew well enough that it would be to no purpose to execute any thing against Bolognia, if the people made no tumult within: And if he should draw near to it under hope of popular emotions, he feared he should be compelled to retire as Chaumont did, not without diminution of his reputation: And he knew that it would be a matter of greater peril and indiscretion, to go ●ight with thenemies encamped in places of strength and of advantage: And to make his approach to Bolognia on that side below, there was no other hope, saving that haply thenemies might remove for fear lest he assailed Romagna, in which might be offered some occasion, either to him to fight, or to the people of Bolognia to make some tumult: Nevertheless in the end after he had resolved to make trial, if either the universal disposition of the city, or the particular intelligences of the Bentyuoleis, would stand him in any steed, he led the army, the vanguard guided by Theodore , the main battle by himself, and the rearguard by Gaston de Foix, to encamp at the bridge of Lain, which is a place upon the high way five miles from Bolognia, and bearing a perpetual renown for the memory of thinterview of Lepidus, Mark. Antho. and Octavius, who, by the testimony of histories, under the name of Tryumuirat, established in that place the tyranny of Rome, together with that proscription which can never be blamed and detested enough: The Pope was not at this time at Bolognia, but since the departure of the Bishop of Gurce being perplexed in variety of thoughts and councils, sometimes courage and sometimes fear bearing dominion in him, assoon as he heard Tryuulce began to march (notwithstanding the spanish lances were gone) he went from Bolognia to th'army, to th'end by his presence to encourage the Captains to give battle to thenemies, to the which he could never dispose them either by his letters, or labour of his Ambassadors: he departed with intention to lodge the first day at Cente, but he was compelled to lodge within the town of Pieva, for that a thousand of his footmen which were entered within Cente, refused to departed till they were satisfied of their pays: whereupon, being either made angry with this contempt, or haply looking more deeply into the present danger, he altered his resolution returning eftsoons to Bolognia where his fears so redoubled upon him by thapproaching of Tryuulce, that being determined to go to Ravenna, he sent for the Magistrates to whom he occupied these persuasions: That by the benefit of the sea Apostolic and by his mean and labour they had shaked of a yoke of most grievous tyranny, and had obtained liberty with many exemptions, besides many graces both public and private which they had received and were to receive of him in particular: by which mean, in place where before they were holden oppressed with most hard servitude, and so embased and trodden down by tyrants, that in other parts of Italy there was no reputation of them, now they were raised into honour & riches, their city replenished with all sorts of trades and merchandises, and some of them established in right worthy and high dignities: In so much as now, their fortune being changed, they bore an universal reputation in every place, they stood free of themselves, absolute Lords of Bolognia, and the whole territory, the offices and honours being in their hands, and the public revenues of their city in their free distribution: only the Church hath but the name, & keepeth there for sign of superiority a Legate or governor, who much less that without them can deliberate of any matter of importance, seeing that for such causes as are referred to his arbitration, he communicateth ordinarily with them, subjecting himself to their advise and wills: That if for these benefits and prosperities, there remained in them any desire to defend their proper liberty, they should receive of him no worse secure, comfort, and protection, than he would minister to the city of Rome standing in the like necessity: That though th'importance of the present affairs constrained him to go to Rome, yet, he neither did nor would forget to provide for the surety and safety of Bolognia: That for that regard, he had given direction that the Venetian bands which lay on the other side Paw with Andrew Gritti and to that end cast the bridge at Sermydy, should come to join with th'army: That albeit his provisions were very able and sufficient to defend them, yet he could not rest contented, nor satisfied, if withal he left them not delivered from the troubles of the war: In which respect, to drive the french men into necessity to defend their own things, there were already levied x. thousand Swyzzers to descend upon the Duchy of Milan, And for their better provision and expedition he had sent twenty thousand ducats to Venice, the Venetians preparing the like sum: Nevertheless if they had rather return under the servitude of the Bentyuoleis, then to enjoy the sweetness of the liberty of the Church, he desired them to express frankly what minds they bore, for that he would make himself conformable to their likings: only he told them that if they had any resolution to defend themselves, the time now was very convenient not only to express their virtue, but also to make bound to them for ever, the sea Apostolic, himself, and all the succession of Popes that should come after him. To this form of persuasion pronounced (according to his custom) with more fervency than eloquence, after they had debated amongst themselves in council, the Precedent of the government made answer in the name of the whole, not forgetting with words of great boasting to magnify their faith, their thankfulness to benefits, and their perpetual & infinite devotion to his holiness and name: That they were not ignorant of the happy estate wherein they stood, and how much, since thexpulsing of Tyrants, their wealth had been augmented, together with the worship of their city: That where before their lives and haviors were miserably subjecteth to the commandment of others, now by the benefit of peace and tranquillity they live in surety, their lives without fear, and their goods without peril of execution, their persons partaking in the government & in the revenues: That there was not one amongst them who had not particularly received of him many graces and honours: That they saw renewed in their city the dignity of cardinalship, and many of their Citizens furnished with the principal offices of the Court of Rome: In recompense of which singular benefits, they bore minds disposed to consume all their goods, to wear and waste their proper lives, and to put in peril the honour and safety of their wife & children, rather than to fall any ioate from the devotion of the sea Apostolic: Therefore they desired him to departed, no less happy than glad, nourishing neither fear nor jealousy touching the things of Bolognia, for that he should sooner hear that all the channel should swim with the blood of the people of Bolognia, than that city should call upon other name or obey other Lord than Pope julio. The man that aspireth is credulous in all things that are conformable to his hope, yea sometimes his ambition makes him believe contrary to reason or wisdom: These words protested more in glory then with good meaning, gave to the Pope a greater hope than was convenient, And leaving there the Cardinal of Pavia, he went to Ravenna, not by the high way although he was accompanied with the spanish lances which returned to the realm of Naples, but for fear of the Duke of Ferrara, he took the way of Furly, which further about, he went from Bolognia better satisfied then well assured, and could not but expect of them fidelity and confidence whom he had undiscreetly left to their liberty and discretion: After Triuulce was come to the bridge of Lain, the city of Bolognia began to declare an universal murmur, the minds of men being replenished with diverse impressions and thoughts: some accustomed to the liberty of tyranny, and to live of the goods and states of others, desired vehemently the return of the Bentyuoleis, hating already the government ecclesiastic: some, aswell for the harms they had already received, as for the fear of further hurts, seeing two such armies upon their lands and ready to cut down their harvest, desired all things by the which they might be delivered from such ruins: others, afore whose eyes stood yet the memory of the french insolences, executed in their city under Monsr Chaumont, and fearing now lest by their well speeding the city drawing into tumult, might come to be sacked, seemed not to care into what government or jurisdiction they fell, so that in it they might be assured to be delivered from such dangers: There were very few that afore had declared themselves enemies to the family of Bentyvoley, which now favoured the jurisdiction of the Church, and that more in show then in good meaning: In so much that the whole being drawn into arms, some for desire of innovation and change, and some for their proper surety, All things were full of fear and confusion: The Cardinal of Pavia and Legat resident in Bolognia, had neither courage nor council sufficient for such a danger: Besides, in a city so great and populous, he having no more but two hundred light horsemen and a thousand footmen, and being at that time more than ever at variance with the Duke of Vrbyn who lay with th'army at Casalecqua, he had either at adventure or by destiny levied and paid fifteen Captains of the Citizens, to whom, together with their companies and with the people, he had committed the guard of the town: it seemed he used no great regard in the election of these Captains, for that the most part of them were of the faction of the bentivolis, but principally Laurence Ariosto, who, being first imprisoned and racked at Rome for suspicion of conspiracy with the family of bentivolis, suffered afterwards a long imprisonment in the castle of S. Ange: The people after they had once their weapons in their hands, began to draw to assemblies, and make secret conventicles spreading through the town new slanders: Their manifest rebellion began to make the Legate see too late into his own indiscretion, And to avoid the peril whereunto he had brought himself, he appointed that the new Captains with their bands should go to the army feigning too late that the Duke of Vrbyn would it so: But they answering that it was not reasonable they should abandon the guard of their town, he proved to bring in captain Ramassote with a thousand footmen, which the people would not suffer: These manifest contempts made the Cardinal both a coward & desperate being unable by persuasion and policy to relieve the peril which he had put upon himself not by fortune, but by negligence: Therefore remembering how hateful his government was to the people, and himself no less detested of the Nobles, for that not long afore under the Pope's commandment and power royal as he said, he had cut of the heads of three honourable Citizens: he stole out of the palace by a secret way and in disguised habits, and so suddenly withdrew himself into the Citadel, that he forgot to carry with him his jewels and money, which he sent for in haste after, And so went out by the gate towards Ymola accompanied with a band of horsemen led by Guido Vain who had married his sister and was captain of the horsemen appointed for his guard: A little after him went out of the Citadel Octa. Fregosa without other company than a guide, they both suffering one fortune as they were both followers of one cause: The fleeing of the Legate was no sooner known in the town, then throughout the whole city the name of the people was cried and called upon with great tumult and emotion: an occasion which Ariosto not willing to loose together with Francis Riwcci one of the fiveteene Captains & affected to the Bentyuoleis, they took many of their followers and faction and roone to the gates of S. Felix and Lama most convenient for the camp of the frenchmen, which they broke open with bars and hatchets, and being possessed of them they sent immediately to call the Bentyuoleis: And they receiving of Triwlce many french horsemen to avoid the high way of the bridge of Rene which was guarded by Raphaell de Passi one of the Captains of the Church, they passed the river more low, and approaching the gate of Lama were let in, their gladness being nothing inferior to their fortune: To this rebellion of Bolognia was added the breaking and fleeing away of the army: for, about three of the clock in the night, the Duke of Vrbyn whose bands of soldiers stretched out from the bridge of Casalecqua until the gate of Saragosse, hearing of the fleeing of the Legate & mutinies of the people, left the most part of his tents and pavilions pitched, and in great haste went away with the whole army, except those that being appointed for the guard of the camp, were on that side the river towards the french men, to whom his haste would not suffer him to give knowledge of his discamping: it is seldom seen that one adversity cometh alone, and it is found in all ages and times that when ills begin to fall, they thunder all at once: for, the Bentyuoleis being now entered the town, hearing of the breaking up of the camp, gave present advertisement to Triuulce, and sent out of the town a part of the people to distress them: By whom and by the multitudes of peasants which descended on all parts with rude cries and brutes, their camp that passed along the walls was assailed, their artilleries and munitions taken from them, and the most part of their baggage spoiled: notwithstanding the french that by this time were come to the medley took from the people & peasants by force and violence, the things they had ravished from others with the peril of their lives: By this time also Theoder Triuulce with the vanguard was arrived at the bridge of Rene, where Raphaell Passi with singular valour made head long time against his enemies, but being overcharged both with numbers and fortune, he was at last taken prisoner, having given by the resistance he made, a notable opportunity to the Church soldiers to save themselves: But the Venetian companies and the bands of Rassotte which lay upon the hill above S. Luke, having but very late knowledge of the fleeing of the Duke of Vrbyn, sought their saveties by the ways of the mountains, by the which notwithstanding they received great harms, they got at last into Romagna: In this victory won without fight, were taken fiveteene pieces of great artillery, and many of lesser sort, belonging both to the Pope and to the Venetians: certain men at arms of the Church spoiled and stripped together with an hundred and fifty of the Venetians, and almost all the footmen of both the one and the other army dispersed: There remained prisoners Vrsin de Mugnano, julia Manfron, with many other Captains of mean condition: within Bolognia there was not a man slain, nor any violence done either to the Nobles or to the Commons, only there were made prisoners, the Bishop of Cluso together with many other Prelates, Secretories, and officers which were about the Cardinal and remained still in his palace for that he had kept from them his departing: The same night & the day following the people fell upon an image of brass being the Pope's picture, which they trailed along the market place in great scorn and mockery, using no more reverence to the Image, than they bore affection to the person that it represented: the cause of this insolency was referred either to the soldiers of Bentyvoley who could not be governed, or else to the humour of the people, who bearing a nature unthankful and desirous of new things, and no less weary with the travels and harms of the war, bore hatred to the name and memory of him that had been the cause of the liberty and felicity of their country: The day after which was the xxij of may Triuulce stayed in his lodging, and the day following, leaving Bolognia behind him, he drew to the river of Adice and afterward stayed at the borrow of S. Peter which is a frontyer upon the territories of Bolognia, expecting before he marched further, what would be th'intention of the french king, whether he would execute any further action upon the state of the Pope, or else contenting himself to have reassured Ferrara and taken from the Church the city of Bolognia which he had gotten by his means, he would establish there the course of his victory: By reason of this temporizing, although Sassatella the Pope's captain and who having chased out of Ymola the faction Gibeline, commanded that city as chief of the guelfs, made him secret offers to put into his hands the city of Ymola, yet he refused to accept it till he had the king's answer: There rested only the Citadel of Bolognia wherein was the Bishop of Vitelli, A Citadel large and strong, but manned and furnished according to the custom of the fortresses of the church, containing but a very slender strength of footmen, very small provision of victuals, and almost no munitions at all: Whilst it was holden besieged, Vitfruch, being certified of the success of Bolognia, was come from Modona by night to persuade the Bishop with great promises and offers to deliver it to Caesar: But the Bishop, having the fift day compounded with them of Bolognia that the lives and goods of such as were within should be saved, and received obligation that within a time certain they should pay him three thousand ducats, delivered it up into their hands: And they were no sooner possessed of it, than they run by heaps to dismantle and reverse it, the Bentyuoleis stirring them to th'action, not so much to win favour with the citizens, as for fear jest the french king would with hold it, some of his Captains being already of a council to demand it: But  would never give his consent, for that he thought it would be a thing contrary to the kings profit to give occasion to think that he had desire to make himself Lord of Bolognia: By the occasion of this victory, the Duke of Ferrara recovered besides Cento and Pieva, Cotignuola, Lugo and the other towns of Romagna: expulsing at the same time Albert Pie who possessed them in common with him.  
It was reasonable, that the Pope should receive great discontentments for the loss of Bolognia, not only for that the city of most importance through the whole state ecclesiastic next to Rome, was taken from him, wherein he suffered privation of that glory which he had gotten in conquering it, which was no less great towards men then most principal and great in his own conceit: but also for fear jest the same fortune and felicity which in that action had made his enemy happy, would not eftsoons allure him to pursue his victory further: such be the variations of minds possessed with doubts and fear, and such the motions and suggestions of a conscience troubled and infected: he knew if the army should prosecute the course of their victory, there was in him no ability of resistance, And seeking to remove all occasions that might provoke them to pass further: he solicited that the remeinders of the Venetian soldiers already revoked by the Senate, should embark at the port of Cesena, and for the same cause he sent to have restored to him the xx. thousand ducats, which remained yet in Venice being sent thither afore to stir up the Swyzzers: Moreover he gave order that the Cardinal of Nantes A Britton by nation, should as it were of himself, solicit Tryuulce to peace, persuading that the time was then convenient to work it: But the Cardinal made answer that it was not convenient to proceed in that generality, but rather to come expressly to perticularities: he told him that when the king desired peace, he did offer the conditions, and that it was now no less necessary for the Pope to do the like, the estate of the affairs so requiring, and his present fortune nothing impugning: The Pope used this manner of proceeding, more to avoid the present danger, then for any desire he had to have peace, striving in him at one time fear, obstinacy, hatred, and disdain: And with these passions was concurrant at the same time an other accident that happened redoubling in him his sorrows, and making him suspect and fear further: There were brought to him many accusations against the Cardinal of Pavia, some charged him with infidelity, some imposed upon him cowardice, and some blamed him of negligence, every one thinking to make his fault the greater by the variety of their imputations: he came to Ravenna to make his own justification, and sent to the Pope to signify his coming and to have assignation for audience: to whom the Pope, whose gladness for his coming was nothing inferior to the affection he bore him, made answer that he should come to dine with him: But as he was going to the Pope's palace, being accompanied with Guido Vain & the guard of his horsemen: The Duke of Vrbyn, both for an ancient hatred he bore him, and also for a suspicion that the revolt of Bolognia happened through his fault, by which occasion followed the fleeing of the army, followed him with a small train: And thrusting in amongst his guard of horsemen who for reverence sake made him place, he slew the Cardinal with his own hands: he might haply seem worthy for the degree he held, upon whom violent hands should not be laid, but touching his infinite vices, he deserved most cruel punishment, his faults being far greater than the opinion that went on them, & his virtues far less than were convenient for such a procession: Assoon as the report of his death was brought to the Pope, he began to lament with miserable cries and complainings, being not a little moved for the loss of a Cardinal so dear to him, but much more touched that such a holy dignity fell into violation almost even afore his eyes, by the hands of his own Nephew, & with an example not used: A matter so much the more grievous to him, by how much he made profession to preserve & exalt the authority ecclesiastic: These sorrows he was not able to bear, and much less to temper his fury, in which respect, as also with the presence of the place to pretermit the memory of the fact, he departed the same day from Ravenna to return to Rome: And, to th'end that at one time he were environed on all parts with infinite calamities, he was no sooner arrived at Rymyny, than he had advertisement that within Modena, within Bolognia, and in many other cities, there were fixed and set up many placards in public places, by the which was denownced to him the convocation of the council, with citation to go thither in person.  
For, as the Bishop of Gurcy, after he was gone from Modena, had traveled certain days by easy iorneys, expecting the answer of the Skottish Ambassador, who went from him to Bolognia for affairs which the Pope himself had propounded: so, he being eftsoons returned with answers very uncertain, the Bishop of Gurcy dispatched immediately to Milan in the name of Caesar three Proctors, who, joining with the Cardinals and with the Proctors of the french king, published the council to be celebrated the first day of September next in the city of Pysa: The Cardinals made choice of Pysa, as a place no less convenient for the opportunity of the sea, for those that were there to assemble, then of special surety for the confidence the french king had in the Florentines: And withal for that many other places, which though they might have been capable of such an assembly, yet they were either inconvenient or suspected, or at least the Pope might refuse them with just cooler: There had been no conveniency to assemble it in France or in other place of the kings obedience, and Constance one of the free towns of Germany recommended by Caesar, seemed for this action to bear no indifferency, notwithstanding it had been made notable by that worthy council, wherein three Popes were deposed, and the schism confounded that had continued for forty years in the Church: And in Thurin was more matter of suspicion to both parties for the neighbourhood of the Swyzzers and the estates of France: Bolognia afore it was out of th'obedience of the Church was not sure for the Cardinals: and, now it stands in the like case for the regard of the Pope: Moreover in th'election of the town of Pysa was partly respected the felicity of an example past touching the memory of two councils which had been there right happily celebrated: the one, when almost all the Cardinals who abandoned Gregory the twelve and Benet the xiii quarreling together for the Popedom, choase Pope Alexander the u celebrating the council in that city: And the other which was long time before celebrated in the same place about the year a thousand one hundred and xxxuj. by Innocent the second, at such time as Peter Leon Antipape of Rome was condemned, who making himself be called Anacletus the second, with such a schism had not only much troubled Innocent, but also all the regions of Christendom: The Florentines had afore accorded Pysa to the french king, who required it of them, giving them to understand that Caesar, no less than he, was the Author of the convocation of the council, the king of Arragon also consenting and concurring in it: In this action the Florentines deserve to be praised, more perhaps for their silence, then for their wisdom or constancy: for, either not having the courage to deny the king the thing that was grievous to them, or not considering how many difficulties and dangers might grow upon them by a council which was celebrated against the Pope's will, they held so secret that deliberation that was made in an assembly or council of more than an hundred and fifty Citizens, that the Cardinals to whom the french king gave hope of their conformity, were never assured that they had accorded, neither had the Pope any knowledge of it: The Cardinals pretended that the council might be judicially called by them, without th'authority of the Pope, for the present necessity (as they said) that the Church had, to be reformed not only in her members, but also in her head, meaning the person of the Pope: They published him to be so hardened in simony, and corrupted with manners infamous and damnable, both unfit to govern the Papacy, and Author of so many unjust wars, that he was incorrigible, to the universal slander of all Christendom, for the safety and preservation of whom there was no other medicine sufficient then the convocation of a council: whereof seeing the Pope made no care, they alleged that the full and legittimat power of convocation was diuolued to them, specially th'authority of the elect Emperor being adjoined, and the consent of the right Christian king, together with the Clergy of Germany and France concurring: They persuaded, that to use often this medicine, was a mean not only profitable but necessary for the diseased body of the Church both to root out the old errors, and to resist such others as would of new bud up: To explain and interpret the doubts which daily happened, and to correct things which though in the beginning were sound and well ordered, yet in that trial they appeared pernicious by experience: That for these reasons the ancient fathers, in the council of Constance, had wholesomely enacted and provided, that for always afterwards the council should be celebrated from ten years to ten years: The Popes had no other bridle then this, to hold them from going out of the right way: And without this, weighing with the natural frailty of men, the many enticements which nature breeds in us to do evil during our life, what surety could remain to kingdoms and regions, if he that took to himself all liberty and licence, might stand exempted from all authority, and were assured that he should never come to give a reckoning of himself: On the other side, many occupied these reasons, partaking more with the doctrine of the Divines, then of the Cannonistes, that the authority to call councils was invested only in the person of the Pope: yea though he were infected with all vices, if only he were not suspected of heresies: That if the holy authority were otherways interpreted, it would rest in the power of a few, either for ambition or for particular hatreds, covering their wicked intentions with false coolers, to altar and change daily the peaceable estate of the Church: A matter which aught not to be consented no less for the prejudice, then for the ill example it brought: They alleged that be it that all medicines were wholesome, yet if they were not ministered with due proportions, and in times convenient, they bore more of poison then of medicine: By which reasons condemning all those that had other opinions, they called this assembly not a council, but matter to divide and separate the unity of the sea Apostolic, A beginning of schism in the Church of God, and a counciling of Devils.  
The end of the ninth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE TENTH BOOK.  
AFter the taking of Bolognia, the french army returneth to the Duchy of Milan: The council that was to be holden at Pysa against the Pope, is transferred to Milan, where many stirs happen: The Pope's army besiegeth Bolognia: The french men take Bressia: The battle is given at Ravenna: The Pope publisheth the council at Rome: And afterwards the affairs of the french begin to decline.  
THE TENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
THE success of the victory happening upon the french king, drew all Christendom but principally the universal regions of Italy, to expect (in great doubt of mind) what he would further deliberate of his fortune: for, every one gave this judgement that it was in his power to make himself Lord of Rome and the whole state ecclesiastic, both for that all the Pope's regiments together with the Venetians were dispersed and almost dissolved, and also there remained not in Italy other armies able to make resistance against the fury of the Victor: And as for the Pope, seeming only to be defended with the name & Majesty of the place, he stood in all other regards reduced to the discretion of fortune, his resolution of mind only remeining to support the adversity of his estate: Nevertheless the french king, either the reverence which he bore to religion retaining him, or the fear to stir up other Princes against him driving him to use a moderation in his fortune, determined not to use thoccasion of his victory, but with a council perhaps more religious than profitable, he addressed his 
The sir▪ army returneth to the Duchy of Milan.  commandments to joh. jac. Tryuulce, to return with the army to the Duchy of Milan, leaving Bolognia to the Bentyuoleis, and making restitution of all other pieces which he occupied of the Church: To these actions so gracious and affable, he added words and demonstrations no less acceptable and full of piety: for, he forbade throughout his Realms to make any public signs of gladness, And protested oftentimes in the presence of many, that notwithstanding he had nothing committed against the sea Apostolic, nor against the person of the Pope, And much less done any thing but by provocation and constraint: yet, he would come to humility with the Pope, and for the reverence and devotion he bore to that sea, he would sue for pardon where he had done no offence: he persuaded himself that the Pope, knowing by experience what were the difficulties of his conceits, and being reassured of the suspicion which he had of him without occasion, would with all his heart come to desire peace, the practice and negotiation whereof had not been altogether given over, seeing the Pope, since he parted from afore Bolognia, had for that occasion sent to the king, thembassadorambassador of the king of Skotland, continuing to solicit the same points which by the same Bishop had been begun to be debated with the Bishop of Gurce: In this disposition to peace joined also the family of the Bentyuoleis, who, notwithstanding they followed th'authority of the king, yet they signified to the Pope, that much less they would express contumacy and rebellion to the Church, seeing they laid themselves down with ready and frank minds to live and die in that subjection wherein their fathers had continued by so many years: And in token thereof they did not only set at liberty the Bishop of Cluse, but according to the ancient usage, they lodged him in the palace as Lieutenant to the sea Apostolic.  
Tryuulce departed with th'army and drew near to Mirandola to recover it, notwithstanding at the request of johan. Fran. Piqua, Vitfruch was entered under cooler to hold it in the name of Caesar, And by protestation had sent to require Tryuulce, that because it was of the jurisdiction of thEmpire, he should abstain from all violent action: But finding in the end that his vain authority was not sufficient, he went his way,  giving him only certain promises more honourable for Caesar in show then in effect: The like did john Fran. after he had safeconduit for goods and life: And Triuulce, having to follow no other expedition, sent to the guard of Verona five hundred lances and a thousand three hundred lanceknights under captain jacob: And reserving to himself two thousand five hundred Gascons under the regiment of captain Molard and Mangiron, which, with the companies of the men at arms, he sent dispersed into the towns of the Duchy of Milan, he gave leave & dismissed all the other bands of footmen: But to the desire and hope of the king was nothing agreeable the disposition of the Pope, who rising into a new courage by the revoking of the army, And being every day made more hard and obstinate by the things that in deed should have made him more easy and tractable, seeing withal that at Rymyny where he yet remained he lay tormented with the gout: In the midst of so many perplexeties he set down more in the person of a Victor than one that was vanquished, and that by the mean and working of the same Skottishe Ambassador, That the Duke of Ferrara should pay to him hereafter, the tributes which he was wont to pay before the diminution which had been made by Pope Alexander: That the Church should hold a Visdomino in Ferrara, as the Venetians did before: And that there should be rendered to him Lugo with the other towns which Alfonso d'Este possessed in Romagna: These conditions notwithstanding they seemed to the king no less grievous, then to hold too much of iniquity, yet the desire to have peace with the Pope prevailing above all other respects, he made answer that he was contented to consent to all those demands, so far forth as Caesar might also condescend and concur in them: But the Pope being now returned to Rome, seemed with the place to change both council and will, the persuasions of the king of Arragon helping no less than his natural lightness and mutability: for, the king of Arragon, whom the late victory of the french king had confirmed in very great suspicion, had suddenly laid aside all the great preparations which he had made to pass in person into Afryca where he menteyned continual wars with the Moares: And having called home from thence Peter of Navarre with three thousand spanish footmen, he sent him to the Realm of Naples, both to th'end to assure at one time his own estates, and to give courage to the Pope to be so much the more estranged from the peace: In so much that by these encouragements conformable to his own variable disposition, the Pope made answer, that he would not hear of peace, unless the Venetians might be accorded with Caesar: unless Alfonso d'Este, over and beside the first demands, made him satisfied of all thexpenses which he had defrayed in the war: And lastly, unless the king were bound not to hinder him in the recovery of Bolognia: which city, as a rebel to the Church, he had already put under Ecclesiastical interdiction: And, to make a spoil of the corn of their country, he had sent into Romagna Mar. Anth. Colonno and Ramassore, who notwithstanding were easily chased by the people being scarcely entered into the frontiers: Notwithstanding this answer, the Pope, what by the petitions of the Cardinals and for other private respects, assoon as he came to Rome, consented to the delivery of the Cardinal of Achx, having been till that day kept prisoner within the castle of S. Angeo: but to his liberty he joined this condition, that he should not go out of the palace of Vatican till all the Prelates and officers that were taken within Bolognia were set at liberty, and afterwards that he should depart from Rome under pain of forty thousand ducats for the which he was to put in sufficient surety: And yet not long after he suffered him to return into France with charge not to be at the council, upon the like pain.  
The Pope's answer moved so much the more the mind of the king, by how much he was persuaded that he should consent to the conditions which he himself had offered: And therefore determining to withstand him in the recovery of Bolognia he sent thither immediately a new strength of four hundred lances, and not long 
The s●●k takes Bolognia into his protection  after, he took into his protection the city with all the family of the Bentyuoleis without receiving of him any covenant to minister either men or money: And knowing that th'alliance of Caesar was now more necessary to him then ever, in place where afore he bore some inclination not to give him those supplies of men which he had promised him in the capitulation made with the Bishop of Gurcy, so far forth as he passed in person into Italy (that being the covenant and condition of his promiss:) he gave present order that from the Duchy of Milan the bands that had been promised should march thither under the government of Monsr de la Palissa for that Tryuulce whom Caesar had required, refused the journey.  
By this time Caesar was come to Yspruch, nourishing on the one side, a great desire to make war upon the Venetians, and on the other side, he found himself confused with many thoughts and perplexities: for, considering that all that he should do, would make up no matter of substance if he took not Padua, and to that enterprise were required so great forces and so mighty preparations, as it was almost impossible to gather together: sometimes he suffered himself to be carried with a desire to agreed with the Venetians, whereunto the king Catholic urged him much, And sometimes he stood overruled with his own conceits, thinking to march to Rome in person with his army, to occupy according to his ancient desire all the estate of the Church: wherein he laid his plot to lead thither a mighty army of Almains, besides the french companies: But what by his disabilities and by his disorders th'execution of things was so far inferior to thimagination, that he consumed the time without putting any thing to action, sometimes promising to come in person, and sometimes giving a naked hope to send men: By these uncerteinties it seemed grievous to the king to take upon him to sustain alone the whole burden of the war: A reason, which, having conformity with his nature being sparing and holding, could do more in him for the most part, than the wise persuasions that many made to the contrary, that if Caesar were not mightily succoured by him, he would at last join with his enemies, by which it would happen, that besides his necessity to be at a greater charge, yet his estates in Italy could not but fall into right manifest dangers: Amid these doubts and difficulties, the tumults of the temporal arms began to grow cold, but the fire of the spiritual 
The Pope makes overture of a new council ●● break the council of Pysa.  arms kindled into greater flames, aswell on the part of the cardinals Authors of the council, as on the Pope's side, who laboured altogether to oppress such an evil afore it become greater.  
You have heard heretofore how the council was denownced & signified under th'authority of the king of Romans and the french king, the voices of the Cardinals of S. Cross, S. Mallo, Bayeux, & Cosenso being interposed, the Cardinal also of S. Severin consenting manifestly, and successively, the Proctors of both the one & other king did assist the counsels and deliberations that were made: Moreover, and to give it a greater authority, the five Cardinals, Authors of this pestilence, added by the way of intimation the names of other Cardinals, of whom Cardinal Albert a french man durst not disobey the commandments of his king, being innocent in all things saving in the compulsion that was used to him to subscribe his consent: And for the other Cardinals named by them, Cardinal Adrian and Cardinal Finalo, protested openly that the matter was wrought wholly without their privity & consent: So that more than six Cardinals were not manifestly declared of this faction: whom, for that the Pope hoped to draw them to a voluntary renowncing of the matter, he entertained with them continual practice, offering to pardon the errors that had been committed, and that with such surety that they should not need to fear any violence or displeasure to happen to them: whereunto the Cardinals gave a dissembled ear, believing the Pope's promises no further than they saw them confirmed with good means of their saveties: But the Pope could not for all this abstain from most mighty and extreme remedies, In so much as following the council of Antho. du Mont saint Sansovyn one of the Cardinals of his last creation at Ravenna, seeking to purge himself of negligence, assigned an universal council in the town of Rome within the Church of S. john de Latran for the first day of may next coming: By which convocation he pretended that the council called by his adversaries was broken, and that in that which he had published was judicially contained the power and authority of all, notwithstanding that the Cardinals alleged, that it was true in the beginning, yet seeing they had prevented it, the Council that had been instituted and called by them aught to have place: The Council being published, and the Pope reapposing more than ever in his right, and withal despairing to be able to reconcile the Cardinal of S. Cross, who through ambition to be Pope had been in effect the mover of this alteration: And likewise doubting to reclaim the Cardinals S. Mallo and Cosensa, for touching the others he was not without hope to reduce them to his obedience: he published against those three a threatening monition under pain of privation of the dignity of Cardinal and all Church rights and benefits, if within threescore and five days they made not their appearance afore him: And the better to dispose them to the Pope's will, the Colleague of Cardinals sent to them an Auditor de la Rote to persuade and pray them, that leaving their private contentions, they should eftsoons return into the union of the Church, offering to give them such form of security as they desired.  
In this time also the Pope, either for that he was irresolute, or laboured with some other passion of worse nature, hearkened continually after the practice of peace with the French king, the which was solicited in his own Court by the king's Ambassadors, and in the French Court by th'ambassador of Scotland and the Bishop of Tyvoli the Nuncio Apostolic: And on the other side he laboured to make with the king of Arragon and the Venetians a new confederation against the Frenchmen, making all things lawful and seemly that he supposed might turn to the advantage of his affairs. About this time also, the Pope sought to tender Montpulcian to the Florentines, not for any good he wished to them, but for fear lest the truce which they had with Sienna being expired, they would call into Tuskane the French bands to th'end to have a greater strength to recover that town. And albeit it was grievous to the Pope that the Florentines should recover Montpulcian, and that to hinder them he had already sent to Sienna john Vitelli entertained with an hundred men at arms by the Siennois, and Guido Vaino with an hundred light horsemen levied and paid by him: yet afterwards considering better, that by howmuch the difficulty appeared great, by so much more would the Florentines be induced to call them, he determined, to th'end to take from the king all occasions to send armed bands into a place so near Rome, to provide for this danger by a way contrary, Pandolffe Petruccio consenting to it, whom the Florentines nourished artificially in the same suspicion. The matter was debated many days, for that (small things oftentimes have no less difficulties, nor are no less hard to be resolved, than such as be of a greater nature) Pandolffe to avoid the hatred of the people of Sienna, would the proceeding should be such, that it might seem there was no other remedy to assure him from the war, and not to alienate the Pope's mind. Moreover the Pope & he would that at the same time should be made between the Florentines and the Siennois a confederation for the defence of their estates: And yet they feared on the other side, that they of Montpulcian espying what was meant and practised, would not prevent them in rendering themselves voluntarily, winning by that mean the favour of the Florentines, who achieving their intention, might afterwards refuse to make the confederation. For this cause john Vitelli was sent to remain within Montpulcian, and the Pope sent thither james Simoner auditor de la rote called certain years after to be Cardinal, to th'end that by his working, th'affairs of Montpulcian might be ranged and brought to conformity: In the end, there was made at one time, a confederation for xxv. years, between the Florentines and the Siennois: And Montpulcian returned into the hands of the Florentines, Simo●et interposing for the pardon and confirmation of the ancient exemptions and privileges.  
For certain months, the war and actions of hostility were more easy and tolerable between the king of Romans and the Venetians, then had wont to be: for that the Almains being neither strong in men, nor provided of money, thought they did a service of no small importance, if they kept Verona. And the Venetian army wanting sufficient forces to take that City, were retired between Soave and Lovigno, from whence they made a sally one night and burnt both on this side and beyond the river of Adice a great quantity of the fruits of thinhabitants of Verona, losing notwithstanding in the action, three hundred footmen as they retired, the greatness of their prey giving impediments to their valour for the defence of their proper lives: But assoon as they heard that Monsr Palissa was coming to Verona with twelve hundred lances and eight thousand footmen, their army retired between Vincensa and Leguaguo into a place of strength, bearing almost the form and situation of an Island by reason of certain waters and trenches that had been there cut up: Nevertheless they tarried not in this place many days, for that Monsr Palissa arriving at Verona with a great part of his army, and without expecting the residue taking the field presently together with the Almains, they retired almost in flying to Lovigne, and afterwards with the same fear abandoning Vincensa and all the other towns together with Polisena Rovisne, which sometimes was pillaged by the Venetians, and sometimes prayed by the Duke of Ferrara, they withdrew to Padua and Trevisa, their fear enforcing them to follow those means for safety and refuge, which were not so convenient for their honour and reputation. For the better defence of these cities, many of the youth & nobility of Venice came thither with minds resolved to share and communicate with the fortunes of those two cities: holding it a just office in Citizens & country men to oppose their lives against the perils and injuries done to their country. The army of the French and Almains sacked Lovigne: And Vincensa which was become a miserable pray to those that were the strongest in the field, rendered itself. But all these enterprises & conquests were of small consequence for the substance of the war, so farforth as the Venetians held Padua and Trevisa: for that by the opportunity of those Cities assoon as the French succours were divided from thAlmains, they reconquered without difficulty, the pieces they had lost: by reason whereof, after these proceedings and advauncements, the army stayed many days at the bridge of Barberano, expecting there either the arrival or the resolution of Caesar, who being come between Trent and Roviero, devising at one time how to follow his pleasures in hunting wild beasts according to his custom, and to send bands of footmen to th'army, promised to come to Montagnana, sometimes pretending to embrace th'enterprise of Padua, sometimes to execute upon Trevisa, and sometimes to go take Rome, casting in his mind those plots and devices of enterprise, whereunto his natural mutability would suffer him to give no action. But besides his disposition frail and variable, and which had not less community with any thing then with constancy and resolution, he found difficulties in these actions for his extreme poverty and want, and no less in the attempt of Rome then in the other enterprises: for that to march thither with those forces of the French, seemed to him an action both against his dignity and surety: and the fear lest in the absence of that army, the Venetians would assail Verona, compelled him to leave there a strong garrison: Besides the French king made difficulty to separate his people from the duchy of Milan by so great a distance and space of countries, for the small hope he had to have accord with the Swizzers: who besides thinclinations they expressed to the desires of the Pope, spoke openly to th'ambassador of the French king, that the peoples of their Nation were not a little grieved with the ruins of the Venetians for the community that their common weals had together. At last the plots, conceptions, and great discourses of Caesar came, according to his custom, to resolve into effects unworthy his reputation: for that on the one side, having increased th'army with three hundred men at arms Almains, and on the other side, given familiar audience to the Venetian Ambassadors with whom he debated continually, and had caused Monsr Palissa to come first to Lungaro near Vincensa, and afterwards to S. Cross, he solicited him to go take Newcastle, which is a passage below Escalo drawing to Friull, within twenty miles of Feltre, and all to make his descending more easy on that side. By this direction Monsr Palissa marched to Montbellono ten miles from Trevisa, from whence, having sent five hundred horsemen and two thousand footmen to open the passage of Newcastle, they went to Escalo. About which time the light horsemen of the Venetians who overran all the country without impediment, overthrew near to Morostiqua, about seven hundred footmen and many horsemen both French and Italian: who, to pass in surety where the army was, went from Verona to Soave, to join with three hundred French lances, who being come after Monsr Palissa, expected in that place his direction. And albeit in the beginning, things succeeded well with the Frenchmen and Almains, and that Count Guido Rangon leader of the Venetians was taken, his fortune being far inferior to his valour: yet many paysantes descending in favour of the Venetians, and many occasions rising to their advantage, they remained in the end victorious, four hundred of the French footmen being left dead, and their captains Mangiron and Chemaro detained prisoners: Such is the ordinary variation of war, and such the natural infirmity of humane causes, not certain in their own condition, but subjecteth to those ends whereunto they have been ordained from the beginning. The resolutions which before had been debated and set down, grew more and more to declining and diminution, both for that the French king seeing the preparations of Caesar answered nothing his promises and offers, to th'end he would draw further of from Italy, returned from Dauphine where he had remained many days, to Bloys: And also Caesar, being now retired from Trent with a mind to go no more to th'army in place to reconquer all that the Venetians held in the firm land, or to impatronise himself upon Rome and the whole estate ecclesiastic, gave direction that the Almains should enter into Friull and upon the pieces of Trevisan, not so much to vex the Venetians, as to constrain the towns of the country to give him money to preserve them from sack and pillage. And to th'end his people should not be hindered, he appointed the French men to pass further, bestowing two hundred lances within Verona where the plague raged with great danger: His reason in this appointment was, for that (having an intention to assail Friull) there could not be assigned to that service other of his bands, than such as were reserved for the guard of the castles. Palissa consented to all these appointments, with whom being joined Monsr d'Aubigni captain of three hundred lances which were at Soave, he went and encamped upon the river of Piava: Besides this, for a greater surety of Verona, the Almains left two hundred horsemen within Soave, who lying there in great disorder and negligence, using neither watch nor ward, suffered a smarting pain of their security, being one night almost all slain or taken by four hundred light horsemen and four hundred footmen of the Venetians. During all this year there fell diverse ordinary accidents and stirs in the country of Friull, in Istria, and in the quarters of Trieste and Fiume, sometime by land with incursions and invasions, and sometimes by sea with little vessels, those wretched countries enduring afflictions and calamities by both the armies, sometimes jointly, and sometimes severally. Afterwards the army of the Almains entered into Friull, and assoon as they made their approaches before Vdina the principal place of that province, and where the Venetian Magistrates make their residency: the said Magistrates preferring fear before honour, fled with that cowardice which makes men of service dishonoured: by whose fears not only the town was yielded, but 
Friull taken again by the Almains.  also by one course of victory all the country of Friull did the like, every town being taxed to a proportion of money according to their abilities: There remained only Gradisquo situated upon the river of Lisonce, wherein was Lowis Mossenigno treasurer of Friull with three hundred horsemen, and many bands of footmen: This was no sooner visited by th'artillery, and only made defence against the first assault, but it was yielded up by thimportunity of the soldiers, the treasurer remaining prisoner. From Friull the Almains returned to join with Monsr Palissa encamping within five miles of Trevisa, to which City they made their approaches altogether, Caesar making great request that they would assay to take it: But finding it well fortified on all sides, and wanting in themselves both the service of pioneers, munitions, with other provisions necessary, they retired, their wants taking away their hope and possibility of good success. A little after, Palissa by the king's direction, departed to return to the Duchy of Milan, for that fear of new confederations and conspiracies of the Swizzers, increased continually: In retiring he had always at his back the Venetian estradiots, who albeit hoped to distress him at the lest at the passage of the rivers of Brent and Adice, yet his valour made his passage assured, & committed to spoil two hundred horsemen of the Venetians which were encamped without Padua, of whom Peter de Lungaro their captain remained prisoner: his departing left the Almains not a little confused, for that not obtaining that three hundred other French lances should remain for the guard of Verona, they were constrained to retire thither, leaving in prey to thenemies all that they had gained that summer. By which occasion the Venetian army whereof john Paul Baillon was 
The Venetians recover Friul.  governor by the death of Luke Maluazzo, recovered immediately Vincensa: and entering afterwards into Friull, they razed Cremonsa, and recovered the whole country, except Gradisqua which they knew they could not take, notwithstanding a few days after certain bands of footmen levied in the country of tyrol, took Codora, and sacked in like sort Bellona.  
In this sort, with light effects, were determined (for the present summer) the actions & enterprises of arms, with less profit than ignominy to the name of Caesar, but with special reputation to the Venetians, who by the space of two years, invaded by the armies of Caesar & the French king, came at last to retain their own forces & their own jurisdiction: Matters which albeit were directly against Caesar, yet they brought much more harms to the French king: for, whilst he did not minister to Caesar such proportions of succours as might make him able to obtain the victory desired, either fearing haply the two great prosperity and greatness of Caesar, or being carried with false counsels and foundations, and less looking into the dangers that were at hand, or haply wisdom being blinded with covetousness: he gave him occasion, yea he brought him almost into necessity to open his ears to such as ceased not to persuade him to separation from him, preserving at one time the Venetians in such estate that they were able with greater forces to knit with those that desired to embase his power: In so much that men began even now to discern that both in the mind of Caesar, new thoughts began to kindle, specially for the regard of the council, and also his plots and devices were abated, chief since the publication of the council of Latran: for neither did he send thither according to his many promises any Almain prelate's in the name of Germany, nor any proctor's to assist in his name: neither did he once stir for the example of the French king, who had given order that in the common name of the French churches, four and twenty Bishops go to Pisa, and all the other Prelates of his Realm should either go thither in person, or else refurnish the action by assistance and deputation: yet nevertheless, either to excuse these delays, or that such was his desire in deed, he began in that time to make instance, that aswell for a greater commodity of the Prelates of Germany, as for that he promised to be there in person, the Council that had been denounced at Pisa, might be transferred to Mantua, to Verona, or to Trent. This demand was grievous to all the others for many causes, and only agreeable to the Cardinal of S. Cross, who burning in glorious ambition to mount up to the Popedom (to which end he had sown all those discords) hoped that with the favour & countenance of Caesar, he might easily be raised to that seat: Notwithstanding for that the cause of the Council would stand much weakened & almost frustrate without th'authority of Caesar, they sent by common consent the Cardinal of S. Severin, both to beseech him that he would send away the Prelates and Proctors which he had so often promised, and also to give him faith on their behalf, that assoon as they had given beginning to the Council at Pisa, they would transfer it to the place which he should think good: which (say they) if we should do afore, it could not but be very prejudicial to the common cause, specially it importing greatly to prevent the Convocation which the Pope had published: Galeas the brother of S. Severin, whom with a felicity far different from thinfelicity of Lodowick Sforce his first Lord, the king had honoured with the office of the Master of his horse, went also in this expedition to make the same instance to Caesar on the king's behalf: But the king sent him principally of purpose to confirm with new offers and plots, the mind of Caesar, for whose inconstancy he lived in no little doubt and suspicion, notwithstanding at the same time he was not without hope to conclude the peace with the Pope. That peace, being disputed at Rome by the Cardinal of Nantes, and by the Cardinal of Strigonia, and prosecuted in France by the Scottish Bishop and the Bishop of Tivoly, was drawn into such terms, that almost all the conditions being accorded, the Pope had eftsoons joined to the Bishop of Tivoli a further power to give it full perfection: nevertheless there were inserted in this new power, certain limitations, which gave no small occasion to men to think that his will and intention were far otherwise then were his words and protestations, specially for that it was discerned, that at the same time he had to do with many potentates in matters altogether contrary to this, not sparing to embrace all occasions & opportunities, though they brought with them matter of ill opinion and murmur.  
In this great doubt and suspicion of things, there lacked not much that an accident 
The Pope holden for dead.  falling upon the Pope's person, broke not all the practices and beginnings of evils that lay in preparation: for falling into a new fit of his sickness the xvij. of August, the fourth day after, there took him such a qualm, that for certain hours such as were about him, held him for dead: And the brute being no less quick, than the accident was mortal, many of the Cardinals that were absent put themselves upon the way to come to Rome,, together also with some of those that had convocated the Council: Within Rome the people made no less stir and movings. than they have been wont to do at the death of Popes, yea there appeared signs and tokens of far greater tumults, for that Pompey Colonno Bishop of Reato, and Anthony Savello, young men of the Roman nobility full of sedition and faction, assembling the commons in the Capital, persuaded them with words seditious to put themselves in liberty: But during the action, and as they laboured with a very vehement ambition, to stir up the people of Rome to public rebellion, the Pope revived from his dangerous qualm: and albeit there was as yet greater fear than hope of his life, yet, the day following, in the presence of the Cardinals which were assembled in form of a Consistory, he gave absolution to his nephew of the murder he had committed upon the Cardinal of Pavia, not by ordinary way of justice as he had been advised before, (the shortness of the time impugning) but by grace and apostolic remission, as to a person penitent. In the same Consistory he solicited that th'election of his successor should be made Cannonically: And seeking to bar others from climbing to so high a degree, by the means which raised him to it, he caused to be published a Bull full of horrible pains against those that should aspire to that election either by money or by other recompense, both declaring as nothing all election that should be made by simony, and giving an entry and mean very easy to any Cardinal to impugn it. This constitution he had pronounced from the time he was within Bolognia, standing then discontented with certain Cardinals who laboured openly to purchase the promises of other Cardinals to possess the Papacy after his death. He began now to grow better and better, either by his strong and able complexion, or else for that by destiny he was reserved to be the author and principal occasion of more great and long calamities: for it was not reasonable to attribute the recovery of his health to the virtue or remedy of medicines, for that he obeyed neither rule nor order, eating in the greatest peril of his malady, raw apples and things contrary to the prescription of Physic.  
The Pope was no sooner delivered from danger of death, than he returned eftsoons 
The Pope pursueth his enterprise to chase the fr. out of Italy.  to his old devices and cogitations, continuing at one time to solicit a peace with the French king, and a confederation with the king of Arragon and the Senate of Venice against the Frenchmen: such was his desire to chase out of Italy all dominion and empery of the French. And albeit his will was more inclined to war then to peace, yet he seemed oftentimes drawn with variety of fancies, and for many reasons followed sometimes one opinion, and sometimes an other, not being able to settle in mind and judgement, having his thoughts wandering and reaching to ends far above his power. The thing that carried his inclination to the war, besides his ancient hatred against the French, and that he was not able to obtain all the conditions of peace which he desired, were the vehement and importunate persuasions of the king of Arragon, who feared now more than ever, lest the French king being once at peace with the Pope, would not execute upon the realm of Naples upon the first occasion: Wherein to th'end his counsels might carry a greater authority, besides the army at sea which was afore repassed out of Affrika into Italy under Peter Navarre, he had sent newly out of Spain an other sea army containing five hundred men at arms, six hundred horsemen mounted upon jennets, and three thousand footmen: Nevertheless this king proceeding underhand with his accustomed subtleties, made show that he desired more than ever the war against the Moors, from which his own profire or particular interest did not draw him, but only a holy devotion which he had always borne to the sea Apostolic: only he alleged that being not able of himself to entertain his soldiers, it was necessary that the Pope and th'estate of Venice should minister to him, whereunto, to th'end they might condescend more easily, his bands that were all descended into the isle of Capri near to Naples, made shows as though they prepared to pass into Affrika: But his immoderate demands much amazing the Pope, and his subtleties pleasing him nothing at all, he entered into many suspicions, well knowing that that king ceased not to give to the French king hopes all contrary: he knew the Venetians would not willingly be drawn from his will and purposes: even so he was not ignorant that for the greatness of such a war wherein they were, they were no longer able to bear out the burden and charges as before: And that time had brought the Senate now to seek more to defend their own, then to take in hand a new war which could not be continued without intolerable expenses: He hoped that the Swizzers, by a common inclination of those contreimen, 
The hopes of the Pope.  would declare themselves against the French king, but having no certainty thereof, he seemed to hold it undiscrete to oppose himself to so great dangers for a hope so ill assured, not being ignorant that as yet were not rejected and cut off their practices with the French king, and many of their chieftains and principals, to whom reverted not small profits by the French amities, laboured all they might that in th'assembly which was presently to be holden, their alliance might be renewed with the king. Touching the will and intention of Caesar, notwithstanding he had many inclinations by the king catholic, & of his own nature a sworn enemy to the French name, yet his hope of him was less than his fear, knowing the great offers that were made to him of new aswell against the Venetians as against him, to the which the French king was able to give more high state and perfection then to any others that could be made to him: he saw that if Caesar should join with the French king, he had greatly to fear the counsel by reason of his authority: And also his own power joined in good faith and meaning, with the forces and treasures of the Crown of France, and with th'opportunity of th'estates of them both, the Pope could not in reason have any hope of the victory which he found very hard to obtain against the French king alone: But that which gave him the greatest stomach, was a hope he had that the king of England would be won to raise war against the Crown of France, both by the counsels and persuasions of the king Catholic his father in law, and for th'authority of the sea Apostolic which was then great in the isle of England, and in whose name he had with vehement petitions implored his succours against the french king as against an usurper & oppressor of the Church: to these inducements was joined also the natural hatred aswell of that king as of the people of England to the french nation, much helping in this action the forwardness of the king's youth & great abundance of treasure left to him by his father, which was supposed to amount to a wonderful quantity. These were proper instruments to kindle fire in the mind of this young king, & having never experienced in his kingdom but fortunes happy & plausible: he was also pushed forward by an honourable desire to renew the glory of his ancestors, who intituling themselves kings of France, and at sundry times vexing that kingdom with great wars, had not only holden for many years Guyenne and Normandy (rich & mighty provinces of that crown,) and taken in a battle near to Poyeters the French king with two of his sons and many of his Nobility: but also, had occupied together with the most part of the kingdom the city of Paris the capital city of the kingdom: lastly their valours and fortunes have been so terrible to the Frenchmen, that if Henry the fift then king of England had not exchanged this life in the flower of his age and glorious course of his victories, it was believed he had made an absolute conquest of the whole realm of France, and brought subjecteth to himself the Crown and empery of that nation. The memory of these honourable victories working with the youth and disposition of the king, were not of little force to draw him to action, notwithstanding his father upon his dying had expressly advised him above all other things to entertain peace with the French nation as the only mean for the kings of England to reign surely and hapeply. It was not to be doubted but the war of thEnglishe against the French king (being also assailed in other places) was of right great consequence, for that in that action the very entrails of the kingdom were charged, the frenchmen redoubting much the name of thEnglishe by the memory of victories and conquests passed. Notwithstanding all these, the Pope for thincertainty of the faith of strangers, and for the far distance of those countries so far removed, could not establish or reappose his counsels upon those favours. These were the hopes of the Pope, and thus were they limited and laid out in condition and proportion.  
On the other side the French king, to whom nothing was less pleasing than to 
The thought● of the fr. king.  be in war against the Church, was greatly desirous to have peace, by mean whereof as he was to shake of the ill will of the Pope, so also he was to be delivered of thimportunate demands and necessities of Caesar: two respects which troubled him not a little, the one offending his conscience being to much addicted, and the other consuming his treasures whereof he had made many prodigalities: he made no difficulty to break the Council of Pisa, which he had introduced only to make the Pope condescend to peace by that fear, so farforth as there might be pardon and remission to the Cardinals and others that had been partakers either in council or in action: But on the contrary, the demand for the restoring of Bolognia kept him in suspense: a City by reason of his situation, most convenient to molest him: he feared the peace was not sincerely accepted by the Pope, nor with a mind disposed to observe it if occasions returned, but only to deliver himself presently from the danger of the Council and from the war of whose success he had no small jealousy. And yet he hoped to confirm the mind of Caesar, with the greatness of his offers, and therefore negociating of common occurrantes as with a confederate, he persuaded him vehemently amongs other things not to consent that Bolognia a City of so great importance, should eftsoons return under the jurisdiction of the Pope: And touching the kings of Arragon and of England, he did not together distrust them, notwithstanding the manner of proceeding of the one was already manifest, and the brute of th'intention of the other no less public and general: And notwithstanding their Ambassadors jointly had persuaded him, first with words of modesty bearing a pretence of office and amity, & afterwards pressed him with importunities to command that both the cardinals & prelate's of his kingdom should be at the council of Latran, and also to suffer and see that the Church were eftsoons repossessed of the City of Bolognia one of her members not in the lest degree. The reason of this confidence touching thEnglish was, that they made show to have desire to persever in the confederation which they had with him and many of his counsel, giving him surety of the same, he believed they would attempt nothing against him: And for the king of Arragon, his sleights & suttels appearances were such, that the king gave a less faith to his doings then to his speeches, wherein he always assured him never to enter into action of arms against him: with which opinion, he suffered himself somewhat to be persuaded, that that king would never join in arms so manifestly with his enemies, as he professed by his counsels & secret deliberations: he beguiled himself so much in these opinions, that notwithstanding he had hope given by those that were of his faction in Switzerland, that he might yet reconcile that nation if he would consent to their demands for increasing their pensions, yet he eftsoons refused it with no less obstinacy than before, alleging that it were no equity to yield himself to be taxed by them: And using sharp remedies, where easy means had been more necessary, he made restraint that they should have no relief of victuals out of the duchy of Milan, thinking that by their universal scarceties redoubled by the sterility of their country, he should in th'end bring them to agreed to the renovation of th'alliance according to the ancient conditions.  
By this time was come the first day of September which had been afore set down 
Overture of the Council of Pisa.  for the beginning of the council of Pisa, at which day the Proctors of the Cardinals being come to Pisa, celebrated in their names the acts appertaining to thexpressing of the same. At this the Pope did not a little storm, specially against the Florentines, for that they had consented that the Council of Devils (for so did he always call it) took beginning upon their estates, for which transgression he declared that the cities of Florence and Pisa stood subject to thinterdiction ecclesiastic by virtue of the Bull of the Council which he had caused to be published: wherein it was set down in an express article, that whosoever he were that favoured the devilish assembly at Pisa, stood excommunicated, interdicted, and subject to all pains severely ordained by the laws against schismatics and heretics: And threatening to invade them with arms, he elected the Cardinal of Medicis, Legate of Perousa: And not long after, the cardinal Regina Legate of Bolognia being dead, he bestowed him in his place, to th'end that he who envied their estate being upon their marches with so great authority, his presence might make them fall amongst themselves into suspicion & confusion: a thing which he hoped might easily succeed for thestate & reputation wherein he stood at that time in that city: for, besides the affections of certain particulars desiring the return of the Medicis, discords and divisions (the ancient malady of that city) reigned amongst the general number of Citizens of greatest appearance. These divisions bred at that time by the greatness and authority of the Magistrate which they call Confalonnier, which some for ambition and envy could not suffer, and others stood ill contented, for that judging him to intrude more into the deliberation of things than appertained to his place, they thought he left not to them that part of authority which their estates and conditions deserved: They complained that in the government of the City ordained and contained in two extremities, that is to say, the public magistrate & the counsel popular, was manifest error touching the true institution of common weals: for a senate duly ordained, by the which beside that it should be as a reasonable temperature between the one & other extremity, the principals & best qualified citizens should obtain in the common weal a degree more honourable: But the Gonfalonnier did the contrary, either by ambition, or by vain suspicion, being notwithstanding principally chosen for the redress & order of that. The thing which they desired in this action notwithstanding it was reasonable, and yet not of that importance as to turn their minds to divisions, for that without it they were both honourably raised & advanced, and withal there was no form of disposing of the public affairs without them, was the very original and principal cause of the great calamities which fell afterwards upon that city: The factions & divisions amongst the citizens, being grounded thereupon, and thenemies of the gonfallonier suspecting him with the Cardinal of Volterre his brother to be at the devotion of the French king, and to reappose altogether in his amity: opposed as much as they could against the deliberations that were to be made in favour of that king, desiring that all might be transferred to the Pope. By this also it came to pass, that the name of the family of Medicis began to be less hateful in that City then before, for that those chiefest and mightiest Citizens who erst denied their return, were now no more concurrant to persecute them, and much less to hinder the community and conversation of others with them: The malice they bore to the Gonfalonnier wrought this alteration & change of their affection, and the more to abate his authority, they stuck not to express by many tokens, how little that family was estranged from their favour and amity, not forbearing also to give shadow to others to desire their return and greatness: And of this it happened that not only those that were their assured and perfect friends (in whom was no great power) entered into hopes of innovation and new things, but also many of the Nobility and youth of the City, pushed on either by their great prodigalities and expenses, or by certain particular disdains, or at lest by ambitious desires to surpass others in dignities, expected a mutation of that estate by the mean of their returning (that disposition having been nourished and increased many years by the Cardinal Medicis with great sleight and 
Cardinal Medicis who afterwards was Pope Leo the tenth.  subtlety:) for ever since the death of his brother Peter whose name was both feared and hated, he had made no show to intermeddle in th'affairs of Florence, nor to have any desire to aspire to the ancient greatness of his family: And to omit no office which might either make him merit the more, or insinuate further, he forgot not with great humanity and favours to welcome and receive all the several people of Florence that had recourse to Rome, offering himself a ready instrument for the dispatch of their affairs, wherein disposing his favour no less to such that had been manifest enemies against his brother, then to others whom he held indifferent, he used in his behaviour and speech to say all the fault upon his brother, as though the faults with the memory and hate thereof, were determined together with his death. This form and manner of behaviour he continued many years, which accompanied with the opinion that went of him in the Court of Rome to be by disposition liberal, affable, and gracious to all men, brought him in the end to be acceptable to many at Florence: In which respect the Pope that desired not a little th'alteration of that government, preferred him with great foresight to that legation.  
The Florentines appealed from thinterdiction, and to commit the less offence in thappellation, they called it not the council of Pisa, but named it the sacred council of the Church universal: And as though by thappellation th'effect of thinterdiction had been suspended, the priests of the four principal Churches were compelled by commandment of the supreme Magistrate to make public celebration of all divine offices, the same disclosing more and more the division of the Citizens, and left in the discretion of every one either to observe or contemn thinterdict: for this reason, th'ambassadors of the kings of England and Arragon made new instance to the french king, offering him peace with the Pope, so farforth as he would see Bolognia rendered to the Church, and that the Cardinals might make a presence at the Council of Latran, when they offered that the Pope should receive them all to pardon. But the regard and consideration of Bolognia holding him from consenting to the peace, he made answer, that as he did not defend a city in contumacy and rebellion against the Church, under whose jurisdiction & obedience it was governed in the same form and estate of policy wherein it had been ruled many years afore the pontificacy of julius, to whom it belonged not to demand a greater authority than had been required & practised by his predecessors: so also touching the Council of Pisa, it had been introduced in a most honourable and holy purpose to reform the notorious & intolerable disorders of the Church, whereunto would be easily reduced her ancient virtue & brightness, and that without peril of schism or division, if the Pope would agreed to assist that council, the reason being no less just, than the action convenient for him managing the supreme place: he added lastly that his unquietness together with his inflamed mind addicted to wars and troubles, had chief induced him to bind himself to the protection of Bolognia, which for his honour he would defend with no less care and study, than he would see to the protection of his town of Paris. The Pope then shaking of all his cogitations and 
The Pope makes league with the Venetians & the king Catholic.  thoughts to the peace, no less for his ancient hatreds and covetousness, then for fear of the council & his desire to Bolognia, and finally suspecting, that if he deferred any longer to deliberate & resolve, he should be left abandoned of every one, the spanish soldiers beginning now to embark at Carpy making as though they would pass into Affrika: he determined to finish the confederation negociated with the king Catholic & the senate of Venice, which was solemnly published the fifth of October in the Church of S. Maria de populo, the Pope and all the Cardinals assisting. This confederation bore that they should principally preserve the unity of the Church, and the better to defend her from present schism, to reverse and dissolve the assembly of Pisa: To recover the City of Bolognia appertaining immediately to the sea Apostolic, together with all other pieces and places which directly or indirectly belonged to the Church, Ferrara being comprehended under that sense: That against all such that should oppose against any of these things, or labour to throw any impediments (these words signified the French king) they should proceed to chase them out of Italy with a mighty army, wherein the Pope was to maintain four hundred men at arms, five hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen: The Senate of Venice should furnish eight hüdred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, and eight thousand footmen: And to the king of Arragon were allotted twelve hundred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, and ten thousand footmen, for the entertainment of whom the Pope should pay during the war eight thousand ducats every month, and the Venetians as much, furnishing presently a pay for two months, within which time they were bound to march into Romagna or to other place where the confederates should be: That the king of Arragon should arm twelve galleys, and the Venetians fourteen, which at the same time should make war upon the French king in Lombardie: That Dom Raimond of Cardona then Viceroy in the realm of Naples, should be captain general of th'army: That if in this war there were conquered any towns in Lombardy which had been the Venetians, that in that case should be observed the declaration of the Pope, who forthwith in a writing apart & several, pronounced that they should be rendered to the Venetians: There was reserved for Caesar liberty to enter into the confederation, and likewise to the king of England, bearing to the one an uncertain hope to be able in the end to separate him from the french king: and for the other was left a time by the express consent of the Cardinal of York, who 〈…〉 always assist and communicate in the treatise of the league. As this confederation was fully resolved & established, Jerome Donato the Venetian ambassador died, who for his singular wisdom and ability being very dear to the Pope, had in this action & other affairs during his legation, done many great services to his country.  
This confederation made by the Pope under cooler to deliver Italy from the empery 
〈…〉 of the league.  of strangers, drew the minds of men to diverse interpretations according to the diversity of their judgements & passions: for many, beguiled with the respect & magnificence of the title, set out with great merits & praises so divine and high an enterprise: said it was an action right worthy the majesty of his place, and that the greatness of his mind could not have chosen an enterprise more gracious, nor less full of discretion then of magnanimity, stirring up by his industry one stranger against an other: In such sort that the blood of foreigners more than of natural Italians being spilled upon the French men, not only the lives of Italians were spared and reserved, but also after one of the parties should be expulsed, it would be easy with the natural armies of the country to chase out the other being already weakened and out of breath: Others on the other side, in whom perhaps were settled more deep impressions & considerations of the substance of things, reapposing little in the deluding shows of a title magnifical, feared that the wars that were begun with intention to deliver Italy from foreign powers, would not grow more to hurt the vital spirits of that body, than other wars that had been begun with a manifest profession and resolute intention to subdue it: They said it was no less vain than ill advised to hope that the armies of Italy deprived of virtue, of discipline, of reputation, of Captains, of authority, and the wills of their Princes not conformed, should be mighty enough to drive out of Italy him that is already possessed of conquest and victory, in whom albeit all other remedies should fail, at lest he could never fail of the mean to be reunited with those that he had vanquished to the common ruin of all the states and regions of Italy: They foresaw that there was more reason to fear that in these new stirs were not occasion to make pillage of Italy by new nations, then to hope that by the union of the Pope and the Venetians, there should be any ability to vanquish the Frenchmen and the Spaniards: They said that as it was to be wished that the disagreement and ill digested counsels of their Princes had not opened the way to foreign armies to enter into the main body of Italy: so notwithstanding, since by their infelicity, two of the most worthy members of that body were occupied by the French and Spanish kings, it was to be esteemed a far less calamity, that they both continued there until either the goodness of God whose rule goeth through all, or the favour of fortune, who ordereth things in time, would minister occasions better grounded, and aid them with opportunities more convenient, for that the one king weighing in balance against the other, their mutual jealousies would defend the liberty of such as were not yet fallen into servitude: then that between themselves they should fall into arms by mean of which, whilst the war should last, the parts that yet remained sound would be torn in pieces by pillages, by fyring, by blood, and by other miserable accidents which war draweth with it: And lastly which of them should remain victor, would assuredly afflict the whole body with a more hard & heavy servitude.  
But the thoughts of the Pope (in whom was an other opinion) being become 
The Pope depriveth the rebel Cardinal●s of the hat.  more violent and kindled by the new confederation: Assoon as the term limited in th'admonition published before against those Cardinals that were Authors of the council, was passed, he called together the public Consistory with great solemnity, and sitting in habit pontifical in the hall named the hall of the kings, he declared that the Cardinals of S. Cross, of S. Mallo, of Cosense, and of Bayeux, were fallen from the dignity of Cardinals, and had incurred all those pains whereunto are subject heretics and schismatics: he published also an admonition of the same form against the Cardinal S. Severin whom he had not molested till that day: And proceeding in the same heat to the devices for war, he solicited continually the coming of the Spaniards, having an intention afore all other things to bring war upon the Florentines both to draw to the devotion of the confederates that common weal, restoring to the government the family of Medicis: and also to satisfy the infinite malice which he bore to Peter Soderin Gonfalonnier, as though it was thorough his authority that the Florentines would never be separated from the french king, giving also a consent afterwards that the council should be holden at Pysa.  
Of this resolution many signs & relations were brought to Florence, where falling into preparations to be able to sustain the war, it was propounded amongst other things, that it could not be unreasonable to resist with the revenues & goods of the Church, the war which the Church went about to make unjustly: And therefore it were no offence to equity or conscience to constrain the Churchmen to contribute some great quantity of money, but under these conditions, that they should be bestowed in places of surety, and the money not to be disburssed but in the action of war, which not happening, and the fear thereof ceasing, every portion should be restored to the parties that lent it: To this devise many of the Citizens spoke against, some for fear to incur the pains imposed by the cannon laws upon the defilers of the liberty of the Church: they were the lest in number and most inferior in power and authority: but the greater part impugned this proposition only to object against the will and reasons of the gonfallonier, of whose authority it was manifest that this council did proceed: In so much as the new law ordained hereupon being already debated in the counsels privy no less by the diligence of the gonfallonier, than inclination of many others, and nothing wanting now but thapprobation of the great and public council which stood assembled for that purpose, the gonfallonier reasoned for the law in this manner.  
I hope my Lords, there are none amongst you that reasonably can doubt what have been the perpetual intentions of the Pope against your liberty: wherein if you be not assured by consideration of his present dealing subjecting you unjustly to thinterdiction, and neither heard your justifications which be no less true than many in number, nor respected the hope that was given him to remove the council from Pysa within few days: lay yourselves down at lest to the comparison and judgement of his other actions, no less malicious in their several working, then contrary to the memory and examples of his Predecessors, and yet by him continued in all seasons since his pontificacy. I will not perticulat the several tokens and testimonies of his ill mind towards this estate, and much less object the sundry effects of his great envy & malice: such repetitions bring no fruit where the harms be already suffered and passed, And it answereth not the modesty that this place expecteth to labour in invectives and make men infamous by imputation: yet, for that the memory of actions passed, serveth some time as a warning against accidents that may happen, I hold it not inconvenient to the present matter to infer some, hoping I shall not be interpreted to be the inventor of the thing through malice, which I deliver but by relation: None of you can be ignorant, that during our long wars against the Pysans this common weal neither by supplications which brought with them their piety & necessity, nor by th'extremity of our estate which often times we humbled at his feet, could obtain of him any favour either public or secret, notwithstanding that both the justice of our cause deserved it, and also it was an action appertaining to the surety of the Church and tranquilletie of all Italy to seek to quench such a fire which not many years before had kindled many great calamities and troubles: where, of the contrary, as often as they of Pysa had recoursse to him (A thing which we could not but suspect and were always made more certain after our victory) he did not only receive the complaint of their afflictions with compassion and pity, but also nourished them in their obstinacy with divers hopes, which was not a new inclination in him, but begun & continued since he was Cardinal: for, after the french men had levied their camp from before Pisa, he wrought what he could with the french king and the Cardinal Amboise, that Pysa should be received into protection, and we left excluded & abandoned: he shadowed the envy he bore to us, with a dissembled remorse upon the necessities of the Pysans, and under the regard and title of his profession, made us blind in the property of his disposition: being become Pope, he never imparted to our common weal any one of those graces which the sea Apostolic is wont to minister in great liberality: he would not in so many difficulties and necessities of ours, once consent that we might at any time so much as relieve ourselves with the revenues of the Church, contrary to the example of Alexander the sixth, who gave us that liberty many times, notwithstanding he was a settled enemy to this common weal: yea, expressing one will in things inferior and in matters of greater nature, he forbade us to leavy money of the Clergy for thentertaining of Doctors and public studies, notwithstanding that both the sum was little and had continued by licence of many Popes, and also it was converted to thinstruction of youth and advancement of learning: A work of singular piety and virtue: Besides, that which was practised in Rome by Bartholomew Aluiano with Cardinal Ascagnius, was not debated without his privity, wherein as the appearances were public and manifest, so th'effects had also succeeded, if others of greater power had not withdrawn themselves by the sudden death of the Cardinal: And yet the first foundations failing, he would never (at our just requests) consent, to restrain Aluiano to make levies or waging of soldiers in the territories of Rome: Only he forbade the families of Colonno and Savello, to invade the lands of such as were prepared to offend us, by whose helps we might have shaked of our dangers with very small charges: that mind can not be free from suspicion of malice which forbeareth to remedy unjust harms, forbiddeth all other means that are offered, forsaketh the causes of men justly complaining, and foreseeth through the devices of his envy, the ruins of those whom he is bound to support, though by no other respect of office, yet by the property of his profession and calling: Touching our business with Sienna, he meinteined always against us Pandolffe Petruccio, and compelled us with threatenings to prolong the truce: And for no other cause did he join with us for the recovering of Montpulcian (for whose defence he had sent men to Sienna) then for fear lest the army of the french king should be called by us into Tuskane: he joined with us at times when his fear was greater than our peril, and dealt severally when he saw he might do us harm by too much trusting him, he would not stick to abuse his authority to apply us to his will, and was always at hand to serve his purposes of our ready disposition: of the contrary, we did never offend him, but sought to proceed in all things with respect and reverence to the Church, and particularly have gratified him in all those demands which have lain in our power, yea even to send our men at arms to aid him in the enterprise of Bolognia, being neither bound, nor our proper profit respected in the action: But not one office, not one obedience, not one humility, could suffice to appease the severity of his mind, whereof, besides many other apparent testimonies and tokens, this is not the lest, that he received them willingly and gladly that offered to kill me, not for hatred he bore to me that never offended him, and in the time of his Cardinalship he had honourably embraced me, but for a burning desire he had to deprive you of your liberty: I am loathe to offend the laws of modesty, and much more to be overcarried with the memory of mine own harms: but because the thing is true by your proper witness and testimony, and in remembering the offence the offender suffereth no injury, I hope I shall not be thought to arrogant in speaking, where less silence might have made me suspected of simpleness: he hath always sought to bring this common weal to cleave to his immoderate and unjust wills: he hath always wrought to make it a partaker of his expenses and dangers: And therefore not hoping but that rash and undiscreet resolutions might succeed of the moderation and maturity of your councils, he hath disposed all his devices to this end to bring into this city, a tyranny, which depending upon him, should not be directed and managed according to your profit, but after the importunity of his lusts and covetousness, with the which (being drawn from ends excessive) he thinketh upon no other thing then to sow seeds of discord, to bring forth one war after an other, and to nourish and keep kindled a perpetual fire in Christendom: And why should we doubt, that at this present he is not possessed of an intention to set upon us, having two mighty armies joined with him, being Lord of Romagna, and the state of Sienna subjecteth to his obedience: it is not hard to draw to action the mind that is so addicted to dominion and empery, And where we are persuaded is emulation of our greatness and glory, there let us look for the worst that malice and hatred can do: we have reason to suspect that he will assay to obtain that by open force, whereunto he hath so long aspired by secret devices, his thirst being so much the greater by how much he seeth us ill prepared for our defence: A matter which though no other thing would detect and signify unto us, his thoughts and devices have sufficiently expressed it, by appointing lately for Legate of Bolognia, the Cardinal of Medicis in intention to prefer him to th'army: A Cardinal who had never received any honourable place of him, never gratified with benefits, never acceptable to him for service, council, opinion, trust or confidence: take your considerations of these things, and what else can you judge, then that giving authority to march upon your frontiers, and almost to set his foot upon your necks, with such a dignity, such a reputation, and such a terror of arms, the man that only aspireth to be your tyrant, desiring to stir up and conspire your citizens to affect tyranny more than liberty, and to draw your subjects to mutiny, to th'end to introduce his empery: it belongs to wise men to foresee a mischief afore it happen, and it is the reward of men unhappy to lament it when it is chanced: The wise sailor takes his judgement of the wether by the clouds and tokens of the air, and men politic turn to their proper warning the signs that are sent from him whom they both suspect and fear: In regard of these reasons it hath been judged necessary by this honourable council and many other Citizens of respect and merit, that for the defence and protection of this liberty, there should be levied the same provisions as if the war were certain: And albeit it is very likely that the french king, at lest for his proper interest, will aid us mightily: yet, we are neither for that hope to leave of those remedies which be in our power, nor forget that many impediments may easily chance, which in some sort may deprive us of his succours: it may be there be some that will object against this council as being neither necessary nor profitable, in such men perhaps is more dominion of passion or other particular humour, then of affection or zeal to the common benefit: Some also allege, that being uncertain of the Pope's intention to enter into war, it is a resolution unprofitable, such as offendeth his authority, and by taxing the revenues of the Church, to give him just occasion to be angry and to provoke him to make war upon us almost by necessity: as though by so many evident signs & arguments is not manifestly comprehended the substance of his intention, or as though it appertained to wise governors of common weals to defer preparations till after the beginning of th'assault, & first to receive the blow of th'enemy, afore we cover our bodies with arms necessary for our defence: The medicine that is ministered out of time, works not to the benefit of the patiented, the council is without fruit that comes after the fact, and it is too late to apply the remedy after the ill be happened: others of us devil in this opinion, that not to add the wrath of God to the anger of the Pope, we must provide for our safety by some other mean, since we are not yet fallen into that necessity without the which secular Princes have been always forbidden by the cannon laws and that under great pains to impose any charge upon the persons or goods of the Church: This reason hath been also considered by us and others that have given council to the publication of this law: But who doubteth that since our public revenues are not sufficient to furnish thexpenses we must sustain, And our treasures having been so long time drained, and our necessities no less increasing by the continuation of the wars: who doubteth I say that it is not both reasonable & necessary, that the charges we are to sustain for the defence of a war unjustly begun by the Church, should not be levied and supported with the moneys of the persons of the Church: A matter which many times heretofore hath been practised by our city, and of no less example with other Princes and common weals: But never with greater moderation and respect neither here nor elsewhere, for that there is no intention to employ them in other action, but only to say them up in places of surety, to th'end to make repayment to the persons themselves if we found no occasion to fear: So that if the Pope bring not war upon us, as it is reasonable we disburse not the treasures of the Church, and in effect they shall be no way expended: So also if he make no conscience to afflict us, why should we be curious by all our ways and means possible to defend us from the injuries of a war so unjust: where tyrants turn their authority to oppress innocents, to enter into arms for our own safety can be no breach of obedience nor order: it holds sufficiently of equity to repulse a violence by the same means wherewith it is offered: what occasion of displeasure hath he found in this common weal, which by necessity & not by will, hath suffered the council to be assembled at Pysa: shall we for this be interpreted to have provoked his anger: faults done by necessity bring with them a sufficient reason of excuse: is it to provoke his anger, when we refuse to lay down our necks to him that hath vowed to strike them of? it is far from th'imputation of provoking to prepare and put ourselves in order to resist his unjust violence: Not, we should the rather provoke him, if we failed to make convenient provisions, for that the hope of the facility of th'enterprise would make his fury the greater, raging already with a burning emulation to destroy your liberty even to the foundations: The fear to offend God need not retain you: for, our necessity is so great, and our danger so manifest, not standing subject to any thing that may more prejudice us: that it is suffered not only to serve our turns with that part of those revenues which is not converted into works of piety and charity, but also it is lawful to lay hands even upon the things sacred: for that according to the law of nature, the defence and resisting of injuries is common to all men, allowed of God, and approved of all nations, A perpetual rule to men, & engendered together with the world: it will last as long as the world, and is not subject to derogation by any of the laws civil or cannon, grounded upon the wills and traditions of men, which being not otherways recorded, then in paper or other matter frail and declining, have no power to deerogate a perpetual law, not made by men or their councils, but engraved by nature herself in the spirits and hearts of all mankind: we must not expect and temporize till we be brought into the last extremity, for that being once environed with oppressions our recoursse to remedies would be too late, and we should stand to lament the harms which we might have avoided: it is too late to provoke to vomit when the poison hath pierced to the bones: the soldier serveth no turn that beginneth to march when the battle is done: Besides all this, how can it be denied, that the state and multitude of private persons shall suffer great distress by it, seeing that by thimposts that are laid upon them, the greatest part of them are constrained to cut of some of those expenses without the which they can not live but with great incommodity & diminution of things necessary to their degree: That is the necessity which hath been considered upon by such as have made the laws, by which we are forbidden to expect till our citizens be brought to the danger offamine and no longer able to sustain their families: On the other part, by this taxation, there is no incommodity imposed upon the Churchmen, for that they do only disfurnish themselves of that part of their revenues, which, either they keep unprofitable in their coffers, or reserve to exspend in prodigality's superfluous, or perhaps some of them (I speak under pardon) would lash out in pleasures dishonest: This is a perpetual resolution of all wise men, that the liberty of cities and common weals is acceptable to God, for that in them, more than in any other sort of government is preserved the common benefit, justice administered without acception of persons, the mind of citizens raised more and more to works of virtue and honour, and more respect and reverence borne to religion: And yet you believe it is an action not a little displeasing to God that to defend a thing so precious for the which who sheds his proper blood winneth greatest merit and praise, you employ a little part of the fruits and revenues of temporal things: which notwithstanding they are dedicated to Churches, yet they are all descended unto them by alms, by donations, and by inducements of lay men our elders: They are to be no less employed for the preservation and safety of Churches, subject and exposed in a time of war then things secular which are laid down to the cruelty and covetousness of soldiers, neither are they more to be respected in a war made by the Pope, then if there were a persecution by the Turks or the greatest tyrants of the world: forbear not whilst you have time to provide for the safety of your country, be not curious in conscience to defend your liberty, than the which you can not offer to God a temporal sacrifice more acceptable or worthy: Think that to chasse the war from your houses, from your temples, from your Monasteries, and from your possessions, there is no better remedy then to make known to him that is risen to offend you, that you are determined to forget nothing that may serve to your defence: That force is just that is raised in a necessary cause, and where you want secular means to warrant your lives, to apply the goods of the Church in this proportion, can be no breach of equity nor conscience: nature by prerogative makes things lawful for defence, which the law ceremonially reserveth for other respects.  
The discoursse of this grave Magistrate, no less reasonable in itself, then necessary for their common safety, wrought such impression in the minds of the hearers, that the law proponed was without any difficulty approved by the great council: By reason whereof notwithstanding the displeasure and discontentment of the Pope increased more and more, taking more hot occasion to dispose the confederates to begin war with the Florentines: yet the persuasions of Pandolffo Petruccio had power to turn from that opinion aswell the Pope as the Deputies that solicited in Italy for the king of Arragon: for Pandolffo giving council to assail Bolognia, blamed much 
Pandolffo Po. counseleth the Pope  all devices and enterprises to bring the war into Tuskane, alleging that Bolognia being unable for her proper weakness, to defend herself, should be enforced to call in the forces of the french king, And for the Florentines, what with their own power, concurring also the proper profit of the king, he would no less see to their defence, then to Bolognia: That albeit the Florentines bore a certain inclination of mind to the french king, yet nevertheless they were wise and stood always jealous of the preservation of their estate, never having at his instance offended any with arms during so great stirs: yea they had not ministered to him in any other sort of service, but only furnished him, for the defence of the state of Lombardy with two hundred men at arms according to the bonds of the capitulation made in common between him and the king Catholic: he said there could not be done to the french king a thing more agreeable or profitable, then to constrain the Florentines to give over to be neuter and to join their cause with his: That it would be a matter of great indiscretion, if his enemies were the cause to make him obtain that which he could never bring to pass by his authority, the king having in vain solicited by many prayers and promises to declare themselves for him: That it was discerned of many by many signs, and by him comprehended by most certain knowledge, how grievous it was to the Florentines, that the council should be celebrated at Pysa, whereunto they had not consented for other respect then that they durst not gainsay the french kings demands, made immediately after the rebellion of Bolognia: A time when in Italy was not seen any army to oppose against him: Besides, it was a thing certain that th'authority of Caesar was concurrant in the council, accompanied also with the consent of the king Catholic: That likewise he knew that the Florentines were not to suffer the french soldiers to stay upon their lands: And that it was a matter dangerous to threaten or provoke them, where, of the contrary it could not be but profitable to deal with them with affability and demonstration to admit their excuses: for that proceeding in such manner, either there would be obtained of them with time and occasion, things which then could not be hoped for, or at lest, for bearing to constrain them by fear of new resolutions, they might be so interteyned that they should do no hurt in times of danger and peril: And in case of victory and prevailing, it would rest in the power of the confederates to give to the Florentines such form of government as they should think most expedient: The matter that in this action diminished th'authority of Pandolffo was the knowledge that was had that he desired for his profit particular, that a war of that consequence should not begin in Tuskane, by mean of which the whole body & parts of the country would suffer indifferent destruction either by th'armies of th'enemy or by the incursions of friends: But what by the efficacy of his reasons, set out so as they resisted all objections, and by th'authority of the man, in whom was no small opinion for matters of council, it was easily determined not to assail the Florentines: This council was the better approved by a contention that a few days after began to kindle between the Florentines and the Cardinals.  
It is set down before that the presence of the Cardinals was not at the first acts 
A contention between the Florentines & the cardinals rebels.  of the council: for, they tarried at the borrow of S. Donyn, either to expect the Prelates that were to come out of France, or to be accompanied with those which Caesar had promised to sand, or haply lingering for other occasions: And being departed from thence by sundry ways, the brute ran that the two spanish Cardinals who had taken the way of Bolognia would be reconciled to the Pope, being known to solicit continually to that end the Ambassador of the king of Arragon which lay resident with the Pope: That opinion seemed so much the more credible by how much they had obtained of the Florentines under public faith and promiss, that they might remain in surety within Florence: But by that time they were come upon the country of Mugello, they turned suddenly towards Lucqua, either to join with the others, or perhaps their intention had been always so, or else as touching the Cardinal S. Across his ancient ambition prevailed more than his new fear, or lastly, receiving advertisements in that place that they were deprived of the dignity and cap of Cardinals, they despaired to fall to any accord with the Pope: About this time the three french Cardinals, S. Mallo, Albert, and Bayeux, passed the Appenyn by the way of Pontresmo together with the Prelates of France: After whom and at their request, marched out of lombardy three hundred french lances commanded by Odet Foix Lord of Lautrich: he was appointed guard of the council by the Cardinals, either to th'end that the council accompanied with the arms of the french king, should continued with more authority, or else (which was more likely) to have power to suppress who soever durst rise against the obedience of their decrees: But so soon as the Florentines came to the discovery of that resolution which had been conceyled from them until the bands began to march, they determined not to receive into a city of so great importance, such a number of soldiers, both considering the ill disposition of the Pysans, and that the last rebellion happened King Charles being present and suffering it, and also the inclination which the french soldiers bore to the town of Pysa: In times of peril wise men fear all things, and do hold it necessary to their surety to entertain a suspicion of things which in common foresight and conjecture they have no reason to doubt: for, the Florentines fearing that besides the dangerous accidents that might happen by thinsolency of men of war, doubted also that the soldiers of the french king entering into Pysa, it fell not out (& perhaps such was the secret desire of the king) that he sought to make Tuskane the seat of his wars: In these fears, they signified at th'instant to the french king, that it was hard to harbour so many people for the straightness and sterility of the country, very unable to provide for the nurture of so many peoples as came from all parts to the council: They alleged also that the place was not necessary for the safety of the Cardinals to whom might be offered some violence either by strangers, or by the proper inhabitants, their multitudes and numbers exceeding far the policy & guard that they had assigned to contain them: To the Cardinal of S. Mallow, by whose direction the french men were governed in all things, they sent word that they were determined to admit no soldiers into Pisa: who, by the return of his answers, seeming to consent & be contented, gave order on the other side, that the bands should advance & march severally and without making any semblance, persuading himself that being approached near to Pisa, they would enter either by force or by sutletie, or at lest for fear that the Florentines durst not do such an injury to the french king as to let them: But the king having clearly answered that they should not march thither at all, the Florentines dispatched Francis Vittoryo to the Cardinal of S. Mallo with an embassage equal to his hawtines and pride: he told him, from the state of Florence, that if the Cardinals entered upon their lands armed and with bands of soldiers, they would not only not admit them into Pysa, but also would hold them for enemies and pursue them for such, And would also do the like, if the men of war passed the Appenin towards Tuskane, for that they were to presume that they passed not for other purpose, then to steal secretly into Pysa, or to execute some other stratagem: This message wrought so with the Cardinal, that he resolved the bands should eftsoons return again beyond th' Appenyn, the Florentines consenting that besides the persons of the Lords of Lawtrech and Chastyllion, he might retain with him an hundred and fifty Archers: All the Cardinals were together at Lucqua, which city, for suffering that assembly and presence, the Pope pronounced to be fallen into thinterdiction: And leaving there very sick the Cardinal of Cossensa, who, not long after saw there the last day of his mortal life, the other four went to Pysa, where they were received by the Magistrates with cold shows, and by the Commons was expressed no great reverence, both for that their coming was displeasing to the Florentines, and the cause of that council not well received nor approved by the nations of Christendom: for, notwithstanding the title and pretence to reform the Church was both very honest and greatly profitable, and also no less necessary than agreeable to all the regions of Christendom: yet it was discerned of wise men that the Authors and workers of the same were pushed on with ends ambitious: They were all carried with covetous desires of temporal things, and under the shadow of the weal and benefit universal, they respected their particular interests making holiness and piety a cover to their greatness and glory: And yet which of them should be raised to the Popedom, stood in no less necessity to be reformed than others that they went about to compel to reformation: Moreover it was seen of many, that besides the ambition of Preestes, the quarrels of Princes and questions of estates, had stirred up and nourished this council: That respect had moved the french king to procure it, the king of romans to consent to it, and the king of Arragon to desire it: So that it being clearly discerned that under the cause of the council, was comprehended the quarrel of arms and Empires, the people expressed an universal horror that under devout shadows of spiritual things (instruments of wars and troubles) men should thirst and aspire to matters temporal: And therefore not only at the entry of the Cardinals into Pysa, the common disdain and hatred of people was disclosed, but also even in the acts of the council, their grudge and discontentment burst out more manifest: for albeit they summoned the Clergy to be in the Cathedral church at the first session, yet much less that any of them respected the summons, seeing the very Priests of the Church refused to lend their ornaments and vestures, when (according to their custom) they meant to have celebrated the Mass for thimploration of the aid & light of the holy spirit: yea, the priests justifying their contempt with acts of greater insolency, forbore not to shut the doors of their church & would not suffer them to enter: The Cardinals complained of these contempts at Florence, where was commanded that neither the use of Churches nor the service of instruments ordained for divine office, should be denied them, but as touching the Clergy, there was no compulsion either to be at the Church or to assist the action: These directions almost repugnant in themselves, as they proceeded of the division of the citizens & by mean of them, on the one side the council was received into their dominion, & on the other side followed with contempt & rejection, brought at one time offence to the Pope, and discontentment to the french king: In regard whereof, the Cardinals seeing how dangerous it was to remain in Pisa without arms, & no less considering that it would bring diminution to th'authority of their council, to celebrat in a city that obeyed not their decrees, were upon terms to departed assoon as they should have accomplished th'affairs of the council: wherein their resolution was further compelled and hastened by an accident happening suddeinely, 
An ac 〈…〉 dent 〈…〉 the Card 〈…〉 lls departed 〈…〉 a.  which albeit was by chance, took notwithstanding his foundation of the wicked disposition of men: for, a french soldier, in a public place committing some insolency upon a strumpet, and such as saw it raising a present outery, many soldiers aswell french as of the cardinals train and other Prelates prepared in arms to the place where the brute was: on the other side likewise many troupes of the people of Pisa & of the Florentyn bands flocked thither to behold the accident: And as for the most part popular tumults are full of faction and variety of affection, so the alarm being sounded, some cried upon the name of France, and some upon the title of Morzocco (the sign & ensign of the common weal of Florence) occupying amongst them dangerous fight, wherein their fury made them fear nothing less than the hazard of their lives, which at other times they would seek to preserve with no little care & jealousy: But the Captains and chieftains of the french, and commanders of the Florentines, joining discretion to valour and authority, abated the fury of the fight, their diligence doing much to restrain thintemperance on all sides: In the end the tumult was appaysed, many on both parts bearing away no small hurts, amongst whom fell into that fortune the Lord Chastyllion & the Lord of Lawtrich, notwithstanding neither the one nor the other bore away any wounds of peril: This accident brought such astonishment to the Cardinals, haply at that hour assembled in the Church of S. Michael which is there joining, that they made the day after the second session wherein they ordained that the council should be transferred 
〈…〉  to Milan: not holding th'opportunity of that place convenient for the acts of the council, which gave no surety for the safety of their lives: And therefore before the xv. day of their arrival they departed in great diligence from Pisa, greatly to the rejoicing of the Florentines & Pisans, & no less to the contentment and liking of the Prelates that followed the council, whom it did not a little discontent to be come into a place, which, what for the incommodity of lodging, & what for the inconueniency of other wants grown by the long wars that were passed, did not minister to them that fullness of helps & means to live delicately & prodigally which the priests & french men are wont to found in the like actions: They murmured also, & being come thither by the king's commandment & against their wills, they desired change of place & all other accidents that might bring difficulty, prolongation, or dissolucion of the council.  
But, such was the universal contempt of this council, that the hatred & grudging of people's following the Cardinals to Milan, they found there even the like despising, & far greater difficulties: for the clergy of Milan communicating in the contempts of Pysa even in the beginning refused of themselves to celebrat the divine service, as though there were entered into their city, not cardinals of the church of Rome who were wont to be honoured and worshipped in every place, but persons profane & accursed, & carrying with them all privation of honour, reverence, and respect: And when they had occasion to show themselves in public, the commons forbore not to rail at them, scorning them as well in words as gestures: but specially their malice was most expressed upon the Cardinal of S. Across whom as they supposed to be the author of that stir, so every one exercised their judgement most upon him, being also in the last session of Pisa elected Precedent of the council: These were the manifest & common murmurs of people, that heretofore counsels were wont to bring to countries benedictions, peace & concord, but in this was bred to countries, kingdoms, & peoples, maledictions, wars, & discords: That other councils were assembled to reunite the Church that was out of unity, but this was assembled to break her unity, when she was in good agreement: That the contagion of such a pestilence infected all such as received it, altered all those that obeyed it, abused even those that favoured it, defiled such as had conversation with it, and seduced all those that heard it: There was to be expected of their coming no other thing, than blood, famine, & pestilence, together with the perdition both of bodies and souls of men: by the original and cause, they gathered what would be the success and effect, and reasonably they could expect no fruit or confirmation of unity, from such as began to sow their labours with seeds of division: Gaston de Foix, who not many months afore the departing of Monsr Longueville had been preferred both to the Duchy of Milan and to the army, somewhat suppressed those murmurs tending almost to a tumult and manifest sedition: he joined to his authority, commandments threatening and peynall, constraining the Clergy to celebrated service as they were wont, and enjoined the Commons to speak more modestly hereafter.  
In regard of these difficulties the beginnings of the council were continued with very little success or issue: The plots that had been laid with so great devise & study, brought forth events quite contrary to th'expectation of the authors: things debated by long time & deep discourse of council, drew no resolution according to the weening & conjectures of the parties: where sound meaning goeth not with the wisdom & imaginations of men, there their workings are full of frailty & the whole body of their actions clothed with imperfections: But the thing that most troubled the hopes of the Cardinals was that Caesar did not only from day to day defer to sand either Prelates or Proctors, notwithstanding the consent he had given & that often times reassured by perpetual promises to the french king & the Cardinal of S. Severin: but also, he alleged for his excuse (being haply induced & counseled by others) that it was not agreeable to his dignity, to sand to the council of Pisa, the Prelates of his proper estates & territories, if both the example and name of all Germany were not concurrant in th'action: And for that cause he said he had called a convocation of the Prelates of Germany at Auspurge, to deliberate of some joint & universal form of proceeding to be used touching the council: assuring notwithstanding the french men, that under that mean he would so work as they should all be sent: Moreover he much troubled the king's mind with his variety & divers manners of proceeding, for, besides his uncertain & cold dealings in the affairs of the council, be inclined 
The fr king suspecteth Maxymylian.  fully & openly to the motion of peace with the Venetians, which was solicited by the Pope & the king of Arragon with many offers: And on the other side, complaining bitterly against the king Catholic, both for that contrary to all shame, he had so apparently impugned the league of Cambray, & also in this new confederation (which he rather called treason) he had named him but as accessary: he suborned Galeas S. Severyn to go to Rome in person as enemy to the Pope, but refurnished by the king for the greatest part of his army, and relieved with great quantities of treason. And yet he made no declaration of these things with such assurance as it could not be doubted what he would at last determine (notwithstanding all his demands were satisfied to him): In this sort the kings mind was eftsoons traveled with his accustomed suspicions, that if he abandoned Caesar, he left him at liberty to join with his enemies: And if he would still stick to him and sustain him, his alliance would be bought with too dear a price, and yet doubtful what fruit would revert of it well knowing by experience of things past, that oftentimes his own disorders did hurt him more, than his forces did aid him: yea the king was not able to judge in himself, which would most hurt him in this action, either the well doings & good success of Caesar, or the contraries: beside, the king Catholic nourished him & entertained him as much as he could in that doubt, And, to make him proceed more slowly in the provisions of the war, he gave him hope not to stir in arms: The king of England did the like and for the same causes, who had made answer to the french Ambassador that it was not true that he had consented to the league made at Rome, but that he was fully determined to keep th'alliance which he had with the french king: Besides, at the same time the Bishop of Tyvoly proponed peace in the name of the Pope, so far forth as the king would no more favour the council, and withdraw himself from the protection of Bolognia, for the which he offered to give assurance that the Pope should dress no more new enterprises against him: The king seemed less displeased with the peace, notwithstanding it bore hard conditions, them to put himself to the dangers & expenses of the war, which by computation seemed infinite, having to make resistance against his enemies, and to refurnish the wants of Caesar: Nevertheless, disdain drew him almost to be forced by the king of Arragon to make peace for fear of war: beside that it was a matter very hard to assure him that the Pope would observe the covenants of peace, after he had recovered Bolognia, & should be delivered from the fear of the council: he doubted also that when he should be ready to consent to the conditions offered, the Pope would draw back as he was wont to do at other times: In which manner of proceeding, besides that his dignity should be offended, and his reputation diminished, Caesar would hold himself injuried, for that leaving him in war with the Venetians, he sought of himself alone to conclude the peace: Therefore he made precise answer to the Bishop of Tyvoly, that he would not condescend to subject Bolognia to the Church in other form than it had wont to be in ancient times: And at the same time, to establish a firm resolution with Caesar who lay at Brwech, a town near to Trent, he sent to him in great diligence, & with very large offers, Andre de Burgo Caesar's Ambassador resident with him: At this time certain of his subjects of the country of tyrol occupied Batisten, a place of very great strength in the entry of the valley of Caldora.  
The practices of the peace being wholly broken & dissolved, the first thoughts & devices of the king were, that when Monsr Palissa, (leaving in Verona three thousand footmen to appease Caesar not well contented with his departure) should have led the residue of the bands to the Duchy of Milan, there should be made new levies of footmen: And so all the army being reassembled, they should march to assail Romagna, hoping to occupy it either all or in part, before the Spaniard should approach: And then either to march further according to occasions, or at lest to entertain and bear out the war upon the dominions of others until springe time, when the king passing into Italy in person with all the forces of his kingdom, hoped to make an universal suppression of his enemies: But as he stood wavering in this devise, his resolutions not proceeding with that expedition which the occasions required, & by reason of his nature estranged from expenses, himself no less slow in many provisions but specially to wage new soldiers: he fell into new suspicions of the stirring of the Swyzzers, of which nation for that heretofore we have set down some general mention in sundry places, it can not be inconvenient to the present purpose, to deal somewhat more particularly.  
The Swyzzers, which are those peoples whom ancient histories call Helvetians, 
What people the Swyzzers be.  have their habitations in the most high mounteins of jura named S. Claudo, S. Brigit, & S. Godat: A race of men naturally valiant, warlike, and rude, And for the sterility of the country, more given to grazing, then to tillage: They have been in times passed under the subjection of the Dukes of Ostrich, whose jurisdiction they shaked of by rebellion many years sithence: They have their policy & government of themselves, without any sign of depending or relation to either emperors, kings, or other Princes: They are divided into xiii commonalties which they call cantons, & every of them severally are governed by Magistrates, laws & ordinances proper & particular: They hold their parliament or council every year, or more often if occasion & necessity require, wherein they dispute of universal affairs, their assemblies & meetings being not subject to certainty of places, but referred as best pleaseth the Deputies of every canton: They call those assemblies diets or journeys, imitating the phrase & customs of the Germans: In them they resolve upon peace, upon war, upon confederations, upon legations & demands made to levy soldiers either by public decree, or by permission: in them also they set down directions for all things that appertain to their common interest: when they agreed by public decree to deliver soldiers, the cantons choose amongst themselves a captain general, to whom they give the banner with the ensign & name public: Their unity & agreement, together with the glory of their arms, hath made them very notable & renowned thorough the regions of the earth, notwithstanding for their outward shape & parsonage, they bear a presence barbarous & rude, & for their behaviour & conversation, hold more of incivility then of comeliness: By their natural valour joined to due discipline & order, they have not only & at all times made valiant defence at home for their own country, but also in foreign wars they have performed singular feats of arms to their perpetual praise: wherein sure their recommendation and merit had been far greater, if they had expressed such effects of valour for their proper jurisdiction and empery, and not been mercenary to thappointments of others, & for th'increasing of the dominion of strangers, or if they had set before their eyes an end more worthy and noble than the desire of money, by the love and corruption whereof they have lost thoccasion to be feared and redoubted in Italy: for, where they have not come out of their country but as soldiers waged & mercenary, they have not carried back a public fruit of their victories: The desire of gain makes them for the most part to follow armies, & besides their huge pensions, to be troublesome by new demands of pays almost intolerable: To such as wage & pay them, they are for the most part hard & uneasy in conversation & obedience: In their houses & apart, the principals of them forbear not to receive gifts & pensions of Princes, to follow and favour their faction in their diets and parlyaments: By reason whereof, things public being referred to private profit, and favours and voices being made vendible and corrupted, discords by little and little have been kindled amongst themselves: the same being thoccasion that matters which have been approved in the parliaments by the most part of the Cantons, beginning not to be embraced and followed of all, they fell at last, not many years afore that time, to manifest wars amongst themselves, much to the diminution of the authority which they bore throughout the parts of the world: Somewhat below these be 
Vales 〈…〉  certain towns & villages inhabited by a people called Valleymen, as having their dwellings in valleys, they are inferior to the Swizzers in number, in authority, in valour, and in every other disposition: And yet more lower than they is an other generation of men called Grisons, which are governed by three Cantons, and upon 
Grisons.  that are called the Lords of the three leagues: the capital town of their country is called Coire: they have often society and confederation with the Swizzers, and with them they go commonly to the war: they have almost the same policy, the same laws, the same constitution of manners and customs: In matters of arms and valour they are preferred afore the valley men, but they hold no comparison with the Swizzers, either in numbers, in polity, or in virtue. The Swizzers then, who at that time were not so much degenerate and corrupted as they have been since, took incitation by the Pope, and prepared to descend upon the Duchy of Milan, both dissembling that that levy of arms proceeded of the university of the Cantons, and also spreading a brute, that the Canton of Switz and Fribourg were the authors of the action▪ of whom, the first took his complaint and consideration of this, that a post of theirs passing throw the duchy of Milan was murdered by certain French soldiers: The other pretended a revenge for certain particular wrongs that had been done to them: The councils of these, and generally, the resolution of the whole nation, albeit they were afore signified to the French king, yet they could do nothing to draw him to accord with them, notwithstanding the advise and persuasions of his Lords and wise men concurred in it, and the friends and favourers which he had amongst them gave him hope to be able to obtain it: He was stayed also by his accustomed difficulties to enlarge their ancient pensions with twenty thousand franks, which may be a little more or less than ten thousand ducats: So that he refused for a matter of small price and value the amity, which afterwards he would have bought with infinite treasures: He persuaded himself that either they would not stir at all, or if they did, at lest they could not much hurt him, for that being accustomed to go to the war on foot, their want of horse and artilleries would bring great impediments to their service: Besides, about that time (now was November begun) the rivers were swelled, and they had neither vessels nor bridges: The victuals of the Duchy of Milan were restrained into fortresses and places of strength, the towns thereabout well guarded and kept, and in the plain the men at arms were able to make head against them: By which impediments and necessities he presumed that if they did march, they would be constrained eftsoons to retire. But the Swissers taking little amaze by these difficulties, began to descend at Varesa, at which place their numbers increased continually: They had with them seven field pieces and many harquebuses a crock carried by horses, and some reasonable provision of victuals: Their coming seemed to be so much the more dangerous, by howemuche, the inhabitants of Milan began to be weary of the French jurisdiction, the same growing both by certain new insolences and disorders in the French soldiers more than of custom: and also by the coveronsnesse of the king, who would not suffer to be made any new levies or provision of footmen: Besides, the men at arms that at that time were in Italy which in true computation exceeded not a thousand and three hundred lances, together with the two hundred gentlemen, were not all able to make resistance to the Swizzers, both for that part of them were gone to the guard of Verona and Bressa, and also Monsr de Foix had newly sent two hundred lances to Bolognia to withstand the coming of the Cardinal of Medicis and M. Anth. Colonno to Faenza: where albeit they had no footmen as yet levied, yet both to repress the divisions that were in Bolognia, and also for that at that time the Castlekeeper of the rock of Sassilon (a borrow of the mountain of Bolognia) had voluntarily put it into the Legates hands, it was thought necessary to send a garrison thither: From Varesa the Swissers sent a trumpet to defy the kings lieutenant, who having asyet but a slender strength of men at arms, and no more than two thousand footmen, whereof he was not yet resolved to make new levies for fear to displease the king, was now come to Assaron a place about xiii. miles from Milan: he had no intention to fight with them, but to accoaste them and cut of their victuals, in which action only rested his hope to let and stay them, seeing there was not between Varesa and Milan neither rivers hard to pass, nor any place of defence. From Varesa, the Swissers marched to Galera, where they mustered their army which contained ten thousand able bodies: Monsr de Foix who followed john ja. Triuulce, put himself within Leguano, which is about iiij. miles from Galera: By reason whereof they of Milan having more fear than assurance, and yet their peril asyet less than their suspicion, waged bands of footmen at their proper charges for the guard of their town: Also Theoder Triuulce caused to fortify the bastillions, and (as though the army would have retired within Milan) he caused to cast squares and carriers within and about the rampires that environed the suburbs, the more easily to manage horses. Nevertheless, Monsr de Foix accompanied with five hundred lances, and the two hundred Gentlemen of the kings, presented himself before Galera, with great store of artilleries: which assoon as the Swissers were ware of, they issued out in order of battle, and retired eftsoons within the town, refusing to fight in a place open unless their numbers were greater. During these actions, and in a small respite of time, their numbers increased, in which respect determining no more to refuse the fight, they marched to Busty, where was a garrison of an hundred lances, who saved themselves with much a do, losing their baggage and part of their horses: At last the Frenchmen, who retired always by the like measure and distance that that Swizzers advanced, were returned and lodged within the suburbs of Milan, but there was no surety that they would stay and stand to defence, for that sometimes they affirmed and sometimes denied, furnishing with great diligence the castles with victuals. The Swizzers afterwards marched within two miles of the suburbs, but the universal fear that was had of them before, began now to diminish much, both for that the bands of men at arms that were revoked began to arrive continually at Milan: and beside, they mustered many footmen, expecting also from time to time Captain Molard with his regiment of Gascon footmen, and Captain jacob with his lanceknights, the one directed to come from Verona, and the other from Carpy: About this time also were surprised certain letters written by the Swizzers to their Lords, whom they advertised that the frenchmen gave them no great impediments, And that albeit they had as yet received no news from the Pope, and less intelligence what the Venetian army did (whereof they marveled) yet they forbore not to march and advance continually according to the orders of the resolution. They were by this time xuj. thousand in number and turned towards Moncia, which they assayed not to take, but bearing more towards the river of Adda, they kept the Frenchmen in fear that they would adventure to pass over: By reason whereof they cast a bridge at Cassan to hinder their passage, using therein th'opportunity of the town and the bridge. In this mean while a captain of the Swissers having first obtained safeconduit, came to Milan and demanded a months pay for all the footmen which offered to return into their country: But being departed without any effect of his message, for that their offers were far inferior to his ask, he returned the day following with greater demands: and albeit there were made to him greater offers than the day before, yet assoon as he was returned to his army he sent back immediately a trumpet to signify to them that they would no more hearken to accord: The day following contrary to th'expectation of every one, they retired towards Coma, and so returned into their countries, leaving to judge whether they were descended to assail the Duchy of Milan, or to pass into some other place: and also for what cause, being as yet constrained by no evident necessity, they returned so suddenly: and if they were afore determined so to do, why they did not accept the money that was offered them, seeing withal, themselves made the demands. What so ever the cause was, this is certain, that as they retired, there came two posts from the Pope and the Venetians, who if they had arrived somewhat sooner, it is likely the army of the Swissers had not returned: And it is not to be doubted, that if at the same time that the Swissers entered the Duchy of Milan, the Spaniards had been near to Bolognia, the affairs of the French who were not able to make resistance in so many places, had forthwith fallen into manifest ruin and perdition.  
The French king finding now by experience the peril which he could not foresee afore by reason, sent to Monsr de Foix (before he knew of the breaking up of the Swissers) that he should not spare neither labour, money, nor diligence, to make agreement with them: And not doubting of any other violent assault, the Swissers being compounded withal, he gave present direction to all the men at arms that he had in France (except two hundred lances which he reserved for Pikardy) to pass the Mounts, sending besides a new strength of Gascon footmen, and commanded Monsr de Foix to furnish his army with footmen of Italians and lanceknights. And because the succours of the Florentines were of great importance to 
The French king demandeth succ 〈…〉 of the Florentines.  him, both for that the war was made very near them, and also for th'opportunity of their frontiers to trouble thestate ecclesiastic, besides cutting off of victuals and other commodities from th'army of the enemies if they should approach Bolognia, he solicited them with great instance, to declare on his side and join with him in the war with all their forces, for that the present necessity required an other matter then either a succour little or limited, or that they should now stand contained within the terms of confederations: Besides, they could never exspecte a more great or goodly occasion to bind him perpetually to them, nor do a more singular benefit or pleasure which both he and his successors should reknowledge to them and their estate from age to age: Lastly he told them that if they descended into the matter with necessary consideration, they should find that to succour and defend him, did comprehend to support and protect their own cause, for that they were not ignorant what hatred the Pope bore to them, and with what desire the king Catholic laboured to dress and establish in that City an estate depending wholly upon him. But at Florence the opinions of men varied and were divided, for many blinded with the sweetness of present sparing, considered not what the time to come might bring: and with others prevailed not a little the memory of ancient dealings, wherein neither the faith nor the actions of that common weal had been at any time thankfully requited by the king reigning, nor by Charles the eight his predecessor: They remembered how he had sold with a great price his promise, not to hinder them in the recovery of Pisa, by which examples they said they had no reason to trust eftsoons in his promises, neither could they stand assured by any offers he could make, that he would yield recompense, for any office or benefit they should do to him: In these respects they held it great rashness to resolve to enter into a war, which not well succeeding they should partake in all the evils more than either reason would, or in due proportion they aught: and falling out happily, they should in no sort communicate with the fruits and benefits, or at lest in very small part and share. But of far greater importance were they, who either for hatred, or for ambition, or for the desire of an other form of government, were opposed against the Magistrate or Gonfalonnier: They extolled the reasons afforesayde, and inferred others, that being neuter they should not incur the hatred of either party, nor give to any of the two kings just occasion to complain: for that touching the french king, they were not bound to him in any other thing, then to aid him with three hundred men at arms for the defence of his proper estates, a proportion which they had already accomplished to him: And for the king of Arragon, he could not be discontented with them, but would esteem it a great gain if they would forbear to intermeddle otherwise in that war. They occupied also this reason that such as kept their faith best, were most worthy of praise and merit: and by that example he was to hope that when he should fall into affairs and doings, they would likewise observe justly to him that which was promised in the capitulation made in common with the French king and with him: That proceeding in this sort, if peace were made between the Princes, the City should be named and preserved of them both: And in case the victory should fall to the one of them, neither holding himself offended, nor bearing them any particular hatred, they should more easily buy his friendship with the same money and happily with a less quantity, than they should have disburssed upon the war, which was an expedition & mean, with the which, more than by armies and wars, their elders had many times saved their liberty: where if they should proceed otherwise, they should defray for an other during the war and without any necessity, intolerable expenses: And yet the victory falling to th'enemy, the liberty and safety of their country should remain in most manifest peril: The advise of the Magistrate 
Soderin for the French king.  or Gonfalonnier was contrary to thopinions of these men: he held it better that the common weal should take arms for the French king, for which reason he had afore favoured the council, and given to the Pope sufficient matter to be discontented, to th'end that the City being provoked by him, or at lest beginning to enter into suspicion, might be as it were constrained to make that resolution: he persuaded beside, that in that nature of time it could not be but a council prejudicial, to remain idle▪ expecting the issue of the war managed so near them, and between Princes so mighty and far above them: for that in the wars of an other, then is neutrality commendable and apt to shake off and avoid many troubles and expenses, when our proper forces are not so weak as may make us fear the victory of either party, seeing that than it bringeth us a surety, and oftentimes by their long wars, we are enabled to good means to increase our estate: He told them it was no sure foundation not to have offended either party, or not to have given any just occasion to complain, for that very rarely it happeneth that the insolency of the conqueror is bridled or repressed either by equity, justice, conscience, or other discrete considerations, the same being the reasons why great Princes esteem themselves not the less injuried, when they are refused in the things they desire, but stand disdainful against every one that followeth not their will, and joineth not their minds to their fortune: The Prince for the time he commandeth hath his fortune hardly brought to limit his desires, or in his ambition to respect other things than such as may glorify his victories: That it was a folly to believe that the French king would not take it for an offence, to see himself left abandoned in so great perils, to find that the effects nothing answered the confidence and expectation which he had in the Florentines, both touching matters which he promised to himself of them, and also for things which they had so oftentimes assured: That it was also a greater folly to believe that the Pope and the king of Arragon being victors, would not dispose immoderately of the victory against that common weal, weighing with thinsatiable hate of the one, the joint desire of them both, to erect there a government to their fancy, lest that City remaining in her liberty, would be always more inclined to the French then to them: Thexperience and proof of which desire might be easily discerned, in that the Pope (the king Catholic approving it) had preferred the Cardinal Medicis as Legate to th'army: So that as to remain Neuter, was as much as to offer themselves a willing pray to who soever should become victor: so, in joining to the one of them, at the lest, by his victory, they should be assured and preserved, a reward and fruit to be well considered upon, seeing the danger wherein were reduced thestate of their affairs: And in case the peace were made, they should reap benefits under better conditions: But to whether of the parties they aught rather to join themselves, it was superfluous to dispute, for that there was no comparison between friendships ancient, experienced, and tried, and favours new, uncertain, and doubtful: Less doubt to follow an ancient amity, by whose mean albeit the common weal had not been rewarded and recompensed, at lest it had been oftentimes defended and preserved, then to embrace new favours & leagues which would be never unaccompanied with their infidelities and suspicions. The Magistrate occupied in vain these discourses, such being the most hinderers of his advise, whom it grieved most that it should come to the French kings knowledge that it was by his mean and working that the Florentines should be joined with him: Such is the property of envy, not only to wish harm to an other, but also to let that by an other no good be done. The Adder doth shoot out his sting, and partaketh no more after with poison: but the man of envy, when he can do no more harm of himself, forbeareth not to let▪ an other to do good. A mid these contentions, one faction breaking th'advise of the other, there could be established no resolution, whether they should declare, or stand neuter: Their counsels oftentimes were very uncertain, their affections different, their wills contrary, and their deliberations repugnant in themselves, without concluding any grace or merit towards any party. But that which more is, proceeding with these incertenties, they sent (to the great displeasure of the French king) Ambassador to the king of Arragon, Francis Guicciardin Doctor of Law, he who wrote this present history, and at that time of so young age, that, according to the laws of the country, he was unable to manage any office: and yet they gave him not such natures of commissions, as thereby he was able to make the confederates to leave off in any sort their ill dispositions.  
But a little after the Swissers were returned to their countries, the Popish and Spanish soldiers began to enter into Romagna, whose coming bringing more fear than peril, made all the towns which the Duke of Ferrara held on this side Paw, except the Bastillion of la Fosse and the ford of Genivola, to tender at the summons of a simple trumpet. And for that the whole regiments were not yet assembled & arrived in Romagna, nor the artilleries which the Viceroy expected at Ymola: it was thought good, to th'end the time should not be spent without profit, that Peter of Navarre Captain general of the Spanish footmen, should go to besiege the Bastill: he begun to batter it with three pieces of artillery, and finding it more hard to be taken than he looked for, both for the quantity of munitions being aptly applied and executed, and for the resolute defence of the soldiers, being fifty able bodies, he caused to make two bridges of wood to give a greater commodity to the soldiers to pass the ditches which were full of water: And assoon as he might carry with him th'opportunity of these bridges, the third day after his approaching before the Bastill, which was the last day of the year 1511. he gave a furious assault, and such as after a long and brave fight, the footmen winning the walls with the help of their ladders, at last took it, making slaughter almost of all the footmen defendants together with their captain. Peter of Navarre left two hundred footmen within the Bastill, contrary to th'opinion of john Vitelli, who assured that it was so much shaken with artillery, that there was no possibility to defend it without making new fortifications: But he was scarcely returned to join himself with the Viceroy, ere the Duke of Ferrara, being gone thither with nine great pieces of artillery, assaulted it with such fury, that laying open a little place reversed in many parts, he entered by force the very same day of his enterprise, where were slain partly in fight, and partly to revenge the death of his people, the Captain with all his footmen. The Duke himself was hurt on the head with a stone, which did him little harm for the defence of his head piece, his valour carrying him further into peril than belonged to the regard of such a parsonage, if in noble men honour and reputation were not dearer than life.  
In this mean while all the regiments ecclesiastik and Spanish were assembled at Ymola, mighty in numbers, brave soldiers, and valiant captains: for as the brute went, the king of Arragon had there a thousand men at arms, eight hundred mounted upon gennets, and eight thousand footmen Spanish, to whom besides the person of the Viceroy, were joined many barons of the kingdom of Naples, of whom the most notable and renowned by experience of arms, was Fabricio Colonno, in whom was invested the title of Governor general, Prospero Colonno having refused it, for that in the war he could not brook to be subject to the commandments of the Viceroy. On the Pope's side there were eight hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horsemen, and eight thousand footmen Italians under M▪ Anth. Colonno, john Vitelli, Malatesta Baillon son to john Paul, Raphael de Pazzi, with other leaders and captains, all subject to th'obedience of the Cardinal de Medicis, Legate: only they had not as yet a captain general, for that the Duke of Termini whom the Pope had chosen as one in whom the king of Arragon reapposed much, died at Civita Castellana coming to th'army: And the Duke of Urbin to whom that place was wont to be transferred, came not at all, either for that such was the Pope's pleasure, or else that he held it as a thing unworthy of him even upon the territories and lands of the Church, to obey a Viceroy bearing authority of captain general over the whole army of the confederates.  
With this Army plentifully furnished with artilleries which were almost 
The enterprise of Bolognia by the Pope and king of Arragon.  all come from the Realm of Naples, they determined to bring the camp before Bolognia: Not that they were not ignorant that the enterprise was of very hard action, seeing how easily the frenchmen might minister succours: but for that there was no other sort of enterprise which contained not greater difficulties and impediments: And to remain idle with so great an army, could not be without manifest argument of cowardice. Moreover the Pope made so great instance to embrace some enterprise, that who so ever would put into consideration the difficulties, seemed to give him occasion to believe and cause to complain, that the sleights and wiles of the Spaniards began to appear. The forward horse is not holden back with the bridle without foaming and showing his fury: The stream that runneth is not stayed contrary to his course, without roaring and making a noise: And to the mind desirous, every little impediment is grievous, and with his trouble brings both suspicion and fear (expectation of itself being no less jealous than infinite in desire.)▪ In these respects the Viceroy causeth the Army to march, encamping between the river of Adice and Bolognia, where, after he had given order to things necessary for the besieging of that City, and turned the Channels which go to Bolognia by the rivers of Rhine and Savanna, he approached near the walls, he stretched out and bestowed the greatest part of his army between the mountain and the way that goeth from Bolognia to Romagna, and that for the commodity of victuals that come from that side: Fabricio Colonno with the avantgarde containing seven hundred men at arms, five hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen, was lodged between the bridge of Rhine standing upon the high way of Romagna which leadeth into Lombardy, and the gate S. Felix being also upon the same way, and that to object more easy impediments for any French succours to enter: And because they would command the mountains, they bestowed one part of their bands of soldiers in the Monastery of S. Michael of the wood which is very near the City, but seated in a high place and commanding over it: They also made themselves Lord of the Church which is more high called S. Maria on the Mount. In Bolognia, besides the people that bore arms haply more by necessity then by nature, with certain troupes of horsemen and footmen waged by the family of Bentivoley, Monsr de Foix had sent thither two thousand lanceknights, and two hundred lances, under Odet de Foix and Yues Allegre very notable Captains, the one for his long experience in war, and the other for the nobility of his house joined to the great tokens of valour that even his youth did express: with them was captain Saietta and Vincent called the great devil: Nevertheless they reapposed more surety in the succours which Monsr de Foix had promised them, then in their proper forces, both considering the great circuit of the City, and also weighing thincommodities that were on the Mountain side▪ Besides, there were no other fortifications, than such as for the present danger were made in haste, and the Bentiuoleis disinherited many of the Nobility and people▪ And last they had made a late experience about the Bastill of Genivola, that the valour of the Spanish footmen answered the praises that have gone on them in all times, to be men apt to besiege towns by reason of their great agility: Nevertheless they began eftsoons to be assured, when they saw thenemies advanced little, lying nine days about the walls without doing any thing, saving that they began with two Sakers and two Coluerings planted in the Monastery of S. Michael to shoot in vain into the City, rather to terrify men then to hurt houses: An execution which they gave over immediately, knowing by experience that in doing little damage to th'enemy in that sort, they made also an unprofitable waste of their Munitions. The matter that kept them so long from doing any thing, was an advertisement that they had the same day they encamped, that Monsr de Foix being then come to Finalo, waged soldiers from all parts, with intention (which he caused to be justified with a brute running) to offer himself to all perils for the preservation of the City, knowing how much it would prejudice th'affairs of the king, and no less diminish his own reputation, if he suffered a City of that importance and conveniency to be taken out of his hands. This made them draw into council to debate better, not only on which side they might besiege it with most hope and greatest facility, but also by what ways they might let the French succours for entering: In the first council it was agreed, that Fabricio Colonno passing to the other side of the town with his due provisions of victuals and artilleries, should lodge upon the hill side beneath S. Maria of the Mount, from whence he might both easily give impediments to any that should attempt to enter into Bolognia, and yet he should not be so far divided from the residue of the army, as not to be succoured in time what peril soever could happen: And that are the same time they should begin from that part where they were encamped, or very near, to batter the town. Such as were thauthors of this counsel, alleged, that as all that the french held in Italy depended wholly upon the preservation of th'army, so, it concerned Monsr de Foix in discretion and all good respects; nor to hazard to do any thing, in th'execution whereof he might be constrained to fight: And much less would he be of that judgement, albeit he knew he might do it in surety, to enclose himself with all his army within Bolognia: An action wherein he should deprive himself of all means to succour in cases of necessity thestate of Milan; which was not as yet wholly assured from the movings of the Swizzers, and where also was greater doubts to be assailed by the Venetian army, which being come upon the marches of Verona, seemed to threaten the town of Bressia. These reasons being laid in consideration with th'enemy and his estate, and weighed withal with the examples & experiences of times past, seemed at the first to carry much in the minds of men: But the day following almost all such as had approved this council, were of opinion contrary, considering it was not a thing certain that the French army would not come, and if it did come, the vanguard only would not suffice to resist them. They said also that that deliberation was not to be approved which was established upon such a foundation that it rested always in the power of th'enemy to innovate or change it: for this cause the advise of Peter of Navarre was allowed by the Viceroy, to whom only he communicated his opinion, that making provision for five days, & leaving a guard only in the church of S. Michael▪ all the army should pass to the other side on the city, where both might be objected convenient impediments, that th'enemy should not enter and also the town, not fortified on that side (never fearing to be there assailed) they should be able without doubt to carry it in five days. But assoon as this resolution was dispersed amongst the army and general bands of soldiers, there was none which did not openly reprove the direction to go lodge with th'army in a place merely void of all traffic of victuals which were brought from Romagna: which as it was the only mean to sustain and nourish the army, so no doubt it could not stand undissolved and broken, if within five days it enforced not Bolognia. And what is he (saith Fabricio Colonno) that can assuredly make promise of such a thing within so short a time, seeing there is nothing less likely to come to pass then that which depends upon many dangers and difficulties: Matters of enterprise can not be warranted by conjectures only, seeing oftentimes they draw with them so many accidents, that even the wisdoms of the wisest men are found unperfect to assure them: What reason is there that under a vain hope, which of her proper nature is fallible and subject to chances, we should offer so glorious an army to so manifest a danger? It is more honourable to avoid a peril by counsels and considerations, then by too much rashness and presuming to offer ourselves to an action wherein the confidence is far less than the despair: Who seeth not, that our hours & time limited being run out, we have no possibility to retire ourselves & our people made hungry, disordered, and fearful, without our loss and certain overthrow, having Bolognia in our face, where is a great mass of people and many soldiers, and at our backs the French army which will not oversee the opportunity of our great presuming and security. Some others advised, that bestowing in the vanguard a greater strength of footmen, it should encamp on tother side of Bolognia almost at the foot of the mountain between the gate Seragossa and S. Felix, fortifying themselves with trenches and other defences: And from that side the town should be battered, being there not only the weakest in walls and rampires, but also by planting some pieces of th'artillery above the mountain, they should execute in flank during th'assault, such of the defendants as would come to the breach. This counsel also was rejected as not sufficient to let the coming of the French: and no less dangerous, for that if they should be charged by th'enemy, the army, notwithstanding it commanded the mountains, could not descend to their succours in less time than three hours. Amid these variations and ambiguities, being far more easy to reprove the counsels that were propounded by others, then to open other advises that deserved to be followed: At last the captains grew to a devise to assail the town on that side wherein the army was already encamped: A resolution which amongst other reasons took furtherance by an opinion they had that Monsr de Foix would not come at all, since he lingered so long: Therefore they began to cast platforms to bring the artillery to the walls, and called back the vanguard to encamp together with the others. But a little after they had many advertisements that the French bands increased daily at Finalo, which reviving eftsoons their former suspicion of their coming, there might be discerned amongst them a new diversity and disagreement of opinions: for every one being of this mind, that if Monsr de Foix approached, they should say to set upon him afore he entered Bolognia, many persuaded that in that case, thartillery planted already before the walls, which then should be retired, would give many impediments & difficulties to th'army: A matter in such terms of affairs, both dangerous & hurtful: Others reasoned, that it was no less to their infamy then to their hurt, to remain so many days about the walls of Bolognia without doing any thing, both confirming at one time the courage of those that were within, and giving leisure to such as were without to prepare to secure them: And therefore it were not best to defer any longer to plant th'artillery, but in such place as it might be easily retired, making, the better to oppose against the French men, the platforms so large, that both the artilleries and the army might be able to move together: The Legate was fully with them that gave counsel to begin to batter the town, both for the displeasure he had of so long deferring, and also somewhat suspecting lest the matter had been wrought by the direction and fancy of the king of Arragon, according to the subtleties & dissembled manner of proceedings of the Spanish: he complained that if from the first encamping they had begun to batter the town, they might haply afore that time have been masters of it: That it belonged not to noble men of war to join fault unto fault, & much less to remain as enemies about a town, and yet express no valour to assail it: That the Pope sent to him daily corriers and posts, but he knew no more what to answer and allege, holding it a dishonour to entertain & nourish him any longer with promises & vain hopes: Lastly, that it touched much the reputation of a general to prepare to an enterprise which he durst not execute. These words moved not a little the Viceroy, complaining much against his importunity & haste, that he being a man of no training in arms nor exercises of war, would so vehemently solicit a resolution so rash and dangerous, he said that in those counsels there was debated th'interest of all the world, wherein yet they could not proceed with such absolute maturity as there were not further need of deeper counsel & consideration: that there were no human things more subtle & intricate then thenterprises of war, not any worldly accident of more compassion than the loss of a battle: that the counsels of war drew with them infinite considerations and reasons, and yet kept always suppressed and retained some secrets which the wisdom of men could not find out: that it was the custom of Popes and common weals to enter willingly into war, and afterwards thexpenses and perplexities increasing above expectation, to wish the end with undiscrete desires: he willed him to give over to the Captains the deliberations of things, who having the same intention that he had, were somewhat above him in th'administration and experience of a war: Lastly Peter de Navarre, in whom the Viceroy reapposed most, alleged, that in an expedition of so great importance, men aught not to respect so much the distance of two or three days: and therefore it was necessary to continued the counsel & direction for provisions necessary, aswell for the besieging of Bolognia, as for the battle, and for their better government afterwards according to the proceedings of the French: two days passed afore could appear any light of the better resolution, for that Monsr de Foix, to whom Centa, Piava, with many other borrows of the country of Bolognia were rendered, remained still at Finalo, where he laid to reassemble his forces and bands of soldiers, who aswell for that they had been distributed in many places, as also that his footbands which he had waged were long in coming, could not so suddenly come to the muster: So that, no further cause of deferring appearing, at last the artilleries were planted against the walls, about thirty fathoms near the gate of S. Stephen which leads to Florence, where the wall turning and crooking towards the gate called Chastillon that hath his prospect upon the mountain, maketh an angle. And at the same time Peter de Navarre was about to make a mine drawing more towards the gate of the way of Chastillon, on that side the wall where within is a little chapel called Barbacana, to th'end that th'assault being given at the same instant, they might with more difficulty make resistance being divided, then if they were united and joined, to defend one only place: Moreover following still their first thoughts to oppose against the French men, they gave order that the vanguard should return to the lodging where it was before: The artilleries brought down to the earth in xxiv. hours an hundred fathoms of wall: and the tower of the gate was battered with such fury, that being no more able to maintain defence, it was abandoned, so that they might very conveniently give th'assault on that side: But they expected till the mine were accomplished, notwithstanding by the rashness of the soldiers, th'assault was almost executed the same day in disorder: for certain Spanish footmen being climbed up by a ladder to a hole which had been made in the tower, descended that way into a little house which on the inner side belonged to the walls, wherein was no guard: which being found by the other bands of footmen, they had all run thither by heaps, if the captains hearing of the noise, had not repressed their wilfulness: But after the defendants, having levied a Cannon just with the house, had slain one part of them, the others fled for safety from the place where undiscreetly they entered to seek for peril: And whilst they were busy about the mine, others laboured in the army to make bridges of wood, and to fill up the ditches with baskets and earth, the better to be able (marching as it were in a plain way) to bring the footmen to the wall which had been well battered, and to draw even upon the ruins some pieces of artillery, to th'end that in th'execution of th'assault, the defendants should not be able to continued the resistance: But the Frenchmen, seeing into these preparations, & discerning withal that the people began already to give themselves over to fear, sent immediately to pray succours of Monsr de Foix, who dispatched thither the same day a thousand footmen, and the day after fourscore lances: a matter which made thenemies believe assuredly that he was determined to pass no further, it seeming a matter not likely nor congruent that he would separate from himself one part of his strength if he had an other intention: But truly such was his meaning, for that holding that succour sufficient to defend Bolognia, he would not without necessity assay the fortune of the battle. At last the mine was accomplished, & the army standing in order of battle to go forthwith to th'assault, for th'execution whereof with greater strength the vanguard was revoked, Peter of Navarre caused fire to be put to the mine, which with so great noise & fury blew up so high the wall and chapel, that in that space and division was made open to those without, the entrails of the City within together with the manner of the soldiers prepared to defend it: But falling eftsoons down again, the whole wall took the same place from whence the violence of the fire had driven it, and was so rejoined and knit again as if there had not been any separation or removing at all: so that being impossible for the soldiers to go to th'assault on that side, the Captains judged it no less hard to follow it on the other part: They of Bolognia interpreted this adventure to a miracle, saying it was impossible without divine aid that the wall should fall and rejoin so justly upon his old foundations: for which cause the Chapel was afterwards increased and frequented of the people in great devotion. This success (as though there remained nothing else to be feared touching th'affairs of Bolognia) was the cause that Monsr de Foix thought good to go to Bressia, both for an espial he had that the Venetian army drew that way, and also for fear lest th'inhabitants there fell not into some want and necessity, for that by reason of the perils of Bolognia he had left there a very slender garrison, and no less doubted of secret practices and intelligences: Nevertheless he changed opinion at the contemplation and requests of the Captains that were within Bolognia, who sometimes alleged to him that if he went his way, the dangers of the war would redouble and become greater than before, and sometimes they gave him hope to overthrow the camp of the enemies if he would but join his presence to their valour: In regard of which reasons accompanied with a deep consideration of the peril of the affairs present, notwithstanding in the council almost all the captains were against him, he issued very late out of Finalo: and the morning following, being but two hours of daylight, he drew towards Bolognia with all his army in battle array, labouring with importunity of travel against the snows, the ice, & bitter wether: he entered by the gate of S. Felix, having with him xiii. hundred lances, vj. thousand lanceknights whom he had bestowed all in the vanguard, and viii. thousand footmen aswell French as Italians: Being thus with great felicity and valour entered into Bolognia he put into question to assail the morning following the camp of thenemies, the soldiers making their sallies at three gates, & the people issuing out by the way of the mountain: if this resolution had been advanced he had found them not doubting of his coming: A matter which assuredly their capteins had no knowledge of, neither that day nor the most part of the day following: th'execution was hindered by Yves Allegre who gave counsel that the bands made weary with the bitter ways they had marched, should have one day to repose themselves, thinking withal (which also any wise man might have judged) that it was not possible that so great an army, & in the broad day, & by the high way, could without their knowledge enter into a city before the which they lay encamped. The same ignorance had also kept them abused the day after, if by adventure a Greek stradiot had not been taken being issued out of the skirmish amongst other horsemen: and being demanded of the state of the town, & what they did within it: he answered that he was able little to inform them, for that he had but entered the day before with the French army: Upon his words, confirmed both with faith and constancy, the captains entered into such amaze & marvel, that they determined to levy their camp, holding the danger to great to remain there, aswell for the bitterness of the season which greatly afflicted the soldiers, as for the neighborhead of the city whereinto so great an army was entered: They judged it no policy to contend at one time, & with one force, against so many adversities: thintemperance & afflictions of the season were more intolerable to them then the hand of th'enemy, who yet could not but be fearful, both for their numbers, their training, and their resolute minds: They made also conjectures of the monstrous rejoining of the wall after it was blown up, a consideration which not the lest increased their fear, though in soldiers valour aught to be more ready than superstition. The night following, which was the 
The Pope's army retireth from before Bolognia.  xix day since their encamping, they retired their artilleries with as little brute as they could, & marched with their army in good time along the high way towards Ymola, drawing along the plains and squares by the which they came, in the midst of which was the high way and the artillery: and bestowing in their rearguard the flower of their army, they marched & won way with surety, for that there issued none out of Bolognia other then certain French horsemen, who having made spoil of part of the munitions and victuals, and therefore begun to fall into disorder, were to their harms repulsed even to Bolognia by Malatesta Baillon, who governed the last part of th'army.  
Assoon as the camp was levied, Monsr Foix leaving three hundred lances and four thousand footmen within Bolognia, departed in great diligence to march to the succours of the castle of Bressia, the City being taken by the Venetians, the day before he entered into Bolognia: for Andrew Gritti induced by Count Lowis Auogato a gentleman of Bressia, the most part of the people of the country concurring also, and hoping much that within the town they would draw to some mutiny, had passed by commandment of the Senate with an army of three hundred men at arms, xiii hundred light horsemen, and three thousand footmen, the river of Adice at Albera which is a place near to Leguague, and afterwards waded the ford of Myncia at the turning mill between Croito and Valegge: And coming at last to Montcharo, he encamped by night at Castagnet a village within five miles of Bressia, & from thence made sudden incursions with his horsemen even to the gates: And at the same time the authority and affection to the name of S. Mark resounding in all places, Count Lowys came hard to the gates with eight hundred men of the valleys of Entropien and Sabina whom he had drawn into commotion, and sent his son on the other side of the city even to the gates with other companies of footmen: But Andrew Gritti, neither receiving from within the city those intelligences which he expected, nor being made to him any such signs as were agreed, he held himself prevented by the policy and well guarding of the city: And therefore, refusing to abide peril where he saw no token of safety, and at the same time the son of Auogato being taken prisoner by a sally made out of the town, he retired to Montagnano from whence he departed at first, leaving a sufficient guard upon the bridge which he had made upon Adice: But being called again not many days after, he repassed the river of Adice with two cannons and four falconets and encamped at Castagnet, Count Lowys being at the same time approached within a mile of Bressia with a great strength of the said valley men: And albeit there were as yet small tokens or appearance of favour from them within, yet, Gritty seeing his strength to be greater than it was, determined to venture to have it by force: his valour made him resolute against all doubts of fortune, which is not the lest virtue in a man of war disposed to do an enterprise: he brought all his peasants to the walls, and began to execute the assault in three places, which albeit was ill followed at the gate of the tower, yet it did more happily succeed at the gate of the piles where Auogato sought, and at the gate LaGarzula where the soldiers led by Balthasar Scipion entered by the iron grates, by the which the river (bearing his name of the town) entereth into the city: In this fury of th'assault, notwithstanding the resistance of the french men, who both seeing the enemies enter the city, and the townsmen conspire in their favour, they retired into the castle together with Monsr du Lude their governor, losing their horses and baggage: In this tumult, that part of the town which is called the Citadel and standeth separated from the residue of the city, A part wherein almost all the Gebelins inhabited, was spoiled and sacked, except the houses of the guelfs: After the conquest of Bressia, Bergama rendered immediately except the two castles, whereof the one is in the midst of the city, and the other stands within half a mile: This rendering happened not so much by th'example of Bressia, as by the mean and working of certain Citizens: Orcivecche, Orcinovo, and Pontuiquo, with many other places there about did the like: And perhaps much more had been done, or at the lest the victory had been better assured, if at Venice they had had a care necessary and convenient both to sand soldiers and artilleries to get the castle, which no doubt would have made no great resistance, And also to created Magistrates for the well guiding of places already recovered: Their joy was greater for the victory they had gotten, than their provision to preserve the things which their fortune had brought them: Their glory was far above their policy which in men of war is not the lest error, for that it makes them more apt to win, than able to hold: And this negligence of the Venetians was so much the more hurtful, by how much more great was the celerity and diligence of Monsr de Foix, who, having passed the river of Paw at Stellato (from whence he sent l. lances for the guard of Ferrara and five hundred french footmen) he passed also the river of Myncia at the mill bridge, having almost at the same time of his marching, sent to demand passage of the Marquis of Mantua: his sudden demand of the Marquis drew one of these two reasons, either to give him no respite to take advise in a matter so present and peremptory, or else that the Venetian bands should be so much the later advertised of his coming: A man of war hath no one property more commendable than his celerity and speed, for that by advancing opportunities, he takes from his adversary all council, And by his quickness overcometh the hardness of things which otherways his valour were notable to suppress: The tide that is driven with a violence more than ordinary, beguileth the Mariner that standeth to expect, but maketh much for the ship that taketh the benefit of it: There is no sort of action wherein fortune more favoureth men of enterprise, then when their celerity is equal to their valour, for that it cuts of from the enemy all discourse of council and makes him blind in the defence of his proper harms. From thence he went the day after to Nogero upon the territories of Verona, and the day following to Pontpesere & to Trevilla three miles from Eskalo: where, receiving advertisement that john Paul Baillon was come from Frankcastel with three hundred men at arms, four hundred light horsemen and twelve hundred footmen, to encamp within the isle of Eskalo: he made haste thither to charge him with three hundred lances & seven hundred Archers, the residue of th'army coming after, which otherways could not march with such diligence: But finding that he was removed an hour afore his coming, he put himself in order to follow him without tarrying: joh. P. Baillon had received advertisement that Barnardin de Montono to whom was left the guard of the bridge made at Albero, had broken it up, hearing of the coming of the french, for fear he should not be enclosed by them, and the lanceknights which were within Verona, whether Caesar had a little before sent three thousand footmen which he had in Fryull, being at that time released of all guard at Fryull, for that all was returned to the power of the Venetians, except Gradisqua, who more than the rest expressed her fidelity against the adversaries of the war: for this cause joh. P. Baillon had gotten into Bressia, if he had not been told that a little beneath Verona the river might be passed over by ford: But as he went to perform his passage, he discovered a far of Monsr de Foix, whose incredible celerity for that it was far more than the reaport and renown that went of him, he thought they could be no other troupes then one part of the soldiers that were within Verona, And in that persuasion ranging his companies in battle array, he tarried their coming with great courage at the tower Magnanino, which is somewhat near Adice, and of a very little distance from the tower of Eskalo: The encownter of both parties was very furious with their lances, 
M. de Foix defeateth joh. Pawle Baillon.  and afterwards falling to other weapons, the battle was hotly continued more than an hour: But the condition of the Italians grew worse and worse, for that the other part was continually supplied with new relief of soldiers from the army which was left behind: And albeit not so much by the valour of their enemies as by their proper imbecility of numbers, they were often put to disorder, yet by their virtue and government they reassembled as often: At last, being not able to make a perpetual resistance against the greater number, they were broken and put to flight, and were chased by th'enemy (the night now beginning) even to the river which joh. P. passed in safety, his fortune being better than many of his people who were drowned by the fury of the chasse: In this medley were slain and taken about four score and ten men at arms of the Venetians, Amongst whom fell into the calamity of prisoners Guido Rangon and Balthasar Signorello de Perousa: The footmen were all dispersed and broken, and two falconnets lost which was all they had to leave to th'enemy as monuments of that miserable adventure: In this calamity, it seemed fortune respected much the french men, for that few of them fell into the mercy of th'enemy, and fewer into the misery of imprisonment, (their felicity with their valour, making them free from those dangers which reason and conjecture threw upon them): The day after they encowntred Meleager de Furly with certain light horsemen of the Venetians, whom they easily put to flight Meleager remaining prisoner: And in this course of felicity, holding it not necessary to loose one hour of time, the ninth day after they parted from Bolognia, Monsr de Foix with the vanguard encamped within the suburbs of Bressia about two crosbowshootes from the gate of Tourlonguo, and the residue of th'army more backward along the way that leads to Pesquiero: Assoon as he was encamped, not giving to himself as it were any leisure to breath, he sent one part of his footmen to charge upon the Monastery of S. Fridian, which is half way to the hill under the which he was encamped, and the hill kept by many peasants of the valley Tropia: This guard was soon broken and most of them slain by the footmen, who made their entry into many places by climbing being favoured with certain showers of rain by the which th'artilleries that were in the Monastery could not execute: The day following Monsr de Foix sent a trumpet to summon the town to tender with conditions of safety for their lives and goods, except the Venetians: And his Messenger being proudly answered in the presence of Andrew Gritty, he turned his army ●o tother side on the town to be more near the castle, and was lodged in the suburbs of the gate called S. john's gate: The morning following, even by the first revealing of the day, he choosed out of the main army more than four hundred men at arms all armed in white, and six thousand footmen, part Gascons and part lanceknights, And with them putting himself on foot, he went up on that side towards the gate of the piles and entered without resistance within the first waste of the castle▪ where causing his companies to rest and refresh themselves a little, he encouraged them with short speeches to mount resolutely up to that rich and wealthy city, where the glory and booty would be greater without all comparison than the pain or peril, having to fight with soldiers of Venice who were manifestly inferior to them in numbers, in virtue, and in fortune: he contemned their numbers, for that being people unexperienced in war, he judged them more apt to flee then to fight: he bade them hope that the cowardice of some bringing disorder to the residue would be the cause that the whole would fall into fear, negligence & confusion: be put them in remembrance of their ancient victories wherein their virtue was no less meritorius then their fortune: he told them that to men of action nothing more hindereth their glory then to be slow to take the benefit of occasions, and the resolute man never findeth want of fortune where he expresseth no want of valour: he desired them lastly that as he had chosen them for the most valiant of the whole army, so they would not bring shame to themselves and to his judgement, but that they would consider what infamy and dishonour it would be to them, if they who made profession to enter cities notwithstanding the resistance of soldiers, of artilleries, of walls, and of rampires, should not now rejoice in their desires, having no other impediment than men only in whom nothing was less familiar than dispositions to fight: Immediately he put his footmen before his men at arms and began to march out of the castle, and at his going out he found certain bands of footmen who with their artillery assayed to stop him for passing further: But his valour making them to retire, he descended furiously by the skirts of the palace green of the captain Burletto where the Venetian regiments well ranged and close together, expected him with great resolution: They fell immediately to hand strokes, when the medley was terrible for a long time, the one part fight for their proper safety, and the other part for glory, joined to a desire to sack a city so full of riches: The Captains, besides their office to command and dispose, most often took the places of mean soldiers, the virtue of Monsr de Foix being singular above the residue: At last the Venetian army were driven from the place after they had made a wonderful defence: In so much as the Conquerors, who now divided themselves into two bands, made their entry, the one by the city, and the other by the Citadel, finding in every quarter and corner a marvelous resistance by the soldiers and by the people, In whom it seemed their adversity had nothing diminished their virtue: But the french men 
Bressia taken and sacked.  being always followed with victory passed thorough all impediments and chassed all their enemies that stood afore them: They gave not their minds to pillage until they saw themselves absolute Masters of the town: such was their direction of their captain, whom they obeyed and observed so justly, that what soever he were that did otherways, he was forthwith slain by his fellows: In these encownters there died of the french part many footmen and a great number of men at arms: But of thenemies were left on the ground eight thousand dead carcases, part of the people and part of the Venetian soldiers which were five hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horsemen, and eight thousand footmen, amongst whom was Contaryn commander of the stradiots, who was slain upon the green with a bullet of a arqebus: All the residue were taken except two hundred stradiots who fled by a postern near the gate of S. Nazareth, albeit with no better fortune, for that falling upon the french army which remained without the town they were almost all taken or killed: They also immediately after the execution entered the town by the same gate, and falling to pillage aswell as the residue, they enjoyed the travels and dangers of others: Andrew Gritty & Anth. justynian whom the Senate had sent into that city as governor, remained prisoners together with joh. P. Manfron & his son the Knight de la Volpe, Balthasar Scipion, one of the sons of Anth. de Pio, Count Lowys Auogato, and one of his sons, and Domynik Busechio captain of the stradiots: These being chieftains of th'army were reserved as miserable examples of their own calamity: they were by the wretchedness and fortune of prisoners disposed & carried about as best pleased the appetit of the Victors, sometimes brought to behold the dead bodies of their companions and friends, A spectacle lamentable to be compelled to see those men dead, whom in life they so much honoured and loved: And sometimes appointed to stand in the presence of th'enemy, taking special glory in that which to them could not be but an increase of discomfort: by straight commandment of Monsr de Foix, the honours of the women of religion were kept undefiled, but their goods together with such others, as for protection were conveyed into their covents, were made a pray to the Captains: Count Lowys was executed in the market place Monsr de Foix being present, and seemed to hold it a sacrifice best acceptable and pleasing to his eyes: his two sons albeit they were for a time deferred, suffered in the end the same pain, th'authority of the Victor reigning very judicially over the lives of whom soever it pleased him: In this sort by the valour & fortune of the french men of whom they of Bressia vaunted to be descended, fell into this extremity that city, for nobility & dignive nothing inferior to any other city of Lombardye, but in riches and plenty, far above them all except Milan: And as the miseries that war draweth with it are infinite, so the whole city for seven days together was exposed to the covetousness, to the lust, and to the cruelty of soldiers, things sacred aswell as profane being parcel of the pray, And no less the lives then the goods of men committed to the discretion of spoilers: This victory brought great reputation to the name of Monsr de Foix, Italy, no less than the other regions of Christendom resounding much his glory, that by his celerity and valour in the space of xv. days, he had compelled the armies ecclesiastic and spanish to discampe from before Bolognia, overthrown in the plain field joh. P. Baillon with part of the Venetian regiments, and reconquered Bressia with so great a slaughter of soldiers and other sorts of peoples: it was confirmed by the judgement of wise men, that touching enterprise and matters of war, Italy had not felt the like of long time, the adversity far exceeding the memory and example of all times past.  
After the action of Bressia together with the other places that were lost, of whom Bergamo drawn into rebellion by the aid of very few of the town, had by common consent revoked the french men before Monsr de Foix made his entry into Bressia: And after Monsr de Foix had set down a form to th'affairs of Bressia, and had somewhat refreshed and reordered his army made weary with so great travels, and no less disordered partly by keeping and partly by distribution of the spoil: he determined according to the kings commandment, to go seek the army of the confederates, which, after his departure from before the walls of Bolognia, was stayed upon the lands of the Bolognois: To this direction the king was constrained by many urgent accidents, which drove him into necessity to take new councils for the safety and benefit of his affairs: for, he discerned manifestly that he should have war with the king of England, notwithstanding that king had in frank terms afore, assured him the contrary, And since, kept him in suspense with tokens and words doubtful: The actions which were quite contrary to his promises could be no more covered, for that there came advertisement from Rome, how he had at lust approved and ratified the league by writing: Besides, the french king was not ignorant that in England were made great preparations of men and ships, and in Spain was rigged a great navy to pass into England where was an universal disposition in all sorts of the people of that region, to make war upon the Realm of France: To this humour of the king & people, was much helping the arrival of a galleass from the Pope laden with Greek wines, with cheeses, and other provisions, which distributed in his name to the king, Barons, and Prelates of the Realm, were received of all with a wonderful gladness: The common sort of people which oftentimes is no less carried by vain and small things, then by matters more grave and great, run with general admiration to behold the galeasse, accounting it so much more to their pleasure and glory, by how much they had never seen in that I'll any vessel bearing the Pope's banners: At last Bishop Morton, who had long negociated between the Pope and the french king, induced either by his conscience, or by desire to be Cardinal, was appointed in an assembly of all the states of that island, where he showed with equal favour & full testimony, what was the justice of the Pope's cause: Upon this both it was determined to sand the Prelates to the council of Latran in the name of the whole Realm: And also, (th'importunities of the Pope's Ambassador concurring) the king commanded the french king's Ambassador to departed out of the Realm: he published this reason of his commandment that it was not convenient to entertain about the person of a king and in a kingdom so devout to the Church, a man that represented a king so manifestly persecuting the sea Apostolic. Now began to be discovered the secret resolution wherein the king of England with his army by sea should molest the shores of Normandy and Britain, & should sand eight thousand footmen into Spain to make war upon the Duchy of Guyenu together with the forces of the king of Arragon: A suspicion which not a little afflicted the french king, both for that the memory of the wars past had made the english name very terrible to those peoples, and also he knew the danger would grow so much the greater by how much the spanish forces were joined with them: He was fearful also by the consideration of his own weakness, having sent into Italy all his companies of men at arms saving two hundred lances, which if he should call back either in part or in all, the Duchy of Milan, which he esteemed much should remain in manifest peril: And if for his resupplie he should increase the ancient band of eight hundred lances, he could reappose little confidence and hope for less assurance amid so great dangers, in persons newly created and unexperienced: he added to this the suspicion of thallienation of Caesar which daily more and more increased: for, notwithstanding Andrew Burgos whom he had sent with so great expectation, and being returned, brought tidings that Caesar was disposed to abide in the confederation, yet he made offers of very hard conditions intermeddling many complaints: for, he required of the king, to assure him to recover all that appertained to him by the capitulations of Cambray, alleging that he could no more trust in simple promises, for that he hath always known, both from the beginning and since, that it was a matter very grievous to the king that he should conquer Padua, And that to consume and hold him in continual, travels he had willingly wasted two hundred thousand ducats every year, knowing that to him, the spending of l. thousand was much more: That he had refused the last year to deliver to him the person of , being a captain that had both the will and the experience to put a speedy end to the war: he required that the kings second Daughter being but two years old, might be promised to his Nephew, enduing her for her dowry with Burgonnye, and that the Daughter might presently be delivered to his hands: Lastly that there should be left referred to him the quarrels of Ferrara, of Bolognia, and the controversy of the council, forbidding the french army to march towards Rome, & protesting that he was not to endure that the king should any way increase his estate in Italy: These conditions of themselves grievous and almost intolerable, were yet made more heavy by the experience he had, that notwithstanding he should accord to him so many things, yet he could not be assured that he would not vary, either according to occasions or according to his custom: yea, thIniquity of the conditions offered, served almost as a certain argument that being already alienated from the french king, he sought thoccasion to put it to effect under some cooler, seeing that aswell in words as in works he disclosed many signs of an ill will: for, both the Proctors which he had so many times promised to send to the council of Pysa were not come with Burgos, and also the Prelates assembled at Auspurge, had at last made answer by a public decree, that the council of Pysa was schismatic and detestable, but yet with this moderation that they were ready to change sentence, if they might be resolved in the contrary by reasons more strong and available: And yet notwithstanding the king, at a time when he stood most need to assemble his forces, was constrained to maintain at the request of Caesar two hundred lances and three thousand footmen in Verona, & a guard of a thousand footmen in Leguague: Moreover the fear of the Swyzzers vexed not a little the king's mind: for, albeit he had obtained to sand to their parliaments the Bailiff of Amiens to whom he had given very ample commissions, and was now resolved by discreet council, (if such may be called councils discreet as are taken when th'opportunity of helping is passed) to spare no liberalities nor offers of money to reduce them to his amity: yet what with the hatred of the Commons (which in this respite was made greater) and with thimportunate persuasions of the Cardinal of Zion, prevailing above th'authority of those that from parliament to parliament had hindered all resolutions that were to be made against him: it was discerned that they inclined to sand 6. thousand footmen to the pay of the confederates, who made demand of them, to oppose against the firm squadrons of the lanceknights: Besides all this, the king found himself deprived of all hopes of peace and agreement, notwithstanding during the heat of the war, there had been great labour and solicitation made by the Cardinal of Nantes and the Cardinal of Strigonia, A mighty Prelate of the Realm of Hungria: for, the Pope had made this last and resolute answer that if they would be better heard then before, they should so bring to pass that the diabolical council of Pysa might be reversed, & see restored to the Church her cities of Bolognia and Ferrara: Wherein expressing no less violence in effects then fury in words: he had newly deposed from their dignities many of the french Prelates which were resorted to the council, together with Phillipp Dece one of the most excellent lawyers of that time, both for that he had written and disputed in the justice of their cause, and did follow the Cardinals to be at hand for direction when matters required advise and interpretation of law: In all these difficulties, dangers, and adversities which environed the french king on all sides, he had not one firm or certain footing in any part of Italy: The estates of Ferrara and Bolognia served him (as in times past) more for vexations and charges, then for any other use: And touching the Florentines to whom he made a new instance to join with him in a war against Romagna, he could not draw from them other then general answers: Not he rather held them suspected by reason of the Viceroy's Ambassador of Naples ordinarily remeining at Florence, but much more for that they had sent th'ambassador to the king Catholic, & did no more communicate with him of their affairs, as they were wont: But most of all, for that having laboured to prolong the league which was finished within few months, without that they demanded either money or other great obligations, they temporised, to th'end to be at liberty to take that part that seemed best for their safety, & conveniency of their affairs: The Pope also to augment this disposition, & for fear withal, jest his too great severity and rigour induced them to follow with their force, the fortune of the french king, both gave them absolution of pains & censures, the common weal not suing for it, and also sent as Nuncio to Florence with very easy and gracious conditions, joh. Gossadin a Bolognois one of the Clerks of the chamber Apostolic labouring to take from them the suspicion that they had had of him: So that the king seeing himself left alone against so many enemies either already pronounced or very likely to be so, And having but very hard means of resistance, if so many adversities should thunder upon him in one time: he addressed speedy commandment to Monsr de Foix, to march with as great diligence as he could against the army of the confederates, against whom, as he promised to himself the victory, supposing them to be the weakest, so, being possessed of the victory, he should proceed to assail Rome and the Pope without any respect, in the good issue and succeeding of which, he had opinion that he should stand acquitted of all his great dangers: And to th'end that both the envy of th'enterprise might be diminished, and his justifications the more increased, he gave order that th'enterprise should be made in the name of the council of Pysa, by whom should be assigned a Deputy Legat to go with the army, and under the said name, to receive the towns that should be conquered.  
Thus, Monsr de Foix, departing from Bressia, came to Finalo, where he remained certain days, partly to make provision of victuals that came out of lombardy, and partly to reassemble and draw into one strength all his bands which the king had sent out of Italy except such as by necessity remained for the guard of towns, and partly for the great and sudden rains that fell, which gave impediment to his marching: from thence he went to S. Georges which is upon the territories of Bolognia, and thither came to him a new supply of three thousand footmen Gascons, A thousand adventurers, and a thousand Pickards, all men of choysse and such as the french men made great reputation and reckoning of: his whole camp 
The army of Monsr de Foix.  according to a just number contained five thousand lanceknights, five thousand Gascons, and eight thousand Italians and french, with a thousand six hundred lances comprehending the band of two hundred gentlemen: The Duke of Ferrara was also to join to this army with a hundred men at arms & a great train of good artilleries, Monsr de Foix having left behind him all his great shot and munitions for the deep and fowl ways to draw them: To this army was also to come, and was already on his way, the Cardinal S. Severin appointed Legate of Bolognia by the council, he was a brave and valiant Cardinal bearing more inclination to arms then to holy exercises and contemplations of religion, And less given to the vocation of the church or civil or private profession, then to public action & warlike imitation: Assoon as Monsr de Foix had set down these directions for his affairs, he marched forward to seek thenemies, his valour carrying him in a burning desire to fight with them, no less for the continual commandments and incitations of the king, then by a resolute working and property of his own mind, naturally thirsting after glory, and in him so much the more vehement & kindled, by how much his former success and victories carried him into a weening of further fortune and felicity: And yet he gave not himself over so much to this humour of glory and desire as that his intention was to set upon them rashly, but approaching near their camp either to see if he could willingly draw them out to the battle in some place where the quality of the situation might give lest impediment to his virtue, or else to constrain them to fight in cutting of their victuals and their other succours: But far other was th'intention of thenemies, in whose army (after the 
The army of she Confederates.  regiment of the Duke of Vrbyn was gone under cooler of some controversy) were a thousand four hundred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen & seven thousand spanish footmen, with three thousand Italians newly levied: They were of this opinion that being both inferior in numbers, & the french horsemen better disposed than theirs, it could not be for their surety to fight in a place of equality at the lest afore the six thousand Swyzzers were come, which, being newly granted by the Cantons, there was practise at Venice, whether the Cardinal of Zion with twelve Ambassadors of that nation were gone for that purpose, to levy at the common charges of the Pope and the Venetians: There was added to this, the will of the king of Arragon, who had given commandment both by letters and Messengers express, to abstain from battle as much as could be: for he hoped specially in the thing which the french king feared most, that if the battle were deferred until the king of England & he began the war in France, the french king would be constrained to call home either all or the greatest part of his companies, & by that mean he should put end to the war of Italy & remeine possessed of the victory without blood or danger: And for this reason he had forbidden the Viceroy to besiege Bolognia, had it not been for the great instance and complaints that the Pope made: Thus the Viceroy of Naples together with the other captains, were at this point to encamp always near to the french army, both to let that the towns of Romagna remained not to them in pray, & also to stop the way for going to Rome: And withal they were resolved to keep them always in places of strength, where, either for their situation, or to be backed with some great town, the french men should have no opportunity to charge them but to their great disadvantage: And therefore they were determined to make no account nor difficulty to retire as often as need should be, judging, as men well understanding the quality of war, that they were not bound to thapparances and brutes that ran, but principally had to look to obtain the victory which was followed with glory, with reputation, & with praise of men: According to which resolution, the same day that th'army was lodged at the castle Guelffe & at Medicina, such as were encamped near those places, retired to the walls of Ymola: The day following the french men passed within a mile & an half of Ymola, thenemies keeping good order in the place where they were encamped: But refusing to assail them at so great a disadvantage, they passed further, the vanguard lodging in the borrow of Bubana four miles from Ymola, and the other part of th'army at Mordana and Baguaro, towns somewhat more than a mile one from an other: They choosed their lodging places beneath the high way for the opportunity of victuals, which with surety were brought by the river of Paw, Lugo, Bagua Cavall and the towns thereabout, being abandoned of the Spaniards & eftsoons returned to the devotion of the Duke of Ferrara when Monsr de Foix entered upon the territories of Bolognia: The day after the Spaniards, leaving sufficient garrison in the castle of Ymola, and lx. men at arms in the town under joh. Sassatello, went to Castle Boulonnois, and encamped upon the high way, their camp stretching towards the mountains: And the same day, the french men took by force the borrow of Solarola, the terror whereof made Cotignola and Granarola to tender to them, where they remained the day following And the enemies encamping in a place called the seld of flees: In these little removings and nearness of places, the two armies marched always in good order, their artillery going foremost, with the face to thenemy as though the battle were to begin at every hour: And yet both the armies marched with very great respect, the one not to be constrained to come to blows but in a place where th'advantage of the situation should recompense the disadvantage of their number and forces: And the other to seek to draw thenemies to a necessity to fight, but with this regard that at one time, both the weapons and place should not be contrary to them: In that place, Monsr de Foix received a new commandment from the King to hasten the battle, the same causes and reasons still increasing that had first induced him to advance to seek th'enemies: For, where the Venetians had obstinately refused to make peace with Caesar but upon condition that they might retain Vincensa, notwithstanding they were much weakened by the accident of Bressia, and also much pressed first by requests and after by protestations and threatenings of the Pope and King of Arragon: There was at last made between them a truce for eight months before the Pope, with covenant that either parts should retain the things they possessed, and to pay to Caesar fifty thousand florins of the Rhein: The same removing from the king all doubts that he would not be divided from him, and at the same time he had intelligence that he would have war beyond the Mounts: for, Jerome Cabavillo the king of Aragon's Ambassador and resident in his Court, making instance to be heard in plain council, told him he had received commandment from the king his Master, to depart, exhorting him in his name to forbear to favour against the Church the tyrants of Bolognia, &, for so unjust a cause, to leave of to trouble a peace of so great importance and profit to the whole common weal of Christendom: In which exhortation he offered, that in case he feared to receive any damage for the restitution of Bolognia, he would assure him in all sorts he would desire, Adding in the end for a resolution immovable, that he would not nor could not fail to defend the Church according to the office of every Christian Prince.  
Therefore Monsr de Foix, being now certain that he should never accomplish his intention in accosting and following th'enemy, for that, for the commodity they had of the towns of Romagna, he could not easily cut of their victuals nor force them to the battle without great disadvantage: And his own army also suffering no small necessity of victuals by the barreinnes of places where he lay, he took council of his Captains and determined to go to encamp afore Ravenna: he hoped by this mean, thenemies, not to diminish their reputation would not suffer to be lost before their eyes a city of that importance: And withal he doubted not under this occasion to fight with thenemies in a place of indifferency: And to let the enemy (haply suspecting his devise) to approach to Ravenna, he encamped between Cotignola and Granarola seven miles from them, where he stayed four days expecting from Ferrara twelve Cannons and twelve other lesser pieces of artillery: Thennemies doubted such a resolution, and for that cause sent to Ravenna Mark. Anth. Colonno, who before he entered into the journey took the faith and promiss of the Legate, the Viceroy, Fabricio and Peter of Navarre with all the other Captains of th'army (otherways he would not undertake th'enterprise) that if the french came to encamp afore it, they should make to his succours with the whole army: There went with him in this expedition, three score men at arms of his own band, An hundred light horsemen under Peter de Castre, and six hundred spanish footmen commanded by captain Parades and Salezart: touching the residue of th'army, they encamped near the walls of Faenza along the gate that goeth to Ravenna, entertaining the time of their abiding there with a hot skirmish with th'enemy: About that time Monsr de Foix sent an hundred lances and fifteen hundred footmen to take the borrow of Russi guarded by a garrison of the place itself, who, notwithstanding in the beginning (according to the manner of commons and popular men,) showed themselves very resolure and assured, yet, their natural fears vanquishing their frail shows of courage, they entered the same day into a parley to tender and yield: during which commonings the French men taking th'opportunity of their negligence and disorder, entered the place with no little fury and sacked it, putting to the sword more than two hundred men, and reduced all the residue to the calamity of prisoners: from Russi, Monsr de Foix drew near to Ravenna, and the day after encamped near the walls between the two rivers in the midst whereof the town hath 
The seat of Ravenna.  her situation: The river of Ronquo which old histories call Vitis, and the river of Montono, not a little esteemed for that next after Paw, it is the chiefest of those rivers that have their head on the left hand of th' Appenyn, and entereth into the sea of his proper course, fall from th' Appenyn hills, And where they take their head, there they make the separation of Romagna from Tuskane: These rivers make their course so, as they enclose the city of Furly: Montono that runneth on the left hand toucheth almost the walls, And Ronquo falling on the right hand, passeth within two miles of it, and afterwards are restrained and drawn narrow near Ravenna with so little space, that the one on the one part and the other on the other, make their course fast by the walls, A little below which walls, their water's meeting and embracing together, they fall afterwards into the sea being now three miles of, but in old time (as is said) did beat upon the walls of the town: Monsrde Foix commanded the space or distance that is between the one and other of the rivers, the front of his camp bearing towards the gate Adriana which is almost joining to the brink or shore of Montono: The day after he was encamped, he made to plant th'artillery, partly against the tower called Roncono situated between the port Adriana and the river of Ronquo, and partly on the other side of Montono whether one part of th'army was passed by a bridge which was cast over the river: he hastened the battery as much as he could, to th'end to come to th'assault, both afore the enemies approached whom he knew to be marching, and also for his great necessity and difficulty to recover provision of victuals, seeing the Venetian bands which lay at Ficqueroles, with many vessels armed, gave impediment to such as were brought out of lombardy: And having sunk to the bottom certain barks in the mouth of the channel which entereth into Paw twelve miles from Ravenna and passeth there within two miles, they also stopped the entry of those that came from Ferrara in vessels of that country: A provision which was no less dangerous than uneasy to be brought by waggon or cart: besides this, the incommodities and dangers were no less for their foragers, who of necessity were to range seven or eight miles from the camp: impediments not small to a camp lying upon th'execution of some enterprise: In regard of these difficulties, concurring also the consideration of other extremities and dangers, Monsr de Foix determined to give th'assault the same day, notwithstanding he knew it was no less hard than dangerous to make his entry: for, of the wall that was battered, there was brought down to the earth but thirty fathoms, and yet they not altogether ruinous for that three fathoms were yet left standing on high, so that there could be made no entry but by ladders: But to futmount these difficulties with valour and direction, and the better to encourage his people by a striving and emulation amongst themselves, he divided in three squadrons distinct and separate one from an other, the regiments of footmen of the Almains, italians, & french: And after he had chosen out of every company of the men at arms, ten of the most trained & resolute, he charged, that being covered with the same arms with the which they were wont to fight on horseback, they should march afore the footmen: he brought them all in good order of war afore the walls, and recommending them to their several fortune, he saw them give a very furious assault, respecting so much the less the perils that were afore them, by how much more every one of them laboured to make good his election and judgement of their valour: The defendants made valiant resistance, to the special praise of Mark. Anth. Colonno, who, during that sharp storm, omitted in himself no office, no part, no place, that concerned the rescue and succour of his people doing double service, both by direction and by example: The french men were wonderfully troubled with a coluerine that was planted upon a bastillion, by which, with other afflictions far contrary to their looking, they saw themselves out of all hope to be able to force the town, & therefore after they had fought three hours, they retired to their lodgings with the loss of three hundred footmen and certain men at arms: many were miserably hurt, as Monsr Chastillon and the captain of th'artillery, who receiving their wounds from out of the town, died not many days after: Federyk de Bossolo was also hurt but not to the death, All men in such a calamity, not being subject to one kind of fortune: The day following, the devices to batter the walls, were turned to fight with thenemies in the field: They, assoon as the french army was removed remembering their faith and promiss to Mark. Anth., were entered within Furly which is between the same rivers, and having afterwards passed the river of Ronquo a few miles lower, they came towards Ravenna: About which time the Citizens of the town, brought into terror by the assault of the day before, sent out one to treat of composition without the privity of Mark. Anth.: But as he was in the action, going and returning with answers, the army of th'enemy was discovered, which marched along the river, And assoon as the French men discerned it, they drew immediately into arms with a great noise and ranged their companies under their ensigns: They retired in great haste their artilleries from before their walls, and turned them towards their enemies: And in the mean while Monsr de Foix, consulted with the other captains whether it were good to pass the river at the same instant, to let them for entering into Ravenna: A matter which either they had not determined to do, or at least it was impossible with order convenient, and with necessary diligence: where it was easy to th'army of the confederates to enter the same day into Ravenna by the wood of Pineta which is between the sea and the city, A devise which had constrained the French men to retire with shame, and to go out of Romagna considering the want of victuals: But they either not knowing thoccasion, and fearing withal that as they marched 
The Confederates as the succours of Ravenna.  they should be enforced to fight in the plain field: or else supposing that by the only view and showing of their army, Ravenna was sufficiently succoured, for that Monsr de Foix durst not eftsoons send to th'assault: They encamped, contrary to all expectation three miles within Ravenna in a place called Monlinacco, spending the residue of that day and the night following in entrenching their camp with ditches so large and deep, as the shortness of the time would suffer: In this respite of time, the french Captains consulted together not without diversity of opinions: some held it an enterprise too dangerous to give a new assault to them within Ravenna, having before them so little a breach in the wall, & behind them so great a camp & army of enemies: They judged it unprofitable to remain there without hope to be able to do any thing, yea the scarcity of victuals bringing apparent impossibility to all action: And that in retiring, there would grow to the Spaniards a greater reputation than was won the day before by advancing: Lastly, that as it was a matter very dangerous and against all deliberations and councils made before, to go charge them in their camp which they had to think was well fortified, so, of all sorts of dangers that chief was to be eschewed by which might happen greatest harms, and of all other harms this is the greatest without all comparison to be overthrown: Amydd these discourses of difficulties and perils it was in the end resolved, that they would go set upon the enemy assoon as it were day, Monsr de Foix allowing that resolution as most agreeable to his glory, and their common safety. All the night they wrought to set up the bridge upon the river of Ronquo making plain the risings of the banks on all sides, to make the way more easy and passable: The next morning by the first appearing of the day, being the eleventh of April, a day very solemn for the memory of the holy resurrection, the lanceknights of the footmen marched over the bridge, almost all the vanguard and the battle passed the river by ford, and the rearguard guided by Yues' d'Allegre wherein were four hundred lances, remained upon the shore of the river on Ravenna side, to th'end to succour the army in necessity, and to make head if the soldiers or people issued out of Ravenna: And to the guard of the bridge which had been afore built upon the river of Montono, was appointed captain Paris a Skottishe man with a strength of a thousand footmen: Immediately upon this the Frenchmen prepared themselves to the battle in this order: The vanguard with th'artillery before, governed by 
The order of the Frenchmen in the battle of Ravenna.  the Duke of Ferrara with seven hundred lances and the lanceknights, was placed upon the bank or shore of the river which was on their right hand, the footmen being on the left hand to the horsemen: On the side of the vanguard and in flank, were bestowed the footmen of the battle which were eight thousand, part Gascons and part Pickardes: And after, in enlarging always and bearing further from the bank of the river, was the last esquadron of Italian footmen led by Federike Bossolo, wherein was not above the number of five thousand bodies: for notwithstanding Monsr de Foix coming from before Bolognia took with him such as were there in garrison, yet many of them were shrunk away by reason the pay was small: And on the side or wing of this squadron were all the archers and light horsemen, which exceeded the number of three thousand. After the ordering of all these squadrons, who not stretching directly right forth, but plying and bowing, bore the form of a half moon, and upon the bank of the river, were the six hundred lances of the battle commanded by Monsr de la Palissa, together with the Cardinal S. Severin Legate of the council, who being of stature huge & mighty, and of courage and mind nothing inferior, and armed withal from top to toa with glittering arms, performed far better the office of a captain then of a Cardinal or Legate. In this disposing of the army, Monsr de Foix reserved to himself no charge or place particular, but having made a choice of thirty of the most valiant Gentlemen of the whole army, he stood free and at liberty to be the better able to secure and minister to all parts: The goodly estate and presence of his parsonage covered with armour shining and wrought, made him easy to be discerned from all others, joining his livery or cassock, in whose colours was represented the inclination of his mind: And because there should be omitted in him nothing that either belonged to the testification of his proper valour, or was necessary to stir up the minds of his people, he mounted upon the rising of the shore of the river, and with a countenance of singular joy and comfort dispersed into his eyes and all his other outward senses and parts, he spoke to his companies with an eloquence more than martial in this sort:  
My good friends and soldiers, this is the day wherein fortune offereth to lead 
M●●Soan●● de 〈…〉 encourageth his soldiers to the battle.  us to fight with our enemies in open field: A matter so much the more welcome, by how much it hath been long desired with an universal expectation of us all: The same fortune, whose favour we have carried always upon our shoulders in so many victories, presenteth herself now to kiss our cheeks in sign of her perpetual assistance: and holding her lap open, she puts into our hands an occasion to win the most honourable and glorious victory that ever was got by any army in the memory of man: for not only Ravenna, not only all the towns and limits of Romagna, are subject to your discretion, but also the wealth and plenty of riches contained in those large limits, shall be the lest part of the rewards of your valour. Not one Prince, or Potentat remaining in Italy able to make head against your force and felicity, what shall let you to run up even to Rome, where the infinite treasures of that wicked Court drawn in so many ages out of the bowels and entrails of Christendom, shall be the honourable fruits of your travel: yea your valour and your fortune will put into your hands so many stately ornaments, such heaps of silver, so many wedges of gold, such mountains of precious stones, and so many rich prisoners, that the whole world will envy your condition: And from Rome, even with the same facility, we shall march into the bowels of the kingdom of Naples, executing revenge upon the injuries done to us and ours heretofore. These be felicities which I see not subject to any impediment when I consider your virtue, your fortune, and the honourable victories you have gotten in few days. These expeditions bring with them no doubt nor fear, when I behold your countenances, and do remember that there are very few amongst you, who in my presence hath not given some notable testimony of his valour. Our enemies be the same Spaniards whom our arrival forced with shame to flee by night from before Bolognia, they be the same minds and bodies who not many days since sought their safety from us, not otherwise then by hiding themselves under the walls of Ymola and Faenza, and afterwards covered their dishonour in places montenous and impassable. This is a race of people and nation that in the kingdom of Naples never fought against our armies in plain field, or places discovered, but brought with them always the advantage of rampires, of rivers, of ditches, or the wether, reapposing less in their valour and virtue, then in their sleights and ambushes: And yet I can not term them that portion of Spaniards which have been nourished and made old in the wars of Naples, but rather a people new, raw, and unexperienced, who never fought against other arms than bows and arrows and lances pointed after the manner of the Moors: who notwithstanding is a nation and people weak of body, without heart, without armour, and wholly without knowledge of the art of war, yet the last year they overthrew this proud generation of Spaniards to their great infamy in the isle of Gerbes: from which place fled this Peter of Navarre a captain of so great name and reputation with them, serving as a notable example to all the world touching the difference to make walls fall with the fury of powder, and subtlety of vaults secret and under earth, and to fight in the field with a true resolution and magnanimity of courage: They are now enclosed with a trench which fear hath driven them to make this night in great haste: their footmen are shadowed and covered with the rising of the bank, and they put confidence in their armed wagons, as if the battle were to be performed by those childish instruments, and not with the resolution of mind, and mere force of hands and arms: But with our artilleries we can not but hunt them out of their vaults and caves, and compel them to come into the field and open plains, where the world shall hear of the odds and difference between the fury of the Frenchmen, the resolution of thAlmains, valour of thItalians, and the subtleties, wiles, and ambushes of the Spaniards. The greatest matter that I find to diminish our glory, is the inequality of our numbers being almost twice so many as they: And yet to use this advantage can not be referred to our cowardice, but to their rashness, for that their valour and courage is not the cause of their appearing, but the authority of Fabricio Colonno in respect of his promises undiscreetly made to Mark Antho. or rather it is a sentence of God's justice for the just punishment of the pride and impudent vices of that false Pope julius, and of so many treasons and deceits as that disloyal king of Arragon hath wrought against us, abusing the goodness of our king. But in using so large a skoape of persuasions to soldiers of your virtue, methinks I do so much defer and hinder our victory and the glory thereof, as I spend time in debating with you to whom the rewards of the journey are not unknown: March on a God's name according to the direction set down, and fight with this hope, that this day will give unto the king the empery and jurisdiction, and to you the wealth and riches of all Italy: For my part I will be all this day at your election, not further extending my authority then may needfully tend to the benefit of the service, and make less reservation of myself then belongs to the place which I occupy amongst you. The service of this day being all one, the peril shall be equal both to you and to me, and as I promise' to be indifferent with you in the action, so I doubt not but we shall all communicate in one fortune and felicity: It shall be a great happiness to me, that being the captain of this days battle, my soldiers shall be made more glorious and more rich, then hath been ever any army or soldiers these three hundred years.  
With these words the army fell to a general shouting and crying, every one wishing that they were at the place where they might express their valour: They all called upon him to be forward to lead them, whom they were willing to follow even to the last man. Then the trumpets blue and the drums struck up, warning every soldier to repair to his ensign: in which order, with more joy than fear, they began to march towards thenemies camp, distant from the place where they passed the river less than two miles: Their lodgings stretched out along the shore of the river, which was of their left hand, where they had cast afore them a trench so deep as the shortness of the time would suffer, which winding and turning upon the right hand, environed all the place where they were encamped, saving they had left at the entry of the trench an opening of xx. passes for the horsemen to issue out to the skirmish. In this camp, assoon as they saw the French begin to pass the river, they were ranged in battle in this sort: 
The confederates army.  The vanguard of eight hundred men at arms commanded by Fabricio Colonno, was bestowed along the shore of the river, and joining to the right hand of the same a squadron of six thousand footmen: after the vanguard occupying the place along the river, was the battle of six hundred lances, and on the wing a squadron of four thousand footmen, all governed by the Viceroy, who was accompanied by the Marquis of Palude: The Cardinal de Medicis who by nature had no clear sight, and in behaviour very easy and tractable, marched in the battle in an habit of peace, seeming aswell in demonstrations as in effects, very unlike to the Cardinal S. Severin. After the battle, and likewise along the brink of the river, followed the rearguard of four hundred men at arms, led by Caruagiall a Spanish captain, with a squadron for his wing of four thousand footmen, and with the bands of light horsemen, of whom was captain general Fernand d'Aualo Marquis of Pesquiere, albeit but very young, yet of singular expectation: They were on the right hand at the backs of the footmen to succour such as should suffer distress: The artilleries were bestowed above the men at arms: And for Peter of Navarre who had made a choice of five hundred footmen, and would not for that day be bound to any one place, had bestowed upon the trench afore the footmen, thirty wagons resembling the example of the old times: every wagon was full of small shot, with a very long boar spear upon them, the more easily to sustain th'assault of the French men: In this order they kept themselves close within the body of their trench, expecting th'army of th'enemy to come and charge them: A resolution that as it proved in the end little to their profit: so, from the beginning it appeared very prejudicial: for Fabricio Colonno had given advise to charge th'enemy when they began to pass the river, judging a greater advantage to consist in this to fight against one part only, then to stand to the defence of a slender trench which they had cast afore them: Against this advise was Peter of Navarre, whose counsels were received of the Viceroy as Oracles, and by him it was resolved to suffer them to pass: An opinion no less undiscrete, then altogether full of peril. The French men marched on, and were by this time come within two hundred passes of the trench: and seeing their enemies show no disposition to come out of their place, they stayed for not to give them th'advantage which they sought to have: and in that sort both the one and the other army stood at gaze without stirring for the space of two hours, only the shot executed on both parts, endomaging not a little the French footmen, for that by direction of Peter of Navarre, th'artilleries were planted in a place that gave great opportunity to distress them. But the Duke of Ferrara retiring behind the army one part of th'artillery, drew it in great haste to the point of the frenchmen, in the very place where the archers had been bestowed: This point, for that th'army bore the form of a half Moon, was almost upon the backs of thenemies, who were now furiously battered in flank, and to their great harms, but specially the horsemen: Those companies of the Spanish footmen which the captain of Navarre had withdrawn into a low place on the side of the rising of the river, being in no peril to be hurt, for that according to his commandment they threw themselves flat upon the earth, Fabricio cried aloud, and with great importunities by messengers, called on him to issue out to the battle, and not tarry till they were consumed with the shot of th'artilleries: But it was in vain to range the captain of Navarre, in whom bore more dominion a cursed ambition, than either reason or conduit: for imagining that by the valour of the Spanish footmen (though all the residue perished) he should carry the victory, he esteemed his glory would by so much be augmented, by howmuch should be increased the danger of th'army. By this time th'artillery had made such mortality of the men at arms and light horsemen, that they were able to sustain no longer: There might be seen with a miserable spectacle mingled with cries lamentable, both men and horses fall dead to the ground, their quarters fly into the air, and their heads and arms separate from the residue of their bodies: An execution so bloody in the eyes of Fabricio, that he cried out, shall we all die hear through the wretched obstinacy of one stranger, shall this gallant Army be offered to the butcher's bowl without any revenge of the blood that is spilled? Where is the glory of our victories so oftentimes obtained against the Frenchmen? Shall the honour of Spain and Italy be lost for the pleasure of a particular man of Navarre? In which rage and fury of complaint, he caused his companies to issue out on the other side of the trench without tarrying for licence or direction from the Viceroy: And being followed with all the horsemen, Peter of Navarre was compelled to make sign to his footmen, who being risen from the ground charged with incredible fury the footmen of the lanceknights which were already come upon them: By this mean all the squadrons being joined pelmell, there began a most desperate and hot battle, and out of doubt one of the greatest, and best executed that had been fought in Italy of long time: for the battle of Taro was almost no other thing then a gallande encounter of lances, and the deeds of arms in the kingdom of Naples, were rather actions of disorder and rashness, than battles pitched and performed: and in Guiaradada the lesser part only of the Venetians was brought to the fight: but here there was not a body which passed not through the midst of the battle, the fight being in the plain field without impediments of waters or rampires, both the armies fought with a wonderful resolution and courage, they came to the fields with minds indifferently determined to die or live, being kindled not only with glory, with hope, and with danger, but also with hatred of Nation against Nation. In the heat of the fight there happened this spectacle worthy of memory: In the medley of the lanceknights with the Spaniards, two captains of great reputation marching afore their squadrons, fought hand to hand as it were by defiance, where the Launceknight being slain, the Spaniard had no more glory by his victory, than the other had honour by his death. The horsemen of the league which ordinarily were not equal to the French, and that day having suffered much by the artillery, were become far inferior, being not able to make further resistance, gave their backs to th'enemy, having long borne out the fury of the fight more with courage then with strength: And Yues d'Allegre also whom Monsr lafoy Palissa had called, coming with the rearguard to charge them in the flank, and with a thousand footmen that had been left at Montona, were taken prisoners by the soldiers of the Duke of Ferrara, together with Fabricio Colonno fighting valiantly: In this giving back the example of the captains did much, for that the Viceroy and Caruagiall, without making a last proof of the virtue of their men, began to flee, carrying with them the third squadron almost whole and unbroken: with them fled Antho. de leva, a man at that time of very base condition, but rising by continual exercise of arms, to all the degrees of war, he become at last a captain of singular reputation and name: All the light horsemen were likewise overthrown, and their captain the Marquis of Pesquiere taken prisoner, having his armour all covered with blood, and his body full of wounds, expressing his valour to be greater than his fortune: There was taken also the Marquis of Palude, who in great disorder had led the second squadron to the battle through a field full of ditches and bushes: And albeit by the wretched success of that day, all the place was covered with bodies of dead men and carcases of horses, yet the footmen of the Spaniards abandoned of their horsemen, continued to fight with an incredible valour and assurance: for albeit in the beginning of the fight and at the first encounter with the lanceknights, they were somewhat shaken by the firm and close order of the pikes, yet coming afterwards to the sword point, and many of the Spaniards covered with their targets running with their daggers and short weapons between the legs of the lanceknights, they came with a wonderful slaughter almost even to the midst of their squadron: And near unto them the Gascon footmen having occupied the way between the river and the rising, had charged the Italian footmen, and albeit they had much suffered by the artilleries, yet they had expulsed them to their great praise, if, with a guidon of horsemen Yues Allegre had not thrust in amongst them, with a greater valour than fortune: for Monsr Vinarai● his son bringslaine in the action even afore his eyes, he thought to take present revenge of his new sorrow, or haply having less delight to live after he saw the privation of his son, he thrust in with his horse into the thickest press of enemies, where he communicated in the miserable destiny of his son, fight as appertained to a valiant captain: The Italian footmen gave 
The death of Yues' d'Allegre.  back, being no more able to resist so great a multitude: but one part of the Spanish footmen running to their succours sustained them for a time: neither could the footmen of the lanceknights make any further resistance, being also oppressed by the other part of the Spaniards: but the horsemen being already fled, Monsr de Foix turned him to charge them with a great troop of horsemen, by reason whereof the Spaniards rather retiring then chased out of the battle, and winning the way which is between the river and the rising without showing any manner of disorder, they began to get further off, not giving faster back than by foot paces, keeping the front of their squadron very close, by whose force they repulsed the frenchmen: It was at that time that Peter de Navarre having less desire to live than to save himself, & in that mind would not go out of the battle, was taken prisoner, receiving a reward of his obstinacy to the universal ruin of th'army. The mind thirsting after glory is infinite in opinion & weening, and to the man that is carried with ambition & desire of honour, nothing can stay or limit his adventures: for Monsr de Foix could not brook that the Spanish footmen should go their ways as it were victorious & in so good order, neither could he think his victory was perfect, if they were not overthrown aswell as the residue: therefore respecting more the glory he should get, than the perils that commonly lie lurking under undiscrete adventures, he went furiously to the charge with a squadron of horsemen, and executed upon those that were last, by whom being environed and cast from his horse, or as some suppose, his horse falling upon him 
Monsr de Foix slain.  whilst he fought, he was slain with a thrust of a pike given him in the flank. And if it be then time for a man to desire to die, when his fortune hath set him in the full of his felicity, he may by imputation be said to die happily, falling into his last time when he fell into the last act of so glorious a victory: He died very young, but with a singular reputation throughout the world, having in less than three months, & being almost a captain before he was a soldier, obtained so many victories with incredible celerity & valour: Near unto him Monsr Lautrech was left as dead, having upon him twenty wounds, but being afterwards carried to Ferrara, his life was saved by the diligent cure of Physicians. Monsr de Foix being dead, the Spaniards went away without receiving afterwards any trouble or impediment, the residue of the army being dispersed and put to chase, the baggage sacked, the ensigns and artilleries spoiled, and the Pope's Legate taken, who from the hands of the stradiottes being come into the power of Federike Bossolo, was by him presented to the Legate of the council: There fell also into the fortune of prisoners Fabricio Colonno, Peter Navarre, the Marquis Palude, the Marquis Bitonte, the Marquis Pesquiere, with many other Lords, Barons, and honourable gentlemen, aswell Spaniards as of the kingdom of Naples. In battles there is nothing more uncertain than the computation and number of the dead, the common brute was, that of the one and the other army, 
The number of the dead.  there was left on the ground at the lest ten thousand bodies of men, one part being of the French part, and the two other halves of the confederates: some publish a greater number, only this is certain, that the calamity fell upon the most valiant and bravest sort, of which number on thecclesiastic side was Raphaell de Passi, a captain of great name, and of such as were hurt the number was infinite: Touching the Frenchmen, the victory was not more glorious than full of damage and discomfort, by reason of the death of Monsr de Foix, Yues de Alegre, and many of the nobility of France: as also of the Almains, for the loss of captain jacob with many other resolute leaders and commanders, to whose valour (but with a great price of their blood) the victory in the greatest part was attributed: And lastly for the death of many Gascons and Pickards being left there with captain Molard, which nations lost that day all their glory with the French: only the harm that exceeded all those losses, was the death of Monsr de Foix, with whom perished wholly the very sinew and strength of that army: Of such as were vanquished and saved themselves from the misery of the battle, the most part drew towards Cesena, and from thence fled further of: The Viceroy himself made small reposeiss till he came into the country of Ancona, whither he brought with him a very slender troop of horsemen: Many escaping the stroke of the battle, found peril by fleeing where they sought for safety, for that the ways being full of peasants, they were slain and stripped by them, their fortune taking them out of one danger which they could not but fear, and carried them into another which they had no reason to doubt: so subtle is the stroke of destiny, ordained from the beginning to fall upon mortal men: And the Duke of Urbin did not only stir up the countrymen against such as fled, but also sent bands of soldiers into the territory of Pesera to aggravate their calamity: He was in this suspected, for that many days afore he had sent Balthasar Chastillon to the French king, and entertained also certain bands of men with Monsr de Foix: reasons that made some men believe he had secretly conspired against his Uncle: only such as fled by the dominions of the Florentines, passed without any harm, the compassion of that common weal being greater than to add affliction to the afflicted, since one sort of calamities sufficeth to vex the mind that carrieth with it fear and despair: Assoon as the French army was returned to their tents, not more rejoicing in the honour of their victory, then loaden with burdens of sorrow and lamentations, the people of Ravenna sent to tender themselves: But such is the nature of fortune to suffer no part untouched whom she hateth, as they were in debating of the covenants, or haply being already concluded, the Almain footmen and Gascons taking th'opportunity of their negligence in guarding their walls, entered the town at the breach which Monsr de Foix had made: And as men 
Ravenna sa●●ed.  whose minds were not yet free from the blood of the battle, they sacked it in great cruelty, adding to the despite of the harms they received in the battle, the universal and natural hatred they bore to the Italians. In this cruel action nothing was less respected than moderation in kill and spoiling, no age spared, no sex reserved, no sort of people nor goods pardoned, all things were brought into the rewards of the victory, and nothing left free from the violence and fury of the soldiers. The fourth day after Mark Antho. Colonno forsook the Citadel into the which he was retired, yielding it upon promise of life and goods saved, giving also his faith, as also for his other captains not to bear arms neither against the French king, nor against the Council of Pisa until Magdalen day next: By this example, and under the same conditions, the Bishop Vitelli with an hundred and fifty footmen, consented to give up the Rock which was committed to his keeping: The Cities of Ymola, of Furly, of Cesena, and Rimini, together with all the pieces of Romagna, except the rocks of Furly and Ymola, followed also the fortune of the victory, and were all received by the Legate in the name of the council of Pisa: But the French army, both for the death of Monsr de Foix, and for so great harms received at the battle, remained four miles from Ravenna, without doing any thing, the terror of their losses being greater in them, then that they were yet apt to take counsel what to do: The Legate and Monsr Palissa to whom was diuolued the government of th'army (for Alfonso d'Este was now returned to Ferrara) being uncertain what would be the kings will, temporised and tarried for his further direction: neither was their authority such with the soldiers, as to command the army to march, being so troubled in sending to places of surety the things they had sacked: and also so weakened in force and courage for so bloody a victory, that they seemed to carry the countenances rather of men vanquished, then of conquerors: This amaze and confusion made all the soldiers with plaints and tears call upon the name of Monsr de Foix, whose presence only had sufficed to remove all impediments that might have let them to have followed him: And it was not to be doubted, that being pushed on with the fury of his valour, and the promises that the king had made to him, that to his use the kingdom of Naples should be conquered, he had not with his accustomed felicity and diligence stretched out his victory even to the bosom of Rome, and that the Pope and all his dependants had not been put to chase, having no other hope to save themselves.  
The thirteenth day of April the news of the battle came to Rome by the relation 
The Cardinal's council the Pope to hearken to peace.  of Octavian Fregoso, who went thither in post from Possambrun: They were heard not without a great fear and tumult of the whole Court, which made the Cardinals run in haste to the Pope, and with vehement petitions to press him, that accepting peace, which they disinherited not to obtain of the French king under honest conditions, he would at last dispose himself to deliver the sea Apostolic and his person from so many perils: They told him he had taken trouble and travel enough for th'advancement of the Church, and the liberty of Italy, his intention only giving him sufficient glory: They alleged, that in so holy an enterprise, the will of God striving against him, which he might know by many signs and tokens, to object himself against God's ordinance, were no other thing then to tempt God, and turn the whole Church into her latest ruin: That as to God more than to him appertained the care of his spouse: so it belonged to him being a man to refer himself to his will, and embracing peace according to the voice of the Gospel, to retire his old age and the state of the Church from so many perplexities and travels, giving his whole Court time to take breath from the long afflictions of so raging a time: That it was to be believed that the fortune of the victors would raise them up to a higher ambition, even to come to the walls of Rome: that felicity being to be feared wherein is offered glory joined with profit and riches: It was to be doubted lest his nephew would join with them, Robert Vrsin, Pompey Colonno, Antho. Savello, Peter Margano, and Rance Mancin, bearing the same inclination: And as it was known that all these had received money of the French king, and were prepared even afore the battle to distress Rome: so to meet with these pretences afore they burst out into action, and to avoid the falling of the storm that was already gathered into a cloud, there was no other help then the remedy of peace. On the other side th'ambassadors of the king of Arragon and the Senate of Venice, solicited vehemently to the contrary: They persuaded him that the state of things was not reduced to so great affliction, that the despair was less than the hope and comfort, nor the army so extremely dispersed, that without great charge and in little time it might not be readressed: They alleged that the Viceroy was in safety with the greatest part of the horsemen, and that the Spanish footmen not broken were retired from the battle in good order, who if they were reserved (as was very likely) all the other losses were of no importance: It was not to be feared that the French men could march so speedily to Rome but that there would be respite enough to provide against them, both for that it could not be but that the death of their captain would be followed with many disorders and insolences, and also that they would be holden in suspense for fear of the Swizzers, who now were no more to be doubted to profess openly for the league and descend into Lombardie: lastly, that there was no hope to obtain peace of the French king but under conditions unequal and full of infamy, being also driven to receive laws of the pride of Bernardin Caruagiall, and of the insolency of Federike S. Severin. In these respects they held it better to take any other course then to stoop under the wings of peace, specially in such intolerable and unfaithful servitude, and with so great indignity and infamy: the rather (said they) for that these troupes and leagues of Schismatics would never cease to persecute his authority and his life: They held it yet a less evil (if extremity would it so) to abandon Rome, and to withdraw himself and all his court either to the kingdom of Naples or to Venice, where he might remain with the same surety, the same honour, and the same greatness, that he had there: for that with the loss of Rome, the pontificacy was not lost, being always tied to the person of the Pope in what place soever he were: lastly, they encouraged him to keep still his accustomed constancy and magnanimity, and that God, who is the searcher of the hearts of men, would never fail to aid him in so holy a purpose, and much less would abandon the little ship of Saint Peter, which though it hath been wont to be tormented with the storms and waves of the Sea, yet it is ordained never to be drowned: And finally, it would stand with the zeal, with the honour, with the piety, and with the policy of Christian princes, to be jealous over the mightiness of the French king, and bearing any affection to religion, they would communicate with him in this quarrel, and join to his defence both with their forces and their proper persons. These reasons were heard of the Pope with so great doubt and ambiguity of mind, that being not able to conceal his passion, it was discerned how on the one side did work in him hate, disdain, and his invincible obstinacy to bend or submit: and on the other side, the considerations of fear, suspicion, and danger: The answers he made to th'ambassadors comprehended that it was not so grievous to him to abandon Rome, as that he could not resort to any place where he should not be in the power of an other: He told the Cardinals that he would have peace, consenting that the Florentines might be solicited to interpose to that end with the French king: And yet his answer bore not that resolution, nor was so clear from doubts, as might assure them what was his intention. He caused to come from Civitavechie, Bascia a Genua and captain of his Galleys, which was a manifest conjecture that he would go from Rome: but afterwards he dismissed him to return to his charge, leaving doubtful that expectation: He spoke to leavy those Barons of Rome which were not of the conspiracy with the others: He heard willingly the comforts of the two Ambassadors, but so, as oftentimes he answered them with words full of reproach and disdain: He dissembled always in incertenties, which for the most part deceived the wisdoms of such as gave him counsel.  
About this time came julio de Medicis knight of the Roads and afterwards Pope, him the Cardinal Medicis under the leave of the Cardinal S. Severin, sent from th'army under cooler to recommend himself to him in so great a calamity, but in deed to relate unto him in what condition and state things stood: The Pope understanding by him at large how much the Frenchmen were weakened, of how many captains they were deprived and made naked, and how many valiant bodies of soldiers they had lost: how many lay hurt, and for many days would be unprofitable, what spoil of horses they had suffered, and how one part of the army was dispersed abroad by reason of the sack of Ravenna, the Captains uncertain of the kings will, and not at good agreement amongst themselves, because Monsr Palissa refused to endure th'insolency of the Cardinal S. Severin usurping the office of a Legate and a captain: that there were secret murmurs of a descending of Swizzers, and no apparent token seen that the army could march so soon: This discourse recomforted much the Pope, who causing the reporter to be brought into the consistory, he willed him eftsoons to relate them in the presence of the Cardinals in the same form of discourse which he had used to him apart: To these was added the doing of the Duke of Urbin, who (whatsoever moved him) changed council, & sent to offer the Pope two hundred men at arms and four thousand footmen. Notwithstanding these reports and all the comforts they brought with them, the Cardinals continued to advise him to peace: A matter which albeit in words & outward actions seemed not unplausible to him, yet in mind he was not resolved to accept it but for a last remedy: yea albeit for the present there appeared no present cure or salve for the sore, yet he would rather choose to go from Rome, so farforth as he were not out of all hope that his cause might be supported by the armies of princes, and principally that the Swizzers would stir, who showing great inclination to his desires, had many days before forbidden the French kings Ambassadors, to be in the place wherein were assembled the deputies of all the Cantons to determine upon the Pope's demands.  
In this estate of affairs, there appeared some hope of peace, for that, before the battle of Ravenna, the french king what with the consideration of the dangers that hung upon him on all sides: and what with the despite of thinconstancy of Caesar & the hard conditions he proponed, respects that much induced him to yield rather to the Pope's will in many things: had secretly sent Fabricio Caietto brother to the Cardinal Finalo, to the cardinals of Nantes and Strigonia, who had not yet altogether abandoned the negotiations of peace: his charge was to require them to propound to the Pope that he was content to tender up Bolognia to him: That Alfonso d'Este should give up to him Lugo with the other towns that he held in Romagna: That he should be bound to pay him his ancient tributes, and to make no more salt upon his grounds: And that he would agreed to thextinction of the council: he demanded no other thing of the Pope, than to have peace with him, & that Alfonso d'Este might be absolved of the pains, and restored to his ancient rights & privileges: That to the family of Bentivoleis, who should remain in exile, their proper goods should be reserved, & the dignities restored to the cardinals & prelate's which had followed the council. Which conditions albeit the two cardinals feared that the king would no more consent unto by reason of the victory that had succeeded since, yet they durst not propound them in other manner: And the Pope, seeing them so honourable for him, & not yet willing to manifest that which he had secretly determined in himself, judged not that the king could refuse them, but peradventure that it was more profitable with these enterspeeches to stay the king's army, to have the better leisure to see what would be done by those in whom he had reapposed the residue of his hopes: So that the Cardinals still importuning him, he subsigned those articles the ninth day after the battle of Ravenna, giving to the Cardinals his faith & promise to accept them if the king did confirm them: He sent also by letters to the Cardinal Finale remaining in France, but absented from the Court for fear to offend the Pope, and to the Bishop of Tivoli, who kept the place of legate in Avignon, that they should go to the king to debate of these things: but he sent them no authority nor power to conclude them.  
Until this time th'affairs of the Pope went but in an evil course: until this day was advanced the full of his calamities & his dangers: but after this day (worldly affairs have their ordinary mutations) his hopes began to appear greater, and the wheel of his fortune ceased not with an incredible swiftness to turn to his greatness.  
The thing that gave beginning to so great a mutation, was the sudden departing of Monsr Palissa out of Romagna: he was revoked by the general of Normandy for fear of the descending of the Swizzers, and for that cause he drew his army towards the duchy of Milan, leaving in Romagna under the Legate of the council three hundred lances, three hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen with eight pieces of great artilleries. The fear of the coming of the Swissers was made greater, for that the same general thinking to do a service more agreeable to the king, had undiscreetly dismissed the Italian footmen, and part of the French footmen immediately after the battle of Ravenna, contrary to all reason, policy, and that which the present affairs required. By the departure of Monsr Palissa, the Pope was delivered of the fear that troubled him most, he was more confirmed in his obstinacy, and it helped him greatly to assure the affairs of Rome: for the better opportunity whereof he had levied certain Roman Barons with three hundred men at arms, and debated to make captain general Prospero Colonno, the rather for that the courages of such as desired new things being abated, Pompey Colonno that made preparation at Montfortin, consented by the working of Prospero to depose Montfortin into the hands of Mark Antho. Colonno for the Pope's surety, retaining basely in his hands the money he had received of the French king: By this example also Robert Vrsin who was come afore from Petillano upon the lands of the Colonnois to leavy arms, keeping likewise in his hands the money he had received of the French king, was brought in afterwards by the mean of julio Vrsin, receiving of the Pope in recompense of his disloyalty, the archbishopric of Regge in Calabria: Only Peter de Margana was ashamed to keep the money he had received, doing the same haply with a council no less honourable than happy, for that otherways he had justly paid the merit and pain of his deceit, being not long time after taken prisoner by the successor of the king reigning.  
But now the Pope's mind being greatly confirmed by reason of these things, and having no more to fear either enemies foreign or domestical, the third day of may in great solemnity, he gave beginning to the Council in the Church of Saint john Latran, being now assured that not only the most regions of Italy would come thither, but also the Realms of Spain, of England, and of Hungary: In this first action, he was in person in habit pontifical accompanied with the college of Cardinals and great multitudes of Bishops, where the Mass of the holy Ghost (besides many other prayers) being celebrated according to ancient custom, and the fathers exhorted with a public oration to inclined with all their hearts to the public benefit & dignity of christian religion: it was declared (the better to lay foundations for other matters) that afterwards should be ordained that the council assembled was a true, a lawful, & holy council, & that in the same remained undoubtedly all the authority and power of the universal Church: Ceremonies assuredly both goodly and holy, and able to pierce even into the hearts of men, if it might have been believed that the thoughts and intentions of the authors had been such as were their words. In this sort did the Pope govern himself after the battle of Ravenna.  
But the french king, notwithstanding that after the death of Monsr de Foix which somewhat troubled the joy of the victory as one whom he loved dearly, had commanded Monsr de Palissa and the Legate to lead the army up to Rome assoon as they could: yet he seemed to abate of that inclination, and began to return with all his devices to the desire of peace, fearing that at one time and from many places, great storms would thunder upon him and trouble his affairs: for, notwithstanding Caesar diminished nothing of his promises that he would remain firm with him, assuring that the truce made with the Venetians in his name, was concluded without his consent, neither would he ratify it: yet besides the fear of thinconstancy of Caesar, and doubt whether his promises were dissembled, it seemed to the king that for the conditions which he demanded, he should have a companion in time of war chargeful to him, and to the proceeding of the peace very prejudicial and hurtful, fearing that by his interposing, he should be constrained to consent to more unworthy conditions: Besides all these, he had no more doubt that the Swizzers would join with them of the league: And he was sure he should have war with the king of England, who had already sent a Herald to signify to him that he pretended to be ended all confederations and covenants between them, for that in them all was comprehended this exception, that he should make no war neither against the Church, nor against the king Catholic his father in law: Therefore the king understanding with a great pleasure that the Florentines were solicited to work the peace, he dispatched speedily to Florence the precedent of Grenoble with very large commission, to th'end matters might be debated more at hand, and if need were he might go up to Rome: And knowing afterwards by the subscription of the articles that the Pope's inclination was more ready than he seemed, he gave himself over for his part wholly to the peace: And yet fearing lest for the retiring of his army the Pope would eftsoons return to his obstinacy, he sent to Monsr Palissa lying then at Parma, to march again immediately into Romagna with part of his regiments, spreading a brute that it was to pass further. It seemed to him a matter grievous to deliver up Bolognia, not so much for the instance that Caesar made to the contrary, as for the fear he had, that notwithstanding the peace, the Pope would continued his evil mind towards him: and therefore it could not but be an action prejudicial to him to deprive himself of the town of Bolognia, which was as the fort and bulwark of the Duchy of Milan: And beside, the Cardinal Finalo and the Bishop of Tivoly being come without express authority to conclude, he interpreted that to an apparent sign that he had dissemblingly given his consent, partly for the straits and dangers wherewith he stood environed: Nevertheless at last he determined to accept the said articles under certain limitations, and yet not such as by them the substance of things should be troubled or altered. With which answer the Secretary of the Bishop of Tivoly went to Rome, demanding in the king's name, that the Pope would send authority to the Cardinal and the Bishop to conclude, or else, that he would call afore him the Precedent of Grenoble who was at Florence, to whom was recommended sufficient power to do the like: But the hopes of the Pope augmented daily, and by consequent, if he ever had had any inclination to the peace, it was now diminished, he being a man more disposed to observe and follow times, then to respect and imitate the quality of his calling.  
About this time arrived the commission of the king of England, by the which, being dispatched since the month of November, he gave power to the Cardinal of York to enter into the league: The reason why he was so long in coming, was the long course he had by sea having been afore in Spain: Caesar also, after very long doubts, had newly ratified the league made with the Venetians, being principally pushed on to that action for the hopes which the kings Catholic and of England gave to him of the Duchies of Milan and of Burgondye: In like sort the matter that much helped to confirm the Pope were the very great hopes which the king of Arragon put him in: who, having the first knowledge of the overthrow by letters from the french king written to the Queen, expressing that Guaston de Foix her brother was dead with great glory, carrying with him the reputation of a famous victory obtained upon his enemies: And afterwards more particularly by advertisements of his own people coming somewhat later for th'impediments of the sea: And for that withal, it seemed to him that greater peril would grow to the kingdom of Naples: he had determined to send into Italy the Great captain with a strength of new men: A remedy which he was driven to use, having almost no choice of others: for, notwithstanding in outward show he seemed to respect much the Great captain, for his behaviour in the kingdom of Naples, yet he both suspected his greatness, and durst not trust him with authority: The Pope then, being confirmed by these occasions, at such time as the Secretory of the Bishop of Tyvoly arrived with the articles that had been debated, putting him also in hope that the limitations added by the king to moderate thinfamy that might grow to him by abandoning the protection of Bolognia, should be referred to his will: he determined altogether not to accept them: But making semblance of the contrary in regard of the subscription & faith he had given to the Colleague of Cardinals, A manner which some times he used contrary to the opinion that went on him to be always upright and just: he caused the articles to be read in the Consistory, and asked advise of the Cardinals: Whereupon the Cardinal Arborenso a Spaniard, and the Cardinal of York an English man, according to a secret packed afore, the one speaking for the king of Arragon, and the other in the name of the king of England, persuaded him to persever in his constancy, and not to leave abandoned the cause of the Church which he had embraced with so great honour: They alleged that all the necessities that had induced him to hearken to these offers were removed and ceased, And that now it was manifestly seen that God would not suffer his ship to perish though for some purpose unknown to the wit of man he had suffered it to lie open & subject to sundry storms: They told him it was not reasonable, that he made peace only for himself, & much less to debate it without the participation of the other confederates, the action being common and divided from all particularity: Lastly they exhorted him to consider well what prejudice it might bring to the sea Apostolic and to him, to separate himself from true and faithful friends, to embrace the amity of enemies reconciled: By the operation of these councils, the Pope openly refused the peace: And within a very short time after, proceeding in his ancient fury, he pronounced in the Consistory an admonition against the french king, charging him to release the Cardinal of Medicis upon the penalties ordained in the holy Cannons: But he forbore to publish it, for that the Colleague of Cardinals beseeching him to defer as much as he could rigorous remedies, offered to work by letters written in the name of them all, by the which they would both comfort him and beseech him as a right Christian Prince to set him at liberty.  
The Cardinal de Medicis was carried to Milan, where he was kept under reasonable and easy guard: And albeit his fortune had brought him subject to the power and disposing of others, yet such was his virtue & spirit, that th'authority of the sea Apostolic shined in him, together with a wonderful reverence of religion: And about this time began to appear a great contemning of the council of Pysa, the cause whereof was not only abandoned of others with devotion, with diligence, & with faith, but also even of such as afore had followed it with arms and favoured it with affection, with study, & with resolution: for, the Pope having sent to the Cardinal of Medicis, full power both to absolve from all pains and cursings the soldiers that would promise' to bear no more arms against the Church, and also to give liberty of holy burial for all the bodies that were slain at the battle, (A favour demanded with great importunities) The concourse of people was wonderful, and no less marvelous the devotion of them that came to demand and promise' such matters: yea the Ministers and officers of the king were not against it: only it was not without manifest indignation of the Cardinals who saw even before their eyes and in the place where was the seat of the council, the soldiers and subjects of the king, contrary to his honour, against his profit, upon the lands of his jurisdiction, and without respecting any thing th'authority of the council, run after and follow the Roman Church, acknowledging with great reverence as Legat Apostolic, the Cardinal Medicis being prisoner: great is the force of a people and multitude beginning to vary and change, And so much more prejudicial and perilous their revolt, by how much upon their numbers and forces depend principally the estate and expectation of affairs.  
Now because the truce was ratified by Caesar, notwithstanding his agents that were within Verona menteyned that it was nothing, the french king called home one part of the bands that he had in garrison in that city as serving to small purpose: And having revoked also the band of two hundred gentlemen, the Archers of his guard, and two hundred other lances, fearing the threats of the king of England, he knew by the suspicion he had of the Swyzzers which was redoubled in him, that he should need greater forces in the Duchy of Milan: for which cause he had pressed the Florentines to sand him into Lombardye three hundred men at arms, as they were bound by the covenants of confederation between them for the defence of his estates in Italy: And for that, that confederation drew to end within two months, he compelled them (the memory and reputation of the victory being yet fresh) to confederate with him of new for five years: Wherein he bound himself to defend their estates with six hundred lances, and the Florentines for their parts promised to furnish him with four hundred men at arms for the defence of all that he possessed in Italy: And yet, to avoid all occasions to enter war with the Pope, they excepted in the general obligation of defence, the town of Cotignole, as if the Church might pretend right to it.  
But now were apparently disclosed right great dangers to the affairs of the 
The Swyzzers rise for the Pope against the frenchmen.  king, for that the Swyzzers at last were determined to sand six thousand footmen to the pay of the Pope, who had demanded them under cooler to employ them against Ferrara: Those that in this action sustained and favoured the king's side, could obtain no other thing but to protract and defer the deliberation till that time: And against those men the Commonalties of people made universal exclamation in their parliaments for the wonderful hatred they bore to the name of the french king: They affirmed that the king rested not contented with this kind of ingratitude, to refuse to increase a little the pensions of those by whose blood and valour he had won perpetual reputation accompanied with a great estate, but also with words full of reproach he had despised and rejected them as Villains, as though all men in the beginning were not conceived under one element, were not cast in one mould, and had not one manner of creation upon the earth, and as though any mortal man were now either great, renowned or noble, whose Ancestors in the beginning were not poor, unknown, & basely descended: That he had begun to wage footmen of the lanceknights, to show the contempt he had of their nation for the service of his wars, persuading himself that suffering privation of his pay, they could not but die in their mountains of idleness and famine: Therefore they had reason to express to all the world, how much he was deceived in his vain thoughts and persuasions: That his ingratitude was only hurtful to himself: That nothing could stay men of war from showing their valour: That for such was fit the use of gold and silver, in whom was most apt and ready the managing of arms: Lastly that it was necessary to show once to the world how undiscreet were the resolutions of him, who in war would prefer the launceknight footmen afore the nation of the Swyzzers: This affection and violence of passion carried them so far, that wedding themselves to the cause of the Pope, as if it had been their own, they departed from their houses, having received in priest only one Florin of the Rhein for a man, where afore they were not wont to march for the service of the king, without promise of many pays, and great distribution of presents amongst their Captains: Their mooster was at Coire the capital town of the Grisons, who having confederation with the french king, and being in his ordinary pensions, had sent to excuse themselves, that for the ancient alliances they had with the highest Cantons of Swyzzers, they could not refuse to sand with them certain bands of footmen: This moving troubled much the minds of the french men, whose forces were now much diminished: for, after the general of Normandy had dismissed the regiments of thItalian footmen, they had not in all above ten thousand footmen, And the companies of men at arms which the king had revoked being returned over the Mounts, there were left in Italy but xiii hundred lances whereof three hundred were at Parma: And yet the general of Normandy doing more the office of a Treasurer then of a man of war, would in no wise leavy new succours of footmen without the king's commission: Only he had caused to return to Milan the bands that should have marched into Romagna under Monsr Palissa which were already arrived at Finalo: The Cardinal of S. Severin had direction also to do the like with those companies that were in Romagna: for the retiring of which strengths so needful for the surety of that country, Rymyny and Cesena together with their castles, & also Ravenna, reverted without difficulty to the obedience of the Pope: And because the french men would not disfurnish the Duchy of Milan, Bolognia for the defending whereof they had received so many afflictions, stood in great danger being almost abandoned both of fortune and of men: such is the instability of mortal things, neither certain in themselves for an universal frailty in all earthly actions, nor made assured by the devices and wisdoms of men for infinite imperfections which are proper to them with their creations: After the Swyzzers had moostered at Coire, they marched from thence to Trent, having permission of Caesar to pass thorough his lands, who yet studying to hide from the french king as much as he could, the things he had determined, excused himself that he could not withstand their passage in respect of the confederation he had with them: from Trent they went upon the territories of Verona, where they were tarried for by the army of the Venetians who together with the Pope contributed to their pay: And albeit there was not in the camp sufficient money to pay them for that their number was far greater than six thousand which was demanded, yet, such was the hatred that the Commons bore to the king's name, that contrary to their custom they brooked with patience all difficulties.  
On the other side Monsr Palissa, who was first come with his army to Pontoillo to th'end to hinder their passage thinking they would descend into Italy on that side, but finding afterwards their intentions to be otherways, he encamped at Chastillon, A place six miles from Pesquiera, being uncertain whether they would take towards Ferrara according to the brute, or else do some enterprise upon the Duchy of Milan which was to be feared: It may be that this incertainty hastened and brought forth the harms that happened: for, it is not to be doubted that they had not taken the way to Ferrara, if by ill adventure had not fallen into the hands of the Venetian estradiots, A letter, by the which Monsr Palissa debated with the general of Normandy being at Milan, the estate wherein stood their affairs, assuring him it would be hard to resist them if they turned towards the Duchy of Milan: By the direction of this letter they changed advise, and the cardinal of Zion who was now come from Venice, with the other Captains, after they had taken council together, determined with reason (which seldom beguileth men) to follow that enterprise which they perceived by the letters to be most troublesome to thenemies: In which opinion they went from Verona to Villa Franche where they joined with the Venetian army, where in (under the government of joh. P. Baillon,) were four hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen with diverse pieces of artillery aswell for battery, as for the field: This was the cause why Monsr Palissa abandoning Valegge the place not being defensible, retired to Gambara, with intention to encamp at Pontuiqua: his strength was not above a thousand lances, and six or seven thousand footmen, the residue being distributed in Bressia, Pesquiero, and Leguaguo, for, notwithstanding he was resolved to call back the three hundred lances that were at Parma, yet, what by compulsion of thapparent danger of Bolognia, and great importunities of the Bentyuoleis, he gave order that they should be bestowed in that city remaining almost without garrison. But seeing in that place into the danger wherein they were, and examining at last the vanity of the hopes wherewith they had been beguiled, & withal complaining bitterly against the covetousness and corrupt councils of the general of Normandy, they constrained him to suffer Federyk Bossolo with certain other Italian Captains to leavy so fast as they could, six thousand footmen: A remedy which they could not apply to any purpose, till at lest the space of ten days were passed: And besides the small number of soldiers, the disagreement amongst the Captains weakened much the french army: for, the Captains were hardly brought to obey Monsr Palissa, And the soldiers and men at arms made weary with so long troubles & travels of war, wished rather the Duchy of Milan were lost to th'end they might return into their country, then to continued the defence of it with so many disaduauntages and dangers: Assoon as Monsr Palissa was gone from Valegge, the Venetians and the Swyzzers entered into it, and afterwards passing over the river of Myncie, they lodged upon the territories of the Mantuans, where the Marquis gave them liberty of passage, excusing himself upon his disability: Amid these difficulties, the general resolution of the Captains was to abandon wholly the field, and to say for the defence of places of most importance, hoping that by temporizing, so great a multitude and number of Swyzzers would at last disperse and break: Wherein they were governed with this reason, that the Pope no less cold to furnish the expenses, then hot to further the war, was very slow in sending their pays, being no more able to advance the wages of so great a number.  
The french men bestowed within Bressia two thousand footmen, an hundred & fifty lances, and an hundred men at arms of the Florentines: To Crema they sent fifty lances and a thousand footmen: And in Bergama they put a thousand footmen and an hundred men at arms of the Florentines: The residue of th'army which contained six hundred lances, two thousand footmen french, & four thousand lanceknights, was retired to Pontuiqua, A place very strong by the benefit of his situation, and no less convenient to succour Milan, Cremona, Bressia, and Bergama, and there they hoped to be able to sustain thenemies: But the day after came letters and commandments from Caesar to the Almain footmen, to departed immediately from the pay of the french king, And they, being subjects of the country of tyrol, obeyed the letters the same day they received them, as not to be disobedient to their natural Lord: By reason of their departure no less sudden and unlooked for, then most prejudicial to the french affairs, Palissa and his Captains lost all hope to be able any longer to defend the Duchy of Milan: And in that passion of fear and despair, they retired in great haste from Pontuique to Pisqueton: by whose departure, they of Cremona being left abandoned, gave themselves up to the army of the confederates which was at hand, binding themselves to pay to the Swyzzers xl. thousand ducats: But as amongst such varieties of nations, nourishing not few differences of ambition, desire, and opinion, there was no certainty in whose name the money should be received, so after some disputation, the Venetians making great instance that it might be delivered to them, it was at last received (the french men notwithstanding holding as yet the castle) in the name of the league and of Maxymylian son to Lodowyk Sforce, on whose behalf the Pope and the Swyzzers pretended the conquest of the Duchy of Milan: At the same time the city of Bergama fell into the power of the confederates, the mean was this: After Monsr Palissa had called back the companies that were there to join them to th'army, certain of the banished crews who entered assoon as the other companies were departed, procured them to revolt: (it being no hard matter to altar a multitude that hath no head to hold them) from Pisqueton Monsr Palissa passed the river of Adda, where the three hundred lances appointed for the defence of Bolognia came to him, having revoked them to him for the greatness of the peril: There he hoped to be able to give impediment to th'enemy to pass over the river, if the strength of footmen that were appointed to be levied, had come: But it was in vain for him to think upon those things, for that neither was there present money to wage so many footmen, neither could the general of normandy, binding for security the king's demain, raise it by any devise, (credit being wholly lost in so great dangers▪) And therefore having remained therefoure days, assoon as he saw thenemies approach the river three miles below Pisqueton, he retired to S. Ange to go the day following to Pavia: And so their danger redoubling and no expectation of succours in a state so desperate, both the hope to defend Milan being taken away, & the country already drawing fast into tumult, joh. jacq. Trywlce, the general of Normandy, Anth. Maria Paluoisin, Gale as Visconte, with many other gentlemen, and all the kings servants and officers, went from Milan, & sought their safety in Piedmont: Not many days afore the Cardinals fearing no less the people than thenemies, were fled, notwithstanding (to show that valour in decrees, which they durst not express in other actions) they had at that time almost suspended the Pope from all administration spiritual and temporal of the Church: A degree to deprive him of the place which he held: These tumults were much helping to the safety of the Cardinal Medicis whom it seemed God reserved to a greater happiness: for, as they were leading him into France, and the morning that he entered the bark at the passage of Paw which is right over against Bassignany called in histories Angusta Bacienorum, certain paisants of the village beginning to murmur, one Reignold de Lallo 
The Card. of Medicis escapeth from the french.  chief of the conspiracy accompanied with certain of the cardinals favourits lodging there all night, assembled a number, and took him from the french men that guarded him: They, whom other adversities had made fearful of all accidents, hearing a noise of a tumult which they durst not abide to suppress, were more careful to flee then to fight, losing their prisoner by cowardisse whom they had won in the danger of a battle: Palissa being entered into Pavia determined to stay there, sending for  and the general to come to him thither: Whereupon  by th'advise of the general and principals of the french side, laid afore him the vanity of the council, and how unpossible it was to abide so great a ruin, the army being vnmanned with footmen: That the shortness of the time suffered not to wage new companies, And much less to draw any but from places far removed and with great difficulties: Lastly, that though all these impediments were not, yet there was no money to pay them, all their reputation being lost, their friends full of astonishment, and the people puffed up with incredible hatreds for the immoderate insolences which the soldiers had used so long time:  applying this council to the present necessity of things, went and caused to cast a bridge where the river is straightest and furthest of from Valence towards Ast, by the commodity of which he meant to pass his companies over Paw: But by this the army of the confederates (to the which after the french men were retired from Adda, the city of Lody was rendered together with the castle) discamping from S. Ange, was come near to Pavia where the Venetian Captains even at the first arrival began to batter the castle & one part of the Swyzzers to pass the river that joineth to the city, with boats: The french men fearing they should find impediments to pass the stone bridge which is upon the river of Tesin, by the which only they might save themselves, won the other bridge to be able to issue out of Pavia: But afore the rearguard was come forth, wherein to sustain the horsemen, certain footmen of the lanceknights which were not issued out with the others, were bestowed the last of all, with whom the Swyzzers, issuing out of the new gate and of the castle which was now abandoned, went skirmishing all along Pavia and the bridge, the footmen of the lanceknights making a resolute defence above all others: But passing over the bridge of Gravatona which was of wood, the planks breaking with the weight of the horses, all the french men and lanceknights that were not yet passed over, were either slain on the place, or taken prisoners (That last calamity being so much the more lamentable and grievous, by how much they hoped by their diligence to make way for their safety which they saw their fortune persecuted to th'uttermost) The town of Pavia bound itself to pay a great quantity of money, by whose example also Milan compounded but for a greater sum, And all the other towns except Bressia and Crema, fled from the adversities of the french men▪ All the country cried now upon the name of thEmpire, the state was received and governed in the name of the holy league (so was it called universally) and all affairs disposed by th'authority of the Cardinal of Zion assigned Legate for the Pope: But the treasure, and what soever was taxed upon the towns was made a reward to the Swyzzers, to whom was transferred an interest in all things that concerned gain or profit: the same being the cause that many other bands and troupes of them descended into Lombardye to join with the residue, after the parliament of Zurich was ended which was assembled for that cause: In this mutation, the city's o● Plaisance and Parma, gave themselves willingly to the Pope, who pretended they appertained to him as members of Ravenna: The Swyzzers made themselves Lords of Lucarno, and the Grisons got Valuoltolino and Chiavenna, places very commodious for them: And in the heat of this fortune, janus Fregosa, captain of the Venetian army, being gone to Genes with such bands of horsemen and footmen as he had obtained of th'army, was the cause that that city revolted (the french governor being fled) whereof he was created Duke, A dignity afore time invested in his father: with the same violence of fortune, all the towns and castles of Romagna returned to the Pope's obedience: And lastly the Duke of Vrbyn approaching near to Bolognia with the bands of soldiers of the Church, the family of the Bentyuoleis, left it abandoned, their fortune leaving them desperate, having by these violent degrees deprived them of all hope: The Pope pursued this family very sharply, excommunicating all the places that should receive them hereafter: he expressed no less hatred against the city, And being most kindled for their forgetfulness of so many his benefits bestowed upon them, and in that ingratitude not only revolting from his obedience, but also in their spite, had not forborn to spurn his picture, and rail out many villainous words against him: he would consent no more that they should created new Magistrates, nor communicate any way in the government of the town: he exacted by the mean of severe officers, huge sums of money of sundry citizens, as partakers with the Bentyuoleis: yea the opinion run, that if his devices had not been broken by death, he had a meaning to destroy that city, and translate th'inhabitants to Centa.  
The end of the tenth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE ELEVENTH BOOK.  
THe Duke of Ferrara is in great trouble: The Medicis return to Florence: The king of Romans makes alliance with the Pope: Maxymylian Sforce is put in the possession of the Duchy of Milan: The French king makes his preparations to recover Milan: Pope juho dieth: Leon the tenth is created Pope: The French men are overthrown near to Novaro: and the Venetians near to Vincensa.  
THE ELEVENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
NOTwithstanding the Pope, amid his greatest adversities & dangers, had not only obtained victory of his enemies contrary to all hope and conjecture, but also with the same felicity, had amplified the jurisdiction of the Church above expectation and contrary to common equity: yet, his ancient covetousness to the city of Ferrara, (the first matter of all these broils) so held him still overruled, that he could not make his desires equal to his fortune, nor conform his wandering mind to rest and tranquilletie: Such is the rage of covetousness when it hath th'assistance of authority, which makes men hard to be contented with that which occasion doth offer, for that those things that come first do abhor them, so long as by the greatness of their power and place, they aspire and thirst for better: But albeit the Pope had violent desires to turn his forces against Ferrara, yet, the way of peace seeming more easy than the war, or rather hoping more in the benefit of secret and artificial practices, then in actions apparent and discovered: he gave ear first of all to the Marquis of Mantua who besought him that Alfonso d'Este might come to him to Rome to demand pardon, and that he would eftsoons reclaim him to grace under some indifferent conditions: In this request was concurrant th'ambassador of the king of Arragon, suing for him both for that he was the kinsman of his king (for Alfonso came of a Daughter of th'old Ferdinand king of Naples) and also for that he esteemed it more to the commodity of the affairs of his king to bind him to him by this property of benefit, then to suffer so great an estate to be adjoined to the greatness of the Church: Moreover the family of the Colonnois, being become of great amity with Alfonso, were earnest solycitors in this cause: The reason of their compassion was, for that after the battle of Ravenna, Fabricio Colonno, who was Alfonsoes' prisoner, being sent for and required of him, he used so many delays, first in refusing, and then in interposing many excuses, that by the mutation that happened, he brought it into his own power to give him his liberty without any charge or ransom: At last safe conduit was obtained for him from the Pope, by the surety whereof confirmed also with the faith of th'ambassador of Arragon in the name of his king, which was protested to him by the consent and privity of the Pope, he went to Rome, his submission being greater than 
The D. of Ferrara goeth to Rome to demand pardon of the Pope.  his hope to be forgiven: And being come to Rome, the Pope admitted him into the Consistory suspending in the mean while all censures and pains: There, with great humility he demanded pardon, & with the same submission besought him, that he might be received into his grace and restored to the favour of the sea Apostolic, offering to do hereafter all those offices and duties which might appertain to a most devout and faithful Vassal of the Church: The Pope heard him with a countenance and aspect reasonably peaceable, and substituted six Cardinals to debate with him touching conditions of agreement: who, after certain days spent in disputation and argument, declared to him, that the Pope neither would nor meant to deprive the Church of the city of Ferrara, since it was lawfully reverted to the empery of the Church: But in recompense, there should be given to him the city of Ast, which being received in the name and authority of the league by the departure of the french men, the Pope had vainly sent thither to take possession of it, the Bishop of Agrigenta, pretending that what soever was on this side Paw, appertained to the Church: This offer was constantly refused of Alfonso, who, for that it comprehended a demand contrary to all the hopes that had been given him, began to fear lest the Pope sought but to entertain him cunningly within Rome, whilst he dressed some execution against Ferrara, the late accident at Regge nothing diminishing the reason of this fear.  
The Pope had dealt with th'inhabitants of Regge, (who in so great confusion of things feared much) to give themselves up to the Church, following the example of Parma and Plaisance, wherein to give greater force to his councils and persuasions, he had given direction to the Duke of Vrbyn to march with his companies upon the territories of Modona: In like sort Vitfruch was gone to Regge, to attempt the like action for the profit of Caesar, on whose behalf did work the Cardinal of Este, who, in the absence of his brother had charge over his estates, he, seeing that city could not be kept, and judging the danger would be less if it fell into the hands of Caesar, who both pretended nothing against Ferrara, and also in his affairs there was hope of a greater change, he advised the people of Regge, rather to acknowledge the Empire than the Church: But they answered (in matters of election the will of a popular multitude is stronger than their reason) that they would follow th'example of the Duke, who was gone to the Pope and not to Caesar, And so received into their town the soldiers of the Church, who immediately found means to be Lords of the Citadel, notwithstanding Vitsruch had furnished it with a garrison of footmen: Lastly Garfagnana was rendered to the Duke of Vrbyn, who returning afterwards to Bolognia, dismissed all his bands of footmen: for that the confederates somewhat angry that the Pope occupied Parma and Plaisance, the Cardinal of Zion signified to the Duke that it was not necessary he passed further, since the victory was already obtained against the common enemies.  
The Duke of Ferrara, being entered into many suspicions, both for the hard conditions 
The D. of Ferrara in danger to be prisoner at Rome  that the Pope offered, and for the taking of Regge, made mean to the Pope by the spanish Ambassador and Fabrice Colonno who never left to accompany him, to have leave to return to Ferrara: This request the Pope showed no disposition to agreed unto, but menteyned that the safeconduit which he had given him for the controversy he had with the Church, could not let him to do justice to his particular Creditors, of whom many demanded instantly that he would administer justice to them: Thambassador and Fabricio answered him frankly, that it was not to the Duke and to them that he aught to break his faith, And therefore to prevent the Pope to do any further spite against him, the next morning Fabricio being well mounted, went towards the portal of S. john de Latran, the Duke and Mark. Anth. Colonno following him a good distance of: And finding the portal guarded with a greater strength than it was wont to be and such as was set to stop his going, he, having a force above theirs, brought the Duke thorough the gate and conducted him in surety to the water side: This friendship he did to the Duke, in recompense of the benefit of his liberty which he had received of him: for, it is not to be doubted, that the Pope would not still have retained him prisoner, had it not been for th'impediment of the Colonnois, who finding that the way was dangerous for him to go by land, were driven to procure his passage by sea to Ferrara.  
And whilst these things were in doing, the Pope, in whom was yet no diminution of hatred against the liberty of the Florentines, had so wrought with the Cardinal of Zion, that the bands of soldiers which they had sent to the king, were stripped and put to spoil: of these bands, albeit such as were under Luke Savella being six score men at arms and fifty light horsemen (the residue were left for the guard of Bressia under Francis Torelle) had, afore the French army were passed the river of Paw, obtained safeconduit of the Cardinal of Zion confirmed by the oath and faith of Io. Pawle Baillon and almost all the Venetian captains, that they might return to Tuskane: yet, as they lay lodged near to Cremona according to the rule and direction they had received, they were spoiled by the Venetian soldiers by the consent of the Cardinal of Zion: Who, to th'end the violence might be executed with more surety, sent thither (as some suppose) two thousand footmen, the rather for that the companies of  and others were lodged with them, and they for that they were almost all Italian soldiers had likewise obtained saffeconduit to pass: Immediately upon the robbery and spoil of these soldiers, the Bishop of Zion sent to Christopher More and Pawle Capello agents for the Senate, to demand the booty that had been made, as appertaining to the Swyzzers: But they refused it, and therefore coming the next day to the camp of the Swyzzers to speak with the Cardinal of Zion, they were almost all led prisoners to jacques Staffler their Capteyne, and by him carried to the Cardinal, who constrained them to pay six thousand ducats in recompense of the pray, (not holding it convenient that his disloyalty should turn to the profit of others:) he sent also to summon the Marquis of Montferrat to deliver to him as prisoner Nicholas Capponi Ambassador of the Florentines, to whom he had given saffeconduit being retired to Casall Ceruas: In this mean while, the Senate, desiring to recover Bressia and Crema, laboured the Cardinal of Zion, that their companies might be returned, whom the Cardinal entertained under cooler to march together with the Swyzzers into Pyemont against the Duke of Savoy and the Marquis of Salussa, who had followed the faction of the French King: But that reason ceasing afterwards, both for the wonderful augmentation of the number of Swyzzers, and also for that it was well seen that the french soldiers returned over the Mounts, he neither refused nor agreed, that they should go, A matter supposed altogether to proceed of the instance of Caesar to th'end they should not recover those towns: At last, the Swyzzers being in Alexandria, the Venetians departed from Bosco upon the sudden, and passed the river of Paw without any impediment, at Cava upon the territories of Cremona: An expedition which the Cardinal might have let, if he had not dissembled it (as was believed) at the Pope's request: But being once over the river, some marched against Bressia, and some took the enterprise of Crema, both which were kept yet for the french king: The french men that were within Bressia, seeing their present fortune could suffer no delay of action, went out and set upon them at the village of Paterna, where they were constrained to retire within the town with the loss of more than three hundred men.  
Conquest draweth with it ambition, insolences and covetousness, And with men of war triumphing in the victory, all things seem to hold of equity, that they do in their rage and covetousness: for, the Swyzzers remaining alone in the Duchy of Milan and Pyemont, devised how to tax and rate the whole country, being now wholly assured of the french men: And albeit the french king, for the great affection he bore to the Duchy of Milan, was hardly brought to abandon altogether the affairs of Italy: yet necessity compelled him to hearken to the councils of such, as advised him to defer those devices to an other time, and dispose his wits for that summer, to defend the Realm of France: The rather for that the king of England, according to the contract made with the king Catholic, had sent by sea an army of six thousand footmen to Fontarabio, A town of the kingdom of Spain standing upon the Ocean sea: the chief end of this journey was, that joining to the companies of the said king Catholic, they might in one main force, assail the Duchy of Guihen: he began also with an other navy, to scour all along the coasts of normandy and Britain to the great astonishment of the peoples of those provinces: Moreover the french king had no hope to draw again Caesar into amity with him, for that he understood by the Bishop of Marseilles his last Ambassador resident in his Court, that he bore a mind far estranged: he advertised him also that Caesar had not entertained him with so many hopes, nor for other regard debated with him upon so many matters with so fair appearance, then to win occasion to oppress him when he thought lest of it, or at lest to give him (as it were) some violent and deadly blow, as he gloried that he had done at such time as he revoked the lanceknights.  
Thus Italy being for this year assured from the armies of the french king, whose soldiers notwithstanding held as yet, Bressia, Crema, Leguague, the castle and lantern of Genes, the castle of Milan, the castle of Cremona, with certain other fortresses of that estate: There were discerned amongst the confederates, many signs of difference and disagreement, for the diversity of their wills, and their ends: for, as the Venetians desired to recover Bressia and Crema, as due to them by the articles of capitulation, & for that they had borne out the dangers & troubles of the war: A matter which the Pope desired likewise for them: So, on the other side, Caesar, (from whose will the king of Arragon at last could not be separate) thought to appropriate them to himself, and also to deprive the Venetians of all that had been judged to them by the league of Cambray: Besides, Caesar and the king of Arragon practised (but very secretly) to make to devolve the Duchy of Milan to one of their Nephews: A working quite contrary to the Pope and the Swyzzers, who laboured apparently as much as they could, that according to the universal resolution and consent from the beginning, Maxymylian, son to Lodowyk Sforce might be restored to the place of his father, after whose fall he had remained always in germany: The matter that moved the Pope, was a fear he had, lest Italy should fall into a miserable servitude of the Almains and Spaniards: And that which induced the Swyzzers, was a desire for their own profit, that that estate should not be brought into the power of so mighty Princes, but rather to stand subjecteth to one that could not maintain himself without their aid and succours: Which election, as it depended almost wholly upon those in whose power was that estate, and for the fear of their forces: so, the Pope, the more to confirm them in that will, and in all necessities to have in his hand the bridle with the which he might moderate thambition of Caesar and the king Catholic, did all that he could to win their amity: And for that cause, besides the great account he made publicly of the nation of Swyzzers, raising to the stars the actions they had done for the safety of the sea Apostolic, he gave them yet for their greater honour the banners of the Church, with this glorious title, to be the Champions and defenders of the ecclesiastic liberty: Besides these diversities, the Viceroy had readdressed the spanish companies which after the battle were retired with him into the kingdom of Naples: And beginning eftsoons to march and to pass with them into lombardy, the Pope and the Venetians refused to recontinue the pays of forty thousand ducats by the month, which had been discontinued since the overthrow: Their reason was, that seeing the french army was chased home, they stood no more subject to such bond, for that it was to cease by the articles of the confederation when soever the french were expulsed out of Italy: Whereunto was replied on the behalf of the King of Arragon, that it could not be said that the French King was driven out of Italy, so long as Bressia, Crema, with other many strong places, stood at his devotion: Moreover the King of Arragon together with Caesar complained in that the Pope did appropriate to himself the profitts of the victory that was common to them both, And usurped that which manifestly appertained to an other, making himself Lord, (under cooler of certain reasons suborned, or at lest so old and withered, that their force was gone) upon Parma and Plaisance, cities which the Lords of Milan had holden so long time, as freeholders of thEmpire. The diversity was also expressed for matters that concerned the Duke of Ferrara: for, as the Pope, on the one side nourished his ancient covetousness to usurp that Dukedom, so, on the other side, the king of Arragon who desired to preserve & protect him, stood yet discontented with the injury that was offered to have stayed him at Rome contrary to the law of faith & safeconduit given: for these reasons the Pope deferred to vex Ferrara, expecting perhaps the issue of affairs of far greater importance, whereof Caesar not thinking good that any resolution were made without him, dispatched into Italy the Bishop of Gurcy whom he had appointed to that expedition ever since, after the battle of Ravenna, there was negotiation of peace between the Pope and the French king: he appointed to send him then for the fear he had lest they compounded amongst themselves without respecting him and his affairs: but the mutation of things happening afterwards, he still continued his devise to send him: In like sort, fell into consideration the affairs of the Florentines, who being filled full of suspicion, began now to feel the fruits of the neutrality which vndiscr●etely they had used, finding with all that it was not sufficient to bear themselves upon the justice of their cause, wanting discretion and forecast: for in the war present, neither had they offended the confederates, nor ministered any succours to the French king, but so farforth as they were bound for the defence of the Duchy of Milan according to the confederation made in common between them, the king Catholic, and with him: They had not suffered within their jurisdiction any violence to be done upon those Spanish soldiers which fled from the battle of Ravenna, for the which the king of Arragon himself gave thanks to th'ambassador of Florence: yea they had satisfied all his demands, for that after the council was broken up from Pisa, his Agentes being in Italy, and the king himself offering to their Ambassador to be bound to defend their common weal against all men, so far forth as they promised him they would not defend Bolognia, nor take arms against the Church, nor favour thunlawful council of Pisa: But they being let by civil discords to make the better election, gave themselves neither to follow the French, nor any other, and observing neutrality from one day to an other, and that with counsels no less doubtful than broken, not jointly and fully resolved whether they would observe it, they offended much the French king, who in the beginning promised much of them, they removed not the hatred of the Pope, and left the king of Arragon without any recompense to enjoy the fruit of their neutrality: A matter which he would gladly have covenanted with them to obtain: So that the Pope pushed on with his ancient hatred against the gonfallonier or Magistrate, and a perpetual desire descending from all Popes to have authority in that common weal, solicited earnestly the restitution of the family of Medicis to their ancient greatness. To this the king of Arragon, notwithstanding he used dissembled phrases to the Ambassador of Florence, bore some inclination, but not with so great vehemency, for fear lest in any stir or alteration, they might be brought to favour the French king by th'authority of the Magistrate: yea it was disinherited that though the Gonfalonnier were deposed and taken away, yet the common weal being freely governed, would not have the same affection, in respect of the new and ancient dependences: But the resolution of this matter together with others, was reserved till the coming of the Bishop of Gurce, with whom it was agreed that the Viceroy and such as were for the other confederates, should meet at Mantua. In this respite of time that the Bishop was coming, the Pope sent to Florence his Datario, Laurence Pucci a Florentin (he was afterwards chosen Cardinal, and called Cardinal of four Saints) to solicit them, together with th'ambassador which the Viceroy had there, that they would stick to the league and contribute to the charges against the Frenchmen: That was the cooler of his going, but in true meaning he was sent to found the wills of the Citizens. That demand was debated many days without any conclusion: The Florentines made offers to pay to the confederates certain proportions of money, but they answered doubtfully to the demand to enter the league and protest themselves against the French king: Which doubtfulness moved partly by an opinion they had (which was true) that those matters were proponed artificially, rather to entrap them then to assure them: and partly by an answer which the Bishop of Gurce had made to their Ambassador at Trent, whom they sent to meet him: He seeming to make small reckoning of the reapport made to him that Caesar by the capitulation of Vincensa subsigned with his own hand, was bound to defend them, assured them that the Pope was determined to trouble them, and yet in paying to Caesar xl. thousand Ducats, he would deliver them of that danger: To this he added that the confederation between Caesar and the French king continuing yet, they should not therefore enter into the league, if first Caesar gave them not example. The Florentines were not far estranged to buy their quiet with money, but they feared that the only name of Caesar (notwithstanding the Bishop assured them that his will should be followed by the Spaniards) would not suffice to remove and make cease the ill intention of the others: A persuasion which held them in doubt, and kept them so restrained, that with a council well disposed, they could not minister the salve to such as had power to help their infirmity: It was a matter perhaps considered upon with council and discretion, and yet it could not but proceed either of negligence, or of their discords, or of too much confidence in their strength of footmen, forbearing in that respect to refurnish themselves of soldiers trained, by whom they might have been defended from any sudden assault, or at lest might have made easy the covenants with the confederates, and with better conditions, knowing once how hard a matter it were to force them. Whilst these things were in action, the Viceroy with his regiments of footmen was entered upon the country of the Bolonnois, where having no mean to satisfy the pays which he had promised to the soldiers, they ran with such a tumult to his tent threatening and conspiring to kill him, that he had scarce leisure to steal away, seeking his safety by fleeing towards Modena: one part of th'army took towards the country of the Florentines, the residue changed not place, but lived there without law, without order, and without commandment: And within three or four days after, their light rages being somewhat satisfied with part of the pays that had been promised, the Viceroy also and the residue being reassembled and returned to th'army, they gave their promise to tarry for him in that place till he returned from Mantua, where the Bishop of Gurce was now arrived. As the Bishop passed by the territories of them of Verona, the French men that lay in garrison in Leguaguo having refused many offers of the Venetians, gave up to the Bishop that town which they could no longer hold: This was thought to be done by a former commandment of Monsr Palissa, aswell to them as to all the residue that had in charge the other towns, to th'end to nourish discord between Caesar and the Venetians: But it was an action very unfortunate for the soldiers, who (without respecting their safeconduit obtained from the Bishop of Gurce) were miserably rob and stripped by the Venetian army which lay encamped upon the confines of Bressia, after they were returned from Bosco, and after they had recovered Bergama without any difficulty: only they forbore to batter the town, for that (as was said) the cardinal of Zion had forbidden them.  
It was resolved in the assembly of Mantua, that Maximilian Sforce should be reinvested 
The resolution of the treaty of Mantua by the confederates.  in the Duchy of Milan, the desire of the people being nothing inferior to the equity of his title. To this agreed the king of Arragon and Caesar, no less to satisfy the great instance of the Pope, then to please the wills of the Swizzers: Touching thassignation of the manner and time, it was referred till the Bishop of Gurce met with the Pope, to whom he was to go, both to conclude th'alliance between Caesar and him, and to solicit peace with the Venetians, and so by the mean of common alliance, to confirm Italy in her ancient surety that the French king should no more trouble it: In that assembly also was disputed the expedition against the Florentines, wherein julio de Medicis made instance aswell in his own name, as for the Cardinal: he proved that the alteration of that state would be easy, for the division amongst the Citizens: for th'affection of many that desired their return: for the secret intelligences they had with sundry noble and mighty personages: And withal for that one part of the men at arms of that common weal being in Lombardie, and an other moiety enclosed within Bressia, they had not sufficient forces to make defence against an assault so sudden: lastly, besides the money he offered, he showed the fruit that would come by restoring them to their former dignity: for, the authority and power of that City being taken out of the hands of one that depended wholly upon the French king, it would fall to th'administration of persons, who standing discontented and wronged by that king, had no reason to depend or hold upon other alliance then of the confederates. Barnard de Bibiena (afterwards Cardinal) urged this matter much in the name of the Pope, who for that occasion had sent him to Mantua, a man for his learning no less meet for this legation, then for his affection most friendly to the Medicis in whose house both he and his brothers had been trained up even from their youth. john Vittorio Soder in a Lawyer and brother to the gonfallonier, was at this time Ambassador to the Florentines with the Bishop of Gurce, to whom nothing was said, nor any thing demanded, either by the Viceroy or in the name of the league: Only the Bishop declared to him the danger, and how convenient it was that they accorded with Caesar according to the demands made before, offering that Caesar and the king of Arragon should receive them into protection: But the Ambassador in whom was no power to conclude, could do no other thing then advertise the common weal and expect answers: neither did he solicit the Viceroy by himself or by others, nor used any diligence to hinder the workings of the Medicis: having no fullness of authority, he was driven to be silent in things that concerned directly the safety of the common weal: And yet the matter of itself was not without many difficulties, both for that the Viceroy had not so great an army, as to adventure to make trial of his forces without necessity: and also the Bishop of Gurce, to let the Venetians for recovering Bressia, or to make any greater proceedings, desired that the Spaniards might pass into Lombardie with all speed convenient. By these considerations it was believed, that if the Florentines forbearing their nigardness as the present perils required, had consented to contribute to Caesar the money he demanded, and relieved the Viceroy with some small sum whereof he had great necessity, they had easily turned away and avoided the storm: yea the Bishop of Gurce and the Viceroy might perhaps with better will have entered into covenant with the common weal, of whom they were certain to receive the things that should be promised, then with the Medicis, who had no ability to give them any thing, if first they returned not to Florence with arms. But the cause of that City being almost abandoned, either by the negligence or by the malice of men, it was determined that the Spanish army together with the Cardinal and julian Medicis, should march towards Florence: In which expedition the Pope had declared the Cardinal Legate of Tuskane, with fullness of power to levy the soldiers of the church, and wage such others of the towns adjoining, as he should think convenient for that service: The Pope omitted nothing that might advance this enterprise, rather applying his authority to his will, then to the equity of the matter.  
But assoon as the assembly of Mantua was broken up, the Viceroy returning to the 
The Medicis return to Florence.  territories of Bolognia, caused his army to march with speed against the Florentines, who had very small respite to make necessary provisions, for that they were not aforehand advertised of the resolutions of Mantua. The Cardinal joined with the Viceroy assoon as he drew near the frontiers, having caused to be drawn from Bolognia two Cannons to supply the want of the Spaniards who had no pieces of battery: Also Francis Vrsin and the Vitelli (captains for the Church) came thither to him, but without their bands of soldiers, both they and the other company, of the Church being forbidden by the Duke of Urbin: who, notwithstanding julian Medicis had had some bringing up in his Court, A matter to move favour, and that he had always professed to desire the greatness of the Medicis, which was a strong argument of affection, refused to refurnish them with artilleries or any sort of succours either of his soldiers or subjects, though the Pope had commanded the contrary by large letters, aswell to him as to other towns subject to the Church. Assoon as the Viceroy was entered upon the lands of the Florentines, there came to him an Ambassador, who in the name of the whole common weal declaring the respects they had always borne to the king of Arragon, both what were their actions in the last wars, and also what that king might hope for of such a City receiving it to his amity, besought him, afore he passed further, to signify what it was he demanded of the Florentines: for that in demands reasonable, and not exceeding their power, they would willingly satisfy him. The Viceroy answered that his coming had not been determined only by the king Catholic, but also by all the confederates for the common surety of Italy, seeing that so long as the Gonfalonnier remained in that administration, they could not be assured that that common weal would not follow the French king, and be serviceable to his occasions: Therefore he demanded in the name of the whole league, that the gonfallonier might be deprived of the government, and that there might be instituted a form of policy not suspected to the confederates: which could not be unless the Cardinal and julian Medicis were restored to their natural country: That if they would consent to these things, they should find agreement in the residue more easily: lastly, he willed him to signify this reapport and his intention to the state of Florence, and yet he would not stay his army till answer were returned.  
At Florence immediately upon the brute of the marching of the Spaniards, might be discerned an universal astonishment in the minds of men, both doubting that the Pope's forces would invade them on some other side, and fearing the division of Citizens, and th'inclination of the multitude to new things: They were very weak in men at arms, and had no other strength of footmen, than such as were either levied in haste, or at lest drawn out of their garrisons, an estate of soldiers not yet experienced in war: They had no excellent captain upon whose virtue and authority they might reappose the guiding of an army, and their other leaders were such as in the memory of man they had not in their pay men of less expectation: Their weakness was great in regard of the strength that was coming against them, their wants were far inferior to the preparations of their enemies, their wisdoms unable to prevent the dangers that threatened, their wealth unprofitable, where wanted men for action: lastly, they had nothing amongst them which did not help to the desolation of their estate, and wanted all things wherein they might hope for comfort, counsel, or compassion: Their fears were vain, for that their peril was swifter than their provision: And there could be no place for confidence, where was nothing to assure their hope: All things were full of confusion, and the soddennesse of the calamity made them less apt to consult for their safety: And yet making such provision as they could according to the shortness of time, they reassembled their men at arms distributed into many places, they waged footmen, but such bodies as they could get: They choosed out the best bands of their Pensioners, and drew to Florence all their principal forces, both for the surety of their City, and to refurnish from thence all other places that should suffer most danger: And amid these means of provisions for the war, they forgot not (but very late) to prove what they could do by way of accord: for which cause, besides the continual solicitation of their Ambassador with the Viceroy, they wrote to the Cardinal of Voltero lying at Gradoli near to Rome, to go to the Pope, and labour to appease him with offers, with petitions, with humilities, and all other sorts of offices what so ever: But he having a heart hardened, answered notwithstanding with words contrary to his doings, that the enterprise came not of him, and that it was followed without his forces: only not to stir up the league against him, he was constrained to consent to it, and to suffer the Cardinal of Medicis to draw artillery from Bolognia: That he was not able to stay the expedition afore it was begun, and much less could he break it now that it was in action: He made himself sorrowful for their affliction, and yet expressed no inclination to compassion: his words were doubtful, and his intentions dissembled: he saw the humour that was offended, and yet would not apply the medicine to comfort it, judging it best for the serving of his turn, to suffer them to languish in their proper calamities. By this time the Viceroy had passed the mountains of Barberina within fifteen miles of Florence, from whence he sent to signify to the Florentines, that it was not th'intention of the league neither to altar the jurisdiction, nor change the liberty, so farforth as for the surety of Italy, they would depose the gonfallonier from his estate: He desired that the Medicis might be restored to their country, not as chieftains of the government, but as persons private, subjecteth to the laws, and to the Magistrates, and not separate in any thing from other Citizens: This proposition being known throughout the City, the opinions of men were diverse according to the diversity of judgements, passions, and fear: Some blamed the Council, that would, for the regard of one only, prefer to so great a danger the generality of Citizens and the universal jurisdiction: seeing that in deposing him, they lost neither the council popular, nor the public liberty: A thing which it could not be hard to keep, though the Medicis, deprived of reputation and power, would strive to exceed their degree private and limited: That it was to be considered in what sort the City might resist th'authority and forces of so great a league: that of themselves they were not able: that all Italy was become their enemy: that they had wholly lost all hope of succours with the French men, both for that being driven with cowardice out of Italy, they had enough to do to defend their own Realm, and also knowing their weakness, they had answered to the demands of the Florentines, that they were contented to set them at liberty to make accord with the league. Of the contrary, others reasoned how vain it was to believe that so great a stir was made only for hatred to the gonfallonier, or to set up the Medicis in Florence as Citizens private: That far otherwise was the intention of the confederates, who to join the City to their wills, and to make it contributory to their wants of money, respected no other end then to bring in the Medicis in tyranny: only they disguised their corrupt intentions with demands not sharp nor severe, and yet pretended the same effect: for it was no other thing to take out of the palace the gonfallonier in a time so troubled, and with such threatening and compulsion of arms, then to leave a ●●ocke wandering without a pastor, the more easily to fall into the jaws of the wolf: It comprehended no other thing to bring the Medicis into Florence in so great a tumult, then to strike up the drum and advance the standard that such might follow it, as lived in no other study then to deface the name, the memory, and the form of the great council: an estate of government which could not be deposed without the absolute ruin of the common liberty: And what is there to let the Medicis, backed from the foreign with the Spanish army, and followed at home with troupes seditious and ambitious, that they may not oppress the liberty even assoon as they make their entry into Florence: They have the time by election, the place is prepared, men's minds altered, the good men of the town do fear, the evil sort expect, if there be any place of the town free from tumult, at lest there is none void of suspicion, few to be trusted and none assured, all things in confusion, yea even the wisest furthest of to avoid the storm which even now is gathered into a cloud and ready to break: It were good to consider what the overture of such things might engender, and what may happen by yielding to demands unjust and prejudicial: That it is no good affection so much to fear their dangers, as thereby to forget the safety of their lives, and to consider how intolerable it would be to live in servitude, to such as have been borne and bred up in liberty: That they were to remember with what valour they had opposed against the late king Charles the eight for the protection of their liberty, at such time as he was possessed of the City with a mighty army: lastly that they had to consider how easily they might resist so small an army, unfurnished of money, unprovided of victuals, naked of great artilleries, & all other commodities to bear out the war, if only the City resisted their first fury: yea when they found a resolute defence in place of the vain hopes that had been given to carry Florence at the first assault, they would be easily ranged to agreement upon reasonable conditions. These discourses ran in the market places and streets amongst the Citizens: but the gonfallonier holding it best that the answer which the Magistrate was to make to the Viceroy, should be communicated with the people, called together the great council, and in full presence of the Citizens, gave his opinion in this manner:  
If I thought the demand of the Viceroy touched me only, or that his desires 
Peter Sode●in reasoneth in the Council.  were stayed simply upon particularities, I would of myself make a resolution conformable to my intention, & do the thing without your counsel, which could not but turn to your common safety: for having always carried this mind to give my life for your benefit, it could not but be just in me to resolve of myself, to renounce the office you have given me, to deliver you from the dangers and harms of the war, having especially worn out both my body and mind with the travels of the place in so many years since you preferred me to it: But since it may be that this demand stretcheth to things further than to me and my private interest, it is thought good by this honourable assistance & by me, not to deliberate without public consent in a matter that so universally concerneth you all, & less seeming that a cause so grave & general, should be referred to the council of that ordinary number of Citizens which are ordinarily called to the privity of common things, but to you in whose persons is resembled the sovereign Majesty and presence of this City, and by whose wisdoms are to pass deliberations of so great importance. I induce you, not to incline more to the one part then to the other, I refer all to your counsel and judgement: I bring hither no meaning to persuade you to partiality, I set not myself between your affections and the present cause: The same you shall resolve, the same shall be accepted by me, who do not only say at your feet the office which is your own, but also my person and life which is to myself alone: A sacrifice which I would think happily dedicated, if it had any operation tending to your safety: Examine of what importance the Viceroy's demand may be for your liberty, wherein I beseech God so to lead your minds as you may make election of the better way. If the Medicis were disposed to live in this City as private citizens with conformity to your laws and rulers, it could not be but virtuous and commendable to suffer them to return, and receive them, to th'end the members of our common country might at last be reincorporate into one common body: but if they bring with them other intentions, and under shadows of conformity, shroud minds of tyranny, it were good you considered of your danger, not holding it grievous to sustain all expenses and difficulties to preserve your liberty, A jewel whose preciousness you shall then best discern, when you shall suffer privation of it. Be not persuaded that the government of the Medicis will be the same it was afore they were expulsed, seeing the form and foundations of things are changed: for then as they had their training up amongst us almost as citizens private, wealthy in goods according to the degree they held, and not offended of any, made their foundation of the good will of the citizens, used to consult with the principals of public affairs, and laboured with the cloak of civility to cover rather than to discover their greatness: So now that they have been so many years separate from the laws of Florence, infected with the fashions & customs of strangers, and by that reason less practised in civil causes, mindful of their exile and severities done to them, poor in goods, injuried of so many families, & according to their own testimony knowing that the most part of this presence abhorreth tyranny: They will reappose confidence in no citizen, nor have no conformity to your laws & magistrates, but compelled by poverty & suspicion, will bring back to themselves the administration of all things: They will not reestablish good will and love, but recontinue force & arms: they will reduce this city in short time to the image and state of Bolognia, and to Sienna & Perousa in the time of the Bentiuoleis. I speak this to such as keep observation of the time and government of Laurence Medicis, which yet in comparison of this would seem a golden age, notwithstanding the conditions of that time were hard, and the government was a kind of tyranny, albeit more easy than many others. Now it appertaineth to you to resolve wisely, and to me, either to give up constantly this office, or else resolutely to apply myself to the preservation of your liberty: You are to determine, and I to be directed, you stand in the hands of your own council, and I subjecteth to your arbitration.  
There was no doubt what the council would resolve, the whole multitude of the people bearing almost an universal inclination to maintain the popular government: Therefore it was determined by a wonderful accord, to consent to the returning of the Medicis in the nature of persons private: and that in no wise the gonfallonier should be deposed from his place, against which if thenemies were obstinate, than the whole body of the city should be applied to the defence of their liberty & country, not sparing either goods or life in an action so honourable & necessary: so that disposing all their thoughts to the war, they made provisions of money, & sent men to the town of Prato ten miles from Florence, A place which they thought would be subject to the first violence of the Viceroy: who after he had gathered together his army at Barberina together with th'artillery with was drawn with a wonderful pain both for the ill way of Appenin, and also for that for want of money they lacked labourers & instruments necessary for the carriage, he took the way to Prato as had been supposed: he arrived there about the breaking of the day, and even then began with two Falconettes to better the gate Mercatala by the space of an hour, albeit little to his profit for that it was mightily rampiered within. The Florentines had bestowed within Frato about two thousand footmen, the most part of their pensioners, and the residue levied in haste of all sciences and base trades: In that number there were very few experienced and trained to the war: They had also sent thither with an hundred men at arms Luke Savello an ancient captain, but yet neither for his age, nor for his experience come to any degree of martial knowledge: And the men at arms were the same bodies who a little before had been spoiled and stripped in Lombardie: To this was added what by the shortness of the time, and thignorance of such as had the charge to make provisions, both great want of artilleries, and not half the munitions and other things necessary to defend the place. The Viceroy had in his army two hundred men at arms, five thousand footmen Spaniards, and two Cannons only: An army very small in numbers and other provisions, but great as touching their valour, for that the footmen were all of those bodies, who in so great reputation were retired from the battle of Ravenna, and who reapposing much in their virtue, despised greatly thignorance of their adversaries: But being brought to march and no order taken for their victuals, and less relief through the whole country, for that as yet harvest was fully finished, and all gleaned and carried into places of strength, they began immediately to fall into necessities of food, which made the Viceroy to incline to accord, and the same followed with continual solicitation, that the Florentines suffering the Medicis to return equal with the other citizens, there was no more speech of the deposing of the gonfallonier, only the City should pay to the Viceroy (to th'end to withdraw his army from their dominions) a certain sum of money, which was supposed not to exceed thirty thousand ducats: In respect of this he had granted safeconduit to th'ambassadors elected for that expedition, and had abstained until their coming, from any further action against Prato, if they within had furnished him with victuals. There is nothing that fleeth faster away than occasion: Nothing more dangerous then to judge of th'intention and profession of an other: Nor nothing more hurtful than an immoderate suspicion. All the chief citizens desired agreement, being accustomed by th'examples of their elders, to defend their liberty against arms, with gold: And therefore they made request that th'ambassadors elect should depart incontinently, being charged amongst other things to see them of Prato furnish the Spanish army with victuals, to th'end the Viceroy should expect with patience if the composition that was now in action would bring forth any effect. But the gonfallonier persuading himself 
Prato taken by the Spaniards.  against his natural tymerousnes, that thenemies despairing to be able to do any more would departed of themselves, or fearing that the Medicis by one means or other would return to Florence, or whether his destiny pushed him on to be the cause of his own ruin and the calamities of his country, he held artificially in delay the dispatch of th'ambassadors, not suffering them to depart the day that was appointed according to the resolution which had been made: In so much as the Viceroy both pressed with the want of victuals, and uncertain whether th'ambassadors would come, dislodged by night from the gate Mercatale, and encamping before the gate called Seraglio from the which the way goeth to the mountain, he began to batter the next wall with two Cannons, choosing that place for the commodity of a high heap of earth joining to the wall, by the which he might easily go to the breach of the wall from above that was battered: which facility for the camp being turned into a difficulty for the town, for that the breach that was made above the heap of earth, remained within very high and thick of earth, one of the Cannons was broken at the first execution, and the other with the which the battery was continued, had so lost his force with often shooting, that his boollets came slowly to the wall, and yet did no great harm: lastly after they had executed many hours and made an opening in the wall of more than twelve faddomes, certain of the Spanish footmen got up to the terrace or heap of earth, and began to assail the breach: from thence they got to the top of the wall where they slew two of the footmen that guarded it, whose death giving fear to the residue and driving them to retire, the Spaniards forbore not to take th'opportunity of their tymerousnesse, and climb up by the help of scaling ladders: And albeit there was within near the wall a squadron of shot and pikes, bestowed there both to suffer none of thenemies to stay upon the wall, and also to make slaughter of the first man that reshely should leap within or otherwise go down, yet (such is the fear of men unexperienced in dangers) assoon as they saw thenemies upon the wall, they broke their rank, and of themselves abandoned the defence of the place: This cowardice depending somewhat upon want of experience in the service and perils of war, gave courage to the Spaniards to make their entry in sundry places without any impediment: And crying Victory, they followed their fortune with valour, and began to run thorough the town, where was seen no other thing then flying, violence, spoiling, blood, murders, and crying, the footmen of the Florentines making no resistance, but casting away their weapons, they offered their bodies to the rigour of their enemies: from whose covetousness, lust, and cruelty, nothing had escaped if the Cardinal Medicis by bestowing guards in the great Church had not saved the honour of women which in their calamity were fled thither for safety. There were more than two thousand men that died, not in fight, for almost not one would join himself to the fray, but in fleeing, in hiding, and in crying mercy to thenemies, who disdained to show compassion upon men of so small merit: The residue were reserved prisoners together with the Florentine commissioners, none escaping the calamity that so wretched a fortune did bring. By the loss of Prato they of Pistoye, not falling otherwise from the jurisdiction of the Florentines, agreed to relieve the Viceroy with victuals, receiving his promise not to be distressed by his army. But at Florence, assoon as the success of Prato was known, and th'ambassadors that went to the Viceroy being on the half way, were returned by the bruit of th'accident, there were discerned manifest alterations in the minds of every one: some lamenting the loss that was happened, some fearing greater harms, some suspecting by nature more than they aught to do by reason, some distrusting shadows whose bodies were far of, all things in confusion, and even those men the least assured, in whom was most reason of confidence and resolution. The gonfallonier repenting now the vanity of his counsel, was no less amazed than the residue, and having almost altogether lost both reputation and authority, he stood so irresolute & ungoverned, that he gave himself up to the wills of others, without making provision either for his own safety, or the common tranquillity: others, who desired th'alteration of the government, took audacity by the state of their fortune, & blamed publicly the things present: but the multitude of citizens not accustomed to tumults & arms, & having always afore their eyes the miserable example of Prato, notwithstanding they affected much the government popular, yet what through fear & cowardice, stood as a miserable pray to whosoever would oppress them. In this tumult and separation of minds Paul Vettori and Antho. Fran. Albizi, two young gentlemen of the nobility, no less seditious and desirous of new things, then by these occasions full of audacity & boldness, having many months afore conspired secretly with others in favour of the Medicis, and for the better form & manner of their restoring, had secretly spoken with julian de Medicis in a village of the Florentin territory near to Sienna, determined to make experience to draw the gonfallonier out of the public palace by force: And drawing into this council one Barth. Valori a young man of like quality, but entangled by his unreasonable prodigalities with sundry debts, as was also Paul, they went the second morning after the loss of Prato, being the last day of August, with a small company to the palace, where finding no great guard or resistance, for that the Gonfalonnier left all things to adventure, they entered his chamber, and threatened him to take his life from him if he would not departed the palace, but in case he would go out, they gave him their faith to defend him from harm: his fear and the present extremity made him obedient to the rage of the young men: Then the whole city was drawn into tumult, & many were disclosed against him, but not one appeared in his favour: He by and by, by direction and commandment of others, caused to assemble the Magistrates, whom, having by the laws a full authority over the Gonfalonniers, they required to deprive him lawfully of his office, or otherwise they would kill him: In which fear they deposed him contrary to their will, and led him in safety into the house of Paul, from whence in the night being well accompanied, he was conveyed upon the dominions of Sienna, and from thence making show to go to Rome with safeconduit obtained of the Pope, he took secretly the way of Ancona, and passed by sea to Raugia, for that he was advertised by the mean of his brother the Cardinal, that the Pope would break his promise with him, and spoil him of the money which he had, supposed to be in great quantity: Assoon as the Gonfalonnier was deposed from his place, the city dispatched present Ambassadors to the Viceroy, with whom they compounded easily by mean of the Cardinal de Medicis: for the Cardinal was contented as touching his particular, that there should be no further commoning but for the restoring of him and his, and all such as had followed him, as citizens private, with power to redeem within a certain time the goods that had been aliened by the fiske: That there should be repayment of the moneys that had been disbursed, and amends made by such to whom they had been transferred: That touching the common affairs, the Florentines entered the league: They were bound to pay to the king of Romans forty thousand ducats, according to the promise which the Medicis had made at Mantua to the Bishop of Gurce, in recompense of their restoring: To the Viceroy twenty thousand, and to th'army fourscore thousand, the one half presently, and the residue within two months: but upon this condition that the first payment being received, the army should forthwith depart the lands of the Florentines, leaving at liberty all that they had possessed: Besides this, they contracted a league with the king of Arragon, with bonds reciprocal for certain numbers of men at arms for the defence of their estates, and that the Florentines should entertain in their pay two hundred men at arms of the subjects of that king: wherein albeit it was not expressed under whom they should be led, yet the charge was meant to the Marquis of Paluda, to whom the Cardinal had promised, or at lest given him hope, to make him captain general of the Florentin men of war. Thus the business of the deposing of the gonfallonier being paste over, and the dangers of the war removed by the composition, the citizens began to fall to correct the government in points wherein the former form was thought unprofitable, but with an universal intention, except of a very few which were young and almost not falling in consideration, to preserve the liberty, and support the council popular: Therefore they determined with new laws that th'election of the gonfallonier should not be established perpetual, but for one year only: That to the council of the fourscore, which changed from six months to six months, & by whose authority causes of greatest gravity were determined, to th'end there might be a continual community of the citizens of greatest quality, should be always added all those that had administered either at home or abroad, the chief offices and places: At home, such as had been either Gonfalonniers of justice, or of the ten of the Balia, an office in that common weal of great authority: Abroad, such as being chosen by the council of the fourscore, had served either as Ambassadors to foreign Princes, or else as general superintendentes over the war: All the other orders and ordinances of the government remained firm and stable without innovation.  
After these things were resolved, they elected gonfallonier for the first year, john Babtista Rodolffe, a citizen of noble descending, and no less esteemed for his discretion and government: And as it happeneth in all times troubled, so in this election the people not beholding so much such as by popular practices were most agreeable to them, as one, who what with the great authority he had in the City, specially with the nobility, and with his proper virtue which was peculiar to him, might reduce and make firm and stable the shaking estate of the common weal: But by the present tumult things were to much disordered, the common liberty had to many mighty enemies, in the bowels of the country was an army suspected, and within the City an unbridled boldness of young men desirous to oppress it, and to their wills was conformable the will of the Cardinal Medicis, notwithstanding in words he made demonstration of the contrary: for, as in the beginning he esteemed not the restoring of him and his as citizens private, A recompense worthy of so many travels and pains, so also he considered for the present that that state could not endure, for that together with his name, they should be greatly hated of all sorts, the citizens living in continual suspicion that they would dress some ambush against their liberty: They would always remain discontented, for that they had brought the Spanish army against their country, and were the causes of the wretched spoil and sack of Prato: And lastly that by compulsion of arms the City had been constrained to receive conditions so unworthy and unjust. To this he was urged by such as afore had conspired with him, and others who in a common weal well ordered, held no honourable place: But the consent of the Viceroy was necessary, who expecting the first payment, which for the divisions in the City could not so soon be made, kept as yet within Prato, and had no fancy (what soever was the cause) that any new change should be made in the City of Florence, notwithstanding the Cardinal joining to him the Marquis of Paluda and Andrew Caraffe captains in the army, told him that the name of the Spaniards could not be but very odious to a City against which they had done so many harms: That in all occasions they would stick always to thenemies of the king Catholic, and that there was danger, lest when the army should depart, they would revoke the Gonfalonnier whom they had expulsed by constraint. By these persuasions he consented to the Cardinal, who assoon as he had made agreement & resolution of affairs with him, came with diligence to Florence into his houses, where many captains and soldiers of th'italians entered, some with him, and some separate, the Magistrates being afraid to let their entry for fear of the Spaniards that were at hand: The next morning the council of the multitude of Citizens being assembled at the public palace to consult upon th'affairs present, julian de Medicis being present and assisting the action, the soldiers charged the gate of the palace, and climbing up by ladders, they made themselves masters of the palace, and made pillage of the silver vessel which lay there of store for the use and service of the City: There the City together with the gonfallonier compelled to give place to thinsolences of such as could do more with arms and weapons than the Magistrate with reverence and authority, called together with the ringing of the great bell (by the direction of julian de Medicis) the people, to parliament upon the palace green: where, such as went thither being environed with armed soldiers, and the young men of the City that had taken arms for the City, they consented that to fifty Citizens of the Cardinals naming, should be given the same authority over public business which all the people had: A form or state of power which the Florentines call Ampla balia: By the decree of these men, the government being reduced to that form which it carried before the year a thousand four hundred ninety and four, & a garrison established within the palace, the Medicis resumed upon them the self same state of greatness which their father had, but their government was more imperious and with a power more absolute.  
In this sort, and with arms, was oppressed the liberty of the Florentines, being brought to that degree of adversity principally by the disagreements of the Citizens. It was thought it had not fallen so far, if they had not behaved themselves with great negligence in the defence of the common business, specially in the last times, not speaking of the neutrality which they used very undiscreetly: & the cowardice of the gonfallonier giving too much head to thenemies of the popular government. The king of Arragon had not from the beginning so great a desire to reverse the liberty, as to turn away that City from th'alliance of the French king, and to draw some sums of money to pay his army: In so much that assoon as the French had abandoned the Duchy of Milan, he sent to tell the Viceroy, that whether the affairs occurrant should draw him to an other enterprise, or for any other occasion, he should know that the restitution of the Medicis would be of hard action, that he should take liberty to determine according to the condition of times, and agreed or not agreed with the City, according to the mean that brought the best opportunity to his affairs. This was his commandment in the beginning: but being afterwards discontented with the Pope for the violence he would have done at Rome to Alfonso d'Este, and entering withal into suspicion for the threats he gave publicly against strangers, he gave plainly to understand to the same Ambassador of Florence that came to him in the beginning of the war, enjoining no less to the Viceroy, that there should be no striving to altar the government. In which devise these two reasons were indifferent to him: he judged that either it would be a thing of more surety to him to preserve the gonfallonier, who was enemy to the Pope, or else he feared that the Cardinal of Medicis being restored, would not more depend of the Pope then of him: But his last deliberation came not to the knowledge of the Viceroy, until the day after the common weal was reduced to the power of the Cardinal.  
By this discourse it may be discerned that if the Florentines, after the french were chased, had looked to assure their affairs by some agreement, or at lest had made themselves strong with men and soldiers trained, either the Viceroy had not marched against them, or at lest finding resistance, he would easily have been brought to composition for money: But their destiny was against their safety, being besides the conjectures and comprehension of man's wisdom, warned of the perils that were towards them, by certain signs in the air: for, not long afore, the lightning that fell upon the gate that leads from Florence to Prato, carried away from an ancient shield of Marble, a golden flower de Lys, which is the ensign or arms of the french kings: An other time a flash of lightning descending from the top of the palace into the chamber of the gonfallonier, touched no other thing than a great vessel of silver wherein the lots are wont to be put when they come to be made equal for the creation of the great Magistrate: And afterwards falling down it struck so violently a great stone which lay at the foot of the stairs and bore up the burden of the building, that being removed from his place without any other hurt, it seemed that the hands of men had taken him out with a wonderful knowledge in Archytecture.  
About these times, or a little before, the Genowais beating upon the castle of Genes 
The castle of Genes taken by the Genoese.  with th'artilleries which the Pope had lent them, the castle keeper being corrupted with a bribe of ten thousand ducats, delivered it up to the towns men: This treason of the keeper moved partly by fear, for that an army by sea which was sent out of Provence for the defence of the town, having not courage to take land, were retired, by whose cowardisse he had no hope to be succoured: But the lantern held out for the king, wherein the same day certain french vessels had conveyed victuals and other necessary provisions.  
Assoon as the matters of Florence were dispatched and the money received, The Viceroy removed his army to march to Bressia: About which city the Venetians, having now appeased the wills of the Swyzzers, were encamped and lay afore the gate of S. john, battering at one time both the town and the castle with artilleries planted upon the mountain opposite: They had a certain light hope to be let in at the pile gate by mean of an intelligence which nevertheless proved vain for that it was disclosed: But when the Spanish army arrived at the borrow of Gairo which is near to Bressia, Monsr d'Aubigny governor of the french that were within, had a mind to give up the town together with the castle to the Viceroy with composition that all the soldiers that were within should issue out their goods and lives saved, 
Bressia rendered by the french to the Viceroy.  but their ensigns folded and the points of their weapons downward, and leaving behind them their artillery: wherein it seemed Monsr d'Aubigny respected more the Viceroy than the Venetians by a commandment which he had received afore from his king, to deliver it to the Spaniards or to Caesar, not that he hated more the Venetians, but rather to entertain matter of contention with Caesar and with the king of Arragon: The french men that kept Leguague followed the same council afore the Spaniards passed into Lombardie: for, little esteeming of the many offers of the Venetians, they surrendered it up to the Bishop of Gurcy, as also did Pesquiero at the same time that the Viceroy entered Bressia, the possession whereof the same Bishop desired to have, but it pleased the Viceroy to retain it for the league, in whose name he had received it: it happened otherways to the town of Crema, about the which lay encamped Ranze de Cere with a part of the Venetian soldiers: for, by that time the army of the four thousand Swyzzers which Octavian Sforce Bishop of Lode & governor of Milan sent to conquer it in the name of thexpected Duke Maxymylian Sforce, were come near the walls, Benedict Cribario what by corruption of money, and an ambitious desire to be created a gentleman of Venice, gave it up to the 
Crema rendered to the Venetians.  Venetians: in which action was concurrant the consent of Monsr Duraz that kept the castle, who reapposed no confidence for his safety in the faith of the Swyzzers.  
Immediately upon these expeditions the Bishop of Gurcy went to Rome, whom 
The Bishop of Gurcy at Rome.  the Pope desiring earnestly to reconcile to him, gave order to receive him through all the dominions of the Church with all sorts of honours: And not sparing to enforce his nature to advance his desire, he defrayed his expenses by the ways, together with all such as followed him, to whom were made many great feasts and liberalities: every town which he entered honoured him with shows and offices not accustomed, both for their variety which was strange, and for their state and majesty most rich and sumptuous: The ways which he passed were full of personages appointed to meet him, and in many several places he was visited by sundry new Ambassadors of Prelates & personages of honour of the Pope's sending: yea he would that the Colleague of Cardinals should have gone to the gates of Rome to receive him, but the whole Colleague refusing, as a matter for the newness, hurtful in example, and for thindignity, most prejudicial to their reputation, They appointed only the cardinals Agivense and Strigonia to go out of the gates half a mile into the meadows, to receive him in the name of the Pope, who with great respect and ceremony led him to the Church of S. Maria de Popolo, he being in the midst between them as Lieutenant to Caesar: There the two Cardinals left him, and from thence being honourably accompanied besides the general multitudes that followed, he went to the Pope, who sitting in solemn habit under his estate pontifical expected his coming in the public Consistory, where not many days before he had in great honour received the twelve Ambassadors of the Swyzzers whom all the Cantons had sent to him, both to give him public obedience, and to make offer of their nation to be perpetual defenders of the state of the Church, and withal to thank him, that with so great honour he had given them the sword, the hat, the helmet and the banner, together with the title to be the defenders of thEcclesiastike liberty: When the Cardinal was arrived and had performed his presence to the Pope, they began to debate of the establishment of the common affairs, whereof the foundation rested in this, to remove all quarrels and contentions particular, to th'end that the regions of Italy reunited and confirmed, might with one joint resolution and council, be able to make a full resistance to the french king: The hardest matter in this action was the composition so many times practised between Caesar and the Venetians: for, the Bishop of Gurcy could have been contented that Padua, Trevisa, Bressia, Bergama, and Crema should remain to the Venetians, so far forth as they would tender to Caesar Vincensa, renounce their claims and rights they pretended to the towns that Caesar held, and pay to him presently two hundred thousand florins of Rhein, and thirty thousand yearly for ever in form of tribute: It troubled the Venetians to acknowledge themselves tributaries for those towns which they had possessed for many years as proper owners: And no less were they grieved to give money, notwithstanding the Pope offered to lend them part of the sum: But the thing that troubled them most, was the restoring of Vincensa, In which action they alleged they should separate the body of their estate, and stand deprived of the commodity to pass from the head and principal parts, to the other members, by which privation the possession of Bressia, Bergama, & Crema would stand ill assured: Besides, to refuse the restitution under more honest colours, they said, they had given their faith to the Vincentyns the last time they put themselves into their hands, never to separate them from them: Other conditions were debated between the Pope and the king of Aragon's Ambassadors, proponed more for revenge and recompense of the complaints of others, then that there was hope to obtain them: for, the Pope demanded that that king according to the contents of the confederation, should aid him to conquer Ferrara: he required him to leave of the protection of Fabricio and Mar. Anth. Colonno, against whom he had begun to proceed with spiritual arms, for that they had forced the gate of Latran, and received the Duke of Ferrara (rebelled against him) into those towns whose jurisdiction appertained directly to the Church: he required him to renounce the protections he had made in Tuskane of the Florentines, of the Sienoys, of the Lucquois, and of Plombyn, matters done to the diminution of the rights of thEmpire, and generally suspected of all Italy, but particularly of the Church: for that as it was not profitable to the other potentates that he should have so many alliances in Italy, so it was most dangerous for the church, that a province belonging to the dominion of the same, should depend upon his authority: To these the spanish Ambassadors replied, that they refused not to aid him against Ferrara, so farforth as according to the bonds of the same confederation, he made payment of the money due to th'army both for that was past, and to make new provision for hereafter: That it was an action neither of praise nor merit to proceed against Fabricio & Mar. Anth. Colonno, by whom, if they were pursued, what by reason of their great friends and dependences, and for that they were Captains of authority, would be renewed matter of a new war: That the king Catholic could not leave them abandoned, without special prejudice to his proper honour, neither did their several services in the joint wars of the Pope and him against the french king, deserve that property of recompense: Touching the complaint he made of the protections of Tuskane, they thought it proceeded not of any good or just zeal, but to th'end that Syenna, Lucqua, & Plombyn, should remain a prey to his covetousness, condescending notwithstanding to refer themselves in those actions, to the arbitrement of Caesar: All the confederates agreed with full consent that Maxymylian Sforce should enter upon the Duchy of Milan, but Caesar consented not to invest him, nor to endue him with the name of Duke or any title judicial: But eftsoons did renew the complaints of the Bishop of Gurcy and the Spaniards touching th'occupation of Parma and Plaisance: they brought great prejudice of the rights of thEmpire, too much increase of greatness to the Popes, and an apparent weakening to the Duchy of Milan, which had need to be made more strong and able, for that it lay always open and subject to the first invasions of the french: That in the capitulations of the league, the Pope had made mention of no other things then of Bolognia and Ferrara: That now he usurped that which of long time since, had not been possessed by the Church of Rome, yea there was no certain knowledge that ever she could claim interest, not in the times most ancient: That this usurpation was under shadow of rights and interests, whereof appeared no authentic memory, he seeming to make the donations of Emperors none other thing then a simple writing which might be forged or feigned according to fancy: And yet the Pope, taking the occasion of the tumults of Lombardye, did reason to himself, as in a matter manifest and notorious: These disputations could not be resolved easily: But the matter that troubled most the issue of things, was the controversy between Caesar and the Venetians, by reason whereof the Pope did what he could, sometimes provoking them, sometimes praying them, & sometimes threatening them, and all for a desire he still nourished to preserve the Venetians, both for the common benefit of Italy, and also for that he hoped, under the opportunity of their succours, to be able to carry Ferrara without the forces of the Spaniards: In this action the Arragon Ambassadors laboured with great importunity fearing, lest to a common danger, there were not 'cause added to the Venetians to turn their dispositions to the french and be eftsoons reunited to that nation: But they were driven to proceed advisedly and with temperance, both not to provoke Caesar to make alliance with the french men, from whom their king had separate him with so great pain, and also for other reasons necessarily moving him not to break amity with him: Lastly the Swyzzer Ambassadors omitted no travel in this action, for that being bound to defend the Venetians, who also in that regard were bound to pay them every year xxv. thousand ducats, they wished not to be brought to this necessity, either not to observe their promise, or to be driven to make head against Caesar if he offered to vex them: At last, neither the Bishop of Gurcy, being not to be drawn from the demand he made that the Venetians should tender Vincensa to Caesar, nor the Venetians disposed to give it up, who stood also yet disagreed touching the quantity of money: The Pope, who above all things desired, the rather to reverse the name and authority of the council of Pysa, that Caesar might approve the council of Latran, protested to their Ambassadors, that he should be constrained to persecute that common weal with arms spiritual and temporal: which protestation because it moved them not, he only was brought to confederate with Caesar, the spanish Ambassador refusing to deal in the action, either for that he had no commission from his king, or else for that that king sought still to nourish the Venetians with some hope, notwithstanding he was resolved in mind to aid Caesar: It was expressed upon the proem of the confederation which a little after was solemnly published in the Church of S. Maria de Popolo: That for that the Venetians had obstinately refused the peace, and the Pope by the necessity of the Christian common weal, had protested to abandon them: Caesar did now enter and accept the league made in the year a thousand five hundred and eleven, between the Pope, the king of Arragon, and the Venetians, according as the liberty and respite was reserved for him: That he promised to cleave to the council of Latran, disavowing and revoking all commissions, procurations, and acts done in the favour of the council of Pysa: he bound himself not to aid any one of the subjects or enemies of the Church, but chief Alfonso d'Este and the Bentyvoleis' occupiers of Ferrara and Bolognia: And lastly he promised to call home all the bands of Almain footmen that were in the pays of Alfonso, together with Federyk de Bossolo that held on him: On the other side the Pope promised to aid Caesar against the Venetians with arms both spiritual and temporal, until he had recovered all that was contained in the league of Cambray: it was declared that the Venetians were altogether excluded out of the league and truce made with Caesar, for that in many sorts they had impugned both the one and the other: That they were enemies to the Pope, to Caesar and to the king Catholic, to whom they reserved place and time to enter the confederation, and under certain conditions: That the Pope could make no covenant with them without the consent of Caesar, or till Caesar had recovered that which appertained to him, as was said afore: That neither the Pope nor Caesar, without reciprocal privity and consent, could contract or covenant with any Prince Christian: That during the war against the Venetians, the Pope should do no displeasure to Fabricio and Mark. Anth. Colonno, being notwithstanding left at liberty to proceed against Pompey and julio and others that had been declared rebels: That notwithstanding he was suffered to possess Parma, Reggia and Plaisance, yet by this capitulation it was not meant to prejudice the rights of th'empire: When this confederation was published, the Bishop of Gurcy in the next session of the council of Latran, approved the council in the name of Caesar, and as his Lieutenant general in Italy: And canceling all former commissions, acts, and procurations, he testified in the presence of the whole council, that Caesar never consented to the convocation of Pysa, disavowing all such as had used his name: Assoon as he had thus ratified the council of Latran, he departed from Rome to be present when Maxymylian Sforce (being now come by commission of Caesar to Verona,) should take possession of the Duchy of Milan: the Cardinal of Zion disposed himself very hardly to expect and attend his coming, and also the Ambassadors of the whole nation of Swyzzers that were at Milan, for that they would that in the demonstrations and solemnity of thactions that was to be used, it might appear that the Swyzzers were the men that had chased the french men out of that state, and by their valour and courage Maxymylian received it: They would that the verity and effect of that conquest might be transferred to them by such public ceremonies as were to be used in the installing of him, whom their virtue only made Lord of the Duchy: But such was the working of the Viceroy, that, more by practice then by his authority he obtained so much that they tarried for the coming of the Bishop of Gurcy: who, after he had ratified at Florence in the name of Caesar, the confederation made in Prato, and received certain sums of money of the Lucquoys whom he took into protection, came at last to Cremona, where Max. Sforce and the Viceroy attended him: from thence they went all together to Milan to make their entry at the day appointed, into that city with solemnities and honours accustomed to new Princes: In which action albeit it was long disputed between the Cardinal of Zion 
Maxymylian Sforce restored to Milan  and the Viceroy which of them should give him the keys at the entry of the gate in sign of possession, yet, in the end the Viceroy giving place, the Cardinal put into his hands the keys of the town in the universal name of the Swyzzers, And that day, being one of the last days of December, he did all things both in show and act, that were necessary to make known that Maxymylian Sforce received the possession of them: he was received with an incredible gladness of all the people, both for the desire they had to have a Prince proper and particular, and also they hoped he would resemble his grandfather or his father, of whom the memory of one remained very fresh in the minds of the people of that state, and touching the other, the despites they had received by the government of strangers, had turned their hatred, into good will: The working of time, with th'experience of the yoke of strangers had made in that people a wonderful conversion, and nature in those actions works not a little, bringing that people to rejoice at the return of him, whose father they abhorred with a just and universal hatred: But these gratulations and joys were yet unperfect until the castle of Novarro were recovered: A matter not long deferred, for that they within, yielded it up, their fortune being far inferior to their faith.  
The confederation made at Rome, had not altogether broken the hopes of agreement between Caesar and the Venetians, for that the Pope had upon the sudden sent to Venice jacques Staffilio his Nuncio, with whom went accompanied three Ambassadors of the Swyzzers to persuade them to accord: And on the other side, the Senate, the better to entertain the goodwill of the Pope, and not to give cause to Caesar to invade them with arms, had sent to their Ambassadors a new direction to cleave to the council of Latran: They had commanded also the men of war, assoon as the confederation was made, to retire upon the territories of Padua: And for that cause the Viceroy not willing to trouble the hopes of the peace, had turned his army towards Milan: But all these things served to no purpose, for that the same difficulties did yet continued touching the restitution of Vincensa and the payments of money which Caesar demanded: That was the cause that the Pope assailed not the Duke of Ferrara, whom (agreement going between Caesar and the Venetians) he supposed he should be able to vanquish with the aids of the Venetians, together with the brute that the Spaniards were to come on if need should be: otherways he had resolved to defer that expedition till the springe time, for that he accounted it a matter of hard action to take in a season of winter, the town of Ferrara, the situation being strong in respect of the river, and greatly fortified besides, by the continual industry of Alfonso.  
It may haply seem to some, if I entangle my history with thaccidents of France in that year, that I wander or change my course, which is not to speak of matters happening out of the bonds of Italy: But because the affairs of that nation have some affinity and relation with the business of these parts, And that to the success of the one, the councils and issues of the other were oftentimes conjoined, I am constrained not to pass them altogether under forgetfulness and silence.  
About the beginning of may, an army of six thousand English footmen, sailed 
Th'english men as Fontarabye against the french king.  in vessels of England and Spain, to Fontarabye, A frontyer town belonging to the crown of Spain upon the coast of France, and standing upon the Ocean sea: The service and purpose of this army, according to the covenants made between the father in law and son in law, was, together with the forces of Spain, to set upon the Duchy of Guienne, which is a part of the province of Aquitaine according to the ancient names and divisions of the same: Against this war, the french king not yet assured on the coast of Picardy, prepared a new pencionary band of eight hundred lances which he had erected, & waged many bands of footmen of the lower parts of Germany not subjecteth to th'emperor: And knowing of what importance for the defence of the Duchy of Guienne, was the Realm of Navarre which was both appropriate and dowry to Katherine de Foix, and possessed jointly with john the son of Albert who was her husband: he called to the Court the father of the said john, and carefully considered how he might make him his friend and consociat: Wherein served to good purpose, the death of Gaston de Foix, by the instigation of whom pretending the same kingdom not to fall upon the female, and by consequent to appertain to him as to the next heir male of the house of Foix, the french king had pursued the said john. On the other side the king Catholic, who had set his eyes upon that Realm, required the king of Navarre to stand Neuter between the french king and him: And to suffer to pass thorough his Realm, his soldiers that were to enter France: And for the assurance of these things, he would put into his hands certain places of strength under promise to tender them assoon as the war should end: It hath been a perpetual desire in the ancient kings of Spain to impatronise themselves upon the Realm of Navarre, In which respect the king of Navarre, being also not ignorant whither those demands tended, choosed rather to offer himself to a peril that was uncertain, then to accept a loss certain, hoping he should not fail of the succours promised by the french king, for whose affairs it came well to pass that the war begun in the Realm of Navarre: And at the same time, either to give more leisure to such as were appointed to come to his succours, or to deliver himself if he could from those demands, he treated with the king of Arragon, who according to his custom proceeded in those conferences with great cunning: But the industry and wariness of the king of Arragon hurt not more the king of Navarre, than the negligence of the french king, who taking courage by the slowness of th'english army that for many days since they were arrived at Fontarabye, had done nothing, And trusting withal, that the king of Navarre was able with his own forces to defend himself for a time, deferred very long to sand him succours: By the commodity of which delays, the king of Arragon, who had cunningly nourished and entertained the hopes of the king of Navarre, converted thither with great expedition the bands which he had prepared to join with th'english: So that the king of Navarre both unprepared of him 
The king of Arragon taketh the Realm of Navarre.  self, and by his privation of hope, despairing to be able to make resistance, gave place to his fortune and fled into Bearu beyond the Pyreney hills: By which accident, the Realm of Navarre was left abandoned, except certain strong places which yet held out for the king who in his fear was fled, And so without any expenses or difficulty, and more for fear and reputation of th'english that were at hand, then by his own forces that were far of, the king of Arragon made himself Lord of that kingdom: And because he could not affirm that he possessed it lawfully with any other title, he alleged that he was rightfully and judicially impatronised of it by th'authority of the sea Apostolic: for, the Pope not satisfied for the happy success of Italy, had a little before published a Bull against the french king, wherein, naming him no more Christianissimo but illustrissimo, he subjecteth aswell his person as whosoever were his adherents, to all the pains of heretics and schismatykes, giving sufferance to every one to occupy their substances, estates, and all that appertained unto them: And in the same severity and rigour, joined to an indignation that the Cardinals and other Prelates who were fled to Milan, had been received into the town of Lion, he commanded under grievous penalties and taxations, that the fair or mart accustomed to be kept at Lion four times every year, the traffic of merchants being no less plentiful, than the resort of strangers infinite, should be hereafter transferred to the city of Geneva, from whence king Lowys the eleventh had taken it for the benefit of his kingdom: And lastly he had brought the whole Realm of France under thinterdiction Ecclesiastical: In his malice he omitted nothing that might appertain to severity or rigour: But after the king of Arragon had conquered the kingdom of Navarre, which albeit is but of little circuit and of less revenue, yet for the situation, it is very convenient for the kingdom of Spain, and greatly available to the surety of it: he determined in himself to pass no further, esteeming it no less against his profit then inconvenient for his safety, to make war against the french king beyond the Mounts: In this respect, as also even from the beginning that thEnglishmen arrived, he had been dilatory in bringing forth his forces, rather temporizing with evasions and devices, then advancing according to the true meaning of his promiss: And after the conquest of Navarre, as the English solicited him to join his forces with them to th'end to march together and encamp afore Bayon, A city near to Fontarabye and almost standing upon the Ocean sea: so he protracted th'expedition they required, and proponed other enterprises in places removed from the sea, alleging that Bayonne was so manned and fortified that there was no hope or possibility to carry it: These reasons were answered and avoided by thenglishmen, who, without the town of Bayonne, esteemed nothing of all the other conquest of the Duchy of Guyhenno: And therefore after thenglish army had vainly spent much time to urge the king, that was altogether unwilling, they contemned his subtleties and delays, & embarked to return into England without commission or licence of their Prince: By the retiring of which army the french king remained assured on that side, And fearing no more thinvasions of th'english by sea, for that at last he was become so strong by sea, that he commanded all that part of the Ocean from the coasts of Spain to the shores of England: he determined to make trial if he could reconquer the Realm of Navarre: To which expedition he was encouraged besides the departing of th'english fleet, for that by reason of his adversities in Italy, all his bands of soldiers that remained, were returned into France: At the time that the king of Arragon gave hope to thEnglishmen to enter into the war, the better to bring under him the whole jurisdiction of the Realm of Navarre, he had sent certain regiments of men to S. joh. Pie de Porto, which is the last place of that kingdom standing at the foot of the Pireney hills on that side towards France: And afterwards as the french forces began to increase thereabouts, he had sent thither with the main army, Federyk Duke of Alba, captain general of the war: But the french army at last being become far more mighty, by the presence of the Dauphin, Charles Duke of Bourbon, and Monsr Longeville, the very flowers of the Realm of France: The Duke of Alba lying encamped in a strong place between the plain and the Mountain, held it an action very necessary to that service, to let the french men for entering into the Realm of Navarre: The french men not able to force him out of that place for the strength of his situation, determined that the king of Navarre with seven thousand footmen of his country, and Monsr Palissa with his company of three hundred lances removing from Saweterra near to S. joh. Pie de Porto, where the whole army lay, should pass the Pireney hills by the way of the vale of willows: And drawing near to Pampelune the Capital town of the kingdom, their devise was to occupy the way of the willows, by the which were brought to the spanish army, victuals whereof the sterility of the country had made them suffer great want: In Pampeluna, the people's taking courage by the nearness of the french men, began already to draw to mutiny, not otherways rebelling then to relieve their king, for whose restoring they thought it good devotion to adventure their lives: This was th'effect of this devise, After the king of Navarre and Monsr Palissa had won the way that is upon the top of the Pireney hills, they took by assault the town that stands at the foot of the hills, wherein was Baldes captain of the guard to the king of Arragon with many bands of footmen: And if to win the way of the willows they had used the celerity that the consideration of the service required, famine only had been sufficient to vanquish the spanish army environed on all sides with enemies, with ill ways, with ill fortune, and with wants: But the diligence of the Duke of Alba prevented thenemy and preserved himself, for that leaving in S. joh. Pie de Porto a thousand footmen with all th'artillery, he passed to Pampelune by the way of the willows afore they came thither. So that the King of Navarre and Palissa being disappointed of that hope, to whom also the Dauphin had sent a new strength of four hundred lances and seven thousand lanceknights, made their approaches to Pampeluna with four pieces of artillery which they had drawn with great difficulty by reason of the steepness of the mountains: They gave the assault, but with a fortune far inferior to their forwardness, for that being not able to carry by their valour, that they were denied by the present season (being then December,) and by the want of victuals (being fallen into a country barren) they repassed the Mounts Pireney, upon the which they were constrained to leave th'artillery, both for the difficulty of the passages, and for th'impediments of the paisants of those hills: And at the same time Monsr de Lawtrech who was entered Biskay with three hundred lances and three thousand footmen, making waste and pillage of the whole country, after he had in vain assaulted the town of Saint Sebastian, he repassed the mounts and returned to the army, which now broke up, both hope and fear ceasing on all parts, and the whole Realm of Navarre remaining free and peaceable to the king of Arragon. About this time, there was a detection of a conspiracy, that Ferdinand son to the late Federyk king of Naples who called himself Duke of Calabria, had secretly conspired with the french king and to steal to the french army not far from the town of Logrognia, where at that time was the king of Arragon: who sent him to the castle of Sciatyva whither the kings of Arragon are wont to sand prisoners, personages of name & merit either for their nobility or for their virtue: for this conspiracy was quartered Philip Coppolo a Neapolytane, who was the secret Messenger to the french king in these actions: Such is the alteration of the state of worldly things, that he was executed in the service of him whose grandfather by the father side had cut of the head of Count de Sarny, his father: The detection of this conspiracy was of some consequence for th'affairs of Italy: for, as it had his beginning of a certain grey Freare which the Duke of Ferrara had secretly sent to Ferdinand, so, the King Catholic, having already an inclination to satisfy the Pope's will, took this matter so to heart, that he commanded the Viceroy and his Ambassadors resident with the Pope, to convert when they thought good, his army against Ferrara, seeking to exact no further taxations of money, than such as should be necessary to entertain them: These were the accidents of that year both in italy, in France, and in Spain, their issues being diverse, as their causes were several.  
Now followeth the year a thousand five hundred and thirteen, not less full of occurrants strange & sundry, than the other: In the beginning of this year, arms ceased on all parts, for that neither the Venetians molested others, nor any other moved against them: only the Viceroy marched with three thousand footmen to encamp afore the rock of Tressa, which immediately was given unto him under condition that the bodies that were within, should depart with goods and life saved. But every one universally was troubled with the consideration of things to come: They saw that the french king delivered from foreign arms, and eftsoons reincouraged both for the great levy of lanceknights he had made, and for th'increase of his numbers of men at arms, had nothing in so great desire as to recover the Duchy of Milan: Which disposition albeit was very violent in him, and no less desire to hasten the war whilst the castles of Milan & Cremona were yet kept by his soldiers: yet looking into the great impediments offered by thopposing of so many enemies, and being not yet assured that the king of England would not make strong war against him the next summer: he determined to enter into no action unless he separated some one of the confederates from the common alliance, or else to win to him the amity of the Venetians: of these things, the year past gave him many hopes, that some one of them might haply succeed to him: for, at that time that the Bishop of Gurcy went from Rome to Milan, he heard graciously by the way one of the familiar friends of the Cardinal S. Severin sent to him from the french Queen, and afterwards he had sent into France one of his men to make these overtures: that the king should be bound to aid Caesar against the Venetians: That the marriage should go forward between the second Daughter of the king, and Charles Nephew to Caesar: That to the Daughter should be given in dowry the Duchy of Milan: That the king beside, should give up to his Daughter and his future son in law, the rights he pretended to the Realm of Naples: And because simple words and promises should not stand to Caesar as a surety, he required that the Daughter might be immediately put into his hands: And that when the king should have recovered the Duchy of Milan, Cremona and Guiaradada should be to Caesar: The king hoped likewise that he might easily join to him the Venetians, who were not a little angry at that time that the Viceroy occupied Bressia, but much more for the matters which afterwards were accorded at Rome between Caesar and the Pope: Therefore from that time, the king had caused to come secretly to his Court, Andrew Gritty, who being taken within Bressia, remained as yet prisoner in France: he wrought so also that joh. ja. Tryuulce, in whom the Venetians reapposed much, did sand to Venice one of his Secretories under shadow of other affairs: There offered him withal a certain hope to be able to compound with the king of Arragon, who, according to his custom often times to debate in his affairs by the negotiation of men religious, had sent secretly into France two grey friars, to th'end that expressing how they were touched with a conscience and zeal to the common benefit, they might begin to negotiate with the Queen in some points either concerning the peace universal, or particular between the two kings: Wherein nevertheless there was no great hope, the king knowing well enough that he would still retain the Realm of Navarre, and to him it was a matter of no less indignity to leave abandoned that king, who to re-enter into his amity & under hope of his succours, was fallen into that calamity: But nothing troubled so much the mind of the french king as the desire he had to be reconciled to the Swyzzers: he knew that upon their amity depended his assured victory, both for the great authority that that nation had then got, and their arms no less feared, and for that they seemed to be now drawn into a form of government not as soldiers marcenary, nor men savage, but with a wonderful wariness and vigilancy, as men trained up in a common weal well instituted, and nourished in thadministration of estates and managing of affairs, without suffering any stir or levies to be made but by good council and discretion: By this conformity of theirs, there was in Swyzzerlande a resort and presence of Ambassadors from all Princes in Christendom: The Pope with almost all potentates, paid them yearly pensions, to be received into their confederation, and to have sufferance to leavy for their proper defence in times of necessity, soldiers of that nation: The remembrance of these things made them so proud, that weighing withal how king Charles the eight by their arms had first altered the quiet estate of Italy, and after king Lowys his successor by their valour had conquered the Duchy of Milan, recovered Genes, and overthrown the Venetians, they used towards all men an imperious and insolent behaviour: Amongst the harms that prosperity bringeth, this is not the least, that it raiseth men into opinion and weening, and lifteth up their thoughts thorough vain and light affections like as birds use to do, whose natural lightness convey them to the stars: They considered not that the state of human felicity is subject to emulation, & nothing of more difficulty to worldly men then to bear well the height & greatness of fortune: And yet, the french king, notwithstanding the persuasions of many particulars of that nation, together with his own opinion that they would stir & draw into arms for the great offers of money that were made them, was not without hope to win them: his reason was, that albeit such as governed Milan having agreed with th'ambassadors of the Swyzzers in the name of Maxymylian Sforce that he should give them an hundred and 50. thousand ducats so soon as he had received the possession of Milan & the castles, and pension of xl. thousand ducats every year for xxv. years, taking him into their protection with covenant to deliver into his pay, bands of their footmen: yet the cantons would never ratify those covenants: In which hope, in the beginning of the year present, notwithstanding afore he had in vain proved to have his Ambassadors heard which he meant to sand to solicit in those affairs, yet to purchase audience in their parliaments, he consented to give up to them frankly & freely the castles of the vale of Lugan & Lugarna: with so great indignity great Princes sought at that time the amity of that nation: In the end Monsr Trymoville with commission from the king came to Lucerna, a place appointed to hear him in public assembly, And albeit he was received with good show & countenance, yet he saw he should do little good touching the action of the Duchy of Milan: for that not many days before, 6. Cantons had ratified & subsigned the capitulations made with Maxymylian Sforce, three had determined to confirm them, and touching the other three, they were not yet resolved: by reason of which doubts, th'ambassador speaking no further of Milan nor th'affairs thereof, demanded that at lest they would aid the king to recover Genes & Ast, matters not comprehended in the capitulacion made with Maxymylian Sforce: And the better to advance that demand, Tryuulce made request that he might be at the parliament under cooler to treat upon affairs particular, wherein safe conduit was granted to him, but with this condition that he should not solicit in any matter appertaining to the french king: And being come to Lucerna, he was enjoined not to have conference with Trymoville neither in public nor in private: At last by an universal consent, the capitulations made with the Duke of Milan were ratified by all the Cantons, & all the demands of the french king deemed, with this addition, that they would not suffer any levies of footmen of that nation to serve him either in Italy or out of Italy: A matter which made the king desperate of all favour, hope, or amity with that people, & therefore being excluded quite out where he thought to find some entrance, he saw by considerations of his affairs, that it was necessary for him to be reconciled either to Caesar or the Venetians, who for their parts solicited at the same time with Caesar, for that the suspicion of their reconciliation ceasing in the minds of the confederates, the Bishop of Gurcy consented that they should retain still Vincensa: But the same reasons encouraging the Senate which gave fear to thenemies: they stood upon this to make no more peace, if Verona were not rendered to them, giving Caesar a recompense of a great quantity of money: This demand seemed to contain difficulty, which made the Venetians to incline so much the more to the french amity, & in that disposition contracted with the Secretary of Tryuulce to be confederate with the king according to the capitulations made between them afore, by the which Cremona & Guiaraddada should remain to them: But the Secretory set down express mention in the capitulacion, that that agreement should stand as voided & of none effect, if within a certain time it were not approved by the king: In whose council the disputations were great, which was most to be desired, either a reconciliation with Caesar, or a confederation with the Venetians: Robert Est a Secretary of great authority, Tryuulce, & almost all the chiefest of the council proved the necessity of confederation with the Venetians: They alleged that which the present experience made them to know of thinconstancy of Caesar bringing no small damage to the king's affairs: They ripped up the hatred he bore to the king, together with his disposition to revenge: They related what they had heard of personages worthy of opinion & credit, who reaported how often they had heard him say in that time that he kept precisely in mind the remembrance of xvij injuries received by the french, and that when soever the opportunity served him to be revenged of all, he would not loose thoccasion nor forget the desire: They alleged that these solicitations were practised by him for none other effect, then by the mean of reconciliation full of fraud and ill meaning, to have a greater way to do harm, or at lest to break of that which he knew was practised with the Venetians, or else in his spite, to detract the preparations of the war: Lastly they gave this as a warning and lesson, that that man was neither to be excused, nor esteemed worthy of compassion, who being once beguiled by an other, returneth eftsoons to reappose confidence in him: An enemy reconciled, charity leads us to love him, but wisdom willeth us not to trust him, and to a friend once disproved, there can be no greater danger, than eftsoons to re-enter into confidence with him: The Cardinal of S. Severin was of an other opinion, who, (as his adversaries said crossing Trywlce more through envy then for other occasion for that with his brethren he had always defended the Gebelin faction in Milan,) replied in the contrary that nothing could be more profitable to the king and his services, then in joining with Caesar, to break the union of thenemies, specially the confederation being made by such mean as they might hope it would last: That it was the property of Princes in their councils and deliberations to prefer always profit afore good will, afore hatred, and afore other affections: And what greater benefit could be done to Caesar, then to aid him presently against the Venetians, with hope that his Nephew should come to succeed in the Duchy of Milan: That Caesar being separate from the others, the king Catholic would not object against his authority, as well for thinterests of his Nephew, as for other regards: Moreover that as nothing could more amaze the Pope than this confederation, so, of the contrary to confederate with the Venetians, was full of indignity, since there must be accorded to them Cremona & Guiaradada, members so convenient to the Duchy of Milan, that to recover them, the king had stirred up all the world: And yet if the union of the others were not broken and divided, the confederation with the Venetians would not suffice to obtain the victory: At last this opinion carried the king, the rather for th'authority of the Queen, who desired greatly th'advancement of her Daughter: only her desire was accompanied with this condition, so far forth as it might be obtained, that till the consummation of the marriage the young damosel might remain with her, And she to bind her faith and promiss to keep her in the name of Caesar as the spouse assigned for his Nephew, to whom she would redeliver her assoon as her age and years made her able to the full office of marriage: But the King being afterwards certified that Caesar would not agreed under this form of lymitation, but rather that he foisted in those offers for the time and by subtlety, to detract his diligence and give him cause to proceed more slowly in his other plots, he broke off from this practice, and sent back again for Monsr de Asperot brother to Monsr de Lautrech already gone from the Court with his commission to find the Bishop of Gurce: On the other side, the fear of the union between the king and the Venetians increasing daily, the king of Arragon advised Caesar to tender Verona, and to transfer the war into Burgundy, by the help of the money which he should receive of the Venetians, and with the Spanish army: Of this advise was the Bishop of Gurcy, who hoping to be able to move Caesar by his presence now returned into Germany, being followed not only of Dom Peter de Vree which was come with him, but also of john Baptista Spinella Count of Carriato Ambassador to the said king of Arragon resident with the Venetians. And because no new difficulties should break of the matters that were now in action, he induced first the senate to make truce with Caesar for the whole month of March: And those Ambassadors gave them their faith that Caesar should tender Verona, if they would promise' him within certain times two hundred and fifty thousand ducats, and for yearly pension fifty thousand.  
In these alterations of affairs, and in these times so divided and conspiring, the Pope fell sick: And haply he was then more full of high conceits and traveling thoughts then at any time before: for notwithstanding he had brought his fortune to be equal to his desires, & obtained the thing he aspired unto, yet his devices & plots did nothing diminish, but grew increasing by the same mean which should have 
The purposes of Pope julio the second & his death.  satisfied them: he had determined in the beginning of the spring and first opening of the year, to send to th'enterprise of Ferrara which he so much desired, and his opinion was that that state was able to make no resistance, both for that it was naked of all succours, & because the Spanish army was to join with his companies: He had secretly bought of Caesar for the price of thirty. thousand ducats, the City of Sienna for the behoof of the Duke of Urbin, to whom (except Pesera) he would never give any thing of thestate ecclesiastic, to th'end to reserve to himself the whole glory to have simply and only studied for thexaltation of the Church: he agreed to lend to Caesar forty thousand ducats receiving Modona in gage: he threatened them of Lucquoy, who in the heat of th'affairs of the Duke of Ferrara, were become lords of Garsagnana, making instance that they would deliver it to him: He was out of conceit with the Cardinal of Medicis, for that he thought him to cleave more to the king Catholic then to him: And because he knew he was not able to dispose of the City of Florence as he thought, he studied already new plots and new practices to altar that estate: He was ill contented with the Cardinal of Zion, from whom he took the name of Legate, and enjoined him to come to Rome, for that in the Duchy of Milan he had appropriate to himself a yearly rend of more than thirty thousand ducats of the estates and goods of divers persons. The better to assure the Duke of Urbin of Sienna by intelligences of his neighbours, he had of new taken into his pay Charles Baillon, to chafe out of Perousa john Paul, who by affinity was very near joined to the sons of ●andolffe Petruccio successors to the greatness of their father. He would of new created Duke of Genes, Octavian Fregosa, deposing janus from that dignity: an action whereunto did consent the others of the house of Fregosa, because for the degree that his ancestors held in that state, it seemed best to appertain to him. He studied continually either how he might work out of Italy the Spanish army, or cut it in pieces by the aid of the Swizzers, whom above all others he exalted and embraced: In this devise he had this intention, that the kingdom of Naples being occupied by him, Italy should remain free from strangers, A speech that often passed out of his mouth, and to that end he had hindered that the Swissers did not confederate with the king Catholic. And yet, as though it had been in his power to batter all the world at one time, he continued his accustomed rigour against the French king, and notwithstanding he had heard a message from the Queen, yet he stirred up to make war, the king of England, to whom he had transferred by public decree of the council of Latran, the name of Christianissimo, whereof there was already a Bull written, and in it likewise was contained the privation of the dignity and name of the king of France, giving his kingdom to who could occupy it. In these conceptions no less strange for their variety, then great for the importance they drew, and perhaps in other thoughts, more secret and singular, (for in a mind so fierce and terrible, all sorts of imaginations how great and vain so ever they be, are not incredible) after the continuation of his sickness for many days, he declined towards death: And feeling the end of his mortality to hasten on, and the same to prevent th'execution of his high thoughts, he caused to call together the consistory, which albeit he could not assist in person by reason of his disease, yet by the authority of it, he caused to be confirmed the Bull which he had published before against such as by simony would climb to the Popedom: He declared that th'election of his successor appertained to the college of Cardinals, and not to the council: And that the Cardinal's schismatics could have no presence or community there, to whom he protested there to pardon the injuries they had done him, and prayed to God to forgive them the wrongs they had done to his Church. After this he besought the College of Cardinals, that in his favour and for his sake, they would grant to the Duke of Urbin his Nephew, the City of Pezera in patronage or vicarage, alleging the consideration that by mean of the duke it had been recovered to the Church after the death of john Sforce: In no other matter he expressed no private or particular affection: In so much as Madam Felice his daughter (joining with her the petitions of many others) beseeching him with great importunity, to created Cardinal Guido de Montfalcon being her brother by the mother's side, he answered roundly that he was not worthy of that degree: He made not his affections conformable to their desires: In that last action of life he showed no partiality in worldly causes: his present debility could diminish nothing of his ancient resolution, but expressed in all things the same constancy and severity, together with that judgement and force of mind which he had before his sickness: In which firm estate & disposition of spirit, he received devoutly the offices of the church, and the xxj. day of February he ended his course of these mortal and present pains: He was a prince of incredible constancy and courage, but so full of fury and unruled conceptions, that the reverence that was borne to the Church, the discord of princes, and the condition of times, did more to stay him from his ruin, then either his moderation or his discretion: Worthy no doubt of great glory, if either he had been a Prince secular, or if that care and intention which he had to raise the Church into temporal greatness by the mean of war, had been employed to exalt it by the mediation of peace, in matters spiritual: Nevertheless he was lamented above all his predecessors, and no less esteemed of those, who having either lost the true consideration of things, or at lest ignorant how to distinguish and pease them rightly, judged it an office more duly appertaining to Popes, to increase the jurisdiction of the sea Apostolic by arms and blood of Christians, then by good example of life and due curing and correction of corrupt manners, to travel for the saving of those souls, for whom they glory so much that jesus Christ hath named them his Vicars in earth.  
The Viceroy of Naples who was marched with his Spanish army towards Plaisanca, constrained that City to return under the government of the Dukes of Milan, on whom it depended by ancient tenure: They of Parma did the like, having the same fear of the Spanish soldiers, being followed in all places with more terror than love. On the other side the Duke of Ferrara, after he had in great speed recovered the towns of Romagna, drew near to Reggia: but finding no stir nor tumult within the town, he durst not abide there for fear of the Spanish army, which lay dispersed between Plaisanca and Reggia. Touching thestate of the Church, there appeared no other stir nor moving: and the City of Rome nor the College of Cardinals, felt none of those difficulties which they had felt in the death of the two last Popes: So that the obsequies and funerals being ended according to thaccustomed manner, xxiv. Cardinals entered peaceably into the Conclave, having granted afore that the Marquis of Mantua's son whom Pope julio kept with him for hostage, should be made free and acquitted of his faith and promise, with liberty to return to his father. The first matter that was debated in the Conclave, was with strait articles to moderate th'authority of the Pope to come, which they said the last Pope had used too immoderately: And yet, as amongst men some have not the heart to oppose against a prince and great Lord, and some desire to enter into his grace and liking: so within small time after, they dissolved and canceled of themselves the articles which they had made with so great advise, and to so good purpose: The seventh day they choosed Pope without any discord of consent, the Cardinal of Medicis, who took upon him the name of Leo the tenth: 
Creation of Pope Leo the tenth.  He bore but xxxvij. years of age, which albeit was so much the more marvelous and wonderful, by howmuch the election was contrary to custom, yet the young Cardinals were the principal causers of it by their industry, having long time afore secretly agreed amongst themselves to created the first Pope of their number. The most parts and nations of Christendom rejoiced much at this election, every one entertaining an assured expectation of his virtues, aswell by the present and green memory of the valour of his late father, as for an universal reputation that went of his own inclinations and liberalities: To this estimation also was joined a general opinion of his continency and life not attainted, together with a gladsome hope that by th'example of his father, he would be a furtherer of learning, and bear favour to wits disposed to study and knowledge: To these hopes was much helping the manner of th'election, being made in his person sincerely, and without simony or suspicion of other corruption. And it seemed that God began to approve and confirm his seat, for that the fourth day after his election, came into his power the Cardinals of S. Cross and S. Severin, who assoon as they heard of the death of Pope julio, went by sea to Rome accompanied with th'ambassador of the French king: In their passage they struck into the haven of Lyvorno, where understanding that the Cardinal of Medicis was chosen Pope, they took land, the one having confidence in the natural inclination and clemency of the Pope, and the other reapposing much in the ancient friendship and strait familiarity had with him and with his brother: There they obtained safeconduit of the captain of Lyvorna, which albeit stretched no further than the bounds of his jurisdiction, yet without seeking other surety, they went up in that confidence to Pisa: In which City they were honourably received, and afterwards in no less assurance conveyed to Florence, where they were kept with that easy and favourable guard, that they had no disposition to depart: the same being the desire of the Pope, who sent to them the Bishop of Oruietto to exhort them with words gracious and full of affection, that aswell for their proper surety, as for the present tranquillity of the Church, they would abide at Florence until the Court had determined in what manner they should come to Rome: He willed them also, that whereas they had been judicially deprived, and their deprivation confirmed in the Council of Latran, they should forbear to go in habits of Cardinals, to th'end that expressing signs of humiliation, he might take the better occasion to reduce and readresse their affairs according to their desire and his determination. The first act of this new Pope was his 
Coronation of the Pope.  Coronation, which was represented according to the usage of his predecessors in the Church of S. john de Latran: The pomp was so great both of his family & his Court, and also of the Prelates and multitudes that were there, together with the popular and universal assemblies of peoples, that by the opinion and judgement of men, the pride and majesty of that action did far surpass all the celebrations that had been done in Rome since the tyrannies of the Goathes and savage nations: In this solemnity the Gonfalone of the Church was carried by Alfonso Este, who having obtained a suspension of his Censures and pains, was come to Rome, with great hope that by the clemency and facility of the Pope, he should be able to compound for his affairs: The Gonfalone of the religion of Rhodes was borne by julio de Medicis mounted upon a stately Courser armed at all points: by his nature he bore an inclination to the profession of arms, but by destiny he was drawn to the life ecclesiastic, in which estate he may serve as a wonderful example of the variation of fortune. One matter that made the memory of that day wonderful, was the consideration, that the person that then in so high and rare pomp was honoured with the most supreme and sovereign dignity of the world, was the year before, and on the very same day, miserably made prisoner: The great magnificence that appeared upon his person, and his expenses, confirmed in the generality and multitude of men, th'expectation that was had of him, every one promising that Rome should be happy under a Pope so plentifully endued with the virtue of liberality, whereof that day he had given an honourable experience, his expenses being above an hundred thousand ducketts: But wise men desired in him a greater gravity and moderation: they judged that neither such a majesty of pomp was convenient for Popes, neither did the condition of the present time require, that he should so unprofitably disperse the treasures that had been gathered by his predecessor to other uses.  
But such was the disposition of Princes to war, that neither the changing 
Disposition of princes to the war.  of the Pope, nor the presence nor fear of other accidents, were sufficient to establish and assure the tranquillity of Italy: every one discerned that things of their proper inclination tended more to war then to peace: for Caesar would hear no more speaking of the rendering of Verona, fearing thereby to be deprived of all opportunity and mean to have any easy entry into Italy: And albeit the truce was prolonged for the full month of April, yet he kept no reckoning of the conditions of accord that had been debated at Milan: And in that mind being discontented with thinstance and importunities of the king Catholics Ambassadors, he stuck not to tell the Count of Carriato, that for the inclination he expressed to the Venetians he deserved better to bear the name of an Ambassador of Venice then of Spain. But that which much more augmented this disposition, was the truce that was made for a whole year between the French king and the king Catholic tending only to th'affairs on the other side the Mounts: The opportunity of which truce, gave to the French king (being now delivered of the suspicions of Spain) a great facility to renew the war in the duchy of Milan.  
The king Catholic had never any disposition to have war with the French men beyond the Mounts, for that being not mighty enough in money and treasure, and therefore depending on the forces and aids of the Barons and peoples of Spain, either he had no readiness of succours, or else by his necessities in times of war, they would hold him with them as it were in subjection: But then principally he stood confirmed in his ancient counsel, for that together with his own tranquillity and rest, he was so much the more assured of the Realm of Navarre newly conquered by him: and withal for that since the death of queen Isabella, his absolute authority over Castillo being embased into a government limited, he had not in troubled seasons so great and firm authority: Of this he had seen a late experience in the action of the kingdom of Navarre, wherein albeit he had an end happy and honourable, yet it happened not by other mean then by the negligence and slowness of succours. And having no more desire to return to the dangers which he had suffered, and not knowing yet of the Pope's death, he agreed to the truce, which never: helesse was not published before he had received news of th'election of the new Pope. The better to justify himself of this unlooked for deliberation, he alleged that the Pope & the Venetians had behaved themselves towards him clean contrary to the league: for that since the battle of Ravenna, they never offered to pay to him the forty thousand ducats as they were bound whilst the French king possessed any thing in Italy: That only he had had care of the common benefit of the confederates, and yet had not attributed to himself the rewards of the common victory: That he did not possess in Italy so much as a small tower more than that he had before the war. But the Pope had had regard to his benefit particular, and made proper to himself the things that were common: That he occupied Parma, Plaisanca, and Reggia, and nourished a continual study to possess Ferrara: which covetousness of his had been the only impediment of the recovering of the castles in the Duchy of Milan and the Lantern of Genes: That touching his part, he had interposed all his diligence and authority to work th'accord between Caesar and the Venetians, but the Pope for his proper interests, laboured to exclude them out of the league: wherein he said his Ambassadors had behaved themselves undiscreetly, who not consenting (for that they knew such was his intention) that he was named in the head of the confederation, had suffered him to be expressed in that article wherein every one named the confederates, of which the Venetians were not: Moreover that in those negotiations and practices the Venetians had not answered th'opinion that men had of their wisdom and discretion, holding such an estimation and account of Vincensa, that the fear to lose it, hath kept them from delivering themselves from the travels of the war: That it was impossible to him to nourish the army he had in Italy without the pays and contributions that were promised, and much less reasonable to sustain the whole war upon the confines of his realms, A matter which he knew all the residue did desire and procure: That the Pope could no more dissemble his desire and intention to take from him the kingdom of Naples: And yet notwithstanding, neither these present injuries, nor the consideration of other wrongs, could ever move him to have a thought to abandon the Church and the other estates of Italy, so far forth as he might find in them a reasonable correspondency to contract and capitulate with him for their common defence: A matter which he hoped they would be moved unto, the rather by th'opportunity and mean of this truce: He caused to express in the instrument of the truce the names of Caesar and the king of England, notwithstanding he had nothing communicated with them: & therefore it was a thing very scornful & ridiculous that at the same time that the truce was solemnly published through all parts and regions of Spain, A Herald arrived even in the action from the king of England, to signify to him the strong preparations and furnitures of war which he levied to invade France, soliciting that he would likewise enter into the war against the king on the coasts of Spain, according to the articles and promises reciprocally passed between them.  
The truce made in this manner, amazed much in Italy the minds of such as had any discontentment with the rule or jurisdiction of the French men, every one holding it almost for certain, that the French king would not be long ere he sent an army on this side the Mounts: and also that by the obstinacy of Caesar touching the conditions of the peace, the Venetians would join with him, against whom it seemed a very hard matter to be able to resist, for that the Spanish army had now no more mean to be entertained, notwithstanding they had at times drawn some sums of money out of thestate of Milan which stood greatly impoverished with continual expenses. Touching the new Pope, men could not discern what was his intention: he seemed to wish secretly that the power of the French king should have his ends & limits within the Alps: and yet being newly ascended to the Popedom, and no less confused than the others for the truce that was made by the king Catholic in a time when men had greatest expectation that he would apply his thoughts to the war, he was in great doubt and variation of mind: Besides, he was angry, for that demanding with great instance the restitution of Parma & Placentia to the church, he found a readiness of hope & promise, but very slow dispositions to execute & perform, all the others desiring to preserve them to the duchy of Milan, & haply hoping that his desire to recover them, would induce him to the defence of that state: The Swissers seemed to be a more certain and a more mighty defence & succour, but because the sums of money which according to the covenants were necessary to wage & levy them, could not be advanced neither by Maximilian Sforce nor the residue, there was great fear that in greatest necessity that nation would not refuse to descend to the rescue of Milan.  
On the other side the French king, after he had finished the truce, determined to send an army into Italy, the reasons afore recited giving him great hope of the victory: To those reasons also he added the property of his own judgement upon the people of Milan, who, vexed with so many taxes and imposts of the Swizzers, and no less troubled with the harbouring & pays made to the Spaniards, he knew had an universal desire to return eftsoons under his obedience: he gathered by general argument, that having now compared the heavy yoke of others with the easy empery of the French, the severity of the one would make the other less contemnible: And particularly he understood by many gentlemen, some relating to himself, and some entertaining intelligence with Triuulce, whom the king had sent to Lion the better to debate with them of Milan, that he was not to defer to send an army, having their promise to take arms and be his, assoon as his army were passed the Mounts. To these furtherances the king wanted no sort of continual persuasions, aswell of Triuulce, as of others that were banished, who according to such as be deprived of the liberty of their natural country, omitted no reasons which might make th'enterprise seem easy, specially the Venetians being brought to join with him in the action. But the matter that enforced the king to make haste, was the confidence he had to prevent with the end of that expedition, the beginning of a war which the king of England meant to make upon him, which yet he could not begin till after certain months: both for that that kingdom having lived many years in peace, was upon the sudden disfurnished of arms and armour, of artilleries, & almost of all other necessary hablementes of war: and also in great want of horses of service, for that to the inhabitants of those regions, the service on foot is more familiar, then to make war on horseback: and also the footmen lacking training & experience, the king of England was constrained for the better strength & ability of his army, to leavy a great number of Almain footmen: Matters which could not be dispatched without great tract of time. The french king in like sort made more haste to have his army to march, for that he feared the castles & pieces that held for him would be lost for want of victuals, but specially the lantern of Genes, which not many days before had miss to relieve with victuals, a ship sent for that effect: which from Arbinga being thither accompanied with three ships & one galleon, being entered the main sea with a good wind, had by a strainable gale passed thorough the midst of the Genoese fleet, & coming near the castle of the Lantern she cast anchor, and throwing yet with good success her cables to those of the castle, she began to unlade her victuals and munitions which she had brought: But even in the action and before the desolate souls of the Castles could take the fruit of the benefit which their fortune seemed to offer, Andrea Doria, he who afterwards was so notable in marine service, thrust in with a great ship whereof he was owner, between the castle of the Lantern & the french ship, and cutting a sunder the cable that was cast to them of the castle and the cables that held the anchors, he set upon the ship with no less felicity than peril, & albeit in the fight he was wounded in the face, yet by his valour he wan and carried away the ship. The king therefore being determined not to defer the beginning of the war, in which respect, and to be ready in all occasions, he had already sent many lances into Burgundy & Dauphine, he thought good now to hearken with diligence after the matter debated upon so many months with the Venetians: They had been somewhat deferred and protracted aswell by the one as by the other party, both for that sometimes the hope to have peace with Caesar, & sometimes the great instance made by the Venetians, for Cremona & Guiaradada, had holden the king in suspense: And also in the senate the opinions of Councillors were diverse, for that many of great authority in that common weal, preferred th'accord with Caesar: wherein they showed that it would be more profitable to discharge themselves for the present of so huge expenses, with freedom from dangers, thereby to be the more ready to embrace th'occasions that would offer, than their common weal being so overwearied and traveled, and the wealth of private men abated, to entangle themselves with new wars in company of the French king, whose amity how faithful and assured it was, they were not without a late and green experience. Nevertheless the greater part seeming that rarely an occasion would rise to make them recover their ancient estate, and that thagreement with Caesar (he retaining Verona) would not deliver them from troubles and dangers: they rejected all thoughts and devices for Cremona and Guiaradada, & resolved to make confederation with the french king, in whose Court it was concluded by Andrea Gritti representing already, more the person and place of an Ambassador then of a prisoner. By this confederation, after it was granted that Bart. Aluiano & Andrea Gritti should be set at liberty, the Venetians were bound to aid the king with eight hundred men at arms, a thousand five hundred light horsemen, & ten thousand footmen, & that against all such as would rise up to let him for recovering of Ast, of Genes, & the duchy of Milan: The king for his part was bound to join with them until they had recovered all that they possessed in Lombardy & the Marquisdome of Trevisana, afore the league of Cambray. Upon the resolution of this contract, john jacques Triuulce and Bart. Aluiano went to Suso: the one to go from thence to Venice by the more sure way, and the other to assemble there the army appointed for the war: It contained upon the full muster xv. hundred lances, eight hundred light horsemen, and xv. thousand footmen, where of eight thousand were lanceknights, and the residue of the French nation. This army was committed to the authority and guiding of Monsr Trimoville, whom the king appointed his lieutenant, to th'end the action might proceed with more reputation.  
In this time the french king made great request to the Pope not to hinder him in recovering his duchy of Milan: And the better to contain the Pope, he offered that he would not only not pass further after the victory, but also would always refer himself to him to make peace under what conditions it should please him best. To which motions albeit the Pope gave gracious & willing ear, and that to draw better faith to his words, he used to solicit with the king by the mean and labour of julian his brother, yet many things made him suspected with the king: first the memory of things done afore the time of his Papacy: then since he was Pope, how he had sent to him Cinthio his familiar & favourite with letters & very friendly commissions, but so general as they well declared the little inclination of mind he bore to him or his affairs: also for that he had consented that Prosp. Colonno should be elected captain general over the duchy of Milan, A matter which his predecessor had always hindered for the hatred he bore to the famuly of Colonno▪ he entered also into greater doubt by a signification which the Pope addressed to the king of England to continue still in the confederation made with Caesar, with the king catholic, & him: Lastly he wrote to the commonalties of the Swizzers, exhorting them almost to the defence of Italy, wherein he could not dissimule that he would continued with them the confederation made by his predecessor, by the which they were bound to the defence of thestate ecclesiastik, receiving of him a yearly pension of xx. thousand ducats: It was also a sign of his will & intention, that he had not received into grace the duke of Ferrara, but by many excuses deferred to tender to him Reggia until his brother the cardinal came to Rome, who to avoid the persecutions of Pope julio, was withdrawn into the country of Hungaria, & lived upon his bishopric of Agria: But the matter that above all other things made the king enter into suspicion against the Pope was, that he had in great secrecy counseled the state of Venice to come to accord with Caesar: A matter clean contrary to thintention of the king: who also had interpreted in ill part, that the Pope declaring that he moved not for other respect than to satisfy his sovereign duty, had written unto him in a kind exhorting, not to take arms, but rather to express a disposition to finish the war with some honourable composition: a matter which the king would not have blamed, if for the same desire to peace he had also declared to the king of England that he aught not to make war upon the french king. Sure this suspicion of the king was not without cause, for that the Pope desired that the French might be cut 
Desire of pope Leo to chase the French out of Italy.  off from all seat & habitation in Italy, either for that he thought it more profitable for the common surety, or for the greatness & advancement of the church: or at lest that he kept still fixed in his mind the remembrance of harms received by the crown of France, whereunto albeit his father & other his predecessors had borne no little affection, & in sundry accidents had reaped many honours & profits: yet it was an injury fresh in memory that his brethren & he had been expulsed Florence by the coming of king Charles: and that the king reigning bearing favour to the popular government, had either always rejected them, or if at any time he showed inclination to them, it was to use them as instruments to draw the Florentines by that suspicion to covenants of more advantage for himself, without bearing respect or care to them. To this perhaps was much helping, a disdain that he was led prisoner to Milan after the battle of Ravenna, and by the king's commandment should have been carried in that calamity into France: But what so ever was the disposition of the Pope, or how so ever his conjecture was carried for these or other causes, he proceeded advisedly, and dissembled as much as he could his intention, for that both he saw he had not so strong foundations to resist, as he wished, and also he gave ear daily with great affection to the demands and complaints made against the king: for the Swissers bearing an universal inclination, to stir and rise for the defence of the Duchy of Milan, offered to enter into th'action with a far greater number than before, so farforth as they were furnished in pressed with a certain sum of money, which for the poverty and weakness of others, could not be hoped for otherwise then of the Pope. Touching the Viceroy, his counsels were uncertain, and his speeches several and subtle, for that sometimes he offered the Pope to oppose against the Frenchmen, not sparing to enter openly into the cause, by sending his bands of soldiers to join with him, and waging for three months a great number of footmen, and the rather to accompany his doings with faith & credit, he caused to be retired his soldiers from the towns of Parma and Reggia, and lay encamped with his army upon the river of Trebia, leaving notwithstanding certain bands of his soldiers for the guard of Torrona and Alexandria, such as had not stirred from thence: Sometimes also he did assure that he had received commandment from his king, and that at the same time that he wrote to him of the truce, to lead back the army to the kingdom of Naples: But Jerome Vich Ambassador resident with the Pope, used other speeches, and yet he agreed with him in this, that his king promised, so farforth as the Pope would take upon him the defence of Milan, to begin the war in France, without bearing respect to the truce that had been made: A liberty which he said he might lawfully take without making violation of his faith promised. Therefore it was believed of many that the king Catholic, fearing that by the truce that had been made not one would appear to oppose against the French king, had commanded the Viceroy, that if he saw none would proceed roundly to the defence of the Duchy of Milan, that he should not seek to provoke the French king by new injuries, but should retire his army to Naples: for which cause also he showed to the king, a contentment to hearken to the peace, offering withal to bring in Caesar and the king of England: And to make him the more tractable if he should recover the Duchy of Milan, he made almost an assured promise that his army should be no impediment to him: So that the Viceroy who was determined to go his way, revoked the soldiers that were under the Marquis of Pesquiero in Alexandria and Torrona, and at the same time, as was said, did communicate his resolution to Triuulce, to th'end his departing might be more acceptable to the French king: Nevertheless he did not execute so speedily his devise, for that the Swizzers very desirous to defend the Duchy of Milan, had sent thither by common consent five thousand footmen, and given hope to supply the service with a greater number: But making demonstration of the contrary, he sent Prospero Colonno to debate with the Swizzers of the place where they should assemble against the french, either that he had received advertisement that the truce was discontenting to Caesar, or else that he was enjoined by new commissions from his king to follow the will of the Pope, who persevered still in the same perplexities, suffering a conflict between his small hope & his proper inclination: And yet notwithstanding the Swissers being come upon the territories of Tortona, where Prospero had signified to them that the Viceroy would come & join with them, interposing many excuses, he laboured them to come upon the lands of Trebia to join with him: By which manner of solicitation they finding a diversity between his will and his words, made this brave answer, that the Viceroy made no such demand to th'end to go look thenemies in the face, but to turn their backs with greater surety: They said they cared not whether he feared to fight with the frenchmen or not, neither did it import them, whether he went away, or whether he tarried still, whether he followed, or whether he fled, for that their valour only did suffice to defend the duchy of Milan against all enemies. 
The Fr. men in the duchy of Milan.   
But now was all the country in a mutiny, & the Count Mussocke son to john jacques was got into Ast without any impediment, & after into Alexandria, all those bands of frenchmen which were parted from Susa, marching with great diligence. The duke of Milan who was come somewhat to late to enter Alexandria, joined himself to the Swizzers near Tortona, and they being made to understand by the Viceroy that he was determined to go his way, retired to Novarro. Of all voluble things there is nothing more light than reaport, & in times of mutation nothing less assured than the minds of people popular or commons, whom every new occasion can carry and lead contrary to all reason and confidence (that fear and fickleness which they have by nature being not able to be assured by any order or discretion:) for thinhabitants of Milan at the first brute of the departing of the Viceroy, sent Ambassadors to their Duke at Novarro to excuse them, if having no ability nor mean of defence, they compounded with the French men, to th'end to avoid the extreme calamity: He was tractable according to the condition of his present fortune, and with a mind humbled with the consideration of his miseries that were towards, he accepted willingly their excuse, recommending to them with words of great affection and zeal, to have a charitable care over the safety of the common country. Upon this occasion Sacromoro Viscounto to whom was appointed the besieging of the Castle of Milan, turned to the French, and revittled the Castle which he was sent to batter and beat. The Viceroy broke up from Trebia with all his army, which was twelve hundred men at arms and eight thousand footmen, to return to the kingdom of Naples, as though the affairs of Lombardie had been desperate: A reason only wherein he sought to save his army: But receiving the same day in the way between Plaisanca and Florenzola letters from Rome, he caused immediately the ensigns to march back again, returning to the same lodging from whence he was departed: The cause was, that the Pope, to whom almost at the same time were rendered Plaisanca and Parma, determining to prove if the Duchy of Milan might be defended by the force of the Swizzers, gave very secretly 
The Pope sendeth money to the Swissers.  to Jerome Moron the Duke's Ambassador remaining in his Court, forty two thousand ducats to send to the Swizzers: but with this charge, that if the matter came to the knowledge of others, he should give out, that twenty thousand of them were upon the account of their pensions, and the other twenty two thousand to satisfy a pretended due to the three Cantons by his predecessor, but always refused to be paid by him: This returning of the Viceroy with his army, together with a brute of the descending of new companies of the Swizzers, made the Millanois eftsoons sorry for their sudden revolting and in that confusion between a new hope and their old fear, they gave tokens to Maximilian Sforce their Duke, that they would be ready to return to his obedience, whensoever they saw the Swissers and the spanish army join together in the field: And the more to nourrish them in these hopes, the Viceroy, with whom was Prospero Colonno, prepared to plant a bridge upon Paw, promising from time to time to pass over, but never did put it in effect, for that having a special care to save his army, he determined to proceed according as things fell out: He held it very dangerous to have the frenchmen in his face, and the Venetian army at his back, who having already taken the City of Cremona, and cast down the bridge into the bottom of Paw, were not far from him: By this was Bartl. Aluiano gone from Susa to Venice: Where after he had in open council without any contradiction, cast upon the Count Petillano the fault of the overthrow of Guiaradada, he spoke very proudly of the present war, and by the Senate was chosen captain general of their army with the same conditions under the which the Count Petillano had been 
〈…〉. Aluiano 〈…〉 general. ●● the Venetians.  preferred to the same degree: This estate and election happened to him much about the same time that four years before he fell into the power of thenemies: so often doth fortune laugh at thignorance of mortal men devising in their vain fancies what shall happen unto them: Assoon as he was chosen General, he went to th'army that was mustering at S. Boniface upon the domains of Verona: Theodar Triuulce was with him as lieutenant to the French king, with whom he drew near in great diligence to the gates of Verona the self same day that the French army parted from Susa: the reason of this expedition was, that in that City certain factions had conspired to receive him in: But the day after, a strength of five hundred lanceknights entered the town by the river of Adice, by which impediment together with the detection of the conspiracy Aluiano losing all hope to prevail determined, contrary to th'authority of the Venetian assistant, to draw towards the river of Paw, either to stop the Spaniards, or else according to the state and behaviour of things, to join with the French army: A resolution which he did not impart to the Senate until he was gone from Verona one bait, for that notwithstanding he alleged that the whole depended upon that which should succeed in the Duchy of Milan, and that there the affairs of the frenchmen being in ill condition, whatsoever should be attempted or obtained in any other place would be but vain and not durable, and therefore it was necessary by all possible means, to help to make the French king victorious: yet he feared (and not without cause) that the Senate would be against it, not so much for the desire he had that there should be first a care to recover Verona and Bressia, as for that certain other of the Captains allowed not that they should pass the river of Mincia, unless they had first a more particular knowledge of the proceedings of the French: wherein they showed, in case of any inconvenience, how hard it would be to retire in safety having to pass by the confines of Verona and Mantua, countries either subjecteth, or at the devotion of Caesar: Valeggia and 
Aluiano taketh Pesquiero and other 〈…〉.  the town of Pesquiero fearing the threats of Aluiano, yielded themselves to him, by whose example also the castellkeeper gave up the rock, his fear being greater than that any hope could assure him: only he received by composition a small sum of money aswell for himself, as also to be shared amongst certain lanceknights that were within it. About the same time certain of the chieftains of the Mountain, entered into Bressia in favour of the Venetians with a great strength of peasants: And yet Aluiano, neither for the requests of the Bressian Ambassadors which came to him to Gambaro, nor at the desire of the Venetian Assistante, could not be brought to consent to go thither and remain there only one day, to recover the Castle that was kept in the name of the Viceroy, so great was his desire to follow without intermission his first deliberation: With which celerity being come to the gates of Cremona, he found that at the same time Galeas Paluoisin (called by certain of Cremona) was entered in favour of the French king: But having in him no less ambition than valour, and not liking that any other should participate with him in the glory of that action, he broke and put to pray his bands of soldiers, and entering the town he stripped Caesar Fieramosqua that was left there in garrison with three hundred horse and five hundred footmen of the Duke of Milan's. He had not to lose time to recover the Castle, for that it had been always holden by the French king, and newly revitled a little before by Ranse de Cere: who as he returned to Crema where he was appointed governor, he broke a troop of two hundred horsemen of Alexander Sforce, which he encountered at Serzana. From thence Aluiano encamping at the channel upon Paw with the bridge made to pass over, he could not let his soldiers to do insolences sometimes upon the lands of the Pope, his discipline not being able to contain the men who had as great custom in spoiling as in well serving. Afterwards he marched to Pisqueton, having already for the mutation of Cremona, Soncino, Lody, and other places thereabouts, advanced the French ensigns: But afore, assoon as he had recovered Cremona, he had sent to Bressia, Ranse de Cero with one part of the men of war, both to assure that City, and to recover the Castle, but much more to hinder the good success of thAlmains: for that almost assoon as he was broken up from before Cremona, Rocand captain of the lanceknights and Feder Gonsago de Bossolo issuing out of Verona with six hundred horse and two thousand footmen, were gone to S. Boniface, where Aluiano had left under Sigismond Cavallo and john Fortin, three hundred light horsemen and six hundred footmen: and they being scattered in the country without all discipline and order, hearing of the coming of thenemies, were fled to Colorguo, where the lanceknights following them in chase, entered the town by force, and committing all the soldiers to the calamity of prisoners, they sack and burnt the town. Afterwards their fury redoubling with their fortune, they executed the like cruelty upon Saovo, and broke down the bridge which the Venetians had made over Adice: yea they had with the same rigour occupied Vincensa, if a great strength of peasants had not suddenly entered: Which manner of actions in that kind of cruelty were so much the more feared, by howmuch the brute ran, that there came to Verona new supplies of footmen out of tyrol.  
About this time the French Navy containing nine light galleys and certain 
Genes at the devotion of the French.  other vessels, drew near to Genes by sea: And Antho. and Jerome brethren of the house of Adorna, approached by land with the favour of those of the rivers that held their faction, with other bands of soldiers that had been levied with the king's money: This action was advanced with the benefit of a great occasion, by reason of a discord happened a little before between the Fiesquois and the duke of Genes, with whom they were at first confederate against the family of the Adornei: This was the manner of the accident: either for some quarrel that happened by chance, or for some suspicion that could not be tempered, jerom the son of john Lowys fiesquo, coming out of the common palace, was slain by Lodowyk and Fregosin, the Duke's brothers: for which injury, the violence being greater than their ability to revenge, Othobon and Sinybald his brethren, retiring to their castles, and a little after contracting with the french king and conspiring with the Adorns, approached near to Genes by an other way with four thousand footmen. The Duke was not mighty enough of himself to make resistance against both the families of Fiesqua and Adorna joined together, and by the celerity and diligence of his adversaries, the succours which he had demanded of the Viceroy, could not arrive in time: And as one adversity draweth on an other, and no evil comes unaccompanied, so the thing that in this condition of fortune, did wholly embase him, was, that a thousand of his footmen who were possessed of the mountains near the town, were overthrown, their weakness being not able to resist the calamity that his destiny did hasten on: In which adversity or persecution of fortune, the Duke together with Fregosin, having scarce leisure to save his own life, fled away by sea, leaving Lodowyk his other brother to guard the castle: In which opportunity the Victors entered Genes, where the brethren of the family of Fiesqua carried with furious desires of revenge, murdered and cruelly caused to be drawn at a horse tail Zachary the Duke's brother, who had been taken in the encounter upon the Mountains, & was present with the others at the slaughter of their brother: And so Genes being reduced to the devotion of the french king, Anth. Adorna was created governor in the name of the king, and as the french navy by sea, revittled the lantern and afterwards sacked Spetia, and then road at Portovenere: so there now remained no more but Novaro and Como, to make perfect the king's conquest, & recovering of all those estates which he had lost they year before: only those two cities through the whole Duchy of Milan, held out yet for Maxymylian Sforce.  
But the glory of this war was reserved to the great infamy of all others, not to 
Novaro's besieged by the french.  the french men, not to thAlmain footmen, not to the spanish regiments, nor to the Venetian bands: But it was an honour, a reputation, a renown, and perpetual praise prepared by destiny for the Swyzzers only, against whom the french army, having first left sufficient garrison within Alexandria the better to assure those pieces that were beyond Paw, drew near to Navarro braving in great arrogancy of so many happy successes, boasting of thenemies whom they had enclosed within the walls, and contemning the manifest fear of the Spaniards: Besides, there seemed to present to the memory of men, as it were an image and representation of things that had been passed: That that was the same Novarro wherein Lodowyk Sforce father to the Duke reigning, was made prisoner: That in the french camp were the same leaders, Trymoville, and Trywlco: yea certain of the same ensigns and Captains of those Cantons which in an other war had sold the father, did now accompany the son in this war: This made Monsr Trymoville writ proudly to the king that he would send to him prisoner, the son from the same place where he had delivered into captivity the father: The french men did violent executions upon the walls of Navarro with their artillery, but in a place of no less difficulty than danger to descend into the town, And for the Swyzzers, they contemned them so much and showed to have so little fear of their valours, that they would never suffer to be shut that gate of the town that was towards the camp: After th'artillery had beaten down to the earth, a sufficient space of the wall, the army without prepared furiously to th'assault, but finding so valiant resistance within, and understanding they did presently expect Altosaszo a captain of great renown with a far greater supply, they doubted of the success of th'enterprise, which made them the day following to retire from the walls of Novarro two miles, hoping afterwards to carry the victory more by the disorders and wants of thenemies, then by the fortune or fury of their arms: They hoped to do more by temporizing then by present action, and looked that other accidents would make easy the enterprise which was almost desperate to their valour: But these hopes were made vain by the resolute mind of Motyn one of the Swyzzer Captains, who calling together all the bands of soldiers upon the market place of Novarro, encouraged them with 
The words of captain Motyn to the Swyzzers.  words full of resolution, and assurance, that without tarrying for the succours of Altosaszo who was to arrive the day following, they should issue out and set upon their enemies in their camp: he told them how far it was contrary to their honour, and reputation of their valour to suffer the glory and victory which they might appropriate to themselves, to become common, or rather wholly transferred to an other: seeing (saith he) that as things that follow draw with them such as go afore, and thincreasing of any thing covereth the part that is augmented, so the merit and praise of this war would not be cast upon us, but upon the supplies that came after: By how much the enterprise may seem hard and perilous by so much the issue is to be considered more easy and sure, for that the more sudden and unexpected are accidents, the more do they terrify and amaze the men that suffer them: The french men will rather doubt all other things at this hour then to be charged by us, and yet where they lie encamped, they can not but suffer disorder, the place being neither entrenched nor fortified: The french men were never wont to have the courage to go to battle if their armies were not full of our men, And though of late they have adventured to fight without us, yet they were never so hardy once to lift up their weapons against us: So that it can not but bring to them great astonishment when they see them charged upon the sudden, above expectation, in a time of their fear, and by those bodies whose virtue and resolution were wont to encourage and assure them: Stand not amazed with the multitude of their horsemen, nor the fury of their artillery, since we have had many experiences, what confidence they reappose in those things against us: it is but two years sithence Gaston de Foix so brave a captain, notwithstanding he was strong in multitudes of lances and cannons, gave place to our arms and suffered us to pass by him along the plains even to the gates of Milan, and yet we were not otherways armed then with pikes: They have now with them many bands and companies of lanceknights, A matter that doth so much the more encourage me to th'enterprise, by how much fortune doth offer us at one time an occasion both to show to him who with so great covetousness and with so great ingratitude hath contemned our travels and our blood, that he never made a worse resolution either for the honour of himself, or profit of his Realm: And also to declare to those that think that themployment & service of their persons, is sufficient to make us perish of hunger, that the lanceknights are not equal to the Swyzzers, and albeit they bear with us one language and form of discipline, yet they have neither the same valour nor the same resolution: The praise they bear for service is less by their proper merit, then for their natural virtue, more by the name of their nation and Ancestors, then by any experience of their own bodies, not so much in deed and substance, as in reapport and opinion, not equal to the show they make, and far inferior to the universal conjecture, yea they are but shadows whose bodies be far of: all their peril is to win their artillery, and yet in the action you have these comforts, that it is not planted in a place fortified, that our invasion is sudden, and to th'enterprise beareth a special favour the darkness of the night: And whilst we are at the fight there can damage us but a very small space of time, which yet can not but be cut off with the tumult, with their disorders, with their fears, and with the sudden confusion of things. Touching the residue, this brings facility to the action, that neither their horsemen dare venture upon our pikes, nor their vile troupes of French footmen and Gascons, will enter the skirmish with us. This is the counsel, this is the plot, and this is the enterprise, wherein we shall make no less proof of our wisdoms and government, then of our valour and resolution. Our nation beareth that reputation and fame, that the glory of our name can not be preserved, but by attempting some matter beyond the expectation and common usage of all men: And since we are upon the territories of Novarro, the place itself speaks to us, that in other sort we can not quench the ancient infamy we got here in the pay and service of Lodowick Sforce: It is a double honour to be revenged of infamy. It is a vile infirmity in a man of war, to suffer the reparation of honour to be more slow than the infamy, and to refuse to recover the reputation lost, is to be guilty of the slander and to confirm it: A disposition most base in the mind of a soldier, who of all other sorts of men aught to be most jealous of his honour. Let us go on then in the name of the great God, the persecuter of schismatics, excommunicantes, and all enemies to his name: Let us march on to a victory no less easy then assured, if we have not minds to fear the thing we have not proved: And by how much the danger seemeth great, by so much shall our name be made glorious, and the greater our enemies be in number, the more shall we be enriched by their spoils: Things got with most difficulty are of most merit, and where is hope of honour, pray, and perpetual praise, what can be wanting to provoke such as you are to the fight.  
At these speeches of Motin all the bands of soldiers began to rejoice, every one approving his devise by holding up his hand: he commanded them to go to rest, and to cherish somewhat their persons, the better to fall into array when the drum should strike. The nation of Swissers never made a more brave, nor more resolute counsel, being but a few in number, without horsemen, and without artilleries, against an army most mighty in men, munitions, horses, and all other things meet for defence: Besides, they stood not desperate for any necessity, for that both Novarro was delivered from danger, and they expected the day after a great strength of soldiers: They made rather a choice of this way wherein the surety was less, and the hope of glory greater, than any other, that for a greater safety there might happen to them a less glory. The sixth day of june about midnight they issued out of Novarro, bearing minds less affected to safety then to glory: their whole strength was about ten thousand men, who were so distributed and disposed, that seven thousand were appointed to charge th'artillery which was guarded by the lanceknights, the residue were to be bestowed with their pikes an end upright overagainst the men at arms. The Frenchmen, what for the shortness of the time, or that they doubted no such accident, or at lest looked not for it so soon, had made no fortification of their camp: And albeit at the first tumult and alarm that their sentinel made of the coming of thenemies, the suddenness of the adventure, and the darkness of the night, brought upon them a great fear and confusion: yet both the men at arms drew forthwith into strength, and presented themselves in battelray, and also the lanceknights who were followed with the other bands of footmen, fell presently into order: The artillery shot off with great noise against those squadrons of Swizzers that came to assail it, making lamentable 
The frenchmen defeated by the Swissers.  slaughters, and dividing their places and ranks, which was rather discerned by the cryings of men, then by the benefit of the eyes, the use whereof was taken away by the darkness of the night: Nevertheless, such was their desperate resolution, that neither respecting their death present, nor discouraged with the slaughter of their fellows slain at their feet, and for all these dangers not once breaking their order, they ran as fast as they could upon th'artillery: and being come to it, the lanceknights and they had together a bloody medley, the one fight against the other with an unappeasable fury, which in them both was so much the more redoubled, by howmuch in the one was infinite the humour of hate, and in the other no less resolute the desire of glory. There might have been seen (for now the sun began to show) the estate and diversity of the fight, sometimes one side to yield, sometimes the other: oftentimes that part to seem to prevail which erst was thought to have the worst: on one side, and in one time the one battle to swaigh, and the other to advance, some to expect advantage, some to loose no opportunity, one part to invade furiously, and an other part to resist hardly: all things on all parts full of dead bodies, wounded men, and of blood: sometimes the captains would valiantly enter into th'office of soldiers, both striking their enemies and defending themselves, and sometimes they would discretely manage the place of captains, encouraging, providing, succouring, relieving, and commanding: there was nothing less feared than death, nor any thing more abhorred than fear: the greatness of the peril made both sides more resolute than any other thing: On the other side the troupes of men at arms stood firm without doing any service, for neither the authority, the persuasions, the commandments, thexclamations, the threatenings, nor the example of Triwlco and Trimovillo, could do any thing to move the horsemen, whose minds were already made timorous: Neither the consideration of their own peril, (which their cowardice made the greater) nor the calamities of their fellows (which were redoubled by the fear they showed) could once draw them to the charge: They seemed to stand and abide the danger which by sighting they might have avoided: It sufficed the Swizzers to keep them impaled in their ranks, and to let them from ministering succours to the footmen: Such was the calamity of that fight, that those found most certainty of peril who ventured furthest for their safety, and on such whose fear was greater than their valour, fortune threw most favour and security: At last in so great a hardiness and valour of such as fought, the virtue of the Swissers carried the battle, who having won th'artilleries, turned them upon their enemies, whom they put to flight aswell by that mean as by their incredible virtue: To the flying of the footmen was joined the breaking and running away of the men at arms, who in that service showed no virtue, nor did any thing worthy of merit or praise: only the lord Robert la March carried with a vehement affection of a father, entered the battle of the Swizzers with a squadron of horsemen, to rescue Florango and james his sons, captains of Almain footmen, who lying sore wounded on the earth, his valour to the great wonder of the Swizzers, drew them on live out of that danger: The battle continued about two hours, both parties receiving no small discomfiture. There was slain of the Swizzers about fiveteene hundred bodies, of which number was that captain Motyn that was the first mover of that glorious council: his deaths wound was by a thrust of a pike thorough the throat: But far greater was the slaughter of thenemies, of whom some say were left dead ten thousand carcases: The most part of the lanceknights died in fight, and the greatest execution and slaughter on the french and Gascon footmen, was in fleeing: Almost all the horsemen went away in safety, the chasse being so swlft that the Swyzzers were not able to follow them: if the Swyzzers had had horsemen, they had made their calamity equal with the footmen, their fear being greater and their disorder nothing inferior: All the baggage and stuff become a prey to the Victors, with xxij pieces of great artillery and all the horses assigned for the service of the same: The same day the Swyzzers returned into Novarro almost triumphantly, but with such reputation and renown thorough out the world, that what with the consideration of the magnanimity of their enterprise, the evident rejecting and despising of death, the resolution they showed in the fight, & the happy and honourable victory of the same, there were some that durst prefer this action, almost afore all the enterprises worthy of memory which we read set down upon the greeks and Romans: The french men fled into Pyedomont, from whence Trywlco lost time to cry after them, their fear being swifter in fleeing then his force able to follow them.  
Upon the reaport of this victory Milan with all the other places that were declared for the french, humbled themselves and sent to demand pardon, which accordingly was granted to them upon bonds and conditions to disburse a great portion of money: Thin habitants of Milan were taxed at two hundred thousand ducats, and every particular of the others rated according to his behaviour: The whole taxation was given to the Swyzzers, to whom aught justly to be transferred aswell the gain as the glory of the victory got with their valour and with their blood: And as men whole felicity made them to account it to good equity to draw all the fruit they could, they entered afterwards into the Marquisdom of Montferrat and Pyedmont, countries which they charged to have received the french army: There, partly by pillage, and partly by ransoming the poor peoples, they raised a great gain, forbearing notwithstanding to touch either the life or honour of persons: The Spaniards also were not altogether deprived of the profits of the victory for that janus lastly chassed out of Genes, and Octavian Fregoso (both which aspired to be Duke) being retired to the Viceroy after the battle, the Viceroy preferring Octavian, for whom the Pope did what he could in regard of their ancient amity, and withal receiving his promise to pay him l. thousand ducats when he should be possessed of Genes, he delivered him three thousand footmen under the Marquis of Pisquiero, and for his own part, went with the residue of th'army to Chiesteggio, making semblance to pass further if need required: As the Marquis and Octavian drew near to Genes, the brethren of the family of Adorno, knowing their own weakness abandoned the town without any trial of resistance: And immediately entered Octavian and was created duke of that city which in the course of a year had for governors the french men, janus Fregoso, the Adorney, and Octavian. Bartholomew Aluiano hearing of the overthrow given to the french army, and fearing lest he should be also put to the chasse by the Spaniards, retired with speed to Pontwicquo leaving in the way (for losing of time) certain pieces of artillery whose inconveniency and slowness of carriage might have been an impediment to the expedition of his marching: from thence he sent Ranso de Cere unto Crema, And after he had abandoned Bressia he went to Tomba near to Adice, never reapposing in any place longer than the necessity to refresh his men and horses, did constrain him: The reason of his abandoning Bressia & disposing Ransa de Cere in Crema, was, for that he held it a matter very unprofitable to diminish th'army wherein were remeining six hundred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, and five thousand footmen; he marched with the same celerity that he retired to Pontwicqua, and had so great fear and disfavor of the country, that the lest companies that had followed them might have sufficed to have disordered and broken them: When he saw that both fear and peril ceased, since no man followed him, he stayed at Tomba, where he gave order to be conveyed to Padua and to Trevisa, the greatest provision of victuals that he could draw from the territories of Verona: And at the same time he sent to Leguague with lx. men at arms and twelve hundred footmen, john Pawle Baillon, who, being immediately received by thinhabitants of the town where was no garrison, gave assault to the rock which was guarded by a hundred & fifty footmen, part Spanish and part lanceknights: he first did execution upon it with th'artillery battering that place that had his prospect towards the green: In this assault it may be a question which had more force, valour or fortune, for that during the fight, the fire by adventure fastening upon the munitions by mean of certain instruments of artificial fires thrown by those that were without, part of the rock was burned: In which tumult the footmen that gave th'assault being entered some at the breach, & some by ladders, killed & took prisoners so many as they found within, their captain that was a Spaniard falling with much a do into the fortune of a prisoner: After th'enterprise of Leguague, Aluiano caused to build a bridge upon Adice, and afterwards certain inhabitants of Verona giving him hope that they would mutiny against thAlmaines, he went to encamp at the village of S. john a quarter of a mile from Verona: And from thence the morning following drawing near to the gate called S. Maximo, he planted his artilleries with great fury against the tower of the gate and the wall joining to it, expecting in the mean while if there would rise any tumult in the town: And after he had brought down to the earth about forty faddom of the wall, besides the tower, whose fall was such that the ruins served for a very strong rampire to the gate, he gave a very hot and furious assault: But there were within Verona three hundred horsemen & three thousand lanceknights under Rocandolphe a captain much esteemed, by whom was made a valiant defence: beside, the breach was very high on the towns side which made the descending uneasy, and lastly they of Verona stirred not according to the hopes that were given: So that Aluiano seeing what difficulties resisted his victory, retired his footmen: from before the walls, and began also to withdraw th'artillery: When changing council in a moment, and, as was supposed, by a certain message which he received from the town, he returned immediately his footmen to the walls, & recontinued th'assault with a greater fury than before: But he found the former difficulties redoubled, & the faction that had called him, so terrified and wearied, that having lost at th'assault more than two hundred of his people of whom Tho. Fabro of Ravenna Marishal of his footmen was one, he began to despair wholly of the victory, and retiring with great diligence his artillery, he returned the same day to the lodging from whence he was departed the morning: That day he was nothing esteemed either for his council or for the issue of the same, only his celerity was renowned thorough out Italy, for that in one day he had done that, which hardly other Captains are wont to do in three or four: After all this he gave the spoil to the country, proving by that fear to constrain thinhabitants of Verona to come to some accord. But by this did the Spanish army march and come on, for that the Viceroy after he heard of the loss of Leguague, fearing lest by the ill disposition of the townsmen, Verona would set open her gates to the Venetians, determined to give present succours to the actions of Caesar: wherein he had now no impediment, nor was not retained since the affairs of Genes had happily succeeded. Therefore after he had passed without difficulty the river of Paw at Stradella, and that the cities of Bergama and Bressia were rendered to him without resistance together with the town of Pesquiera, he encamped before the castle that was manned with two hundred & fifty footmen: This piece, notwithstanding by common opinion might have holden out yet certain days, came by force into his power, the Venetian ruler being made prisoner and all the residue of the footmen that were not slain at the assault: for that the Spaniards approached, Aluiano retired to Albero to the other side of Adice, and called to refurnish his army, such numbers as he could, not only certain bands of footmen which were at Polisena Rovigna, but also even those regiments whom he had left within Leguaguo. A little after the lanceknights joined at S. Martin with the Viceroy, who also after the recovery of Leguagua went to Montagnana: And the Venetians who held no more in that quarter but Padua and Trevisa, caring for no other thing then the preservation of those cities, ordained that the army should be distributed in them, & that Io. P. Baillon, with whom were Malatest a Sogliano and the knight la Volpe, should be bestowed in Trevisa with two hundred men at arms three hundred light horsemen, & two thousand footmen, Aluiano remaining in Padua with the residue of the army. There, in considering the fortifications and state of the bastillions, & giving perfection to many things that were unperfect, he caused to dismantell & raze up all the houses and cut down all the trees that were within three miles about Padua, to make more hard & dangerous thapproach of thenemies, and to give to their service necessity of multitudes of labourers and poyners.  
But whilst the matters of war proceeded in this fort, the Pope traveled with 
The P●pe 〈…〉.  great industry to weed out of the Church the division brought in by the council of Pisa: A matter as it wholly depended upon the will of the French king, so he laboured to appaise him by many means: He assured the king that touching the rumour that ran that he had sent money to the Swizzers, it was a false brute suborned by men of little fidelity, since he referred himself to all his actions, wherein he had expressed to desire nothing more than an universal peace, & to be the common father of all princes christened: And he alleged how grievous it was to him that his dissension with the church, deprived him of all means to know how naturally he was inclined to his amity, seeing that for the honour of the sea apostolic, & the dignity of his person, he was constrained to proceed with him severally, until by his returning to the obedience of the church of Rome, it were lawful for him to receive him as king most christian, & embrace him as the eldest son of the church. The king also for the regard of his affairs, desired the union of his kingdom with the church, the same being also demanded by all his peoples, & the queen no less concurrant than the residue: it was well discerned by the king & his council that there could be no hope of alliance with the Pope in matters temporal, if first they fell not to agreement for controversies spiritual: for which cause either trusting in deed, or at lest dissembling under shows & seeming to give faith to his words, he sent to him as ambassador to negotiate in these causes the Bishop of Marseilles: at whose coming the Pope by decree of the council reinvested the Bishops and Prelates of France with power to purge themselves of their contumacy during the whole month of November. Against these Clergy men his predecessor had proceeded rigorously by way of threatening as against persons guilty of schism: And the same morning wherein this decree was determined, there was read in the council a writing subscribed by Bernar. Caruiagall and Feder. S. Severin, wherein forbearing to name themselves Cardinals, they approved all the acts of the council of Latran, & promised to cleave to the same & obey the Pope. In this action consequently they confessed themselves to be lawfully deprived of the estate of Cardinals, which privation being done by Pope julio, had been in his life time confirmed by the same council. It had been debated afore in the consistory to have them restored, but the resolution was afterwards deferred for thimpediment of th'ambassadors of Caesar and the king of Arragon, together with the Cardinals of Zion and York, who alleged that it was a matter unworthy the majesty of the sea Apostolic and of very ill example to pardon the authors of so great wickedness accompanied with manifest abomination & impiety: A matter which the last Pope had constantly maintained against them even to the last moment of his life, and that for no other cause then for the public benefit. But the Pope reigning inclined to that side that was least rigorous, judging it more easy and worthy to quench altogether the name of the council of Pisa, rather with clemency then with severity: Besides, he would not stir up the mind of the French king, who was a diligent intercessor for them: neither was he carried against them by any particular hatred, for that neither was the injury done to him, neither before his pontificacy he nor his brethren had been great friends to Federike: for which reasons, of his own motion he caused to be read before the fathers of the council the writing of their humiliation, and assigned 
Humility of two Cardinals.  a day for their restoring, which was done in this manner: Bernar. and Feder. entered secretly into Rome by night without either habit or ceremonies of Cardinals, and the morning following being to present themselves before the Pope sitting in full consistory with the presence of all the Cardinals, except the Swisser and the English, who refused to assist the action: They first passed appareled as simple priests, with black bonnets on their heads through all the public places of the palace of Vatican, where they had lodged: A wonderful concourse & press of people flocked to see them, every one judging that a punishment so honourable did serve as a cruel torment for the unruled pride of Bernardin, and no less for the unstaid arrogancy of Federike. Assoon as they were admitted into the presence of the consistory, they fell down of their knees, and with many signs of great humility they demanded pardon of the Pope and the Cardinals: They approved all things that had been done by Pope julio, and namely their privation and th'election of the new Pope, as an act canonical: And they publicly reproved the council of Pisa to be an assembly schismatic & detestable. When this confession was subsigned with their hands & solemnly enregistered, they rose up & stood on their feet, & after reverence done, they embraced all the cardinals who stirred not out of their seats: then they were reinvested & appareled in the habit of Cardinals, & received by the residue to sit in the same order wherein they were wont to sit before their privation: They recovered only by this act the dignity of Cardinals, and not their benefices and other revenues which they had possessed, for that long time before they had been distributed to others by the liberty of vacation. In this act the Pope satisfied the French king, if not so much as he desired, at lest in part of that he expected: But he satisfied him nothing in other matters, for that he sought by all the ways he could to accord Caesar and the Venetians, A matter which seemed to him of easy action for the accidents that were happened: for it was believed that Caesar stirred up by th'occasions beyond the Mounts, would be brought to be contented to be discharged of such a burden, to have the more opportunity to hearken to the recovering of Burgundy for his nephew. And touching the Venetians, it was hoped that they would much more desire it, aswell for that they stood amazed with the overthrow of the frenchmen, as also that they knew that the french king for the many dangers hanging over his realm, was not able for that year to do any more to th'affairs of Italy: Besides, they saw fast upon them the Spanish army, whereunto were to be united the companies that were within Verona: They were made dry of money and treasure, ill furnished of soldiers and namely of footmen: and (which was not lest in their consideration) they were to resist all alone of themselves without any hope or show of other succours: And yet the Senate answered very constantly, that they would not hearken to any accord, unless they were repossessed of Vincensa one Verona.  
Caesar at that time demanded of the Pope two hundred men at arms against the Venetians: A demand which albeit was grievous to the Pope, both for fear lest the french king should be discontented, and also he saw how inconvenient it would be for Caesar & him to become suspected to the Venetians for a matter of so small importance: yet by the obstinate importunity of Caesar, he sent him under Troyllo Savello, Achilles Torello, and Mutio Colonno, the numbers he required, both for that by refusing he would not show any token not to persever in the confederation contracted with the last Pope, and also he considered he was not holden by any bond or obligation that he had with the Venetians: who besides that their army did almost express behaviours of hostility upon the lands of Parma & Plaisantin, at such time as Aluiano lay near to Cremona, yet they had not elected Ambassadors to protest their obedience to him according to their custom, until the French men being overthrown, were returned beyond the Mounts. This deliberation brought no little amaze to the Venetians, not so much for th'importance of such a succour, as for fear lest by this beginning the Pope would pass further, taking it for a manifest sign that he would never be separate from their enemies. Nevertheless all these dangers & shows of calamities could not make them change their first counsels, but standing resolute to make as good head as they could against fortune, they sent to their Admiral that was at Corfu to assemble his navy, & assail the marine places of Powilla. And yet considering a little after, of what importance it would be to provoke so much the king of Arragon, they revoked that council being more courageous than discrete, no less for the might and power of the same king, then for that he had always showed that he persuaded Caesar to peace.  
The Viceroy remained at Montagnano, having as yet determined upon nothing of that he had to do, both for that the conceptions of the lanceknights were diverse, and very hard the enterprises that remained to be attempted either of Padua or of Trevisa, and the forces far inferior to the difficulties: for in the army there was little more than a thousand men at arms, not many light horsemen, and only ten thousand footmen aswell Spanish as lanceknights: And lastly there was expectation of the coming of the Bishop of Gurce, upon whose will & direction depended resolutely all things. About this time a Spanish magistrate being in Bergamo to gather the impost of xxv. thousand ducats taxed upon that city at such time as it was rendered to the Viceroy, Ranso de Cero sent thither from Cremo one part of the soldiers, who entering by night by the help of certain conspirators of the town, took the Spaniard with all the money he had levied, and returned afterward to Crema.  
There was discerned about this time a preparation to new troubles in the state of Genes, being conformable in that plot the wills of the Duke of Milan and the Swizzers, to whom Antho. and Jerome Adorno had recourse: They declared to the Duke the affinity and dependency which their fathers had had with Lodowick his father: That by the aid of their famuly he had recovered and many years holden in peace the principality of Genes, from the which he had been fraudulently devested by the Duke's Fregoso: That the family of the Adornei had participated with the adversities and fortunes of the Sforceis, for that at the same time that Lodowick lost the duchy of Milan the Adornei were chased out of Genes: And therefore they persuaded that it was convenient that they should likewise communicate in the return of good hap & fortune, seeing the same affection & the same faith continued: That they aught not to be charged by imputation, if being not so much as hard in any one place, but abandoned of all hope, their necessity & their goodwill had driven them to have recourse to that king, by whom they had been chased & expulsed before: That on the other side he was to remember the ancient hatred of the Fregoset, and how many injuries and practices had been wrought against his father by Baptista and the Cardinal Fregosa, dukes of Genes successively: and lastly he was to consider how far he was to trust Octavian Fregosa, who, besides the ancient hatred he bore, refused to have a superior in that government. To the Swizzers they recommended the profit, the surety, & the honour that they might reap by th'enterprise: that if by their mean they were eftsoons restored to their country, they would pay a sum of money equal to that which Octavi. Fregosa paid to the Spaniards: that as by their virtue the duchy of Milan had been preserved, so to them appertained in honour the protection & defence of the thing they had gotten by their valour: wherein they were to consider what a matter it would be contrary to the surety of that state, that Genes a city of so near neighbourhood & importance, should obey a duke that depended wholly upon the king of Arragon: That it were an action unworthy their name & their glory, to suffer Genes (the fruit of the victory of Novarro) to fall to the share and profit of the Spaniards, who whilst the Swizzers with so great valour ran their bodies upon the thundering shot of the French, were with more ease than danger upon Trebia, watching as it were the issue of the battle to rob & usurp by subtlety the rewards of the victory gotten with the blood of others. Upon these complaints accompanied with other reasons of compassion, the duke caused his companies to march, & the Swissers advanced four thousand footmen: but what with the threats of the Viceroy against the Duke, and the authority of the Pope with the Swizzers, the enterprise ceased even assoon as it was begun, thaffection that the Pope bore to th'affairs of Octavian, doing more to dash th'expedition then any other thing. In this mean while the Viceroy went up to Battle, a place about seven miles from Padua, where Caruigial riding undiscreetly with a small strength of horsemen to view the seat of the country, was taken by Mercario captain of the Venetian light horsemen. About which time the bishop of Gurcy arriving in the army, they drew to consultation what was to be done: The Bishop gave counsel to besiege Padua, saying he hoped so much in the virtue of the Spaniards & lanceknights against the Italians, that in the end they should be able to overcome all difficulties: he said it was a matter of less labour to take Trevisa, but the honour & rewards of the victory were far different, for that to win only Trevisa was not of much importance for the substance of the war, but by the taking of Padua, both the towns & pieces of Caesar's obedience should stand assured from troubles & perils of the war, & the Venetians should be left deprived of all hope to be able to reconquer the places they had lost. The Viceroy and almost all the other captains were of a contrary opinion: they judged it rather impossible then hard to force Padua for the incredible fortifications: it was thoroughly furnished with artilleries & all things necessary for defence: it was double manned with soldiers, besides many youngmen of the nobility of Venice that were come thither as they had wont to do at other times: they alleged that the circuit of Padua was large, in which regard, as also for the multitude of the defendants & other difficulties, it required to be environed with a siege of two armies: a computation so far from them, that they were not able to make one sufficient, the number of their soldiers being not great, and yet no sign of readiness in the lanceknights, for that they murmured already for want of pay: Lastly, they had not sufficient munitions, & no less want of poyeners, a provision very necessary for an enterprise of that difficulty. But in the end the reasons of the Viceroy and the other captains gave place to the 
Padua 〈…〉 g●d by the Viceroy.  authority and will of the Bishop of Gurce, according to whose direction the army drawing near to Padua, encamped at Bassanella upon the right shore of the channel: But being subject there to the affliction of certain double cannons that lay planted upon the bastillion of the town, they passed the channel and lodged a little further from the town, from whence sending certain bands of footmen to S. Anthony's Church within half a mile of Padua, they began to approach with less danger, and to cast trenches near to S. Anthony's gate: but for that the work was great, and the want of pioneers no less, and in a country abandoned of all inhabitants, the trenches advanced little, and not without danger, for that the soldiers making many sudden sallies aswell by day as by night, gave great damage and impediment to those that traveled: They suffered beside great want of victuals, both for that only a small part of the town was environed by thenemies, & also the estradiots that had liberty to issue out of the other quarters of the town, overronning freely the whole country, gave impediment to all that was brought to the camp: The traffic of victuals was also hindered by certain armed barks which the Venetians had set for that purpose upon the river of Adice, for that the men that they carried ceased not to make incursions into the upland and plain country, scouring all places and respected nothing in the fury of their spoil: In regard of these difficulties, thestate of things being eftsoons brought into the counsel by the Viceroy, every one gave this free judgement, that it would be a less infamy to correct the deliberation undiscreetly made in levying the camp, then by justifying the error to breed & bring upon them some greater damage, & that not without the society of a far greater shame. This opinion being related to the Bishop of Gurce by the Viceroy in the presence of many captains, for that he had refused to be at that council: he made answer, that for that the discipline and practice of war was not his profession, it was no shame to him to confess his ignorance in the service & guiding of war: only touching the counsel he had given to pitch the camp afore Padua, it moved not by any singularity of credit in his own wisdom, but in the action he was carried by the opinion & authority of the Viceroy, who both by letters & express messengers had counseled th'emperor, and given him great hope to carry it. At last the difficulties not ceasing neither for their complaints, nor for their debating, no rather the despair of th'enterprise daily increasing, the camp broke up after it had lain xviij. days afore the walls of Padua: And having both at their breaking up, and upon the way, the light horsemen at their backs, they withdrew to Vincensa, which then was void of inhabitants, and lay as a pray to who was master of the field.  
In this mean while the soldiers of the duke of Milan, to whose aid the Viceroy had sent Antho. de Leave with a thousand footmen, took Pantowiquo, wherein were two hundred footmen in garrison for the Venetians, who neither amazed with the thunder of th'artilleries, nor discouraged with the mines that were made, were constrained at the end of a month to yield for want of victuals, after they had valiantly sustained th'assault. About the same time Ranso de Cero issuing out of Cremo overthrew Silvio Savello marching with his bands and four hundred Spanish footmen to Bergamo, whither the Duke of Milan sent him. And a little after a Spanish officer being returned to Bergamo to gather money, Ranso sent thither a strength of three hundred horsemen and five hundred footmen, who took together with the officer the rock whereunto he was fled for his safety with the money he had levied: In this rock were very few men of war, for that lx. men at arms, three hundred light horsemen, and seven hundred footmen, with two thousand paisants of the Mount of Brianso were gone from Milan under the leading of Silvio Savello & Caesar Fieromosquo, to reconquer Bergamo: and they encountering upon the way five hundred light horsemen and three hundred footmen sent by Ranso to Bergamo, were easily put to flight, by whose example the residue that afore had occupied Bergamo, abandoned it, leaving only a garrison in the Rock which standeth out of the City upon a mountain called the Chapel.  
The Viceroy and Bishop of Gurce remained certain days at Vincensa, and sent one part of the Spaniards under Prospero Colonno to sack Basciano & Marostiquo: not that they had offended, but that the substances of that wretched people should minister nurture to th'army, wherein the pays did fail, Caesar standing always oppressed with his accustomed difficulties, the king of Arragon not able of himself to bear out so great a burden, and the duchy of Milan being excessively taxed by the Swissers, was no more able to contribute to the relief of the residue. The army abode at Vincensa, not without great discommodities by the continual vexations of the light horsemen, who overrunning day and night the whole country, stopped all traffic and passage of victuals, unless they were guarded with a great strength, and that of necessity must be of men at arms, for that they were very few light horsemen: Therefore to be out of these torments, the Bishop of Gurce went to Verona very much discontented with the Viceroy, who following him by small journeys, got into Albero upon the river of Adice, where he remained certain days to give opportunity to them of Verona to make their harvest, th'incursions of the light horsemen not ceasing for all that, who took from the Almains even near the gates of Verona, the oxen that drew th'artilleries. The Viceroy had laid a former plot to bestow the army in garrison in the countries of Bressia and Bergamasqua, and at the same time to molest Crema, which was all that the Venetians held on the other side the river of Mincia: which devise being published, had so assured the countries thereabouts that the territories of Padua were full of inhabitants and goods, the same being the cause that the Viceroy, who had no other mean to feed his army then by prays and pillage, altered his plot, and calling back the Almains, went to Montagnana and to Este, and from thence to the village of Bovolento, where after he had driven away great flocks of cattle, the soldiers consumed with fire many fair houses that stood thereabout: Still the desire of pillage carried them on, and being the rather encouraged that the bands of the Venetian footmen were distributed to the guard of Padua and Trevisa, the Viceroy marching in pillage from Bovolento, determined to approach Venice, but against th'opinion of Prospero Colonno, who told him that no less was the danger of th'enterprise then the council rash: So that after they had passed the river of Bacquillon and sacked Pievo de sacco which is a borrow both great in situation, populous, and full of all things, they went to Mestro and so to Marguera which standeth upon the salt waters: from that place, to leave a more honourable memory of this expedition, they discharged towards Venice ten pieces of great artillery whose boollets pierced the Monastery of S. Secondo: And as in war where discipline is at liberty, there insolences be infinite, so they proceeded still in pilling & wasting the whole country whose inhabitants being fled, they made with great iniquity wars against the walls: for, not content with the rich prays of cattle and other wealth, in their cruelty they burned Mestra, Marguera, and Lissasusnia together with all the other villages and towns of the country, not sparing any house or palace which had any extraordinary representation or appearance: In these insolences, thimpiety of the Pope's soldiers and the other Italians, was not the lest, but so much the greater by how much it was more infamous in them then in the foreigners to use cruelty against the magnificence & ornaments of their proper country: But they of Venice discerning within their town the smoke by day, & by night the fire thorough the whole country, And hearing within their own houses the noise of th'artillery of thenemies which was planted for no other purpose then to increase their ignominy: were touched in their minds with right great indignation and sorrow: It seemed to every one a hard and grievous chance of fortune, that in place of so great glory and so many victories obtained in Italy afore time both by sea and land, their eyes should behold at that instant a small army in comparison of their ancient force and power, to offer to the majesty of their common weal, so great a bravery to their perpetual reproach & ignominy: In regard of which indignities, the deliberations of that Senate being enforced, who till that day stood resolute, what hopes soever were offered, to eschew to make any experience of fortune: They now consented by the haughty persuasions of Bart. Aluiano, that reassembling all the soldiers and stirring up all the villages aswell of the plains as of the mountains, they should assay to stop the return of thenemies: A matter which Aluiano proved to be of very easy action, for that their rashness having brought them in the midst of Venice, Trevisa, and Padua, and being laden with burdens of prey and spoil, they could not retire without great danger, aswell for thincommodity of victuals, as for th'impediment of rivers and hard passages: And now the Spaniards understanding of the moosters and preparations that were in hand, marching a good pass, were by this time comen to Citadella, which when they saw they could not get for a succour of soldiers newly entered, they lodged a little beneath near to Brenta to pass to the village of Contycella, A place where the river of Brenta was passable by ford: But they durst not venture to pass over for fear of Aluiano, who stood on the other side with his companies ranged in battle and his artillery planted along the shore of the river, carefully providing for the safety not only of that place, but also of many others: Whereunto, if resistance had not been made, th'enemy had had easy passage: It happened (such be the stratagems of soldiers) that as the Viceroy continued his shows and demonstrations to pass over at the place below, to the which Aluiano had turned all his forces, he passed the night after without any impediment at the passage called the new cross three miles above Citadella: from thence with great diligence he took his way to Vincensa, but Aluiano seeking to stop his passage over the river of Bacquillon, prevented him. joh. P. Baillon and Andr. Gritty with a strength of two hundred men at arms, and two thousand footmen of the forces of Trevisa, came and joined with Aluiano near to Vincensa: They with the other Venetian Captains were of council not to fight with thenemies with banner displayed and in an open place, but guarding well the passages of strength and places most conventient, they should labour to stop their way on what place so ever they came, drawing now towards Vincensa: To this end they had sent joh. P. Manfrono to Montechio with four thousand men trained: And to Barberano to hinder their passage in the mountains, were sent v. hundred light horsemen with many other bands of the peasants: They had also stopped in the villages all the passages that led into Germany, & fortified them with trenches, with stones, and with trees cut down and laid athwart the ways: Aluiano left Theodore Triwlco to guard Vincensa with a garrison sufficient, and himself with the residue of th'army encamped at Olmo a place within two miles of Vincensa upon the way that leads to Verona: This passage with an other fast by, was so choked with trenches, ditches and artilleries planted upon the places coming to it, that it was almost impossible to pass: As the way towards Verona was full of these impediments, so it was likewise hard for the Spaniards that marched along the mountains, to go larger thorough the countries that were full of marish and waters, and no less hard to take the way of the mountain which was narrow and guarded by many armed men: Insomuch as being enuirronned almost on all parts with enemies, their peril all one both before, behind, and in flank, and continually chased by great troops of light horsemen, they could make no deliberation wherein the difficulty was not greater than the danger: After they had spent certain time in skirmishing, they encamped towards the entry of the night, within half a mile of the place where the Venetians lay, and there the Captains drawing to council what was best to do amid so many adversities and perils, they choosed as lest dangerous to turn their ensigns towards Germany: They judged that the best way to return to Verona by Trenta, notwithstanding what for the longness of the way, and the small garrison they had left there, they had almost an assured opinion that the celerity of the Venetians would prevent their purpose: In this sort than did they march at the dawning of the day towards Bassan turning their backs to thenemies, a matter then the which there is nothing more timorous nor pernicious to armies: And albeit they marched in order, yet their fortune had left them so small hope of safety, that they thought the loss of their baggage and horses of carriage, would be the lest harm that could happen to them: What by their secret discamping without sound of trumpet or drum, and the commodity of a thick mist falling that morning which took away the benefit of his eyes, Aluiano was not so speedily ware of their breaking up: But he was no sooner advertised of their departing, than he set to follow them with all the army, wherein was thought to be a thousand men at arms, a thousand stradiots, and six thousand footmen: The stradiots vexed them continually on all sides, and infinite troops of paisants descending from the mountains, were no little trouble to them with their small shot: So that with their danger, the difficulty of the ways increased continually both for the multitude of their carriages, and the great quantity of their prey, and also for that they were driven to pass thorough ways strait and full of ditches, which they had had no opportunity to enlarge or make plain with mattocks and spades: And yet notwithstanding by how much their adversities were great and apparent by so much greater was their necessity of speed and haste, their extremities could not make them forget to march in order, the same proceeding as well of the virtue of the soldiers as the care and good office of the Captains: Nevertheless after they had marched two miles with so many perplexities of ways and travel, they judged it would be hard to hold out long in that sort, their grief being greater by the wearinsse of their bodies, then by any fear of the perils they saw at hand. But the enemies by their rashness had not patience to expect till so fair an occasion might be rypened which already was come to his perfection: for Aluiano according to his custom being not able to contain himself, charged upon the rearguard of thenemies guided by Prospero Colonno: he went to the charge not in disorder, but with th'army araunged in battle, and his artilleries planted ready for th'execution: and it was said for certain, that being long in preparing to the charge, Loredano a ruler amongst the Venetians rebuked him with very sharp words that he went not to the charge, whose slowness, said he, gave opportunity to thenemies being already broken, to save themselves. By these provocations so valiant a captain was compelled to run headlong to the fight, and in great fury gave the sign of the battle. Some other affirm that Prospero Colonno was the cause of all the actions of arms that day, by whose counsel the Viceroy had rather prove the uncertain chance and fortune of the fight, than otherwise to follow so small a hope of safety: And it is said, that having made a show that he would return towards Vincensa, Aluiano had caused to be bestowed in the suburbs of Vincensa, john P. Baillon with those bands that were come from Trevisa, and himself with the residue of th'army was encamped at Creatia within two miles of Vincensa: In this place is a little hill that gave a convenient commodity for the use and service of th'artillery against thenemies, and at the foot of it is a valley capable of a main army ranged in battle, but it hath no way of access but only by one strait way that runneth up along the hills, and is almost encompased with marshes: It is said that Prospero knowing what incommodities this place gave to thenemies, persuaded to set upon them in that quarter, having there th'opportunity and seat of the place to set forth their valour: But what so ever it was, Prospero began to go to the charge with a resolution worthy of the reputation he bore, and having sent to call the Viceroy which brought on the battle, and on the one side, and at one time the Spanish footmen advancing by the direction of the Marquis of Pisquairo, and on the other hand the squadrons of the lanceknights, they brought upon the Venetians so hot and furious a charge, that their fears being redoubled by the terror and valour of their enemies, the first assault almost sufficed to put them all to flight: The footmen threw 
Overthrow of the Venetians army.  down their pikes and fled with more shame than hope of safety, their ignorance or want of courage making them unable to sustain the fury of the charge: The footmen of Romagna, whose Colonel was Ra. de Naldo Brisiquello, were the first that served to the others as an example of cowardice and infamy: the residue of th'army took the same course, no man almost being seen to fight or once look his enemy in the face, yea the virtue of Aluiano was so abated and confused by this sudden fleeing away, that without stroke striking he left the victory to thenemies, to whom th'artilleries with all the baggage remained a prey: The footmen were scattered into diverse places, and for the men at arms, some fled to hide their shame in the mountains, and some sought their safety in Padua and in Trevisa, whither fled in like sort Aluiano and Gritti. In this encounter were slain Antho. Pio an ancient captain with Constance his son, Meleager Furly, and Lodo. Parma, and the fortune of P. S. Ange was little better, who though his life was reserved, yet he escaped not without many miserable and mortal wounds: The prisoners were john P. Baillon, julio the son of john P. Manfron, Malatesto Soligiano, with many other Captains and persons of name and mark: Loredano the Venetian ruler fell into this calamity, but with a worse fortune: for that two soldiers striving whose prisoner he should be, the one of them killed him against all humanity: Touching the general slaughter of this conflict both of dead bodies and prisoners, there remained about four hundred men at arms and four thousand footmen, the slaughter being so much the greater by how much there could be no expedition of fleeing by reason of the marrais: This also brought great damage to such as trusted in the chasse, that Theo. Trywlco shut the gates of Vincensa and would receive in no kind of person for fear lest the Victor and the vanquished should enter pellmell together: By which impediment many striving to pass further drowned themselves in the next river, amongst whom were Hermio Bentyviolo and Sacramoro Visconte.  
This was the overthrow that fell upon the Venetians the seventh day of October near to Vincensa: worthy to be remembered both for the example it gave to captains not to have confidence touching matters of arms, in thItalian footmen not experienced in battles pitched and ranged, and also that almost in the turning of a hand the victory was transferred to those in whom was lest hope of safety. This overthrow had put in danger either Trevisa or Padua notwithstanding with the residue of th'army Aluiano was retired to the one and Gritty to the other, if both the season of the year when rains began to fall, had not been contrary, and the towns bearing good fortifications, and the Captains much troubled to dispose to new enterprises the soldiers that were not yet paid: Nevertheless, albeit the Venetians stood afflicted with so many adversities, & no less confused with an accident so far contrary to their hopes, yet they forbore not according to the time and their ability, to refurnish those cities, to the which, besides other provisions they sent many young gentlemen of the nobility as they had wont to do in times of greatest peril.  
After this battle, things began to draw from arms to cogitations and devices of peace, which was negociated with the Pope: towards whom was gone the Bishop of Gurcy principally to protest obedience to him in the name of Caesar and tharch Duke: In which action he was followed by Francis Sforce Duke of Bary to perform the like for his brother Maxymylian Sforce: And albeit the Bishop of Gurcy represented in Italy the full person of Caesar as he did at other times, yet laying now aside his pomp and accustomed magnificence, he entered more modestly into Rome, and forbore by the way to wear the cap of Cardinal which the Pope had sent to him at Foggibonso: At his coming was compounded a compromisse by him and the Venetian Ambassadors in the person of the Pope, of all the controversies that were between Caesar and their common weal: But it was a compromisse more in name and appearance, then in effect and substance, for that neither of the parties for th'importance of the cause would be referred to an arbitrement suspected, until they had severally and secretly received promiss of him, that he would not give up his arbytration without their consent and privity: The Pope by this authority of Compromitting, declared in writing that there should be a surceasing of arms between the two parties, which albeit was joyfully accepted by them both, was yet ill observed by the Viceroy: for that being come between Montagnana and Este, besides that he had done no other thing since the victory than made pillage and overrun the whole country, having withal sent part of his soldiers to Policena, he committed in sundry places many insolences and harms: sometimes he excused his doings, in that they were upon the lands of Caesar, & sometimes he alleged that he expected new intelligence from the Cardinal of Gurcy: lastly the end of the compromisse was no more happy than had been the midst and the beginning, by reason of difficulties that fell out in the negotiation of affairs: for, Caesar would out consent to th'accord, but with condition to retain part of the towns, & for the other to receive a great proportion of money: and of the contrary, the Venetians demanded all the towns and offered a very small sum of money: it was believed also that the king Catholic did secretly dissuade the accord, notwithstanding openly he made demonstration to desire it: yea it was said, that to make it more hard, he had at the same time put Bressa into the hands of Caesar, a place which the Viceroy never till that day would give up, alleging that he kept it to make him more inclined to the peace: But the causes were conjectured diversly, either he had so far offended the Venetians that he judged he would no more entertain with them a true and assured amity, or else he knew that his reputation and greatness in Italy depended upon continuing and keeping on foot the army, which for want of money he was not able to feed and nourrish but by racking & ransoming the people's that were his friends, and in making pray and pillage of the countries that were enemies: These difficulties together with the untowardness of the parties, made the Pope leave the matter unperfect, when a little after, the Almains, by the help of the exiles and banished men, took Marano upon the sudden, a seafaring town in the country of Friull, and so descended to the like action upon Montfalcon: and albeit the Venetians both for their honour & profit, desired to reconquer Marano being threescore miles from Venice, & in that disposition did assail it both by sea and land, yet their fortune being all one in all places, they received loss & vexation on all sides: only Ranso de Cero in that time sustained the name and credit of their arms, to his great praise and merit: for, albeit there was a great rage of plague and hunger in Crema where he lay in garrison, and that the bands of Spaniards and Millanois being dispersed into the towns thereabout by reason of the season, he was as it were besieged: yet he gave a sudden charge upon Calcinaia a town of the country of Bergamo, and stripped Caesar Fieramosquo with forty men at arms and two hundred light horsemen of the regiment of Prospero Colonno: And not many days after, he entered by night into Quinsano, and took the Lieutenant of the Count S. Severin, and spoiled fifty men at arms, and within Trevy, stripped ten men at arms of the company of Prospero.  
About this time things were quiet enough in other places of Italy, saving that the Adorneis and the Fiesqueis with three thousand men of the country, accompanied perhaps with the secret favour of the Duke of Milan, drew near the walls of Genes, after they had taken Spetia and other places of the river of Levant: But their fortune being far inferior to their valour, they went away almost overthrown, having lost part of the men they brought to th'enterprise, and certain pieces of artillery: There appeared also in Tuskane certain beginnings of new injuries: for, the Florentines began to molest them of Lucquay, trusting that thorough fear of the Pope, they should redeem peace in restoring to them Pietrasanta & Mutrona: They alleged beside, that it was not convenient that they should enjoy the benefit of that confederation, which they had broken in minstring secret succours to the Pisans: Against these suggestions they of Lucquay complained to the Pope and to the king Catholic in whose protection they were, but seeing there grew no remedy to them, they were at last contented (to avoid greater mischiefs) to refer a compromisse to the person of the Pope: Who having like authority for the Florentines, pronounced that they of Lucquay who had afore rendered to the Duke of Ferrara, Garsagnana, should leave to the Florentines the places of Pietrasanta and Mutrona, and that there should remain between them a perpetual peace & confederation.  
About the end of this year, the Castles of Milan and Cremona, who for the necessity of victuals had agreed to yield if they were not succoured in a certain time, were delivered into the power of the Duke of Milan: So that there remained no more that the French king held in Italy, but the lantern of Genes, which in the end of the same year the Genoese assayed to cast down by mines: They approached to it under the benefit of a Cask or vessel of wood containing thirty fathoms in length and twenty in breadth: within which was stowage for three hundred men, and set round about with packs of wool the better to defend the shot: At the first show it carried great art and deep invention, but being brought to trial, it served to little use, as most often is seen by those new and strange works.  
The end of the eleventh Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE TWELFTH BOOK.  
THe king of England makes war upon the French king. The Venetians recover Friull. The Pope as arbitrator pronounceth peace between them and the king of Romans. King Lowis the xii. dieth. Francis the first cometh to the Crown, and descendeth into Italy to reconquer Milan.  
THE TWELFTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
THERE happened the same year in the regions beyond the Mounts, most dangerous wars, whereof I will make present discourse, both for the same reasons, & with the same shortness that I have touched them in the narration of the year before.  
The beginning of these preparations and stirs grew upon a resolution which the king of England made to invade that summer the Realm of France with a main army both by sea and land: And to make the victory of this enterprise more easy, he had agreed with Caesar to furnish him of an hundred and twenty thousand ducats, to make an entry at the same time into Burgundy with an army of three thousand horsemen, and eight thousand footmen, part Swizzers and part Almains. He promised also to the Swizzers a certain proportion of money, the rather to induce them to join in the action with Caesar, who was contented to put into their hands in pawn one part of Burgundy until he had fully satisfied them of their pays: lastly also the king of England occupied this persuasion, that his father in law the king Catholic, cleaving to the confederation of Caesar and him (which he had always protested and assured) would open the war on his side at the same instant: By reason whereof the reapporte of the truce made by th'English with the French king (and yet for all that the desire to make war was nothing diminished) was so ill brooked not only by him, but by all sorts of states and peoples in England, that the Commons had done violent execution upon the Spanish Ambassador, if the king's authority had not resisted their fury. To these things were added th'opportunity of thestate of th'archduke, not so much that he letted not his subjects to take pay against the frenchmen, as for that he promised to give sufferance and passage of victuals out of his countries into th'English army.  
It behoved the French king to omit no sorts of provisions against so great preparations 
Provisions of the French against the king of England.  and dangerous threatening: By sea he furnished a strong navy to encounter th'admiral of England, and by land he levied men from all parts, labouring specially to have as great a strength of lanceknights as he could: He had also afore made great instance to the Swizzers, that since they refused to aid him in the wars of Italy, at least, that they would so far favour him as to deliver him a proportion of footmen to help to defend the Crown of France. But they being wholly resolved to protect and assure the Duchy of Milan, refused in any wise to minister to him, unless he would eftsoons return to the unity of the Church: and give up the Castle of Milan which was not yet rendered: and also canceling his rights & interests to that estate, he would promise' no more to molest neither Milan not Genes, Limitations no less unprofitable to the French king, then contrary to his honour, and prejudicial to the sovereign dignity of the crown of France. Likewise the French king, the more to terrify thenglish & make them more entangled with their own affairs, had called into France the duke of Suffolk as Competitor and aspirant to the Crown of England: A devise little helping the purposes of France, and of great danger to the race and progeny of the Duke, for that in revenge of their dealing, the king of England by ordinary course of the justice of his Realm, cut off the head of his brother, who till then had been holden prisoner in England, since the time that Philip king of Castillo sailing into Spain, delivered him into the hands of the king his father. The French king also was not without hope to have peace with the king Catholic: for that when the king Catholic understood of the league made between the French and the Venetians, he began to distrust much of the defence of the duchy of Milan, and sent into France one of his secretaries, to practise new offers: And it was believed, that considering howmuch the greatness of Caesar and the archduke might altar his government of Castillo, he could not in good policy stand well contented with thembasing of the realm of France: Besides all these, omitting no opportunities wherein occasion might be taken, the french king forgot not in these actions to stir up james the king of Scots his ancient confederate, to th'end that he opening the war upon the frontiers of England, he might with more facility make defence against so many & mighty invasions. The Skottish king was moved to this war by the consideration of his proper interests, for that the adversities of France could not but be dangerous to the crown of Skotland, in which regard joined to the respect of confederation, he prepared himself to the action with all diligence, demanding of the French king no other aid then fifty thousand franks to leavy munitions and victuals. Nevertheless the French king was very slow in gathering together his forces and provisions, both for that he had turned all his thoughts to th'enterprise of Milan, and reapposed not a little in the truce made with the king Catholic: Lastly his accustomed negligence was no little impediment to the expedition of his business, A vice most hurtful to th'affairs of Princes, to whom is seldom seen to return th'effect or spruce of their expectation, when they stand to temporize upon every new occasion after the resolution is set down and things referred to action. And touching the king of England, he consumed many months in measuring his proportions, in levying his provisions, in rating the state & manner of his pays, and in distinguishing the sorts of his soldiers and their fashions of armour & weapons, for that his subjects having been many years without wars, and no less changed the manner of warfaring, both their bows and their other usual natures of arms being become unprofitable, he was constrained to make great provision of foreign armours, artilleries, and munitions, and by the same necessity to leavy as soldiers trained many bands of lanceknights & horsemen, the ancient custom of the English being to fight on foot: for these impediments thenglish arm passed not the seas sooner than the month of july: And after they had for many days run up into the champagne country near unto Bolleine, they went to encamp afore Torwaine, A town standing upon the marches of Pikardy, & in the region of those peoples whom the Latins call Morini: The person of the king of England passed the sea a little after, who had in his main army five thousand horses of service, and more than forty thousand footmen: An army not more notable by the multitudes of soldiers & consideration of their valour, then most glorious by the presence & majesty of their king, in whose person appeared at that instant being in an age disposed and active, all those tokens of honour & magnanimity, which rising afterwards to their full ripeness & perfection by degrees of time, study, and experience, made him the most renowned and mighty prince that lived in his age in all this part or circuit of the earth which we call Christendom. After the English were drawn into camp, which according to their custom they environed with trenches & with carts, and so rampired it with wood and other firm matter, and then planted it round about with artillery, that they seemed to be in a walled town: They began to batter the 
Torwaine besieged by the English.  town of Torwaine in many places, & to make many mines, but they forbore to give th'assault, perhaps their provisions being less than their virtue, though their valour was nothing inferior to the reaport that went of them: The town of Torwain within was very well furnished with artilleries, & manned with a strength of two hundred & fifty lances & two thousand footmen: which though it was a garrison very small in regard of thimportance of the place, yet their danger was no greater than their hope of succours: for that the french king was come to Amiens, to th'end that by his nearness he might give courage & comfort to those that were besieged, making great the difficulty to rescue them: he was very careful to assemble his army, which by true mustering was supposed to contain two thousand five hundred lances, ten thousand lanceknights guided by the duke of Gueldres, and ten thousand footmen levied in the parts of his realm: The greatest affliction within the town was fear to want victuals, for that (except of bread) they had not sufficient prousion of any one nature, A want which perhaps made them more bold & busy then otherwise they would, & lest the same necessity might grow to a desperate extremity, though they durst not come to trial of their general forces, yet they forbore not to make practice of service, & vexed continually the English camp with their artillery, in which execution the great Chamberlain of England was slain, & one leg taken away from Talbot then captain of Calais. The danger of Torwaine troubled much the king, but for that by common negligence of France, & the difficulty to levy lanceknights, he was long ere he began to put order to his affairs, his whole army was not yet assembled: neither was he of mind (what adversities soever fortune brought upon him) to hazard the fight with thenemies, for that in losing the battle, the whole realm and state of France had stand in manifest peril: he hoped also that the winter coming on which in those cold climates beginneth betimes, thenemies would be driven to dissolve, the ill opportunity and season of the year driving them from th'enterprise which the fear of thenemies could not make them to leave: and yet his army being assembled & his own person remaining still at Amiens, he sent it forth to Air near to Torwaine under the government of Monsr Longeville, otherwise called the Marquis of Rottelyn Prince of the blood, and captain of an hundred gentlemen of ordinance, joining with him in the charge Monsr Palissa: their commission was, that eschewing all occasions to attempt the battle, they should see to the well revittelling of the towns thereabouts, which till that time had been ill furnished, being subject to the same negligence that the whole service was, & withal to do what they could to put into Torwaine a succour of men and relief: A matter of itself very uneasy, and yet made more hard by the small agreement that was between the Generals, either of them attributing severally to himself, the whole direction and government, the one for his nobleness and descending, and the other for his long experience in war: Notwithstanding, what by the necessity of the time brooking no long delay, & what by thimportunity of them within the town, crying out for a succour of men, there was a strength of a thousand five hundred lances that adventured to approach the town on that side that was furthest removed from the English: And albeit there was a regiment of three thousand English bestowed at certain passages to stop them, yet th'artilleries of the town executed so furiously upon them, and the residue of th'army being unprofitable to their reskewing by reason of certain overthwart trenches and ditches cast by the town, that captain Frontaillas over coming the peril by his virtue, got to the gate, & put into the town a supply of lxxx. men at arms without horses as they had required: And afterwards with the same felicity he retired with the residue of his companies, finding easy by experience the enterprise that was made hard by reaport, & overcoming by his virtue the danger that without practice was holden desperate▪ he might under the same adventure, have put victuals into the town, if he had carried any with him, his fortune and the state of the peril being all one.  
By this experience the french captains were encouraged to make their approaches an other day with a great quantity of victuals, hoping in the same felicity: But thEnglish that took warning by the last example, had raised new fortifications on that side, to stop them, and on tother side, had sent out their horsemen and xv. thousand Almain footmen to cut of their way: Insomuch that as they were upon their return, the fortune of the first adventure taking from them all suspicion, and being remounted upon their little nags of journey that were led spare, as men beguiled with opinion of security, they were suddenly set upon even in the greatest conjecture 
The overthrow ●f the French near 〈…〉.  of their assurance & safety, and as men being passed from a peril they feared most into a danger they doubted lest, they suffered the terror of th'accident to take from them alresolution, & put themselves to flight without any resistance, losing in that disorder three hundred men at arms, with whom were taken prisoners the Marquis of Rottelyn, Captains Bayard & Faiette with many others of mark & name: Monsr Palissa was also taken prisoner but escaped away by adventure, his policy no less favouring his safety, than his fortune: it was thought that if thEnglishe had taken the opportunity & offer of that days fortune, they had in that action opened to themselves a way to be masters of the whole realm of France: For that behind, stood a great battle of lanceknights which had followed the men at arms, who if they had been shocked and overthrown, it had been with so great damage to the french army, that it is certain that the french king upon the first news believing that they had been broken in deed, would have given so desperate a sentence of his own safety, that he would look how he might flee into Britain: But there was difference between th'intention of th'english and offer of their fortune, for, after they had given the chasse to the horsemen having nothing of more study & care in their mind then the conquest of the town of Torwaine, they presented the french ensigns and prisoners before the walls: a spectacle which moved not a little the town to despair of succour, and joining to it the view and consideration of their other calamities, and the lanceknights withal murmuring to endure without hope the last extremity of victuals, they agreed to leave the town, the horses and lives of the soldiers saved, if they were not rescued within two days: And it is not to be doubted that their holding out by the space of fifty days, was not a thing that greatly profited the realm of France, who by the benefit of the long suffering of Torwaine, had respite to temporize and prepare against many other greater afflictions which otherwise so mighty an army of enemies would have brought upon them even to the shaking of the Crown of France: A little before, Maximilian Caesar was come in person into the English army, reviewinge and laying out those places wherein in his youth, he had with so great glory overthrown the army of the French king Lowys the eleventh: Who whilst he remained in the camp, the affairs of the war took their chiefest direction and government from him.  
The French king was not only traveled with thEnglishe armies, but also with greater danger, he had his vexations by the Swissers: for the commonalties of those regions desiring with an universal mind that the king should disclaim from all titles and rights which he pretended to the Duchy of Milan, wherein for that he 
Rising of the Swizzers against the French king.  did nothing, their hatred redoubled towards him, they had entered against him many actions of hostility, and set on fire many houses of private persons of Lucerna whom they suspected to bear favour to th'affairs of the Crown of France: And proceeding continually against all men noted of like suspicion, they had brought all the chieftains and principals of them, to swear to suffer all the pensions to go in common, & so falling into arms by public order, they entered almost by heaps into Burgundy, their numbers being xx. thousand footmen, & a thousand horsemen: In which action they had certain proportions of artillery from Caesar, who, either according to his inconstancy, or for jealousy he had of them, refused to go thither in person notwithstanding he had promised both to the king of England, & to them: Being drawn into this strength & power of war, they went & encamped afore Dyon the chief town of Burgundy, wherein was Monsr Trimoville with a thousand lances & six thousand footmen: These natures of commons & popular peoples, having some doubt of their Captains who began already to communicate with the french, took upon them the managing of th'artilleries and fell to batter the town, of whose defence Trimoville doubting much, he had recourse to the last remedies, & made with them a sudden accord without expecting any commission from the king, on whose behalf he made this contract to renounce all the rights & claims he pretended to the Duchy of Milan, & to pay them six hundred thousand crowns within a certain term: for th'observation of which covenant he gave him four hostages, persons very honourable and of great condition: And for the Swyzzers they were bound to no other promise then to return to their houses, A matter which tied them not to rememe for afterwards friends to the french king, but left them at liberty to return when they list to thinvasions of his kingdom: Assoon as they were possessed of tanguishes they broke up and dissolved their army immediately, alleging for their excuse with the king of England for entering into this covenant without his consent, that they received not in time convenient, the money he had promised them: It was thought that this capitulation was the cause of the saving of the whole Realm of France, for that the taking of Dyon, had put into the hands of the Swyzzers a free power to run up without resistance even to the walls of Paris: And it was not unlikely that the king of England passing the river of Somme, would not have taken the field to join with them: A matter which the french could not let for that neither the duke of Gueldres being then come, nor in the army above six thousand lanceknights, they were constrained to keep themselves enclosed within towns: But the king was not a little discontented with the resolution, complaining not a little against Monsr Trymoville, both for the sum of money he had promised, and much more that he had bound him to the resignation of his titles & interests as anaction of too great prejudice, & far unworthy his greatness & the glory of the crown of France: for which cause albeit the danger had been great if the Swyzzers in their wrath had eftsoons returned to assail him, yet reapposing much in the approach of the winter, and in the difficulty that they could not reassemble so soon, & being with all resolute to run all fortunes rather than to deprive himself of his rights in that Duchy (which he loved dearly) he determined not to ratify thagreement: yea rather he began to propownd to them new offers, which much less that they did hearken unto, seeing they did constantly reject them, with these bloody threats, that if the ratification came not within a certain time, they would cut of the heads of tanguishes.  
Torwaine being taken, whereunto th'archduke aspired by pretence of his ancient right, and the king of England challenged it to be his by the just prerogative of conquest and war: Caesar and he fell to this point for thavoiding of discord, to cast down the walls to the ground, notwithstanding such violence was forbidden by the capitulations made with them of Torwaine: immediately after, Caesar went from th'army, giving this judgement upon th'experience & trial he had seen, that in matters of war thenglish were more resolute than well a duised, & less subtle & politic 
Thenglish as mie afore Tournay.  then well disciplined & trained. From Torwain the king of England went to encamp before Tornay, A town very strong and rich and of great devotion of long time to the crown of France, but so environed with the countries of th'archduke, that it was impossible to the french to rescue it so long as they were not masters of the field: The french king was not a little glad of this enterprise, fearing lest the enemy carried with victory and wealth, would not transfer his forces into the body and parts of his Realm of more importance: A fear which put him into no small perplexities: for, notwithstanding he had now areared a mighty army, wherein (besides the five hundred lances which he had bestowed in garrison in S. Qu●ntyn) were two thousand lances, eight thousand light horsemen Albanois, ten thousand lanceknights, a thousand Swyzzers, & eight thousand footmen of his own nation: yet it was far inferior to the power and multitudes of thenglish army, which, by the continual slocking of soldiers, was (as the reaport went) resupplyed to the number of four score thousand fight men: By the consideration of which inequality of forces, the french king who had no great hope to be able to defend Boleyne and those parts of the country that are beyond the river of Some which he feared thEnglish would oppress, looked how to defend Abeville and Amiens, & the other towns that are upon the river of Somme: his devise was also to let them for passing the river, and so to temporize either until the cold season came, or else that the Skottish king in whom he hoped much, were ready to advance and draw them from that war: his army marched all the mean while along the river of Somme, to let thenemies from winning passage: It was believed that the persuasions of Caesar were the cause of this enterprise of th'english, for hope that if the town of Tornay were taken, it might either then or at some other time devolve into the power of his Nephew to whom it was thought it did appertain: perhaps it moved upon a fear the army had to be afflicted with want of victuals if they had been in an other place, or haply other places whereunto they might have gone, had borne a more facility to be succoured by thenemies: But the town of Tornay which was not manned but with bands of strangers and foreigners, and therefore of less expectation to be succoured, was so battered with artilleries in many several places, that after it had made a small resistance, it yielded, under safety of goods and lives: 
Tornay taken by thEnglish.  & to advance an hundred thousand ducats towards the defrayment of the war and to defend them from pillage.  
The fortune of the frenchmen was no more gracious in other places, for that the Skottish king coming to battle with the English army upon the river of Twede, where the Lady Katthrens than Queen of England was in person, was overthrown with a very great slaughter, the king's person being then slain with one of his own sons who was Archbishop of S. Andrew with many other Prelates and Nobles of that Realm, and of the common soldiers more than twelve thousand bodies. After these victories about the end of October, the king of England leaving a strong garrison within Tornay, dismissed his horsemen and footmen of thAlmains, and so disposed himself to return into England, reaping the great town of Tornay as a fruit of his wars and great expenses: for, touching Torwaine whose walls he had thrown down to the earth, the naked seat and resemblance remained in the power of the french king. One cause that made the king of England repass the seas, was, that the season of the year taking away all opportunities to continued the war in those cold regions, he held it a matter unprofitable to nourish an army there with so great charges: And an other was that he thought to take order for the institution and government of the young king of Skots who was in minority and the son of his own sister, the Duke of Albany being gone thither who was also of the blood of the same king.  
By the return of the king of England, the fear of the french men being taken away, their king dismissed all his army except the regiments of lanceknights: he saw himself delivered of the care of dangers present, but not of fear to fall into them again the next year with far greater difficulties: he gathered this judgement by the behaviours of the king of England at his going away, who used many high threatenings against the crown of France, promising that he would give it a greater shake the next summer: Wherein, he began already to make new preparations to avoid the discommodities of his former delays, & with more readiness to open the war assoon as the season of the year would suffer: Besides, the french king knew that Caesar had the same intention to annoyed him, and feared withal lest the king Catholic, who with sundry subtleties had excused himself of the truce made lest he should wholly alien them from him, would not also take arms with them: of this suspicion he had great tokens by the discourse of a letter intercepted, wherein the king Catholic writing to his Ambassador resident with Caesar, and expressing an intention quite contrary to his manifest speeches, which testified an earnest desire to make war against the infidels and to go in person to recover jerusalem, he persuaded him to devise diligently by what means the duchy of Milan might be brought to Ferdinand their common Nephew, younger brother to th'archduke. In this persuasion he occupied this manner of encouragement, that that estate being ranged it would not be hard to reduce the residue of the regions of Italy to their devotion, and with the same facility joined with his succours, Caesar might make himself Pope, whereunto he had always aspired since the death of his wife, and being once possessed of that sovereignty, he should resign, to the use and profit of th'archduke, the Crown imperial: Nevertheless he concluded that matters of so high nature and weight could not be led to perfection but with time and with occasions. Besides all these, the French king doubted nothing of the will of the Swizzers, whose obstinacies he could in no wise moderate, notwithstanding he made them offers above their merit: And they were of new incensed more than before by the evasion of the hostages delivered by Monsr Trimoville, who fearing the danger of their lives for want of observation in the king, were secretly stolen away and fled into Germany: So that it was not without cause that he feared least by thoccasion of so many other his adversities, they would rise to assail presently, or at lest the year after, the country of Burgundy or Dauphine. These difficulties were partly thoccasion that made him fall to agreement with the Pope for causes spiritual: of which agreement the principal article contained thabsolute rooting out of the council of Pisa, which point was debated many months with very great difficulties, specially for the regard of things done either with the authority of the same council, or against the majesty of the Pope: such as it seemed very unworthy for the sea Apostolic to approve, and to cut them off there could not but happen right great confusion: So that there was a delegation of three Cardmalls to devise of some means by the which such a disorder might be met withal. This bred also one difficulty, that it seemed not convenient to grant to the king thabsolution of penalties unless he sued for it: whereunto the king would not consent, lest by imputation his person and Crown of France were noted of schism: But at last the king was made weary with these perplexities, and no less overlabored with the importunities and wills of the people of his Realm, desiring with universal affection to be reunited to the Church of Rome: but most of all he was stirred & moved by the devotion of the Queen, to whom those controversies were grievous. In which respects he determined to yield to the will of the Pope, and not without some hope, that upon the reappaysement of these quarrels the Pope would some way join to his aid, whereunto with great art he seemed to express to have a good intention: And yet a new complaint was added to the ancient injuries, for that the Pope by a special writ, had commanded the Scottish king to attempt no damage or grievance to the crown of England: Nevertheless in the viii. session of the council of Latran, which fell in the latter end of the year, the French Agents in the name of their king and protesting his commission, disclaimed from the council of Pisa, and stuck to the council of Latran: They promised beside, that six of those prelate's that did assist the council of Pisa, should go to Rome to do the like in the name of the whole French Church, and that others of the Clergy should come to dispute upon the pragmatike, with intention to refer themselves to the declaration of the council, of which in the same session they obtained full absolution of all things committed against the Church of Rome. These were the accidents and actions done in Italy, France, and England, in the year a thousand five hundred and thirteen.  
In the beginning of the year following, Anne the French queen passed from this life to a better, having scarcely tasted the sweet fruit of the union with the church which she had so much desired: She was a very virtuous and catholic Queen, and for those parts her death was greatly sorrowed of all the realm and of her natural peoples of Britain. When the realm of France was thus reduced to th'obedience of the Church, and by that mean both the name and authority of the council of Pisa utterly removed: some of those that had fear of the greatness of the French king, began to stir and fear lest his power were too much embased: But specially the Pope, who notwithstanding he continued in the same desire that the duchy of Milan should not be recovered by him: yet fearing lest the king, made amazed with so great dangers, and remembering eftsoons the matters of the year paste, would not give himself suddenly to accord with Caesar (with whose will was always concurrant the mind of the king Catholic) & contract his daughter with one of the Nephews of those two kings, enduing her for a dowry with the duchy of Milan: He began to persuade with the Swizzers, that for too great hatred against the French king, they would not put him into necessity to do a matter which should be no less prejudicial to them then to him: He told them they were not ignorant of the ill mind that Caesar and the king Catholic bore to them, who if they obtained the duchy of Milan by virtue of accord with the French king, it would be a matter no less to the danger of their liberty and authority, then hurtful to the prerogative of the Church, and peril to the whole state of Italy: That they aught to persever in their resolution not to suffer the French king to recover the duchy of Milan, yea they aught also to take heed, lest (as it often happeneth in the doings of men) to avoid too much one extremity, they fell not into an other extremity more hurtful and dangerous: That to assure themselves more than need was, that that estate should not revert to the French, they were not the cause to make it fall into the hands of others, with so much the more peril & ruin to all, by how much less they should be found able to make resistance to a far stronger power than the greatness of the French king: That the common weal of Swissers having made notable their name and reputation in the actions of war with so many glorious and worthy victories, was to make themselves no less famous and renowned by the practices of peace: That they were to foresee presently the dangers that were to come, and to remedy them with wisdom and counsel, without suffering things to slide and fall into places from whence they can not be drawn out and readressed but by arms and valour of the hand: That according to the testimony of daily experience, it happened often in war that the valour of men was smothered by the too great power of fortune: That it was a better counsel for them, to moderate in some part th'accord of Dion, specially the king offering them greater payments, and promise' to make truce for three years with the state of Milan, so farforth as they would not constrain him to resign his interests: which resignation being of greater consequence in appearance then in effect (for when opportunity shall return to the king to reconquer it, the action of resignment shall be no other impediment to him then he list) things for that difficulty aught not to be reduced to so great a danger. On the other side he advised the french king with many working reasons to make election of the lesser ill, and rather to dispose himself to ratify th'accord of Dyon, then to return to the danger of oppression by so many enemies in his realm the next summer: That it was th'office of a wise Prince, to avoid the greater ill, and to embrace for good and profitable th'election of the lesser: That it was contrary to the wise government of a king, to take himself out of one danger and disorder, to run into an other of greater importance and greater infamy: That it could be no honour to him to grant the duchy of Milan with so manifest a note of cowardice to his natural enemies, who had pursued him with so many deceits and subtleties: That it was neither rest nor security to him, by diminishing so much his own reputation, to enlarge the power of such as conspired altogether to pull down the Crown of France: That himself was a good witness that he could not be assured of any promise, of any faith or oath that they make, A matter which he had well known by th'experience of other times to his great harms: That truly it was a hard matter to resign his rights, but thinfamy was so much the less, by howemuch a little billet or writing made not his enemies more mighty: That since it had been promised without his privity or consent, it might be said that it was not his devise from the beginning, but in the execution he would be so much the more excused, being as it were constrained for the promise made by his people, to keep somewhat his faith: Besides, the world doth know from how great and desperate a state of danger, that accord at that time had delivered the realm of France: That he allowed well that by other means and offers he laboured to induce the Swizzers to his intention: And that touching his part, as he desired for the surety of his kingdom, that in some sort there were made an agreement between them and him, so in that action he would omit no good office of amity and travel to draw the Swizzers conformable to his will: But if they would be obstinate, he exhorted him in gravity and fatherly devotion to obey time and necessity, though not for other regards, yet not to take from him thexcuse to depart from th'alliance he had with his enemies. The king knew that those reasons were full of fidelity and truth, and yet he could not digest them without murmur, for that the Pope had cunningly mingled threats with persuasions: And albeit be confessed that his necessity constrained him to make some resolution that might diminish the number of his enemies, yet he was at a point rather to give himself up to all dangers, then to resign his rights to the duchy of Milan: Whereunto besides his own inclination, he was encouraged by th'importunities and counsels of those of his Court, to whom albeit it was grievous to follow the wars any more in Italy, yet respecting the dignity of the Crown of France, it was far more intolerable to see their king so infamously constrained to disclaim his properties in the duchy. There was discerned the same obstinacy in the parliaments and assemblies of the Swizzers: To whom notwithstanding the king made offer to pay presently four hundred thousand crowns, and eight hundred thousand at sundry terms: and albeit the Cardinal of Zion with many other of their rulers inclined to accept those conditions, weighing thestate of the danger if the French king should join with Caesar and with the king Catholic: yet the commons of that nation increased in their general hatred to the name of France, and made proud by so many victories, took to themselves a confidence to defend the duchy of Milan against all princes knit in one strength: The authority of the Cardinal of Zion was much diminished amongst them, and their other chief rulers were suspected by reason of the pensions which they were wont to receive from the French, Matters which made the Cantons with more obstinacy to stand upon the ratification of the accord of Dyon: And beside, giving themselves over to rashness and disobedience to counsel, they debated to enter of new into Burgundy, an action which the Cardinal and other chieftains amongst them laboured to hinder, not only with manifest authority, but indirectly and with many sleights, deferring from one day to another, that resolution. Therefore the French king standing neither offended with them, nor assured of them, forbore not to continued with the king Catholic the practice of the marriage, in the which (as before) the principal difficulty was, whether the damosel should remain in the power of her father in law, till time had made her able to the consummation of the marriage: for that the father retaining her, it seemed to Caesar, that he could in no sort be assured of th'effect. The king was content to entertain the difficulties that happened in this action, for that he saw there was some hope that the brute of this match (which he diligently spread abroad) might to his profit mollify the minds of others, by reason of thinterests they had in it. The king Catholic sent to him Quintaine his secretary, whom in that negotiation he had sent to him the year before: and he going afterwards by his consent to Caesar, returned eftsoons to the French king: At whose return, to th'end the difficulties of the peace might be resolved with greater commodity and respite, the king and Quintaine in the name of the king Catholic prolonged yet for an other year the truce that had been made the year before: The prolongation was under the same conditions that were before, saving that they suffered a secret addition of this article, that during the truce the French king should not molest the state of Milan: in which article Genes nor Ast had no comprehension. This condition, which the king concealed as much as he could, the king Catholic caused to proclaim it solemnly throw all Spain, a thing which made the world uncertain which was most true, either the negative of the one, or the affirmative of the other. In the same covenant was reserved to Caesar and the king of England, a respite of three months, to enter into the agreement: which albeit Quintaine did assure on both their behalfs, yet touching the king of England there was no appearance, and in that he beguiled himself much: But for Caesar, the king of Arragon who always stood resolved not to have war on the part of Spain, had persuaded him that there was no better mean to compass the marriage that was solicited. This prorogation of the truce aggravated the Pope's suspicion, that between those three Princes were either made already, or at a point to be made, some conclusion of greater things to the harm of Italy: And yet for all that not going from his first deliberation that it would be a matter very hurtful to the common liberty to suffer the duchy of Milan to devolve into the power of Caesar and the king Catholic, and of no less peril to have it recovered by the French king, he found it a hard matter so to temper and proceed in things, that the means which aided one of his intentions, should not hurt the other, since one of the dangers came of the embasing and the fear, & the other of the greatness & surety of the French king. Therefore to deliver the king from necessity to agreed with them, he continued his persuasions to the Swissers (to whom the truce that was made was suspected) that they had reason to compound with him: And to th'end to make to the king in all events the descending into Italy more hard, he took more pains than ever he did to agreed Caesar with the Senate of Venice: who for their parts judging that to make truce, would be to assure the matters of Caesar in the towns that remained to him, stood resolved with a wonderful constancy of mind either to make an absolute peace or to continued the war, not retiring from so honourable a resolution for any accident or ill adventure whatsoever: for, beside so many adversities happened in the war, and the despair, that, that year the french king would send no army into Italy, they had against them this token both of the anger of heaven, and ill disposition of casual accidents which are vainly surmised to depend upon the power of fortune, that in the beginning of the year a great fire kindled in Venice, which, beginning in the night at the bridge Rialto, was carried by the violence of the North winds resisting all remedies of the diligence and travel of men, and consumed the most rich and populous part of the city.  
But because the Pope showed such forwardness to have them accorded, there was eftsoons made between them a new compromise in his own person: which bore full power without lymitation and was not restrained to any time, and yet with a secret promiss under his hand, to pronounce nothing but by the consent of both parties: And after the arbytration was given up, he enjoined by writ both the one and the other to surcease from arms, an order very slenderly observed by the Spaniards, and Almains, for that those companies of the Spaniards which were in garrison at Pollesina and in Este, made pillage of the whole country thereabout, & the Viceroy sent men to Vincensa to th'end to be in possession at the time when the sentence should be given: Besides these insolences, captain Frangipan did many harms in the country of Fryull, And the Venetians not standing carefully upon their guard, the lance knights, by an intelligence with certain banished men, took Marano a town in Fryull near to Aquilea and hath his situation upon the sea: To encownter these doings, the Venetians sent thither by land Balthasar Scipion, with a certain proportion of soldiers, and jerom Savorgnano with many other bands of the country men, who being there encamped, and holding the town straight by the army at sea, there came to the succours of the town, five hundred Almain horsemen, and a regiment of five thousand footmen: for whose coming those that were within the town, issuing out to assail the Venetian companies, They were put to flight with a great slaughter of men, and no less loss of artillery, besides that with certain ships, they took from them a galley with many other vessels: After this victory the Almains took Monfalcon by force: and not many days after four hundred horsemen & xii hundred lance knights that had been at Vincensa, came as a strength to them of Marano, who joining with the other bands of horsemen and footmen newly come into Fryull, overrun the whole country: By reason of which oppressions, Malatesta Sogliano governor of the country with six hundred horsemen and two thousand footmen, together with jer. Savorgnano and two thousand of the country men, who were now withdrawn into Vdino, seeing neither by their valour nor by their fortune they were able to make resistance, passed on the other side of Lyvensa, giving succours where they could: But the Almains being divided, one part of them took Feltro & occupied the whole country thereabout with roads and incursions: Amid which insolences the Venetians that commanded all the passages, charged certain bands of them at Bassan where they kept no guard, And albeit they were less in number, yet they put them to flight and killed three hundred footmen of the five hundred that were there, and took prisoners two Captains and many soldiers: The other part of thAlmains was gone to encamp at Osoff standing upon the top of a sharp Mounteine, And after they had executed upon the castle with their artilleries, and given many vain assaults, they hoped to carry it by besieging, having some assurance from them within of a want and necessity of water: but the benefit of the heaven remedied that want by the sudden falling of sundry great showers, whereupon they continued a fresh th'assault, but with so ill success, that finding neither fruit in the assault, nor favour in the siege, they levied their camp. These matters were not a little grievous to the Pope, but the thing that troubled him most, was, that he could find no mean of agreement to content both parties: for that because of the continual variation of things, the hopes changing according to the success of the same, it fell out that when Caesar had consented to leave Vincensa, keeping still Verona, the Venetians refused unless they were repossessed of Verona: And when the Venetians much embased by their calamities, would be contented with Vincensa only, Caesar on the other side, not satisfied with Verona, required also Vincensa. These difficulties made weary the Pope, who though he supposed that his declaration would not be accepted, yet to show that it was not long of him that they were not reconciled, he pronounced a peace between them, with this clause 
The Pope's sentence touching the controversies between Cesar & the Venetians.  that arms should be presently laid aside on all sides: he reserved to himself this power, to express within one year the conditions of the peace, wherein, as also in the surceasing of arms, the king Catholic should be comprehended: That Caesar should depose out of his hands Vincensa, and all else that he and the Spaniards possessed in the countries of Padua and Trevisan: That the Venetians should do the like for Crema: And for other things, every one until the publication, should hold what he possessed: That either party should ratify his sentence within a month, and upon the ratification the Venetians to pay to Caesar xxv. thousand ducketts, and as much more within three months next: That if both parties did not ratify, the sentence should be of none effect. He chose this manner of arbitrating & judgement not accustomed, as the most indifferent not to displease neither side: And because there was no man had power to ratify for the king Catholic, notwithstanding his Ambassador gave assurance of his consenting, he reserved to either party so much time to ratify, as the commission and faculty to do it might conveniently require: But because the Venetians were resolute not to ratify it at all, desiring that at the same time the conditions of peace might be pronounced, the sentence took no effect.  
In this time the affairs of the Venetians stood in good case touching the defence of Crema, which was afflicted within with plague and penury, and without was besieged with the camp of thenemies: Prospero Colonno was come on the one side to Efevanga with two hundred men at arms, two hundred and fifty light horsemen, and a strength of two thousand footmen: And on the other side was come to Vmbriana Silvio Savello with his guydon of horsemen and a regiment of two thousand footmen: Both the places were not above two miles distant from Crema, from whence the soldiers made many sallies to skirmish with thenemies: who as they were in their lodgings at Vmbriana, neither making doubts nor keeping guard, Ranso de Cero with one part of his companies that were within Crema, issued out one night, and gave them a Camuesado in their lodging, when suffering the pains of their own security and negligence, the most of them were put to flight, and many of their footmen passed by the sword: This made Prospero retire with his companies, esteeming it little to his safety to remain there, where the negligence of his fellows had opened so manifest a gap to his peril. A few days after, thoccasion was offered to Ranso to pass the river of Add by ford, by reason of the lownes and shalownes of the water: And having drawn over his companies at Chastillon Lodigiano, he stripped a regiment of fifty men at arms that lay there, reaping no less praises of these enterprises both happy and full of industry, than were due to him by just merit upon the universal beginning: the reputation of his valour and celerity made him to be esteemed one of the principal Captains in all the regions of Italy, wanting nothing to his worthiness that either nature or fortune could give him. These doings drew the Venetians to a resolute council and courage to proceed to the reconquering of Friull, in which expedition they sent thither Aluiano with two hundred men at arms, four hundred light horsemen, and seven hundred footmen: as they marched along the high way of Portonovo, where lay part of the strength of thAlmains, his light horsemen that scoured before, encountered out of the town with captain Rissan an Almain, accompanied with two hundred men at arms and three hundred light horsemen, by whom at the first encounter they were repulsed, but Aluiano coming to the rescue with the residue of his companies, the skirmish was eftsoons recontinued with greater fury & danger, & no less doubtful thissue, till captain Rissan being wounded in the face, was taken prisoner by Malatesta Sogliano: The chance of the fight threw the next calamity upon the soldiers of Rissan, who seeking their safety by disorder and fleeing, retired in their calamity to Portonovo: But fearing they should fail to defend the town, that were not able to keep the field, in their fear they fled from the place that erst they ran unto for succour, abandoning the town which immediately was put to sack, and many bodies of the country men slaughtered. After this Aluiano, in whom no one virtue was more commendable than his celerity, took the way to Osofo, which Frangipan had newly besieged with the other part of the Almains, who hearing of the coming of Aluiano, levied their siege, notwithstanding they lost much of their baggage and artilleries, by a charge which the light horsemen gave upon their tail. By the same of these encounters, bringing always with them their victories, almost the whole country of Italy become returned to th'obedience of the Venetians: and Aluiano attempting a vain enterprise upon Goritia, retired with his army to Padua, having by his own certificate to Rome, subdued what by the sword and prisoners, two hundred men at arms, two hundred light horsemen, and two thousand footmen: But by reason of his departing, the number of thAlmains being increased, they took of new Cromonio and Monfalcon, and constrained the Venetians to break up their siege from before Marano, where not many days before, captain Frangipan had been taken by ambush & led prisoner to Venice: for the Venetians feeling supplies and succours to flock, broke up from thence in disorder and as it were discomfited: and a little after their estradiots being put to flight, john Vetturio their assistant was taken with an hundred horsemen. These changes and alterations happened oftentimes in Friull by the neighborhoode of thAlmains, who were not served in that quarter with other soldiers then trained & disciplined, and such as after they had overrun & peeled those quarters, and that they perceived the coming of the Venetian regiments, with whom many of the country joined, they retired immediately to their houses, returning always to the service as occasion served. The Venetians sent thither a new supply of companies, by reason whereof the Viceroy gave order that Alarson one of his Spanish capteins which lay between Este, Montagnano, & Cologno, should go to Friull with two hundred men at arms, an hundred light horsemen, & five hundred footmen: but understanding on the way that a truce was made in the country by reason of the harvest, he broke off his purpose & returned from whence he came.  
Thus as the wars of Italy proceeded mildly and in an easy course, so also the 
The hopes of the French king.  practices of peace and agreement were not discontinued: for the French king being not altogether deprived of hope that the Swizzers would consent to receive recompense of money in place of resignation of his interests and rights, sent to solicit them in that point with great instance: But the Commonalties were so far estranged from the king and his affairs, that after they had compelled with many threatenings the governor of Geneva (when tanguishes fled) to deliver them as prisoner the precedent of Grenoble, whom the king had sent to that City to negotiate with them: They examined him with many torments whether any of their nation received any increase of pensions, or entertained secret intelligence with the French king: wherein no humanity nor justification was sufficient to stop the course of their barbarous cruelty. Besides, the French king was not without suspicion, that the Pope, who for the diversity of his plots and intentions, was constrained to sail with great warynes amongst so many rocks, would secretly work the Swizzers not to covenant with the king without him: Not that he doubted he would stir them up to make war, from which he dissuaded them so much as he could, but to remain firm in th'accord of Dyon, or else for fear that with this beginning they were not brought to be separate from him. In these regards the king threatened that he would make haste to come to accord with the residue, for that he alone would not stand thrust out to the battery of the whole world: he was also weary of th'intolerable expenses and insolences of soldiers, for that having called into France twenty thousand lanceknights, whom he could not have altogether but when the king of England lay before Tornay, he would not send them back again, but retained them in France, to have them ready for employment in due time according to occasion and necessity. These were they that did infinite harms in his country, with whom his authority was little respected, that by force was not able to repress their insolences. In these difficulties, and in so great confusion of affairs, the only matter that began to open to the French king the way to his surety and hope to repossess his first power & reputation, was, the incredible discontentment that the king of England received of the renovation of the truce which his father in law had made: A matter contrary to his faith & promise' many times reitterated, to make no covenant nor contract with the french king without his consent: he complained so much the more publicly of this, by howmuch it was the third time that his father in law had dallied with him, and therefore he began more and more to estrange his mind from the renewing of the war against the French. The Pope was not negligent to take th'opportunity of the king's disposition, and began to work with the Cardinal of York to persuade his king, that contenting himself with the glory he had gotten, and remembering what correspondancie of faith he had found in Caesar, in the king Catholic, and the Swizzers, he would forbear to travel any more with arms the realm of France: which the Cardinal took upon him either for a fear he had that the French king (in case the king of England would invade him) would not make peace and parentage with Caesar and the king Catholic as he always threatened: or else he thought that peace ensuing between them, it were good for him to advance himself as an actor, and win some favour with the French king in an action which was not in his power to let. It is most certain, that when the Pope was told that the French king would take arms against the duchy of Milan, being once assured of the king of England: he answered that he knew well enough the estate of that danger, but on the other side was to be considered the peril that might breed of the disunion of those kings: that in a matter of so great importance it was hard to balance things perfectly, and to find a council that were wholly clear from those dangers: That in all events the Swizzers would defend the duchy of Milan: And lastly he answered that it was necessary in deliberations so uncertain and difficult, to refer one part to tharbitrement of adventure and fortune. What soever was the cause, either for the authority of the Pope, or by the proper inclination of the parties, there began immediately a practice of accord between the king of England and the French king: The motions and forespeeches of it were begun 
Treaty of peace between England and France.  by the Pope with the Bishop of York, and were with diligence carried into England, whither for that business the king sent the general of Normandy, but under colour to treat for the delivery of the Marquis of Rhothelin: Assoon as he was come there was proclaimed a surceasing of arms by land only between the two Realms, so long as the general remained in England. The king of England's inclination to peace was increased by the occasion of new injuries: for where Caesar had promised not to ratify without him, the truce made by the king Catholic, he sent notwithstanding to the same king th'instrument of ratification, and by a letter which he wrote to the French king, he ratified in the name of Caesar, but retained thinstrument the better to use his artificial semblances and demonstrations: Assoon as the negotiation was begun between the two kings, the Pope desirous to purchase grace with them both, sent by post into France the bishop of Tricaro to offer him all his authority and faculty, and to that end he arrived in England by the sufferance of the said king: At the first opening of this practice for peace, there fell out many difficulties, for that the king of England demanded Boleine in Pikardye, with a great sum of money: But at last all the differences fell upon the town of Tornaye, the king of England striving to retain it, and the French objecting some difficulty: In so much as the king of England dispatched in post to the French king the Bishop of Tricaro, whom he charged, without imparting in what nature of particularity consisted the difficulty, to declare to the king from him, that in regard of so great a benefit, he should not stand upon so many subtle difficulties, but to consider that in a Prince reason should bear more empery than passion. The French king, because he would neither do wrong to his Crown, nor ill content his people, the town of Tornay being very noble and loyal to the Crown of France, caused the matter to be debated in full Council, wherein was an assistance of the principals of his Court, who advised him with one voice to embrace peace, yea under the condition offered: And yet in that time the king Catholic did what he could to break it, offering the king many plots and devices, but specially to minister to him all his means and favours to conquer the duchy of Milan: But the answer being returned into England that the French king stood contented with the resolution of Tornaye, the peace succeeded and was concluded in the beginning of August between the two kings during their lives and for one year after their death.  
In the capitulation it was expressed that Tornay should remain to the king of England, to whom the French king should pay six hundred thousand crowns, and that in such sort of distribution that the French king should make payment of an hundred thousand franks every year, till the full payment was satisfied: That they should be bound to defend their estates mutually and reciprocally with ten thousand footmen if the war went by land, and with six thousand only if the war were made by sea: That the french king should be bound to serve the king of England in all his affairs with twelve hundred lances, and the king of England likewise to minister to his services with ten thousand footmen: Thexpences to be defrayed by either of them that should have need of the men: Both the one and other of them named the Skottishe king, th'archduke, and the Empire: But Caesar and the king Catholic were not named: The Swissers had a nomination, but it bore a condition, that who soever would defend against the French king, the estate of Milan, Genes, or Ast, should be excluded out of the nomination. This peace which was made with a wondered readiness, was confirmed by the marriage of the king's sister of England with the French king, 
The Fr. king marrieth the Lady Mary sister to the king of England.  under condition that he should acknowledge to have received four hundred thousand crowns for her dowry: The contract or handfesting were made in England, where the king Catholics ambassador was not in presence, for the great hatred the king of England bore to the king his master. And even upon the conclusion and resolution of this peace, came to the Court of France thinstrument of ratification which Caesar had made, together with his commission and the king Catholics, for conclusion of the marriage that was solicited between Ferd. d'Austriche and the second daughter of France not yet four years of age: But the practice of that marriage vanished presently by reason of the peace that was now established: And the French king to satisfy better the king of England, gave order that the Duke of Suffolk captain general of the lanceknights that were in his pay, should depart the dominions of France, in whom the honours & recompenses that the king made to him overcame all occasions of discontentment, the bounty and liberality of the one, being no greater than the affability and disposition of the other.  
The Pope had also in this time made new alliances, for that according to his dissimulations, 
Actions of the Pope.  he wished on the one side that the french king should not recover the duchy of Milan, and on the other side he sought to entertain the king and the other princes as much as he could with sundry means: And therefore he had dealt with the king by the Cardinal S. Severin, who managed his affairs in the court of Rome, that seeing the times suffered not to knit between them a more great and more discovered alliance, that at lest there might be laid a beginning & foundation whereupon might be raised a hope to accomplish at an other time a more strait intelligence: to those ends he sent him the particularities of articles: But the french king, notwithstanding he made demonstration to like well of the motion, did not answer so directly & speedily as was looked for: he was xv. days in resolving, either for thimpediment of other affairs, or that he expected some answer from an other place, to th'end to proceed according to the train of affairs, By which delaying the Pope entered into new capitulations for a year with Caesar and the king Catholic, which yet comprehended no other matter then the defence of their common estates: for the king Catholic was entered afore not without cause into suspicion that be aspired to the realm of Naples for julian his brother, and had already entertained in that action some practice with the Venetians. This new confederation was scarcely established and concluded, when the French kings answer came: By it he approved all that the Pope had propounded, with this only addition, that since he was to bind himself to the protection of the Florentines, of julio de Medicis his brother, and Laurence his nephew, whom the Pope had advanced to th'administration of th'affairs of Florence, that he would reciprocally be bound to the defence of the Crown of France: But the Pope excused himself touching the action of capitulation with Caesar and the king Catholic, that seeing how long he deferred to make answer to a demand so reasonable, he could not but enter into some doubt: And yet the confederation was but for a short time, and contained no matter prejudicial to him, nor to hinder the perfection of the practice begun between them. These justifications were accepted by the king, and so they passed the covenant, not by instrument authentic, to hold it more secret, but by a private writing subsigned by both their hands.  
The peace between the king of England and the French king was more sudden and easy then was expected, being unlikely that so great hatreds redoubled by new injuries, should with such facility be converted into amity and alliance: haply the peace was not liking to the Pope, who aswell as others was persuaded that there might grow between them rather a truce then a peace, or at lest if it resolved to the nature of a peace, it would either entangle the king with harder conditions, or at lest with obligation not to assail the duchy of Milan for a certain time: But it brought incredible discontentment to Caesar and the king Catholic, who, as there is none evil in humane actions which hath not joined with it some good, so he assured notwithstanding that he received by it in his mind two contentmentes: The one for that th'archduke his nephew being out of hope to give his sister for wife to the French king, and entering withal into distrust of the king of England, would be now compelled to do nothing without his counsel and authority: The other for that the French king standing now in good possibility of children, the succession of Monsr de Angonlesme was put in doubt, to whom he bore no little hatred, for that he nourished a great desire to restore the king of Navarre to his estate: Only the Swizzers gave it out that they rejoiced all at that accord, notwithstanding they retained against the French king the same hatred they did before: The reason of their gladness grew of an opinion they had, that the french king being now at liberty, would take occasion to recontinue the war in the duchy of Milan, by which mean they should eftsoons begin to declare to all the world their virtue and their faith: And truly it was not to be doubted, that the french king, being now delivered almost of all fear to have war beyond the Mounts, would not be touched with his old desire to reconquer the duchy of Milan: only it could not be discerned whether he would presently dispose himself to arms, or defer it till the year following, for that the facility of th'enterprise appeared to all men, but there was none that discerned any sign of preparations: In which uncertainty the Pope, notwithstanding that conquest was grievous to him, stirred him up not to deserre nor corrupt the present occasions: wherein he gave him to understand that all things were ill prepared to make resistance, both for that the Spanish army was diminished and ill paid, the peoples of Milan reduced to great poverty & straightness, and also none was able to advance money to make the Swizzers march. These persuasions carried so much the greater force and authority, by how much a little before the peace with the king of England, the Pope expressing a desire that the French king should recover Genes, had given him a certain hope to induce Octavian Fregoso to compound with him. Assuredly the Pope in this action proceeded not with sincerity & good meaning, which disposition moved in him as was supposed, for that seeing every one ill furnished, and no less doubting lest the French king would make that expedition without his council since he had his men at arms in readiness and many levies of lanceknights at his devotion: thought by that mean to prevent and win his friendship: perhaps (and in this he proceeded with greater subtlety) he was induced by the knowledge he had that the Emperor and the king Catholic were of opinion, that it was not lawful to the French king to invade the Duchy of Milan: An opinion which though they supposed to be true, yet the French king denied it, a avowing that it was good in him, & he was not forbidden to take arms against the estate of Milan during the truce: By reason whereof the Pope persuading himself that the king would not enter into th'enterprise, thought he would express to him a good disposition of will which also should serve him for excuse if an other time he required succours of him: And the matter succeeded according to his opinion: for, the king being resolved, either for that cause, or for his present necessity of money, or lastly for the nearness of the winter, not to enter into arms afore the spring time, and making show that he had confidence that even in that time the Pope's favour would not fail him: he wrote answer to him alleging many excuses touching his deserring, but concealed the excuse of the truce which yet endured, and perhaps was the principal: Nevertheless he had desire to attempt the reconquering of Genes, or at lest to secure the lantern, which the same year by his direction, had been revittelled many times with certain proportions of victuals by the adventure of sundry small vessels, who making as though they would enter the port of Genes, dissembled with the warders, and were profitable to them of the lantern: But at last th'extremity of victuals growing above all remedy, and no less diligence of the enemy to keep them suppressed in that want, & their calamity not able to temporize and expect any longer after succours, the garrison within, was driven to yield it up to the Genowais, who in their 
The lantern of Genes razed by the people.  spite razed it from the foundations: A matter not a little displeasing to the king: And albeit the loss of this fortress took wholly from the king all cogitations to urge a present war against the Genoese, yet it diminished nothing his disposition to the action of Milan, whereunto he turned all his preparations, to invade the year following that state with main armies: he hoped that the Pope, both for the devout intention he protested, and for the good disposition he had showed in the negociations with th'english and the Swizzers, and lastly for that he had provoked him to th'enterprise, would join with him and favour th'action, the rather for that he had made him many general offers, and particularly had promised to aid him to reconquer the realm of Naples, either to the use of the Church, or to the benefit of julio his brother: But there happened new occasions for the which the king began to enter into some distrust of him: The Pope would never put end to the affairs that the Duke of Ferrara had with him, notwithstanding at his first aspiring to the Popedom, he had given him many fair hopes, promising to tender to him Reggia at such time as his brother the Cardinal should be returned from Hungria: But he was more liberal to promise', then ready to perform, for that after the return of his brother, he went always in deferring with many excuses: And yet he forbore not to confirm to him the self same promises not only with words, which might be vain and vnassured, but by writing set out under th'authority and testimony of his name, in which he consented that he should take the revenues of Reggia as a degree to the whole which was to return under his dominion: it was well known that the Pope's intention was far otherwise, dissembling in meaning the things he had simply spoken with his mouth: his inclination and desire to occupy Ferrara were stronger than his promise and true meaning, whereunto happily he was carried by Albert de Carpy Caesar's Ambassador and great enemy to the Duke, and also by the reasons of many others, setting before his eyes the glory of julio which was perpetual, for that he had so greatly advanced & augmented the dominion of the church: And sometimes they preferred thoccasion to bestow an honourable estate upon julio his brother, who thirsting after too great things, and nourishing himself with hopes immoderate, had voluntarily consented that his Nephew Lawrance, should retain at Florence the authority of the house of Medicis: so that the Pope being entered into these thoughts, obtained of Caesar who was always needy of money, to deliver to him in mortgage the city of Modona for xl. thousand ducats according to the capitulation made with him a little afore the death of the late Pope: he made his reckoning to unite that city with Reggia, Parma, and Pleisanca, and to give them in patronage o● perpetual government to julio, adding to them Ferrara, if ever thoccasion served him to get it: he sought to do a thing by authority and favour of times, which he could not do by equity or lawful course of justice: But that manner of mortgaging put the french king into great suspicion, for that in his conceit it carried a manifest sign of strait alliance with Caesar, being also no less discontented that the Pope had given him money: Whereof notwithstanding, the Pope excused himself, alleging that Caesar had delivered Modena to him for assurance of the money which he had received of him afore: The king on the other side augmented his suspicion, for that upon a victory which the Turk got upon the Sophy king of Persia, the Pope construing it to the universal danger of Christendom, wrote letters to all Princes, advising them to depose arms amongst themselves, to resist or invade the common enemies of the faith: he protested one thing under his letters, and practised an other by operations secret, proceeding always with fair appearances, and yet holding his intentions dissembled: But the matter that almost altogether disclosed his purposes, was, that he sent under the same shadow and pretence, to Venice, Peter Bembo his Secretorye, and afterwards Cardinal, to dispose that state to agreed with Caesar, towards whom the same difficulties continuing that had been before, the Venetians would not be wrought, but manifested to the french king thoccasion of his coming: A dealing that did so much discontent the king, that the rather for that the Pope sought to deprive him of his succours at a time when he was ready to advance arms, he renewed eftsoons with the king Catholic the ancient practices, and that either to th'end the Pope should be touched with that fear, or at lest if he were careless, to conclude absolutely: so hot he was above all other things in the expedition of Milan.  
In those times there were not in any quarter of Italy other stirs or emotions, than 
Emotions' against the Venetians and of the Venetians.  against the Venetians, against whom were raised many secret ambushes and conspiracies: for, according to the testimony of their Chronicles, certain spanish footmen feigning to be fugitives from thenemies camp, entered Padua with minds to kill Aluiano by direction of their Captains, who hoped by the trouble and disorder of the people for the death of such a captain, they should be able with their camp to carry the town: So different at this day are the stratagems of war from the virtue of thancients, who much less that they would suborn an instrument to so great a treason, but of the contrary having knowledge of it, they would lay it open to thenemies, to th'end that by their virtue they might vanquish thinfidelity pretended: but the conspiracy being detected, the Magistrates committed the traitors to the due pains of their offence.  
The spanish army, being now well diminished in numbers, lay encamped between Montagnano Cologno, and Este: And the Venetians, to th'end to constrain them to return to the kingdom of Naples, levied an army at sea, and made their Admiral or captain general Andrea Gritti, whom they thought to send to invade Powilla: But for many difficulties that happened, that expendition went no further, being assoon discontinued as it was thought upon. Afterwards the Spaniards came to the tower near Vincensa by the persuasion of thAlmains that were within Verona, to th'end to join with them in an enterprise to waste and overrun the corn of the Padoans: But after the Spaniards had tarried in that place in vain many days, being both reduced to a very small number, and not able to accomplish the promises under the which they had called them, they left there their enterprise to spoil their corn, for bearing in such rashness to do a violence which would draw with it a greater revenge than was the injury: And after they had got of the Almains xv. hundred footmen, they marched with seven hundred men at arms, seven hundred light horsemen, and three thousand five hundred Spanish footmen, to encamp before Citadella, wherein were three hundred light horsemen: they marched with great diligence all the night, and came to the place within two hours in the morning, and falling to batter it with their artilleries, they carried the town the same day at the second assault: they made prisoners all the light horsemen that were there, and so returned to their camp lying within three miles of Vincensa, Aluiano making no resistance: He had received special commandment from the Senate not to fight, and lay encamped upon Brenta with seven hundred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, and seven thousand footmen, And the place being strong by situation and defence, gave him great opportunity to vex thenemies with his light horsemen: Nevertheless a little after, he retired to Barsillon almost afore the gates of Padua, to th'end to draw his army into a place of surety: But the whole country being turned into spoil and waste, by the pillages that were made by both the Armies, the Spaniards having great want of victuals, retired to their first lodgings from whence they were come, leaving abandoned the city of Vincensa and the rock of Brendola, which is about seven miles from it: They relieved themselves with no other subsidies or payments then with the taxations which they imposed upon Verona, Bressia, Bergama, and other places thereabouts. Upon the retiring of the Spaniards, Aluiano bestowed himself with th'army between Batallo and Padua, the place being strong and proper: and there understanding that there was within Este a very small and negligent garrison, he sent thither by night four hundred horsemen and a thousand footmen, who being entered afore they were discerned, took fourscore light horsemen of captain Coruero, who saved himself in the Castle, and with that pray retired to th'army. But the Venetians having sent to th'army fresh bands of soldiers, Aluiano drew near to Montagnano, and presented the battle to the Viceroy, who refused to accept it being far inferior enforces, and so retired to Polesinade Rouigno: An opportunity agreeing to the courage of Aluiano, who having now no more impediments beyond Adice, made daily incursions even to the gates of Verona: the same so touching the Viceroy with the danger of that City, that leaving within Polesina, three hundred men at arms and a thousand footmen, himself with the residue of th'army went to the defence of that City, disposing his forces not sufficiently according to thestate of his perils, but aswell as he was able according to the necessity of the time.  
far greater difficulties began to kindle towards Crema, which was almost besieged by the companies of the duke of Milan bestowed in the towns and villages there abouts: for the town suffered great affliction of famine, great stroke of plague, great disorder of soldiers for want of pay, universal lack of munitions, with other particular provisions which had been many times demanded: Adversities which Ranso distrusting to be able no longer to sustain, had made him almost to protest to the Venetians: And yet the same fortune following him with some favour & countenance, he set upon Silvio Savello, whose strength was two hundred men at arms, an hundred light horsemen, and xv. hundred footmen, and charging him upon the sudden, he so put him to discomfiture that he fled to Loda only with fifty men at arms, seeking safety rather at adventure and by chance, then by confidence in his valour and prowess. After this the Venetians revitteled Crema the second time, and the Count Nicholas Scot put into it xv. hundred footmen: In so much as both the forces and courage of Ranso rising increased, he entered a few days after the City of Bergamo, being called in by the townsmen, and the Spaniards fleeing to the Chapel. At the same time also Mercurio and Malatesta Baillon took three hundred horsemen that were straggling without: but not long after, as Nicholas Scot went from Bergamo to Crema with five hundred Italian footmen, he was encountered with two hundred Swizzers, who overthrew his companies, and took him prisoner, and led him to the duke of Milan, who caused his head to be stricken of. This loss of Bergamo awaked the Viceroy and Prospero Colonno, who went and encamped there with five thousand footmen joined to the regiments of the Spaniards, and to the bands of the duke of Milan: They planted their artilleries against SAINT, Katherins gate, which though it made valiant resistance, yet Ranso being within, and seeing no possibility of long defence, left the town to discretion, compounding to depart with the lives and goods of all his soldiers, but without sounding of trumpet, and with their ensigns wrapped up: The Viceroy taxed thinhabitants of Bergamo at iiij. score thousand ducats. But amid these actions and services at Crema and Bergamo, an other exploit of greater worthiness and more full of industry and celerity, was executed by Aluiano in the town of Rouigno, wherein was a garrison of two hundred men at arms spanish, who thought themselves to stand in surety for that they had the river of Adice between them and the Venetian bands: Aluiano when was lest doubt of him, cast a bridge near the town of Anguillaro, and by his industry and diligence made him a passage over the river, with a company of soldiers resolute and trained, and no impediment of stuff or baggage to hinder th'enterprise, which was to be executed as much with celerity as with valour: And as he was arrived at the town, and had possessed the gate by the stratagem of a hundred footmen attired like paysantes whom he had sent before under the colour and occasion of the market that was kept there that day, he easily made himself Lord of the whole, and took prisoners all the men at arms that he found there: In this enterprise he prevailed as much by policy as by virtue, which two properties in a man of war are equally required: and turning neither the one nor the other into rigour nor blood, he accompanied his valour with clemency, and spared the lives of those whom his fortune & the course of arms offered to the edge of his sword: By reason of this adventure, the residue of the Spaniards that were lodged at Polisena, retired into th'abbey, as to the strongest place in the country, and afterwards leaving abandoned all Polisena and Leguagua, they fled towards Ferrara, carrying with them more fear than hope of safety. Immediately after the taking of Rouigno, Aluiano marched with th'army to Oppiano near to Leguaguo, whither he caused to be brought by the river certain armed barks: and so be went on to Villacero near to Verona, with this resolution, that if from that place he should not be able to take Verona, wherein was a strength of two thousand spanish footmen and a thousand lanceknights, at lest he would keep it in vexation & torment all the winter long: But being advertised that an army of three hundred men at arms, five hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen of thenemies, were gone up towards Leguaguo, he came out of that place fearing lest they would either stop his victuals, or constrain him to fight: he came within the view of them going towards Adice, which they passed at Albaretto, with no small difficulty of victuals by reason of thimpediments which the light horsemen and the armed barks gave them: And hearing there that the spanish army after the recovery of Bergama, returned towards Verona, he determined to abide them no longer, for which cause he sent the companies of men at arms by land to Padua, and passed in person by night by the river of Adice, with the footmen: he carried with him by water, th'artilleries and baggage of th'army, both to avoid the rains and myers which were great, and also for fear to be charged by thenemies to whom the waters that were then risen very high, gave great impediments: And assoon as he had taken land, he retired with his accustomed celerity to Padua, where the men at arms were entered two days before: Afterwards he distributed his army between Padua and Trevisa: And the Viceroy and Prospero Colonno, after they had sent their men to lie in garrison at Polisena de Rouigno, went up to Ispruch to consult with Caesar upon thestate of th'affairs.  
This year the country of Friull remeined in tranquillity more than was wont for the taking of captain Frangipan, the only man that afflicted it more than any other: And therefore the Venetians, knowing how much it imported them to retain it, had refused to tender it in exchange of john Pawle Baillon: He, for that solicitation had been made at Rome to exchange him for Caruaiall, had got leave of the Spaniards to go to Rome, giving his faith to return prisoner, if the permutation could not be agreed upon: But for that during the treaty, it happened that Caruaiall died, john Pawle affirmed that by the benefit of th'accident, he was at liberty, and so holding himself acquitted he would no more return to him whose prisoner he was: About these times and towards the latter end of the year, the families of the Adorney & Fyesquey entered Genes by night by a secret favour and working of the Duke of Milan as was supposed: And albeit by conspiracy and intelligence they were come as far as the palace green, yet their fortune being somewhat inferior to the valour of their enemies, they were chased out again by Octavian Fregoso, who going out against them even until beyond the barriers accompanied with the footmen of his guard, fought valiantly in his own person, and put them to flight: he was not otherwise wounded then in the hand, being recompensed (besides the honour of the victory) with the persons of Sy. Fyesquo, jer. Adorno, and Io. Camilla of Naples, as his prisoners.  
Amid these affairs of war and service, it is not unworthy of memory, to report that this year there were seen at Rome two Elephants, a nature of creatures 
Two Elephants presented to the Pope.  which happily had not been seen in Italy since the triumphs & public plays of the romans: Emanuel king of Portugal sent to the Pope a very honourable Embassage, and withal, presented him with two huge and stately Elephants which his ships had brought by sea from India, their entering into Rome was celebrated with a very great concoursse of people, some wondering at the strange form and stature of the beasts, some marveling to what uses their nature inclined them, and some conjecturing the respects and purposes of such a present, their ignorance making their wonder far greater than their reason.  
But about those times the french king, who had other cares in his mind then pomps and spectacles, solicited all sorts of provisions for the war: And albeit he was determined resolutely to prosecute th'enterprise of Milan, yet, desiring to be assured of the Pope's will, he prayed him to declare himself in his favour: Wherein to draw him on the rather, he confirmed to him the offers he had made to him afore, assuring him for end, that if he were disappointed of his amity and th'expectation of it, he would eftsoons join himself to those conditions of Caesar and the king Catholic, which he had already refused: In this demand he debated with him the power of his kingdom, the strength of his consederations, & the proportion of succours promised by the Venetians: how at that time the forces of Caesar and king Catholic were small in Italy, and how both the one and other were very needy of money, and having no mean to pay their own soldiers, much less that they were able to defray the Swyzzers, who would not descend from their mountains without good cereteinty of pay: That the popularity of Milan having proved the hard yoke of others, expected with an universal desire the return of the french jurisdiction: That the victory of Milan aught not to give cause to the Pope to arm and band against him, both for that the greatness of the kings of France in Italy, and his own authority, had been in all seasons profitable to the sea Apostolic, And also standing always contented with the things that of right appertained to them, they rose not higher into humours of ambition, nor once lifted up their minds to aspire to the residue of Italy, A matter well testified by so many experiences: That th'intention of Caesar and the king Catholic was far other, having above all other things thirsted after the whole Empire of Italy, and to subject the regions thereof, either by arms, by alliances, or by policies: That they have nourished a perpetual disposition of mind, to reduce into thraldom, no less than other states, the sea Apostolic & the Popes of Rome, A desire which all the world knew to be very ancient and resolute in Caesar: That therefore, he would at one time provide for the surety of the Church, defend the common liberty of Italy, re-establish the greatness of the family of Medicis, and that he should not be curious to employ the present occasion, which would not be eftsoons presented neither with the favour of a better time, nor with the opportunity of better alliance than his. On the contrary for Caesar & the king Catholic there wanted no persuasions full of affection & efficacy that he would join with them for the defence of Italy: Wherein was not forgotten to be alleged, that if they conjoined all together, they were able to chasse the french king out of the duchy of Milan, and their power was no less sufficient to defend it against him: That he was to remember the wrong that he had done to the king the year past, sending money to the army of the Swyzzers at such time as the french camp marched into Italy: Lastly that he had to consider that if the french king obtained the victory of Milan, he would not be unmindful to revenge all the wrongs he had received, and to assure himself of all dangers and suspicions to come: But the Pope was much more moved with the authority and offers of the Swyzzers, who, continuing in their first obstinacies, offered to command and defend with six thousand footmen the passages of the Mount Senis, of the Mount Geneure, & Finalo, receiving only by the month six thousand florince of Rhein: And in case their pays might be advanced to forty thousand florince by the month, they offered to invade Burgundy with twenty thousand footmen: These perplexities made the Pope doubtful in himself, & as fear withdrew him from the thing whereunto his will did drive him, so, amid so many variations of mind, he deferred as much as he could, to declare his intention, giving to every one, words and answers general: But being continually importuned by the French king, at last he made him this answer, that there was no person that knew better than himself, how much he was inclined to his affairs, being not ignorant with what affection he persuaded him to pass into Italy at a time when he might have victory without danger or great effusion of blood: That his persuasions, for that things were not kept secret as he had oftentimes required him, were now come to the knowledge of others, to the common detriment of them both: for that for his part, he saw himself in danger to be assailed by others, & that the difficulties were become the greater for the enterprise of the king, since others had given such order to their affairs that he could no more enter into the victory but with manifest peril and lamentable slaughter of men: That the power and glory of the Turks being newly increased by so great a victory & success, it was neither convenient to his condition, nor conformable to th'office of a Pope, either to give favour or counsel to Princes christened, to make war amongst themselves: And that therefore he could not otherwise advise him, then to temporize & surcease, expecting some other facility & better occasion, which when it happened, he should find in him the same disposition to his glory & greatness which he hath so well discerned certain months passed: An answer, which (albeit it did not in other sort express his conception) if it had come to the knowledge of the king, it had not only deprived him of all hope of the Pope's favour, but also have certified him that the Pope would have joined and banded against him both with counsel & with arms: These were the accidents of the year 1514.  
But death, who bringeth with him this law & authority, to cut of the vain councils 
The death of king Louis the twelfth 1515.  of men even in their greatest hopes, was the cause that the war so forward in appearance, burst not out to action with that speed that was expected: for, whilst the French king gave himself over to behold too much the excellent beauty of his new wife, bearing then but eighteen years of age, nothing considering the proportion of his own years, nor his decayed complexion, he fell into the rage of a fever, which drawing to it a sudden flux, overcame in one instant the life, that nature gave over to preserve any longer: he died the first day of the year 1515. a day of memory for the death of so great a Prince: he was a king just & much beloved of his peoples, but touching his condition, neither asfore he was king, nor after he had the crown, he never found constancy or stability in either fortune: for, rising from a small Duke of Orleans with great happiness to the crown, and that by the death of Charles younger than he, and two of his sons, he conquered with a very great facility the Duchy of Milan and the kingdom of Naples, and almost all the residue of the regions of Italy, being governed for many years by his direction: he recovered with a very great prosperity, the state of Genes that was in rebellion: & vanquished with no less glory the armies of the Venetians, being in person at both those victories: But on the other side, even when he was in youth and best disposition of body, he was constrained by king Lowys the eleventh to marry his daughter that was both barren & deformed, and yet could never get the good will nor countenance of his father in law: And aster his death, such was the greatness of the Lady of Bourbon, that he could never get the institution of the new king being then in minority, being almost compelled to retire himself into Britain: where being taken in the battle of S. Aubyn, he lived two years in the calamity of a prisoner: To these afflictions may be added the siege and famine of Novaro, the many discomfits he had in the realm of Naples, the loss of thestate of Milan, Genes, and all the towns which he had taken from the Venetians: And lastly the grievous war he had in France against very mighty enemies, his eyes beholding into what lamentable perils his realm was brought: Nevertheless afore he died it seemed he had conquered all his adversities, & fortune showed good tokens of her reconcilement, both for that he had defended his kingdom against mighty enemies, & also established a perpetual peace & alliance with the king of England, with whom by howmuch his amity was great and assured, by so much it gave him hope to be able to reconquer the duchy of Milan.  
After Lowis the xii. ascended to the Crown Francis d'Angoulesme, who was the 
Francis the first comes to the crown.  next heir male of the blood royal & of the same line of the Dukes of Orleans▪ he was preferred to the succession of the kingdom before the daughters of the dead king by the virtue & disposition of the law Salic, a law very ancient in the realm of France, which excludeth from the royal dignity all women, so long as there is any issue male of the same line. The world had such a hope in his virtues, and such an opinion of his magnanimity, & such a conceit of his judgement & wit, that every one confessed that of very long time there was none raised up to the Crown with a greator expectation: he was made the more agreeable to the fancies of men, by the consideration of his age bearing then but xxij. years, his excellent feiture & proportion of body, his great liberality, & general humanity, together with the ripe knowledge he had in many things: But specially he pleased greatly the nobility, to whom he transferred many singular & great favours. He took upon him together with the 
The fr. king assumeth the title of duke of Milan.  title of the french king, the name of the duke of Milan: A dignity which he said appertained to him not only by the ancient rights of the dukes of Orleans, but also as comprehended in the investiture that was made by Caesar in the treaty of Cambray: Besides there lived in him the same desire to recover it that died with his predecessor: whereunto not only the working of his own inclination, but the persuasions of all the noble young gentlemen of France did induce him, no less by the memory of the glory of Gaston de Foix, them for the monument of so many victories as the kings reigning next afore had obtained in Italy: And yet (not to warn others afore the time not to prepare to resist him) he dissembled his desires by th'advise of his grave counsellors, & in the mean while cell to practise the amities of other princes: from whom were sent to congratulate with him many ambassadors, whom he received with countenance affable & gracious, but specially the ambassadors of the king of England, who desired to continued with him thamity begun with his predecessor, the injuries he had received from the king catholic being yet fresh in memory. There came at the same time an embassage from the duke of Ostrich, whereof the lord of Nausan was chief, & in this embassage, for the regard of th'earl of Flaunders, whereof the kings of France are sovereigns, were discerned demonstrations of great submission in acknowledging of superiority: Both the one & the other of these embassages had a ready & happy expedition: for touching the king of England, the confederation between him & the late king, was confirmed under the same conditions so long as either of them should live, reserving a respite of iij. years for the Skottish king to enter in it: And for th'archduke, many differences ceased, which many men supposed would have given great impediments to the action of the peace: But the archduke being now in full majority, & newly taken upon him the government of his estates, was drawn to the peace for many causes: first for thinstance of the peoples of Flaunders, who would in no wise have war with the realm of France: Secondly for a desire he had to be assured of such impediments as might be opposed against him by the French in the succession of the realm of Spain, when the death of his grandfather should happen: And lastly for that he thought it to great a danger, to devil without any league of amity in the midst of the powers of England and France being conjoined together: And on the other side, the king desired greatly to take away all occasions that might restrain him to be governed by th'authority & counsel of his grandfather, either by the fathers or mother's side: So that at last there was enacted between them in the town of Paris, a perpetual peace & confederation, reserving faculty to Caesar & the king Catholic (without whose authorities th'archduke contracted) to take their place in this peace within three months. In this capitulation was promised th'accomplishment of the marriage between the Archduke and Lady Renee daughter to king Lowis, solicited so many times before: and that the king should endue the marriage of Lady Renee with six hundred thousand crowns and the duchy of Berry in perpetuity aswell for her children as for her: This dowry, in respect of her insufficient age at that time, should be assigned to her assoon as she should come to the age of ix. years, under this condition notwithstanding, that she should renounce all rights of inheritance either by the father or mother, & namely such as might appertain to her of the duchy of Milan & Britain: That the king should be bound to aid the archduke with men & ships to go to the kingdom of Spain, after the death of the king Catholic: At the request of the king, the duke of Gueldres was also named: and as some writ, besides the matters afore rehearsed, it was agreed that in both their names jointly, ambassadors should be sent to the king of Arragon, to require him to publish th'archduke prince of the realms of Spain, such is the title of him to whom the succession appertaineth: That he would tender the kingdom of Navarre, & abstain from the defence of the duchy of Milan. Here it is not to be doubted, that both these two Princes making this confederation, looked not more to the present commodity that appeared, then to thobseruation of the same in time to come: for what foundation could be laid upon the marriage that was promised, the Lady Renee bearing as yet scarcely four years: And how could it please the French king that that damsel should be the wife of th'archduke, who (her eldest sister being the king's wife) had her action prepared upon the duchy of Britain? for that the Britons desiring once to have a particular duke, at such time as Anne their Duchess married the second time, agreed that the dukedom should appertain to the youngest of the children and discendantes of her, if the eldest were preferred to the Crown of France. In like sort the French king treated with the king Catholic to prolong the truce made with his predecessor, but to leave out this condition not to molest the duchy of Milan during the truce: he hoped he should afterwards compound easily with Caesar: By which reason he kept in suspense the Venetians, who offered to renew the league made with his predecessor, wishing that he were in his liberty to accord with Caesar against them: But the king Catholic, notwithstanding he stood still possessed of his desire not to have war in the frontiers of Spain, considering how great suspicion the prolongation of the truce might give to the Swizzers, which might also be the cause that the Pope, who till then had been in doubt, might turn to the french amity, refused at last to prolong the truce, but under the same conditions it had been renewed with the last king: So that the Pope, shut out of that hope, and less expecting to contract with Caesar against the will and councils of that king, reconfirmed with the Senate of Venice the league, in the same form it had been made with his predecessor. Now there remained the Pope and the Swizzers: Touching the Swizzers he required that they would admit his Ambassadors, but they refused to give them safe conduit, using the same rudeness they had done before: And for the Pope, upon whose will depended wholly the Florentines, herequired no other thing of him, then that he would keep him out of all bond, to th'end that when by the train of affairs he should be counseled to resolve, it might be in his power to make choice of the better, persuading him that he should never find in any, either for his own particular or for the advancement of his house, a greater amity, A more assured faith or more honourable conditions.  
After the king had laid these foundations for his affairs, he began with great care to levy provisions of money, and to increase the bands of his men at arms to the number of four thousand: he published that he made those preparations, not of intention to make war for that year, but only to make head against the Swyzzers, who threatened him to invade Burgundy or Dauphine, if he would not accomplish the covenants made at Dyon in the name of the late king: Many believed him in the semblances he made, the rather for th'example of the kings of France, who have always forborn to entangle the first year of their reign, with new wars: But that conjecture carried not such impression in the minds of Caesar and the king of Arragon, to whom the kings youth was suspected and the facility he had (more than other kings) to command all the forces of the kingdom of France, and the love of his people opening a way and readiness to all that he would desire: Besides, they were not ignorant of the great preparations that king Lowys had left, the same making demonstration that seeing he was assured of the king of England, he did not of new determine to make war, but rather did entertain and recontinue the plot that was laid before: Therefore because they would not be taken unprovided, they fell to solicit a confederation with the Pope and with the Swyzzers: But the Pope entertaining both parties with words gracious, and studying to nourish them all with divers hopes, deferred still to make any certain declaration: And touching the Swyzzers, their former hatreds did not only still continued, but by time were made greater by increase of occasions, for that the causes that had taken their beginning of griefs public, both for the denial of augmentation of their pensions, for the calling of lanceknights to the kings pay, and for the disdainful and injurious words delivered against their nation: were redoubled and reincreased of private sorrows, displeasures, and ambitious desires: The same rising both upon an envy which the Commons bore to many particulars receiving gifts and pensions of the king, & also for that those factions that most hotly objected themselves against such as followed the french amities which commonly were called at that time Gallizzanti, being by that mean advanced with the favour of the Commons, into reputation and greatness, feared a diminution of their authority, if the common weal were of new reallied with the french: In so much that the council & disputation of affairs passing, not in a course of public zeal, but with ambition and dissensions civil, & these bearing more credit than the Gallizanti, it was obtained that they should refuse the unreasonable offers of the french king.  
In this disposition of minds and affairs th'ambassadors of Caesar, king of Arragon, & Duke of Milan, assembled and met afore the Swyzzers, & contracted with them in the name of their Princes, a confederation for the defence of Italy, reserving a respite for the Pope to enter, until the Monday of the lent following: In this capitulation it was agreed that to compel the french king to disclaim all his rights & interests in the Duchy of Milan, the Swyzzers receiving monthly of the other confederates thirty. thousand ducats, should invade either Burgundy or Dauphyne, And the king Catholic with a mighty army, should make strong war upon the realm of France either upon the side of Parpignan or Fonterabye: By these invasions the confederates pretended, that the french king compelled to apply to the defence of his own realm, should have no opportunity to molest the Duchy of Milan, though he had made a resolution agreeable to his will: this deliberation of the king was kept secret 
Preparations of the french king against the Duke of Milan.  until the month of june, but at last, such was the greatness and care of the several preparations, that they could no longer dissemble so great and apparent stirs: The provisions of money were great & universally reached to all the parts in the realm, he levied many bands of lanceknights, he caused to be drawn towards Lion great store of artilleries: And had lately sent into Guyhen to levy ten thousand footmen from the marches of Navarro, under Peter of Navarro who was newly entered into his pay: This was the reason that he joined himself to the french service, the king of Arragon was discontented with him, and charged him most of all others with the ill success of the battle of Ravenna: he would not pay his ransom that was rated at twenty thousand ducats, which the late king had given to the Marquis of Rottelyn to recompense in some part the hundred thousand crowns which he had paid in England for his ransom: but the new king electing him to his service, defrayed his ransom at his first coming to the crown, & took him into his pay: which yet the said Peter of Navarro would not accept till, for the safety of his honour, he had sent to the king of Arragon to excuse himself, that being abandoned of him, he gave place to necessity, renouncing notwithstanding the estates which he had given him in the kingdom of Naples: By this time it was manifest to all the world, that those preparations tended to make war upon the Duchy of Milan, & that the king determined to go thither in person: So that the king began in demands and speeches discloased, to require the Pope to join with him, wherein he used beside, many other instruments and persuasions, by the mean of julian his brother, who had newly taken for wife Philiberta sister to Charles Duke of Savoy, and aunt to the king by the mother's side, his dowry being assigned to him upon the hundred thousand crowns which the Pope gave him: This gave the king some hope that the Pope, respecting the alliance, would be readily inclined to embrace his amity, & the rather for that he having before treated with the king Catholic to marry julian with one of his parents which was of the house of Cardova, it seemed he had preferred that alliance to the other more for his own regard, then for other reason: he doubted not also that julian would not willingly help forward for desire to get by that mean, some estate by the which he might furnish thexpenses convenient to so great a marriage, & with all, the better to establish the perpetual government which the Pope had newly given him of the cities of Modona, Reggia, Parma, and Plaisance: which being not supported by the favour of mighty Princes, he had little hope to be able to keep them after the death of his brother: But the king began even now to fall from his hope, both for that the Pope had transferred to the king of Arragon for two years the moneys and collections called the Croissards of the realm of Spain: whereof it was thought, he would draw by way of contribution above a million of ducats: And also for that he heard with great inclination, Alberto Carpy & jer. Vich Ambassadors of Caesar and the king Catholic, who did not only keep almost always about him, but also it seemed the Pope did communicate with them all his councils: Nevertheless the Pope entertained the king in suspense, both giving good words and showing sound intention to those that negociated for the king, but always without any resolution: as one that desired above all other things that the Duchy of Milan should not be possessed by foreign Princes: Therefore the king whom it imported to be better assured of his intention, addressed to him new Ambassadors, amongst whom was William Buda of Paris, a man in science of humanity either Greek or Latin, of most absolute and only erudition of all the learned men of our time: Afterwards he sent to him in the same legation, Antho. Maria Paluoisino, A man very acceptable to the Pope, seeking to omit no mean wherein might be any opportunity to advance his purpose: But all was labour lost, for that before his coming even from the month of julie he had very secretly contracted with the others for the defence of the estate of Milan.  
Notwithstanding seeking to keep covered that resolution until the necessity of affairs constrained him to declare himself, and desiring withal to publish it with some excuse: Sometimes he required the king to consent that the Church might retain Parma and Plaisance, and sometimes he preferred other demands, to the end that any one of the things which he demanded being refused, it might appear that necessity more than will, had carried him to knit with the kings enemies: And at that time, distrusting not to be denied of some one of those things which altogether he would not prefer without some honest colour, he made diverse answers, doubtful, subtle, and irresolute.  
But as for the doings of mortal men there is reserved in the infallible justice of God, an equal measure and like proportion of recompense, so there were others that used towards him the same sleights and subtleties wherewith he abused the king: For Octavian Fregosa Duke of Genes, fearing on the one side the great preparations of the French King, and on the other side holding for suspected the victory of the confederates for th'inclination of the Duke of Milan and the Swizzers to their adversaries, had made a very secret contract with the French King by the mean of the Duke of Bourbon, and yet very firmly assured the contrary to the Pope, both in the time of the action, and after it was resolved: Yea, because Octavian was one of the ancient friends of the Pope, and of his brother julian, to whom they had borne no small favours at such time as he was created Duke of Genes, the Pope did so simply believe him, that the Duke of Milan suspecting things for the rumours and brutes that went, and determined to invade him with four thousand Swizzers already come to Novarro, together with the faction of the Adorney and the Fiesquey, the Pope was the cause that th'enterprise broke and passed no further.  
This was the capitulation of Octavian Fregosa: That the town and jurisdiction 
Octavian Fregosa Duke of Genes ●●mpoundes with the French king.  of Genes should be rendered to the king, together with the castle: That Octavian should bear no more the name of Duke, but take upon him the name of perpetual Governor of Genes for the king, with power to dispose the offices of Genes: That the king should give unto him an hundred men at arms, the order of Saint Michael, And a yearly pension during his life: That the king should not re-edify the fortress of Codifa very hateful to the Genowais, and should also recontinue and grant to the City all those capitulations and privileges which had been reversed and burned by king Lowys: That he should give a certain proportion of ecclesiastic revenues to Federyke Archbishop of Salerno & brother to Octavian, and to himself certain places in Provence, if ever it happened that he were chased out of Genes: When these matters were spread abroad, it was not hard for Octavian to justify his resolution, for that it was discerned of all men, that he had great reason to fear the Duke of Milan and the Swyzzers: The only thing that was noted ill in him, was, that he had so many times denied the truth to the Pope, of whom he had received so many benefits, and had broken his promiss and faith, in entering into covenants without his privity: And yet, in a long letter which he wrote to him afterwards for his justification, he discoursed at large with great care and humility, the causes that had moved him, together with all thexcuses wherein he might reasonably defend his honour and the property of th'action: he told him nothing was done in despising the respect and devotion which he aught him, acknowledging in his person the full majesty of Pope and his chief raiser and advancer: his conclusion was that it would be more hard for him to be justified, if he wrote to persons private, or to any Prince that measured th'affairs of estate, according to regards private: But writing to a Prince wiser above all others of that time, and to whose wisdom it was seen he could not otherways save his estate, That it was matter supersivous to offer excuses to him that so well understood and knew what was lawful to Princes, or at lest what they were wont to do, not only when they were reduced to those necessities, but also when they went about to increase or make better the conditions of their estate.  
But by this time, matters were wrought from words and councils to deeds and execution: for, the king that was now come to Lions accompanied with the whole presence of the Nobles of France and Dukes of Lorraine and Gueldres, caused to march towards Italy his power, which was the most mighty and flourishing army that had been seen of long time: he stood assured to have no troubles beyond the Mounts, for that the king of Arragon, who fearing at first lest so great preparations might be turned against him, had armed his frontiers and perpetually united the Realm of Naples to the kingdom of Castillo, to make those peoples more ready to defend it: And assoon as he had credible understanding, that the war should be made in Italy, he dismissed all the companies he had levied, holding no more reckoning of his promiss made that year to the confederates to make war upon France, than he had done of all other covenants and contracts made to them the years before: So ready he was to be carried by occasions, and so light to say down his faith and word more to the profit of his affairs, than preservation of his reputation and honour.  
At the brute of the descending of the french king, the Viceroy of Naples, who, having been many months as it were in truce with the Venetians, & now come to the country of Vincensa to draw near to thenemies that lay encamped in a very strong place near Vincensa: removed his army to Verona, to go as he said, to the succours of the Duke of Milan: And the Pope dispatched into Lombardye his companies of men at arms with the regiments of the Florentines under the government of his brother chossen captain of the Church, to minister likewise to the aid of Milan according to his resolution not many days before with the other confederates: Nevertheless he forbore not to persever in his fair shows and semblances, making the world to believe that he sent out that strength only for the guard of Plaisanca, Parma, & Reggia: Wherein he had so cunningly proceeded with th'ambassadors of France: That the king now doubting no more to fall to agreement with him, had dispatched from Lions to his Ambassadors, A new commission with authority to conclude, consenting that the church should remain possessed of Plaisanca: and Parma, until he had satisfied it with such a recompense as the Pope should hold himself contented. But all these remedies were but cures unperfect whose sores burst out after again: they were shadows whose bodies were far of, yea they served for nothing, for those causes that hereafter shall be expressed: for it was a destiny set down that the defence or loss of the Duchy of Milan should be executed only with the danger and blood of the Swizzers, who not staying for any impediment or small quantity of money in priest, descended by such heaps and troupes into the duchy of Milan, that their army there, was above twenty thousand, of whom ten thousand were drawn near to the mountains: It was a 
The Swissers seek to stop the passage of the French men.  council taken amongst them, to keep against the French, the straight passages of those valleys which being at the foot of the Alps that divide Italy from France, come to open themselves upon the plains of Lombardie.  
This council of the Swizzers troubled greatly the mind of the king, who afore had promised to himself an assured victory by the greatness of his forces, not remembering that the success of war respecteth other considerations than the multitudes of soldiers: he had in his army two thousand five hundred lances, xxij. thousand 
The French army.  lanceknights led by the duke of Gueldres, ten thousand footmen of Peter Navarre, eight thousand frenchmen, and three thousand labourers that were paid according to the rate of the other footmen: The king considered with his captains, that in regard of the valour of the Swizzers, it was impossible to drive them from those straight and strong passages, but with a far greater number: And yet, considering the nature of those straits, so great numbers could not be but hurtful to the service: and much less in so little time could they do any thing of consequence, and lest of all be able to nourish any long season, so great an army in a country so barren, notwithstanding there was continual traffic of victuals to the mountains. Amid these difficulties, some of the captains that were of opinion rather to divert and draw them away then to set upon them, gave counsel to send out eight hundred lances through Province, and Peter Navarre by sea with his ten thousand country men, which should all join together at Savonne: Others were of advise that to go so far about were to lose too much time, that it would weaken th'army, and increase too much the reputation of thenemies, who would not doubt to boast that they had not the courage to encounter with them: So that it was resolved, that not retiring so much from that strait, they should assay to pass by some other way, that either was not kept by thenemies, or at lest not so strongly defended: And that Emard de Prio with four hundred lances and five thousand footmen should take the way to Genes, not in hope to draw them down from their mountains, but to make war upon Alexandria and the other towns beyond Paw.  
There be two ways in the Alps that lead ordinarily from Lions into Italy, the one is called Monsane (a mountain within the jurisdiction of the duke of Savoy:) it is the shortest way, the straightest way, and most beaten way: The other is called the mount Geneure within the government of Dauphine, a way longer than the other, and leads by crooking and turnings to Grenoble: both the one and the other falleth into the way of Susa where the plain beginneth to enlarge: But the French armies are always wont to pass by the Mount Geneure, notwithstanding it be a way somewhat longer, because it hath a facility of passage, & more convenient to draw th'artillery: The Swizzers that were careful to keep those two passages & the other paths thereabouts, were lodged at Susa, the cause was, that the passages which be lower drawing towards the sea, were so street and steep, that it seemed impossible to draw any artillery, being very hard to pass thither the horses of so great an army. On the other side Triwlco, to whom the king had given that charge, being followed with very many pioneers, and having about him men painful and experienced to draw artilleries, whom he sent to search the places that were there: went sounding the passages if he could find liberty of way without impediment of the Swizzers: By which occasion, the army that for the most part was dispersed between Grenoble and Brianson, marched slowly, expecting what should be determined, whereunto there was a constraint by a necessity to abide the provisions of victuals.  
About this time the king of England sent a gentleman to the French king, who 
The king of England sends to the french king not to pass into Italy.  was now departed from Lions, to tell him on the behalf of his king, that he aught not to pass into Italy for fear to trouble the universal peace of Christendom: The cause of so great variation and change of that king was, that he was jealous of the alliance between France and the Archduke, fearing lest the affairs of that Crown would take a course too happy: In which considerations he began afterwards to give willing ear to th'ambassadors of the king Catholic, who with continual reasons put into his mind, how hurtful the greatness of the French king would be to him, in whom he could not hope for any other affection then of an enemy, aswell for the natural hatred of that nation, as for his late actions of war and hostility done against him: But the thing that most moved him, was the emulation and envy of his glory which he thought would be raised to too high degrees if he won the victory in the state of Milan: he thought in himself, that notwithstanding he found his kingdom in rest, and very populous for the long peace it had lived in, together with a great mass of treasure which his father had gathered, yet he never had the courage till within certain years, to invade the realm of France, alone and environed with so many enemies, and broken with so many adversities: That now the French king, somewhat younger than he was, at such time as he came to the crown, albeit he found his kingdom overweary and made poor with so many wars, durst yet in the first months of his reign, go to an enterprise for the which so many princes were banded against him: That touching him, with all his huge preparations, and so many occasions, he had not brought into England any other profit then the city of Tornay, and that with expenses intolerable and infinite: But the French king would return with great glory into his kingdom, bringing with him the conquest of so brave a duchy, and would open the way, and haply take the occasion afore he retired his army out of Italy, to invade the realm of Naples. These were the motions that easily renewed in his mind his ancient and natural hatred: But for that he was not at that time prepared to give impediment to the French king with arms (wherein haply he sought some occasion and cooler) he thought good to send him this message. The king nor his army forbore not for all that to march, taking their way from Lion to Dauphine, where met with the army the lanceknights otherwise called the black bands guided by Robert de la March, together with all the regiments of low Almains so greatly esteemed for their valour, their faith, and loyalty which they had always showed in the French services.  
At this time john ja. Triwlco advertised the king that his artilleries might be carried over the Mounts near the Alps of the sea descending towards the Marquisdome of Saluzze: he wrote that the passage was full of many difficulties, but yet the strength of men and instruments would make that easy which by nature was hard: And because on that side, neither on the tops of the Mountains, nor in the entry of the valleys, there was no guard, he persuaded the king that it was better to assay to overcome the difficulties of mountains and the straightness of valleys (an action with pain, but not with danger of men) then to adventure to win the passages from the Swyzzers whose valour was not more terrible than their obstinacy, being desperate either to vanquish or die: Besides, the army could not stay there many days if any resistance were made, for that no power or preparation was able to bring through places so impassable and barren, sufficient provision of victuals to feed so many mouths. This counsel was allowed and followed, and immediately th'artillery that lay in a place convenient to be turned on all parts, began to march that way. And as Triwlco had advertised the king that the difficulty to pass the artilleries was very great, so also he said th'experience would be found harder, when it was put to action and trial: for first they must of necessity mount upon very high and sharp mountains, and that not without extreme difficulty, both for that there was no opportunity of paths or ways, nor yet so much largeness of roameth as the artilleries contained, but such as was made by the aid of the pioneers from hand to hand. There were many of those labourers that marched before, whose service was ready, sometimes to break down and enlarge the straits and sometimes to dig up the hillocks and lumps of earth that gave impediment to the passage of th'artilleries: from the tops of those mountains they descended by broken cliffs whose only aspect gave fear to the beholders, into most deep valleys of the river of Argentiero: By the difficulty of these cliffs oftentimes th'artilleries could not be sustained, neither with the horses that drew them whose number was great, nor with the shoulders of the labourers that guided them, and therefore very often they were driven to dismount them, and in fastening them to great cables, they found a way to make them descend by the hands of the footmen whose readiness in these painful actions, was nothing inferior to the greatness of their travel: The labour ceased not when they had overcome the first mountains and the first valleys, for that they found others which of necessity they must pass with the same difficulties: At the last, about the end of five days, the policy of the leaders and pains of the labourers opened a way for th'artillery through the mountains into the enlarged places of the Marquisdome of Salussa: but with such hardness and importunity of travel, that if either they had encountered any resistance, or the Mountains had been covered with snows as they were wont to be the most part of the year, it is most certain that they had taken in vain so great travel: The matter that delivered them from the resistance and impediments of men, was th'opinion and persuasion of the troublesome and impassable mountains, which abusing the Swizzers with security, made them to lodge without suspicion at Susa, carefully guarding and watching the places which of necessity must be passed by such as descend the mount Seni or Geneura, or the mountains adjoining to them: And the season of the year, being then upon the tenth of August, had taken from them th'impediment of snows which were already melted. At the same time passed the men at arms and bands of footmen not without the same difficulties, some by that way, and some by the passage called la Dragoniera, & the residue by the high tops of the rock Perotta and Cuny, passages more lower towards Provence. By these passages Monsr Palissa passed, to whom an occasion was offered to do an act worthy of memory: He departed from Singlaro with four cornets of light horsemen, and after he had marched long with great diligence by the guiding of the country men, he arrived without any suspicion at Villafranco, a town seven miles from Salussa, and of the which goeth a greater fame and reputation than the quality of the town requireth, for that the head of that notable river of Paw riseth out of a place very near it: In that town lay lodged with his companies, Prospero Colonno, doubting no danger by the far distance of the enemies, in whom he feared not that diligence and celerity which himself being of nature slow and heavy, had not wont to use: some suppose that he meant the same day to departed and join his strength with the Swissers▪ A matter wherein he might in some sort abuse his carefulness: But what property of destiny soever did guide him, it is sure that as he was set at the table at dinner, the bands of soldiers of Palissa arrived, being not discerned of any, till the certainty of the peril took away all their policy to avoid it: They were upon the counterskarfes of his lodging, afore he could be persuaded that they were come: so profitable is celerity in an enterprise, and so effectual is sudden fear against enemies surprised: He was holpen in this action (besides his industry and speed) by the townsmen, with whom Palissa thirsting after so goodly a prey, had first secretly conspired, and by their aids was seized upon their scouts and sentynells: So that Prospero Colonno a captain of so great name, and in whom aswell for his authority in governing an army, as for the credit he had in the duchy of Milan, rested no small importance for this war, was made prisoner the xv. day of August, far otherwise then appertained to his ancient glory: Peter Margano a Roman was companion with him in this fortune, together with part of his companies, and the residue at the first brute fled in their fear to diverse places.  
The descending of the French army over those invincible passages, together with the calamity of Prospero Colonno, changed the counsels of every one, and confused wholly thestate of all affairs, kindling new dispositions in the minds of the Pope, the Viceroy, and the Swizzers: for the Pope, who was constantly persuaded that the French king could not pass the Mounts for the impediments of the Swizzers, and reapposing no less in the virtue of Prospero Colonno, was now galled and grieved in courage, commanding his nephew Laurence captain general of the Florentines to march but slowly: To him he had given charge to lead the army into Lombardie, for that julian his brother was constrained to abide at Florence by the occasion of a long and painful fever: This Laurence being come to Modena three days after the adventure of Prospero, took occasion to recover the rock of Rubiero that had been occupied by Guido Rangon, for the which he paid him at last two thousand ducats, and consumed many days in the country of Modena and Reggia. Moreover, the Pope having recourse to his accustomed practices, dispatched very secretly to the French king, Cintio his familiar friend, both to excuse himself of things that had been passed till that day, and also to begin, by the mean of the duke of Savoy, to solicit to compound with him, to th'end that by that beginning he might have more facility to pass further, if the defence of the duchy of Milan fell not out well: But the Cardinal of Bibbieno with certain others, carried more by their private passions, then by the respects and interests of their prince, induced him to take a counsel more constrained and sudden: for they told him there was danger, for the reputation of the success and fortunes of the French, and haply by the persuasions and aid of the king, the duke of Ferrara would not now stir to recover Modena and Reggia, and also the bentivolis, to repossess their estate in Bolognia: And therefore as amid so many other travels and perplexities, he should found it a very hard matter to contend against so great a number of enemies: so, it imported him much more both in safety and discretion of council, to labour to win them with some property of benefit, and in all chances and changes, to make them his assured friends, dissembling the remembrance of injuries passed till time brought about a better opportunity to revenge. They advised him to re-establish the family of the bentivolis within Bolognia, and to restore to the Duke of Ferrara, Modena & Reggia: A council which he had presently put in execution, had it not been for the contrary working of julio de Medicis Cardinal and Legate of Bolognia, whom the Pope had sent thither to th'end that in so great accidents, he might sustain things on that side, and remeine as it were a moderator and counsellor of the youth of Lawrance: he was touched with the displeasure of thinfamy that would have fallen upon the Pope by a council so full of cowardisse, which no doubt would have been greater than had been the glory of julio in getting to the Church, so great a jurisdiction: he was also moved with grief, that it would make infamous the memory of his legation, wherein being scarcely in the first action, he should restore Bolognia the principal city of the whole Ecclesiastyke state, into the power of her ancient tyrants, abandoning to pray and spoil, so great a nobility which in favour of the Apostolic sea had openly conspired against them: In these respects he dispatched an express Messenger to the Pope whom with reasons and with requests he brought again to a council more honourable and safe: Notwithstanding this julio was a bastard, yet he was made Cardinal by Leo in the first months of his pontificacy, following th'example of Alexander the sixth in the effect, but not in the manner: for, Alexander at such time as he created Cardinal, Caesar Borgia his son, made to be proved by witnesses that deposed the truth, that his mother at the time that she was conceived of him, had a husband, inferring thereupon according to the opinion of the laws, that the son was to be judged to be begotten rather of the husband then of thadulterer: But touching julio, the witnesses preferred the grace and favour of men afore the truth, for that it was deposed that the mother of whom he was begotten, being yet a maid and not married and afore she divided her body to the devotion of juliano, had of him a secret consent to be his wife.  
These new accidents were likewise the cause that the Viceroy behaved himself far otherways then he would have done: for, being not yet departed from Verona, both for that he could not make his soldiers march without money, and also expected new companies promised by Caesar who was now come to Yspruch, to th'end to leave sufficient garrison within Verona and Bressa as need required: he began with these and other excuses to temporize and defer, to see what might afterwards happen to the Duchy of Milan.  
These matters also moved the Swyzzers, who retired to Pignorolo immediately after the descending of the french army: And albeit understanding afterwards that the king who was passed the mounts, moostred his people at Thuryn, they were gone to Cyvas and had taken it and sacked it, only for that they were refused victuals, doing the like at Vercelli almost afore the kings eyes being at Thuryn: yet being at last drawn into Novaro, & those factions of them that were not so far estranged from the french amities, taking courage and disclosing themselves more and more in their adversities, they began to treat of composition with the king.  
About this time, those regiments of the french which marched by the way of Genes, with whom were joined four thousand footmen waged by the Genoese by the working of Octavian Fregosa, become lords on the whole country on this side Paw, seizing first upon the town of Castellaccio, Alexandria, & Tortono: And the king that by this time was come to Vercilly, and had there the first advertisement that the Pope was declared against him, which the duke of Savoy signified in his name, A matter which albeit did much vex and discontent the king: yet not suffering counsel and judgement to be troubled with anger or disdain, and because he would not kindle him to th'uttermost, he caused to be proclaimed publicly aswell through his army, as amongst the regiments that had taken Alexandria, that no man should molest or invade in any sort the lands of the Church. The king remained many days at Vercilly expecting the issue of the parley with the Swyzzers, who though they entertained the practice, yet on the other side they showed themselves full of varictie and confusion: for at Novaro where they were, they began to fall into tumult, taking their occasion upon the breach of the king of Arragon, for that the pays he had promised were not yet come: They took also by force from the officers of the Pope, the money he had sent to be orderly distributed amongst them, & in the same fury they departed from Novaro, with intention to return into their countries: A matter which many sorts of them did require, who having spent three months in the spoils of Italy, & now laden with money & booty, desired to convey in safety to their houses, the riches they had gotten: They were no sooner gone out of Novaro then the money which was due for the king of Aragon's portion, was sent: And albeit they ravished it from the officers, & by violence made themselves possessed of it, yet weighing the infamies that followed for the most part such insolent and rash dealings, they eftsoons turned their fury into discretion, and restored both the one & the other sums to receive them orderly at the hands of the officers: Afterwards they went to Galero, expecting an other strength of xx. thousand footmen which was said to be newly arrived, and three thousand went with the Cardinal of Zion to be employed for the guard of Pavia. By which occasion the king (whose hope of agreement did diminish for these variations) departed from Vercelly to go towards Milan, leaving within Vercelly with the duke of Savoy, his bastard brother, Monsr Lawtrech, & the general of Milan, to continued negotiations begun with the Swizzers: And because after the departing of the Swizzers out of Novaro, he had got the town, he left the castle besieged, which feeling th'execution of th'artilleries, yielded within few days, reserving the lives & goods of those that kept it: Afterwards the king to whom Pavia yielded, passed the river of Thesin, & the same day joh. ja. Triwlco ran up with a part of his companies to Saint Christopher's near to Milan: Afterwards the confidence of his valour carried him up even to the suburbs of the gate of Thesin, hoping to be received by them of the town, who il contented with the pillages & ransoms of the Swizzers, desired to return under the jurisdiction of the French: he saw also a more facility in this enterprise, for that the town was naked of soldiers. The people of Milan had a great fear of the Swizzers, and the memory was yet green of the afflictions they had suffered the year before, when they mutined in favour of the king, the Swissers being retired from Novaro: the same restraining them now to better counsel, & to temporize & expect the issue of things, notwithstanding they wished the victory to fall upon the king: Therefore they sent to Triwlco to desire him to pass no further, & the next day dispatched ambassadors to the king being at Buffaloro, to beseech him, that resting contented with the disposition of the people of Milan well inclined to his crown, & ready to give victuals to his army, he would not demand of them a more manifest declaration: A matter which would advance nothing for the substance of the war, no more than it had served or aided the year before his predecessor, but brought upon them great damages: They wished him to march & stand assured that the town of Milan should be ready to open their gates to receive him, at such time as he should be master of the field. The king received them with good countenance and affability, and albeit at the first he was displeased that they had not received Triwlco, yet he answered now that he was contented to be conformable to their demands. From Bufaloro the king marched with his army to Biagressa, and 
The treaty between the king and the Swissers broken.  whilst he remained there, the duke of Savoy, after he had given audience to xx. Ambassadors of the Swizzers sent to him at Vercelly, and going afterwards to Galero accompanied with the bastard & other deputies for the king, contracted a peace with the Swizzers in the king's name under these conditions: That there should be between the crown of France & nation of Swizzers a perpetual peace during the king's life and ten years after his death: That the Swizzers and the Grisons should make restitution of those valleys appertaining to the duchy of Milan which they had occupied: That they should acquit that estate of a bond to pay yearly a pension of xl. thousand ducats: That the king should endue Maximilian Sforce with the duchy of Nemors with a yearly pension of xii. thousand franks, a company of fifty lances, & a wife of the blood royal: That he should restore to the Swizzers the yearly pension of xl. thousand franks, and defray the pay of three months to all the bands of Swizzers that were already in Lombardie or on the way to come thither: That he should pay to the Cantons (at terms and times) the six hundred thousand crowns promised in th'accord of Dyon, and three hundred thousand for the restitution of the valleys: That he should entertain continually in his pay four thousand of them. In this peace they named by common consent the Pope, so farforth as he would tender Parma & Plaisanca: Also they comprehended the Emperor, the duke of Savoy, and the Marquis of Montferat, without making any mention at all of the king Catholic, the Venetians, nor any other Italian. But this peace was made and broken almost in one day, by the coming of new bands of Swizzers, in whom for the memory of their victories past, was a settled hope to carry from that war no less quantities of spoils and riches, than the wealth which they saw their other contreymen loaden withal: And for that cause much less that they would hear speak of the peace, but of the contrary, to dissolve and break it, they refused to restore the valleys: In so much as the first bands being not able to retire them from these furies, five and thirty thousand drew to Monso to lie in the suburbs of Milan, Alberto Petro a notable captain being gone from them with many ensigns along the way of Coma, which way the king altogether left free and open. Thus the peace being no sooner made then broken, things returned to the same difficulties they suffered before, yea they brought with them far greater doubts for the new armies and forces that were approached near the duchy of Milan: for, the Viceroy leaving for the guard of Verona, Mark. Anth. Colonno with an hundred men at arms and six hundred light horsemen, and within Bressia xii. hundred lanceknights, was come at last to lodge upon Paw near to Plaisanca, having in his army seven hundred men at arms, six hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen, with a bridge ready prepared to pass the river: And to leave him no occasion to complain, Laurence de Medicis having with great watch and guard remained many days at Parma with th'army, was come from thence to Plaisanca: th'army contained at that time seven hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horsemen, and four thousand footmen: he had sent afore a troop of four hundred light horsemen to the Swizzers during the negotiation of th'accord: A band which he appointed at their request to serve them to fetch in victuals, and were guided by Mucio Colonno & Lodowick Count de Petillano, the one a captain of the Church, and the other a commander for the Florentines: He advanced that expedition not so much for any desire he had to aid the common cause, as to give to the Swizzers no occasion to comprehend the Pope within the peace if they accorded with the french king. On the other side Bartholomew Aluiano, who had sent word to the king that he would so entangle the Spanish army that they should have no mean to hurt him, assoon as he understood the Viceroy was departed from Verona, went from Polesina, & passing the river of Adice, he marched all along Paw with ix. hundred men at arms, xiv. hundred light horsemen, and ix. thousand footmen: he drew with him sufficient provisions of artillery, and was upon the walls of Cremona with a speed and diligence contrary to the custom of the captains of our time, and wherein Aluiano himself took such glory, that in his vaunting he would oftentimes lay it in comparison with the celerity of Claudius Nero, when, to make head against Asdrubal, he led the swiftest part of his army upon the river of Metauro: Great is the moment of celerity and speed in enterprise, and oftentimes is more effectual to the benefit of the service and reputation of the leaders, then either the multitude or courage of soldiers.  
But in this sort thestate of the war was not only diverse & variable, but also confused & entangled: On the one side was upon the confines of Milan the french king with an army appointed and furnished, and by this time was come to Marignan to give facility to Aluiano to join with him, and to let the uniting of the ecclesiastic and Spanish companies with the enemies: And on the other side lay a gallant army of xxxv. thousand Swizzers, which was a force of footmen full of valour, and never yet had passed under the victory of the French. The Viceroy kept along the shores of Paw near to Plaisanca, and upon the high way that leads to Loda, having a bridge ready dressed to pass the river and to join with the Swizzers: Laurence de Medicis was within Plaisanca with the regiments of the Pope & the Florentines, & all to join with the Viceroy to the same ends: And Aluiano a circumspect & resolute captain, lay with the Venetian army upon the territories of Cremona, almost upon the bank of Paw: his purpose was to aid the French king, either by joining his strength with him, or in drawing away the Church & spanish regiments. The city of Loda which standeth in the midst between Milan & Plaisanca, & of an equal distance from them both, stood abandoned of all parts: only it had been sacked before by Ranso de Cere entering as a soldier to the Venetians, who for quarrels rising between him & Aluiano, had afore, what with protestations & what with threats, got leave of the senate, and was entered into the Pope's pay with two hundred men at arms & two hundred light horsemen: But for that his soldiers could not follow him with that speed, by reason the Venetians would not suffer many of them to departed from Padua where they lay, he went from Loda to fill up his numbers with those companies with the which he had served. The cardinal of Zion also amazed with the practices which his nation held with the french king, & no less doubting th'estate of the city of Milan, was fled from Plaisanca with a thousand Swizzers and with part of the regiments of the duke of Milan: Afterwards he went to Cremona to solicit the Viceroy to march on: he took the way of Milan before that side was occupied by the french king, & left certain of his companies for the guard of Loda, who assoon as they heard that the french king was come to Marignan, abandoned the place, their fear being greater than their peril. But whilst the Viceroy lay upon the river of Paw, & before Laurence de Medicis came to Plaisanca, Cintio whom the Pope sent to the french king, was taken by the soldiers of the Viceroy: And albeit he found about him letters & briefs of credit, yet he let him go assoon as he was taken, for the reverence he bore to him that sent him, entering notwithstanding into doubt that the hope was vain that had been given him, that the Church army joining with him, would pass the river of Paw: This doubt was increased by this occasion, that at the same time, Law. de Medicis was detected to have sent secretly to the french king one of his men: which he did either of his own council, or by commandment of the Pope, to be excused in that he led the army against him: wherein he protested that albeit he was constrained by a necessity to obey the Pope, yet without incensing his uncle, or staining his own honour, the king should find in him a ready devotion to labour to satisfy him, A thing which he had always sought, and now more than ever did desire to express it.  
Assoneas Laurence was come to Plaisanca, there began a disputation between the Viceroy & him with others that sat with them in council, whether it were best to pass over the river of Paw in one strength to join with the Swizzers: Among them were occupied diverse reasons according to the diversity of their affections, there being little conformity of council where was so great variety of will and disposition: Such as persuaded to pass the river, said there was no reason to dissuade them from going into Loda, for that being there, both they should let Aluiano for joining with the french army, & for their own parts, they should have good opportunity to knit with the Swizzers, either in going to Milan to seek them, or else the Swissers drawing to meet them: And if their lingering left time to the french men to get it (as the brute went they would) being already upon the way between Loda and Milan, the french should have upon their backs, their armies joined together, A matter which would put them in pain & danger: even so perhaps it would not be hard to find mean to join with the Swizzers, notwithstanding they should be driven to make a greater circuit: They reasoned that this resolution was profitable to th'enterprise, & necessary to take from the Swizzers all occasions of new practices of accord, & no less convenient to increase their forces against so great an army as they had need, and namely of horsemen: That besides these respects the faith & honour of the Pope and the king Catholic required it so, both for that the capitulations bound them to succour thestate of Milan, & also they had often promised no less to the Swizzers, who being disappointed, might perhaps of assured friends, take occasion to become dangerous enemies: Lastly that necessity would it so for th'interest and regard of their own estates, for that the Swizzers either losing the battle, or making accord with the french king, there would remain no force in Italy able to stand against his victory, or to let him from spreading the wings of his fortune over the whole estate of the Church even to the posterns of Rome. To the contrary of this opinion was reasoned by others, that it was not credible that the French king had not already sent a strength of soldiers to Loda, and if it were so, thestate of the peril would drive their companies to retire with shame, and haply not without loss of blood, since they stood subject to have at one time the french on their backs, and the Venetians in flank: withal they could not repass the bridge without confusion & long tract of time, which would bring great infamy to their valour, and by the property of th'action transfer to the adversary the glory they sought to appropriate to themselves: That in matters of enterprise it imports captains to make conference of the peril and the price, of the time and the place, and of the necessity and their proper wills, to whom by all laws, examples, and experience of men of war, it can be no infamy to refuse the attempt that brings not with it th'opportunity of time, place, necessity, and recompense. But be it that Loda were abandoned, and that there were liberty for them to take it, what profit could grow by th'enterprise, how could they lay their plot either to meet with the Swizzers, or the Swizzers to join with them, so mighty an army lying objected against them between Milan and Loda: Besides, it might fall out not to be a counsel assured, to put into the hands of a nation so rash and unreasonable, all the sources of the Pope and the king Catholic, seeing there were factions amongst them, the greatest part having made peace with the French men, and stood in division with their fellows. At last it was resolved, that the first day both the armies should pass over Paw without any baggage or carriage, leaving sufficient garrison within Parma and Plaisanca, for fear of the Venetian army, whose light horsemen even at that time had made incursions and pillages through the country: But as in all actions are found many impediments where either is emulation of men, or variety of will, so this resolution was not sincerely executed by either of the parties, for that in particular, both seeming to have an equal will to pass, they laboured to lay the fault one of an other, and neither of them to touch the danger: for the Viceroy that was already entered into suspicion for the gooing away of Cintio, and no less acquainted with what cunning the Pope proceeded in his affairs, was of opinion, that his will was that Laurence should pass no further: And on the other side, Laurence considering how hardly the Viceroy was drawn to commit his army to the power of fortune, gave of an other the same judgement that others gave of him: In the after noon the Spanish bands began to pass the bridge, whom the Church army was appointed to follow with speed: but by reason of the night that came upon them, they deferred by necessity until the morning following, when they did not only not pass, but also the Viceroy retired with his army on this side the river, being advertised by a scout of four hundred light horsemen sent out from both the armies to espy the enemies and their doings, that an hundred French lances were entered into Loda the day before: This made the Viceroy and Laurence to return to their first lodgings, which gave opportunity to Aluiano to march with his army to Loda.  
Even about this time the French king dislodged from Marignan to lodge at S. Donato, and the Swizzers retired to Milan, one part whereof not willing to hear of war, and the others nothing inclined to peace, there arose oftentimes amongst themselves councils and tumults: And being one day drawn into an assembly and universal presence, the Cardinal of Zion no less great for his authority 
The Cardinal of Zion persuadeth the Swissers.  and place, then agreeable to the people for his affability and easiness, began with words full of affection and vehemency, to encourage them to issue out the same day and set upon the French king: He willed them to consider what harms delays drew with them, specially when was concurrence of opportunity & occasion: He willed them not to stand so much upon the number of horsemen and artilleries of th'enemy, as by so base a fear, to diminish the memory of the ancient valour of the Swizzers, and the perpetual victories which they had obtained against the French men. It is (saith he) far from the glory & merit of our nation, who hath passed through so many pains, vanquished so many perils, made sacrifice of so much blood, and triumphed in so many victories, to lose in one day so great a glory, & leave to the enemies whom we have so often vanquished, the reputation of so many our former merits. These be the same frenchmen who being joined with us, have obtained so many victories, but going separate to the wars without our arms & forces, have become a miserable pray to others: when there was society & fellowship between us, their name ran gloriously thorough the world, & that much more by our valour then by their own fortune, they were the shadows, & we the bodies, they the birds and we the Aygles, through whose power peoples and regions were subjecteth to them: But without us, what have they done worthy of memory? what have been their fortunes? where are erected their pillars of perpetual praises? what are shadows when they are separate from their bodies? They are the same whom a small army of ours overthrew the last year at Novaro with so great name and glory: They be the same to whom our virtue brought so much astonishment, and their own cowardice so great confusion, that even in their overthrow and calamity, they areared up to the heavens the name and reputation of the Swizzers: Suffer not yourselves to forget that those small companies of ours that prevailed at Nonaro, had neither horsemen nor artilleries, and yet not esteeming the peril present, and less expecting the succours that were to come, they ran with captain Motin (the glory of our nation) to charge the French men even in their tents and lodgings, and winning with incredible valour their artilleries, they slew of them and the lanceknights, so many bodies as they had weapons and arms to use them: An example sufficient to persuade you, that now they will not have the courage to abide an army of forty thousand Swizzers, A power able to meet in the field with the whole residue of the world joined in one strength. The remembrance of calamities past makes fearful always after the minds of those that were vanquished, and though amongst men there is a natural emulation and desire of revenge, yet to hearts once daunted it is a peculiar condition to settle in despair, and not to adventure to recover remedy where they received their harms, as we read they do that are wounded by scorpions. Doubt you not but th'examples past of your prows, and th'experience of your everlasting valour, will make them now flee afore you, even at the first noise of your coming, as the selly fowls that make a very faint and weak wing when they hear the bells of the Falcon: They have not drawn so near Milan by any confidence they had in their own virtue, but only through a hope they have in your divisions: The person and presence of their king can not govern them, for that by how much his life and estate shall be in danger, by so much it will import him to be the first to look to his safety, by whose example the residue will seek to eschew the hazard that makes their king afraid: if with this army that containeth the valour and forces of the whole country of Switzerland, you have not the courage to set upon them, with what power, with what fortune, with what minds can you hope to be able to make resistance against them? To what end are we descended into Lombardie? why have we taken into our protection the walls of Milan, if we have fear to go charge our enemies? To what infamy will be interpreted the brave words, and proud threats which we have used all this year, both vaunting that we would descend into Burgundy, and rejoicing of th'accord of th'english king, & the Pope's inclination to confederate with the french king, wherein we esteemed our glory would be so much the greater, by how much all those great Princes were joined in conspiracy against the state of Milan: It had been better we had rested contented with the terms of our ancient renown, and neither enjoyed the years before so many honourable victories, nor chased the French out of Italy, then now with an universal cowardice to deceive th'expectation of all men. Now is the world to judge whether our virtue was the cause of our victory at Novaro, or our fortune: If we show ourselves fearful of our enemies, every one will ascribe to adventure and chance, the victory which we got with our incredible valour and resolution: But if we express the same virtue, we can not but draw with us the same success we did before, fortune having no interest in those actions whose course is guided wholly by a resolute valour, no more than the Moon can challenge any other property of light then such as it pleaseth the sun to impart to her: So shall we confirm th'expectation of the world, so shall we be redoubted and feared by the nations and peoples of the age present, so shall we be recommended and wondered at by the worlds and posterities to come, and so shall we make the reputation and merit of the Swizzers be raised above that great name and monuments of the Romans, for that it is not read of them that they have ever used such a resolute hardiness, nor won victories with so great valour, nor never without necessity set upon their enemies with so great disadvantage: But of us may be read the battle we gave near to Novaro, where with a few soldiers, without artilleries, and without horsemen, our valour putto flight a mighty army, not only refurnished of all forces and strength necessary, but also guided by two most notable captains, the one the most flourishing in all France, and the other the flower of Italy: We shall leave behind us also the memory of the encounter at S. Donato, executed on our parts with the same difficulties, & against the person of a French king, and so many huge bodies of lanceknights, who by howmuch they are many in number, by so much will they fill and satisfy our hatred, and by how much in this action we shall for ever depose the name of their arms and discipline, by so much shall we pass them and their fortunes into a perpetual subjection, never after to hold up their heads or once to say themselves in comparison with the Swizzers in matters concerning war and arms. It is contrary to the reason and judgement of war that we should stand to temporize and expect, seeing it is almost impossible for many difficulties, that we should be succoured by the Viceroy, or the bands of the Church, yea their impediment aught to be more agreeable to us then their coming can be necessary, for that entering into th'execution alone, the glory will be particular to us, and the spoils and wealth of our enemy's army, a most plentiful reward of our victory: Much less that captain Motin would communicate his glory to strangers, seeing the greatness of his courage could not suffer participation even with his own companies and country men. Let not us than esteem so basely of our valour & hardiness, that though they may conveniently join with us, yet we will not expect to communicate so great honour and merit to strangers. The reputation of the Swizzers can not endure, nor the state of asfayres requires not that we defer any longer or stand upon any more councils and resolutions: It belongs to cowards to whom dangers are fearful, to consult and spend time in council, and not to a nation of such warlike minds as we bear to whose glory it apperteines to make trial of th'enemy assoon as he is disclosed. In matters of action opportunity can not brook delays, neither can it be good to take counsel after thoccasion be fully ripe and offered: Let us then take the field, and under the wings and aid of God, who by a just revenge persecuteth the pride of the frenchmen, sound up your drums and manage your pikes with the same courage you were wont to do, and let us lose no more time to advance our ensigns and satisfy our thirst with the blood of those who by their ambition and pride seek to subject the whole world, but by their cowardice are left always an infamous pray to many.  
These speeches gave great encouragement to the Swizzers, who, joining to thexhortation the remembrance of their ancient valour & felicity, armed themselves: And assoon as they were issued out of the gate towards Rome, they fell into array and order, & albeit the day was almost spent, yet they marched with their squadrons towards the French army using such shouts and cries, that to such as knew 
The battle of Marignan.  not the cause, it was a reasonable persuasion that they had obtained some glorious victory: The Captains encouraged the soldiers to march, and the resolution of the soldiers was such that they put their leaders in remembrance that at what hour soever they came near the camp of thenemies, they should give the sign of the battle, assuring them that that was the day wherein they would cover the fields with dead bodies & utterly raze out the name of the lanceknights, & namely of such, who prophesying of their death, bore black ensigns: And as in this estate of fury and resolution of mind, they were come near the place where the Frenchmen lay, albeit there remeined not two hours of day, yet they began the battle, and with a desperate courage charged th'artilleries and fortifications of thenemies, breaking and dispersing at this first charge, the bands that made head against them, and with their incredible valour won one part of th'artilleries: But what with the horsemen bringing on a great part of th'army, & the presence of the king environed with squadrons of valiant gentlemen, their great fury was somewhat abated: Nevertheless a cruel fight began between them, which, with diverse chances, and to the grievous losses of the men at arms of France, who were broken, continued till iiij. hours within night, diverse french Captains lay dead on the ground, and the king himself received many wounds with a pike: Such egearnes of mind remeined in both parts, that their bodies being no more able to manage the weapons which the revenge of their hearts put into their hands, they separated and cell of from the fight both without sounding of trumpet, & commandment of their Captains: The Swissers remeined encamped in the same place expecting the next sun or day light, neither party offending the other as if there had been a secret truce between them: The Cardinal caused the camp of Swizzers to be revittelled from Milan whilst their bodies took rest, adding such property of help as he could, being the author of the enterprise: And to this first felicity of theirs, was joined a general brute throughout all Italy, that the Swissers had put to slight the army of the frenchmen with many other rumours given out to discourage the French, and confirm their own side: The French king consumed not unprofitably the residue of the night, for, knowing the greatness of the peril, he laboured to range his artilleries into places convenient, to reassemble his horsemen, and put in order his squadrons of lanceknights & gascoins: he performed in his own person, all things that could be required of a king, of a captain, of a man of war, and of a mind whose resolution was greater than thestate of the danger: By this time it was day, and at the beginning of the sun, the Swissers, who did not only despise the French army, but also (in th'opinion of their valour) seemed to dishable the whole forces of Italy knit together, recontinued their charge upon thenemies with the same fury and rashness they went to it over night: But they were received of the French with greater valour, with better order, and with more discretion, they were subject to a bloody charge of the horsemen, and suffered slaughter both a front and in slanke: Besides, at the rising of the Sun came Aluiano, whom the king had sent for over night, bringing with him his light horsemen and the most speediest part of his army: he arrived at such time as the fight was most close and furious and all things reduced into greatest travel and danger: And having the residue of his regiment marching to good purpose and time, he entered furiously upon the backs of the Swyzzers, who, notwithstanding they maintained always the fight with one valour and resolution, yet seeing the desperate resistance that was made, and the Venetian army that was now joined, they began so to doubt of the victory, that after the Sun had shined many hours upon the earth, they sounded the retreat, and charging upon their shoulders the artilleries they had brought with them, they cast about their squadrons, and retired: They observed their accustomed order in their retiring, and so ordered their march towards Milan with so great terror and astonishment of the french, that of the whole army there was neither horsemen nor footmen that durst break out to follow them: Only there were two companies of their soldiers who being fled into a grange, were burned within the house by the Venetian light horsemen: The residue of the army returned to Milan, not breaking one ioate of their order, and retaining in their appearance and countenance, one constant and perpetual assurance: some say that they cloyed fifteen pieces of great artilleries which they won at the first charge, for that they had no opportunity to carry them to their camp.  
All men are of opinion, that there hath not been seen in Italy of long time a battle of more fury and greater terror, for that, what by the desperate valour with the which the Swyzzers began the charge, and also for the darkness of the night which led all men in error, the order of the whole army being confused and the fight so mixed that there could not be seen or observed any sign or commandment, All things were wholly referred and subjecteth to fortune: The king, whose person was not without many and manifest dangers, was able to discern that his preservation and safety came more by his own virtue and by chance, then by the succours and aid of his people, from whom he was oftentimes separate sometimes by the confusion of the battle, and sometimes by the troubles and obscurities of the night: such was the discourse and state of this conflict, that Trywlco (A Captain of great trial and experience of things) affirmed that this battle was fought by Giants and not by men, and that eighteen battles wherein he had been an execucioner, were but combats of little children, in comparison of this: It is not to be doubted that (without the aid of the artilleries) the victory had not remained to the Swyzzers, who, entering at the first charge into the fortifications of the french, and recovering from them the most part of th'artilleries, had always won further into their camp: Besides, the coming of Aluiano was to great purpose for the french, for that coming fresh to the fight when the battle was most doubtful, he redoubled the courage of the french, and gave terror to the Swyzzers, supposing that the whole Venetian army was with him: Touching the number of the dead bodies, if ever it was uncertain in a battle (as it happeneth almost always) it fell out most uncertain in this, men speaking diversly, some by passion, and some by error: some make reckoning offoureteene thousand Swyzzers to be slain, some set down but ten thousand, and others that have a more moderate judgement, affirm there were but eight thousand left on the ground, yea some would have them reduced to a number of three thousand, and all bodies of base place: on the french part in the encounter that was given over night, were slain Francis brother to the Duke of Bourbon, Monsr D'imbercourt, the Prince of Tallemount son to Monsr Trimoville, Monsr de Boysi nephew to the Cardinal of Amboyse, the Count of Sancerre, Catelarth of Sanoye, Bussy of Amboyse, and Movy ensign bearer to the king's band: All personages of mark either for their nobleness and greatness of estates, or for the honourable places they managed in the army: And touching the general numbers of dead bodies, some refer them to six thousand, & some reckon them to three thousand, amongst whom were certain Captains of the lanceknights, sundry men making sundry accounts for the causes and respects aforesaid.  
When the Swizzers were retired to Milan, they fell into great disagreement & controversy, some willing to accomplish an accord with the French king, & others persuading to continued the defence of Milan: wherein as there was amongst them partiality and faction, so every one had his particular reason and opinion: Those Captains that afore had solicited th'accord, sought now a cause less dishonest to break up, requiring money of Maximilian Sforce which they knew he was not able to advance: But all the bands of footmen at the persuasion of Rost their General, departed the day following to return to their country by the way of Coma: They left in the castle fifteen hundred Swizzers and five hundred Italians, and gave hope to the Duke that the same bands and regiments, would return speedily to his service, and give rescue to the castle: with this property of hope, Maximilian Sforce accompanied with john Gonzago, & jerom Morono with other gentlemen of Milan, enclosed himself in the castle, after he had with great difficulty consented that his brother Francis Duke of Bary should go into Germany: The Cardinal of Zion took his journey towards Gaesar to solicit for succours, giving his faith to return to the service with expedition.  
Thus was the city of Milan abandoned and given up to the French king, neither their valour nor their fortune being able to minister any further protection amid so many hard adversities: And as it is a course ordinary in human chances, that one infelicity never comes alone, so, besides their subjection, they suffered this property of calamity, to pay to the king such quantities of treasure and money, as it pleased him to impose upon them: only his person forbore to enter the town so long as the castle held good for the enemies, holding it a matter unworthy the majesty of a king, to make his entry into a town which was not wholly and absolutely in his power: In the place where he had won the battle, he caused Masses to be song solemnly for three days: the first was to thank God for his victory: the second to pray for the souls of those that were slaughtered in the battle: and in the third he made supplication for peace, and in perpetual memory of his victory, he built in the same place a chapel of devotion: immediately upon the brute of this battle all the towns and castles of the Duchy of Milan followed the fortune of the victory, except the castles of Cremona and Milan, to the which was appointed Peter of Navarre, who assured that he would carry it in less than a month: A matter that seemed unreasonable in th'opinion of wise men, both for that the castle bore good fortifications, and also for the plentiful proportion of all things necessary for defence, yea having within it a resolute garrison of two thousand men of war.  
The Viceroy receiving advertisement of the french victory, remeined a very few days in the place where he was encamped, and that more by necessity then by will, having no reason nor opportunity to remove his army for want of money: But being at last refurnished with some little proportion, and borrowing beside of Laurence de Medicis six thousand ducats, he broke up and withdrew to Ponto de Nuro with intention to go to the Realm of Naples: for, albeit the Pope understanding what was happened, had in the beginning represented to the world the constancy of his predecessor, having withal, the Ambassadors of the confederates to persuade him to make head against fortune, and to labour either to hold the Swyzzers in good disposition, or at lest upon their revolting, to take in their places the lanceknights: yet he discerned that it could not be but that the remedies and provisions would fall out too slow for his perils, and that he should be the first that should suffer: for that though the respect and reverence of the Church held the king from molesting the state Ecclesiastyke, yet he could not believe that it was able to contain him from assailing Parma and Plaisanca as members depending of the Duchy of Milan, and much less hold him from molesting the state of Florence, A matter wherein all regards did cease, and for the which he would think himself as deeply offended as if violence were directly offered to the state of the Church: It was not without cause that he feared these invasions, for that the king had already given order to cast a bridge over the river of Paw near to Pavia, to sand to take Parma and Plaisanta, and afterwards, if the Pope refused his amity, to proceed by the way of Pontresmo to chasse the Medicis from the town of Florence. But amid these devices and preparations, The Duke of Savoy and Bishop of Tricaro the Pope's Nuncio, by commission of the Pope, treated with the king, who was not without vehement desires to be accorded with him, fearing perhaps new alliances to be made against him, & bearing a wonderful reverence and inclination to the sea Apostolic for the terror that was thorough the whole Realm of France by reason of the persecutions received by Pope julio: In these respects there was concluded between them a present confederation for the defence of the states of Italy, wherein was particularly expressed that the king should take upon him the protection of the person of the Pope, the state of the Church, julian and Laurence de Medicis, and the estate of Florence: That the king should give an estate in France and pension to julian, and to Laurence a pension & a company of fifty lances: That he should consent that the Pope might give passage to the Viceroy thorough the states and jurisdiction of the Church, to return with his army to the kingdom of Naples: That the Pope should be bound to make departed out of Verona, the soldiers he had there, and withal, to countermand the companies sent to the succours of Caesar against the Venetians: That he should give up to the french king the cities of Farma and Plaisanca, and in recompense thereof, the king to agreed that from thence forward the Duchy of Milan should be bound to levy for his use the salts of Ceruia, A matter of great profit to the church, and wherein the Pope had already agreed with the Duke of Milan in the confederation he made with him: That there should be made an arbytration and compromisse in the person of the Duke of Savoy, to judge whether the Florentines had broken the confederation made with king Lowys, and if they have offended that way, than he to have power to impose such penalty as they have deserved: This the king said he demanded more for satisfying of his honour, then for other respect.  
Assoon as this conclusion was made, the Bishop of Tricaro went to Rome in post to persuade the Pope to ratify it, And Laurence de Medicis to give occasion to the Viceroy to departed the sooner, withdrew to Parma & Reggia the companies that were within Plaisanca: touching himself, he went to the king to obtain his good grace and favour, and to persuade him that in all estates of times and chances of things, he would depend upon him, using in that office or offer of Court, the advises of his Uncle which were more full of subtlety then of good meaning: It was much a do to induce the Pope to this ratification, for that it brought no little displeasure to him to lose Parma and Plaisanca: He could willingly have temporised to see what the Swizzers would first determine, who having called a Parliament at Surich (the principal Canton of the whole nation, and most enemy to the French) debated to give rescue to the Castle of Milan, notwithstanding they had abandoned the valleys and the towns of Bellinzone & Lugarno, but not the Castles. Nevertheless the king obtained the Castle of Lugarno in corrupting the captain with six thousand crowns: only the Grisons would not abandon Chiavanna: At last the Bishop of Tricaro laying afore him the danger lest the king would invade Parma and Plaisanca, and send men of war into Tuskane, and making great terror of the harms that the Swissers had received at the battle of Marignan: the Pope was content to ratify the peace, albeit under this moderation, that neither he nor his Agentes should be bound to give up into the king's hands Parma and Plaisanca, but by leaving them void of men and officers, to give liberty to the king to enter upon them: That the Pope should not be bound to levy his people from Verona, for that he would not commit such a property of injury against Caesar: and yet he promised to do it upon the next convenient occasion: lastly that the Florentines should be holden absolved of the protended breaking of the league. The accord bore also that the king should not take upon him the protection of any vassal or subject of thestate of the Church, and that not only he should not hinder the Pope as their supreme lord, to proceed against them with correction, but also he should be bound to minister aid to him in that action when necessity required. Moreover it was debated that the Pope and the French king should have an interview together in some place convenient, A matter offered by the king particularly, but desired indifferently by them both: The king sought it, the better to establish that amity, to assure th'estates of such his friends as he had in Italy: and lastly for that he hoped with his presence, and offering great advancements to the Pope's brother & nephew, to win of him his consent to invade the realm of Naples: A matter which was one of his greatest desires: The Pope wished this interview, to th'end that with that office and observance very proper to win grace & amity with every one, to entertain the king whilst he stood in so great fortune and prosperity. Many thought not well of this deliberation, as an action unworthy of the majesty of a Pope, and that it more appertained to the king, desiring to have conference with him, to go seek him and do reverence to him at Rome: but the Pope gave it out that he was so much the more ready to condescend to this meeting, by how much he was desirous to induce the king not to molest the realm of Naples during the life of the king catholic, who to the judgement of man could not live long, for that it was more than a year since he was ill disposed.  
In this mean while Peter of Navarre was labouring to carry the castle of Milan, 
Pe. Navarre afore the Castle of Milan.  and having won a mordring house upon the castle ditch which on the flank side had his prospect upon the gate of Coma, and afterwards approaching nearer the ditch and the castle wall by the help of pavisses and engines of wood, be began to work a mine within the said ditch: And when he had removed the defences, he began to labour more mines, taking away with the help of his engines a great pave or space of the wall on the flank of the Castle, and applied his hooks and Rams to make it fall at the same instant that he put fire to his mines: Matters which albeit in common judgement seemed not sufficient to carry the castle but with great difficulty & long time, & that there was good intelligence that the Swizzers by the resolution of Zurich, prepared to secure it: yet a practice being begun between john Gonsago the duke of Milan's captain which was within the castle, & the Duke of Bourbon his parent, Jerome Morono, with two other Swisser Captains interposing also in the action, the resolution was concluded the fourth day of October not without a wonderful marvel of all men: Jerome Morono was specially blamed for this conclusion for that either through fear, which was natural in him, or for want of faith which was never imputed to him, he had used his authority to persuade the Duke to agreement: Nevertheless he excused himself upon certain controversies and mutinies happened between the footmen of the Swizzers and the Italians: Tharticles of th'accord were, that Maximilian Sforce should immediately give up into the hands of the french king, the castles of Milan and Cremona: That he should depose himself of all rights & interests which he had in that estate: That he should receive of the king, a certain proportion of money to pay his dets: That he should go into France where the king should endue him with a yearly pension of thirty thousand ducats, or procure him to be made Cardinal with the same revenue: That the king should pardon Galeas Viscont with certain other gentlemen of that Duchy who had followed the service of Maximilian: That he should distribute amongst the Swizzers that were within the castle, six thousand crowns: That he should confirm to john Gonzago the goods that he held in thestate of Milan by the gift of the Duke, and enlarge his living with some yearly pension: That he should in like sort ratify to Morono, as well the goods that appertained to him in property, as others that he had of the Duke's gift, together with the offices he exercised, and should make him Master of requests of the court of France: upon the publication of this accord, Maximilian surnamed the Moore according to the name of his father, departed out of the castle and went into France: he said it was a sweet adversity that brought with it prosperity, for that by that exchange of fortune, he was drawn out of the servitude of the Swizzers, the ill dealings of Caesar, and the deceits of the Spaniards: In this alteration also men seemed more to allow of the working of fortune that she had so speedily deposed him from such a degree, then that afore she had exalted a man, who, for his incapacity, inconstant thoughts, and most fowl manners of life, was unworthy of all greatness.  
afore the castle of Milan was restored there were sent to the king as Ambassadors from Venice these four of the most principal and honourable of the Senate Antho. Grimani, Dominike Trevisan, George Cornaro, & Andrew Gritti: Their coming was to congratulat with the king of his victory, and to beseech him by the virtue of the capitulations of the league, to aid them to recover their towns: An enterprise wherein they had no other impediments than the forces of Caesar, & the Pope's regiments that were within Verona under the charge of Mark Antho. Colonno: for, the Viceroy after he was gone from of the marches of Plaisanca, and had reposed some few days upon the frontiers of Modona expecting the Pope's ratification to th'accord with the french king, he withdrew with all diligence to the realm of Naples by the way of Romagna: upon the relation of these Ambassadors, the king gave speedy order that the bastard of Savoy and Theoder Triwlco should go to their succour with six hundred lances and seven. thousand lanceknights: who, whilst they deferred to march and departed, either that they temporised to see what would come of the castle of Milan, or that the king had a meaning to sand out the same bands against the castle of Cremona, Aluiano drew with his army towards Bressa, for, the Venetians would not consent that he should follow the Viceroy, for that they desired to recover Bressia and Verona (if it were possible) without foreign succours: But because that City was newly resupplyed with a thousand lanceknights, and Bergamo also rendered to the Venetians many days before, Aluiano resolved to go first to besiege Verona, as being the least fortified, and having there greatest commodity of victuals, and withal for that Verona being taken, the action of Bressia would be easy, the situation bearing no opportunity of succours by the Almains: only he forbore to give beginning to his enterprise for fear lest the Viceroy and the Pope's bands that were in the countries of Reggia and Modena should not repass over Paw at Ostia, to rescue Verona: But being delivered of that suspicion by the going away of the Viceroy, he fell into an other impediment of sickness, whereof he died in the beginning 
Death of Aluiano.  of October at Gueda in the country of Bressia, having not yet threescore years of age: The Venetians received great displeasure for his death, but greater was the sorrow of the soldiers, who being not satisfied with the remembrance of him, kept publicly in th'army his body by the space of xxv. days, carrying it about with them with very great pomp, at such time as they marched: And when he should be conveyed to Venice, Theodor Triwlco would not suffer that as he was carried by the marches of Verona, they should demand safeconduit of Mark Antho. Colonno, saying, it was not convenient that he who in his life had never fear of his enemies should now in his death demand the thing by petition which afore they durst not deny him of duty: he was buried at Venice by public order and with great ceremonies in S. Stephen's Church, where yet remaineth the monument of his sepulchre, and in perpetual remembrance of the merits and virtues of his life, was pronounced by a very eloquent young Gentleman, a funeral oration: he was a captain in all men's opinion of great resolution and courage, and an assured executioner of things determined: and yet either by the malice of fortune, who hath no small empery over enterprises, or for that he was sudden in counsel, a principal enemy to the valour of men, he received many foils by his enemies, yea it is thought he never obtained victory when he was general of an army.  
By reason of the death of Aluiano, the French king (not being required by the Venetians) gave to them for governor of their army, Triwlco, whom they so much desired, aswell for his experience wherein he was well confirmed, as for his reputation in the science of war, for the which they had him in no small opinion: but most of all for that by the common inclination of the faction of the guelfs, there had been always a settled amity and good will between him and that common weal. Whilst he went to the army to take his charge, the Venetian bands took Pesquiero, and overthrew a little before th'enterprise, certain troupes of horsemen, and three hundred Spanish footmen that went to their rescue, recovering also Asolo and Lovo, which the Marquis of Mantua had abandoned. Assoon as Triwlco was come to the army they besieged Bressia at thinstance of the Senate, notwithstanding it seemed a matter of great difficulty to carry it without the French army, both for that the town was strong and well manned with a crew of two thousand footmen aswell lanceknights as Spaniards, and also for that a great number of the guelfs had been constrained to go away, the winter also drawing on, and the season much disposed to rain and storms: Neither did the issue and success of the matter beguile the judgement that the captain gave of it: for as they had begun to do execution upon the walls with their artilleries which they had planted upon the brink of the ditch on that side where issueth the small river of Garzetto: so they that were within making many sallies, broke forth at last with fifteen hundred lanceknights and Spaniards, to charge the guard of th'artillery, which was an hundred men at arms and six thousand footmen: and beating them also with the shot that for that end was araunged upon the town wall, they put them easily to flight, notwithstanding that john Paul Manfron with thirty men at arms sustained somewhat their fury: In this action they slew two hundred bodies, burned the powders, and drew into Bressia ten pieces of artilleries: For the harms of this disorder, Triwlco thought good to retire and encamp more at large, expecting the coming of the French men: In which mind he withdrew to Coccaio, which is ten miles from Bressia, the Venetians looking in the mean while to make new provisions of artillery & munitions: But assoon as the frenchmen were come the camp returned to besiege the town, & began to batter it in two sundry places on that side of the gate of Piles towards the Castle, and also on that side of the gate of S. john: in one of which quarter's the French men were encamped, and after they had given leave to the lanceknights, for that they refused to do service against the towns of Caesar's obedience, Peter of Navarre arrived at the camp with five thousand Gascons and frenchmen: And in the other quarter lay with the Venetian regiments, Triwlco, in whom rested almost the whole superintendency of those affairs, for that the bastard of Savoy being fallen into sickness, was gone from th'army: When they had battered the wall, they followed not with th'assault for the sundry rampires and fortifications which the valour of the defendants had made to resist their violence: Only Peter of Navarre having recourse to his accustomed remedies, began to undermine and sink the walls. About this time Mark Antho. Colonno issuing out of Verona with six hundred horsemen & five hundred footmen, encountered in the plain john Paul Manfron and Mark. Antho. Buo, who were bestowed in garrison within Valeggio with four hundred men at arms & four hundred light horsemen, he overthrew them, & in the skirmish was taken the son of john Paul, his horse being killed under him, and his father fled for his safety to Goieto: Immediately after which expedition, Mark Antho. occupied Leguaguo, where were taken prisoners certain Gentlemen of Venice. At last the difficulties to take Bressia being more and more redoubled, both for that the mines employed by Peter of Navarre did not answer the hopes that had been given, and also for an expectation of eight thousand footmen to come out of Germany, which the Captains that lay about Bressia had no confidence to be able to hinder: The Venetians to cover someway thignominy of their retreat, were contented to agreed with the defendants of Bressia, that if they were not succoured within thirty days, they would abandon the City and go out of it with their ensigns displayed, their artilleries, and what else appertained to them: A promise which every one knew would serve to no purpose for th'assurance they had of succours: only it was a thing profitable to them of Bressia to be delivered in the mean while from adversities and afflictions. Afterwards the Venetians put eight thousand footmen within Bre▪ a town subect to the Counts of Lodrono, but assoon as they heard the lanceknights marched (to whom the Castle of Auso was rendered) they retired cowardly to th'army: The capteins themselves showed no greater resolution & courage, who fearing to be charged at one time both by those bands, & the defendants of Bressia, and also by Mark Antho▪ Colonno with the regiments that were within Verona, retired to Gueda, whither they had sent afore (being assured of that accident) their greatest sorts of artillery and almost all their baggage: And the lanceknights that entered into Verona without impediment, returned into Germany, after they had refurnished it of victuals, and reenforced the garrison.  
During these accidents and interchange of affairs, the Pope and the French king had agreed upon an interview at Bolognia: A place which the king accepted afore Florence, because he would not be far removed from the Duchy of Milan, And chief for that the Duke of Savoy managed continually the negotiation of accord between him and the Swyzzers: But some thought he made election of that place, for that in passing into Tuskane he should be constrained to lead with him a great train of soldiers, to th'end he should not enter into Florence with a less pomp than did the late king Charles before him: for dressing of which pomp, it behoved him to spend certain days in deferring a matter by so much more grievous and intolerable to the king, by how much (besides general respects) it would breed occasion to make him retain yet longer the whole army, whereof albeit the expenses were great, yet made he no reckoning nor resolution to sand away any 
Interview of Pope Leo & the fr. king in Bolognia.  part of it, so long as his person remained in Italy: Thus the Pope entered into Bolognia the eight day of December, and after him the king made his entry within two days, and to receive him, were gone to the confyns of the country of Reggia, the Cardinals Fiesqu● and Medicis, Legates apostolic: The king entered without many bands of soldiers, and with no great train of Court and Courtiers, And being conveyed according to the manner of kings into the public Consistory afore the Pope's presence, he offered in his own person (his great Chancellor delivering the speech for him) the obedience which till then he had not protested: They were lodged three days together in one palace, showing one to another right great and manifest tokens of good will and amity: They confirmed at this meeting with words and promises, the obligations and contracts passed afore, and debated beside, of many things touching the Realm of Naples, which for that the king was in no readiness to assail at that time, he contented himself with the great hope and assurances which the Pope gave to favour him in that enterprise, either assoon as the king of Arragon should die, who in reasonable judgement could not long live, or when the confederation which he had with him should be ended, which yet had continuance of sixteen months: The king also besought the Pope to tender to the Duke of Ferrara Modono and Reggia, whereunto he condescended so far forth as the Duke repaid xl. thousand ducats which he had given to Caesar for Modona, & withal, make recompense for such sums of money as he had disbursed in expenses for both the cities: Lastly the king was a suitor for Francis Maria Duke of Vrbyn, who being waged and interteyned by the Church with two hundred men at arms and appointed with juliande Medicis to go to th'army, and afterwards that charge being transferred to Laurence, by reason julian was sick: he refused to go thither, alleging he would not accord to Laurence that which against his dignity he had suffered for friendship's sake in julian, to bear the place of a simple captain and subject to th'authority of an other and that in the army of the Church, wherein he had ruled so oftentimes as general and sovereign Commander of all: Moreover he revoked those soldiers in his pay that were on the way notwithstanding his promiss to send them on to the service: he had also secretly compounded or at lest was in action of composition with the french king, like as also ever since the kings victory, he had not ceased by special working to kindle him against the Pope: who taking thoccasion of those injuries, and casting by all his devices to make fall to his house that Duchy, refused to the king his demand, reducing to his remembrance by sweet words, of what consequence it would be for th'affairs of the Church, to give boldness to his subjects to rebel by so hurtful an example: These reasons induced the king to conform himself to the Pope's will, notwithstanding in regard of his honour, he would gladly have purchased safety for him that was fallen into danger for being faithful to his service: Whereunto he was persuaded by many of his council and most of his Court, who under the example of the late king, proved how unwise a council it was to give heart and countenance to the Duke Valentynois to oppress the inferior Lords of Italy, a matter that made him rise into that estate of greatness, that if God had given longer life to his father Pope Alexander, his ambition could not but have been very prejudicial to the affairs of France: The Pope promised to give the king power to levy the tenth part of the Church revenues of the realm of France for the arearing of an army: And gave also his consent that the king should have the nomination of benefices which always afore hath appertained to colleges and Chapters of Churches, a matter that fell out much to the profit and purpose of the kings of France, not only having by that mean the faculty to dispose at their own arbitration and will many rich benefices, but also the annates of the french Churches, should afterwards be paid to the Pope according to the true value, and not as the ancient taxations being far less required: Wherein the Pope found himself deceived: for, when his Deputies and commissaries, for the realm of France, sought to proceed against those that concealed the true value, they could find no proof nor testimony, and much less have mean to execute against the parties, so that dispatches went out according to the old rates: The king for his part promised not to take into his protection any of the Cities of Tuskane: And albeit afterwards he required to have liberty to protect the people of Lucqua who offered him five and twenty thousand ducats, saying he was bound to that protection by th'obligation of his predecessor, yet the Pope would give no consent, but promised for his part that he would forbear to molest them in any sort: Lastly they agreed by indifferent consent of them both to send friar Giles General of the Augustins and an excellent preacher, to Caesar in the Pope's name to dispose him to tender to the Venetians Bressa and Verona, taking a recompense of money: And so upon the expedition of these matters, but not set down by writing, except th'article for nomination of benefices and payment of the annates according to the true value: the Pope in favour of the king pronounced Cardinal Adrian de Boisy, brother to the great Master of France and of the greatest authority with the king and in the general government: That the interview broke up, the king departing from the Pope very well contented and in great hope to have him his perpetual friend, who for his part expressed no less with all reasonable demonstrations: but in his mind he nourished other impressions: for that both it was a matter no less grievous to him then afore, that the Duchy of Milan should be possessed by the French king, and Parma and Plaisanca restored, and also that the Duke of Ferrara should be eftsoons reinvested in Modena and Reggia: And yet all these not long after turned to vanity and smoke, for that the Pope being gone from Bolognia to Florence, & remeining there about a month, had received of the Duke promises of the money that should be paid assoon as he should enter into possession, & being there set down in writing by common consent thinstruments that were to pass between them, the Pope neither denying nor accomplishing, but interposing many delays and excuses, refused to give perfection to things.  
The king being returned to Milan, dismissed his army except seven hundred 
1516.  lances, six thousand lanceknights and four thousand frenchmen such as they caladuenturers, whom he left for the guard of that estate: And for his own person he teturned into France with great speed about the first beginning of the year 1516. 
The french king returneth into France.  leaving behind him as his lieutenant, Charles Duke of Bourbon: he thought he had left his affairs in Italy in good estate of surety, both for the alliance newly contracted with the Pope, and also for that about that time, he was newly compounded with the Swyzzers, who, notwithstanding the persuasions of the king of England to have them to re-enter into arms against the french king renewed with him th'alliance by the which they bond themselves to furnish always for his service and at his pay, both in Italy and out of Italy, for defence and offence, and against all nations, such numbers of footmen as he would require, and that under their universal name and public enfeignes: only they excepted to bear arms against the Pope, the Empire, and th'emperor: And on the other side, the king confirmed to them of new their ancient pensions, with promiss to pay them within a certain time the six hundred thousand ducats agreed upon at Dyon, with three hundred thousand if they gave up to him the villages and valleys appertaining to his Duchy of Milan: A matter which the five Cantons that possessed those places, refusing to do, as also to ratify the accord, the king began to pay to the other eight Cantons that part and portion of the money that appertained to them: who accepted it, but under this express condition that they should not be bound to take his pay against the five Cantons.  
About the beginning of this year the Bishop Petruccio an ancient servant to the Pope, chassed out of Sienna by the Pope's aid and some help from the Florentines, Borgueso son to Pandolffe Petruccio his cossing, and impatronised himself upon the place, the authority and government remeining by equity in the possession of his said cossing: the Pope had two respects inducing him to this action, the one for that that city standing between the estate of the Church, and the dominion of the Florentines, was governed by a man wholly at his devotion: the other was & much more particular and moving, for that he hoped with the favour of some good occasion, to make it fall into the government of his brother or his nephew, wherein he doubted nothing of the Bishop's consent, having already framed him tractable to all his desires and ambitions.  
The war continued kindled between Caesar and the Venetians, who for their parts desired to recover by the aid of the french king, Bressa and Verona: But for other places and regions of Italy, things seemed to stand in a peaceable estate: only there began to burst out motions of new stirs that were pushed on by the king of Arragon, who fearing lest the greatness of the french king would bring some adversities to the realm of Naples, dealt with Caesar and the king of England, to recontinewe the war: A matter not only of no great difficulty and hardness to draw Caesar unto, being both desirous of innovation and new things, and also was not able easily to keep the towns which he had taken from the Venetians: But also it was fully concluded and agreed unto by the king of England: The remembrance of the late infidelity and breach of promise of his father in law, being of less power in him, then either his present emulation or ancient hatred against the crown of France: beside, he was envious, that the Skottish king being in minority, should be governed by people of his appointment, or any way depending on him.  
These matters had been followed both with better council, and greater forces, if 
Death of the king Catholic.  during the negotiation, the death of the king of Arragon had not happened, who, after he had been vexed with a long indisposition, died in an inferior village called Madrigalege, as he went to Sevile with his Court: he was a king excellent in council and so furnished with all other properties of virtue, that he bore no occasion matter of reprehension, if he had been constant to keep his promises: for, touching th'imputation of nigardness or the reapport that went of him to be strait in expenses, it was proved untrue by the testimony and discovery of his estate after his death, leaving behind him no amass of treasure, notwithstanding he had reigned xlij. years: But it happeneth oftentimes by the corrupt judgement of men, that in a king prodigality is more praised though the raking and oppression of subjects be joined to it, than a sparing straightness wherein is nourished an orderly abstaining from taxing the goods of others: To thexcellent virtues of this Prince, was joined a most rare, and perpetual felicity during the whole course of his life, excepting only the death of his only son: for, the accidents of his wives and his son in law, were the cause that he kept his greatness until his death, and the necessity to departed with Castillo after his wives death, was rather a sport then a blow of fortune: In all other things he was right happy: for, being second son to john king of Arragon, he came to the crown by the death of his elder brother: he aspired to the kingdom of Castillo by Issabell his wife: he subdued the Competytors of the same kingdom, and expulsed them: he made a conquest of the Realm of Granado, which the enemies of Christian faith had usurped almost eight hundred years: he annexed to his Empire, the Realms of Naples, and Navarre, and the principality of Orano, with many other places of importance upon the coast of Affriqua: he bore always the victory and upperhand of his enemies: he almost cloaked his ambitions and covetousness with an honestzeale to religion, and an holy affection to the common weal wherein fortune appeared manifestly conjoined with industry. About a month afore his death, died the Great captain, both absent from the Court, and ill 
Death of the Great captain.  contented of the king: And yet the king gave order, that in remembrance of his valour, there should be done to him both in the Court and through the whole parts of the Realm, those honours that have not been used to be done, but at the death of kings: A matter plausibly accepted and executed by all his subjects, who omitted no fort of reverence or celebration to the name of the Great Capteyne, making him singular in liberality, in council, in discretion, and for knowledge in wars and martial science, excelling all the Captains of his time.  
By the death of this king, the french king entered into a new courage to address an enterprise against the realm of Naples, to the which he was in mind to sand forthwith the Duke of Bourbon with an army of eight hundred lances, & ten thousand footmen: he seemed to reappose much in th'opportunity of the time, for that the kingdom being in some tumult upon the death of the king, and ill prepared for defence, he persuaded a facility of conquest, specially the Archduke having no respite or time to secure it: And he doubted nothing of the Pope's favour, both for the hopes he had given him at the interview of Bolognia, and in regard of th'alliance contracted with him, and also in consideration of his proper interest, as though he should be jealous of the wonderful height and greatness of th'archduke heir present to so many kingdoms by the death of the king Catholic, and expected successor of Caesar: he hoped beside, that th'archduke would give him no great impediment, knowing how harmful might be to him his ill will touching the Realms of Spain, but specially for the regard of the kingdom of Arragon, whereunto many of the same famulie had aspired, if their power had been as great as their right: for albeit in the life of the late king and Isabella his wife, it was interpreted in an open & general Parliament, that the ancient constitutions of that kingdom which admit not women to the succession of the Crown, were not prejudicial against the issue males borne of them, when in the line masculine was to be found neither brother, uncle, nor nephew of the dead king, nor any other that was more nearer to him than they that were descended of the woman's side, or at lest in equal degree: and that for that reason it was declared, that after the death of Ferdinand, the succession appertained to th'archduke Charles, wherein was brought for example, that after the death of Martin king of Arragon dying without issue males, the sentence of the judges deputed to that matter through the whole kingdom, preferred Ferdinand grandfather to this Ferdinand, notwithstanding he came of the women's side, afore Count Vrgello and others joined to Martin by masculine line, but in degree and property of descending, further off then Ferdinand: yet the people nourished amongst themselves a secret complaint and controversy, that in that interpretation and declaration, the power of Ferdinand and Isabella had more force, than the law of justice and equity: In this did thinterpretation seem unjust to many, that the women being excluded, such as descended of them might be admitted, and withal that in the sentence given to the behoof of th'old Ferdinand, the fear of his arms ruled more than reason. These matters being laid open to the French king, and withal that the peoples of the province of Arragon, Valence, and Earldom of Catelonia (all these are comprehended under the kingdom of Arragon) stood desirous to enjoy a king proper and particular: He hoped that th'archduke, not to endanger so great a succession and so many estates, would not at last be strange or hard to leave to him that kingdom under some reasonable composition. And for the better preparing of this enterprise, because he would insinuate by benefits, aswell as prevail by forces, he sought at that time to set at liberty Prospero Colonno, upon whom was imposed a ransom of xxxv. thousand ducats, whereof the king procured him to be pardoned of the one moiety: By which property of favour the world believed that Prospero had made secret promise' not to bear arms against him, yea haply to aid him in the war of Naples, albeit with some limitation or reserving of his honour.  
Albeit the king was occupied with these thoughts, and had now determined to defer no longer the action of arms and foreign war, yet he was driven by new accidents to turn his mind wholly to his own defence: for that Caesar having received a hundred and twenty thousand ducats according to the former negotiation begun with the king of Arragon, made preparation to invade the duchy of Milan, after he had once given succours to Verona and Bressia: for the Venetian army (commanded by Theoder Triwlco, for that the other Triwlco was returned to Milan) lying encamped within six miles of Bressia, suffered their estradiots to make incursions thorough the whole country: And one day being charged by those that were within the town, and either party ronning to the rescue and secure of their friends, they repulsed them and drove them beaten into Bressta, having long fought for the victory, in which conflict they slew many, and took prisoner the governors brother of the City. Not many days after Monsr de Lawtrech general of the French army, and Theodore Triwlco having espial that a strength of three thousand lanceknights came to Bressia to conduct the money sent for the pay of the soldiers, sent out to hinder their passage at the Castle of Aufo, janus Fregoso and john Conrado Vrsin with certain bands of both the armies: they put the lanceknights to flight, and made slaughter of eight hundred of them, the residue carrying away the money, found safety by flying to Lodrono. Afterwards the Venetians sent a regiment of two thousand five hundred footmen into Sandualley to fortify the castle of Aufo, who brunt Lodrono and Astoro. Thus were they in Bressia marvelously traveled, whose adversities and straightness bearing suspicion lest they would give up, compelled Caesar to advance and march: he took his way by Trent to Verona, having in his army five thousand horsemen, fifteen thousand Swizzers sent to him by the five Cantons, and ten thousand footmen aswell Spanish as lanceknights: By reason of which marching coming on both in a manner, in a number, and by a way contrary to expectation, the French army and the Venetians, leaving sufficient garrisons within Vincensa and Padua, went to Pesquiero, carrying a mind to stop Caesar's passage at the river of Mince: But (as it often happeneth in matters of enterprise) the execution did nothing answer the counsel: for that when they saw thenemies approach and come on, they wanted the courage to perform in the field the thing which they had so bravely promised under counsel in their pavilions, but, having passed Oglia, they retired to Cremona, omitting th'opportunity with the loss of reputation, which in the enemy increased together with a new courage and resolution: But Caesar, either carried by an undiscreet counsel, or pushed on by an evil fortune, encamped before Asolo, which was guarded by a hundred men at arms and four hundred footmen of the Venetians: there he consumed unprofitably many days, wherein it was thought that the respite which he gave to thenemies in that delay, took from him th'opportunity of the victory. Assoon as he broke up from before Asolo, he passed the river of Oglio at Orcinovo, and thenemies leaving in Cremona three hundred lances and three thousand footmen, retired on the other side the river of Addo, with intention to stop his passage: By whose retiring leaving the pieces there abandoned, all the country between Oglio, Paw, and Addo, was at the devotion of Caesar, except Cremona & Crema, whereof the one was guarded by the French, & the other kept by the Venetians: The Cardinal of Zion with many of the banished people of the duchy of Milan, followed Caesar together with Mark. Antho. Colonno who marched with two hundred men at arms of the Pope's pay: A matter which gave so much the more fear to the Frenchmen, by how much their greatest hopes were reduced thither, if ten thousand Swizzers who had been paid for ten months made any more tarrying to march. After Caesar had passed the river of Oglio, he drew near to the river of Addo to make his passage at Pisquetono, but finding many difficulties to pass in that place, he came to Rivolco, the Frenchmen lying at Casciano on the other side the river, who for that the Swissers were not come, and that the river of Addo had many foardes that yielded facility of passage, retired the day after to Milan, not without matter of infamy to Monsr Lawtrech, who had written to the king that he would stop Caesar's passage at that river: But Caesar finding no impediment to resist his passage there, joined diligence to his fortune, and finding men's minds inclined to his victory, he had the City of Loda rendered to him forthwith: And being within a few miles of Milan, he sent an Herald to summon the town, threatening th'inhabitants, that if within three days they expulsed not the French army, he would deal worse with them then did Federike Barberosso his predecessor, who not satisfied to waste and burn Milan, caused salt to be sowed and strawed about in memory of his anger and their rebellion.  
The French men that in great fear were retired to Milan, fell amongst themselves into great debates and diversity of councils: some were of opinion to abandon Milan, both for that in themselves was no possibility of resistance against so mighty enemies, and withal they had no great confidence in the coming of the Swizzers, notwithstanding they knew they were already upon the way: Besides, they had advertisement that the Cantons either had already ordered, or were at point to command, that the soldiers of the Swizzers should departed from the service of both the one & the other, which direction it was thought credible & likely that those bands that were upon the way, would be more ready to obey than they that were in the service of th'enemy: Others gave advise not to leave the service, esteeming it too great infamy to leave forsaken in peril and adversity, those friends that had reapposed and laid up in them the whole confidence of their safety and protection: They alleged a better hope in the rescue of the Swizzers, and their own ability to defend Milan, giving a resolute counsel to stick to the defence of the town, and for their better furetie they willed to keep retained in Milan all the footmen, and eight hundred lances, making distribution of the others together with the Venetians and the light horsemen, into places adjoining, to keep and cut off victuals from thenemies. The variety of opinions was no small impediment to the present service, their danger and necessity being more importunate, than their councils resolute, or their confidence assured: Nevertheless the first council had been followed, had it not been for the contrary working and persuasion of Andrew Gritti and Andrew Trevisan, Venetian commissioners, who obtained by their authority (for otherwise they could win nothing) that a cowardly haste should not carry them further than the reputation of valour and counsel appertaining to men of war and service: In the action of which persuasions news came that the day following Alberto Peter would be in Milan with ten thousand Swizzers and Grisons: A matter that breathed new minds and courages in them, and yet having no confidence to be able to defend the suburbs, they burned them by the counsel of the Venetian commissioners, who advised them to that violence, either for that they supposed it necessary to the safety of the town, or else under that occasion they sought to satisfy the ancient hatred remaining of long time between them of Milan and Venice. They both expulsed out of the City, and also retained under good guard, many of the chieftains of the Gebelin faction, as inclined to the name of th'empire by the care and labour of those houses, and for that there were in the army many of the same partiality. In this mean while Caesar encamped with his army at Lambra two miles from Milan, where he had no sooner settled his camp to the terror of the town, then thexpected supply of Swizzers entered for the defence of it: Besides the suddenness of their coming, which in cases of rescue is of no small importance, their readiness and disposition to fight, amazed not a little even those that afore seemed to stand in assurance of the victory: They gave a new life to the discouraged minds of the French men, and no less fear & terror to Caesar, who looking into thancient hatred of that nation to the house of Ostrich, and comparing with his present estate, the accideut happened to Lodowick Sforce having Swizzers in his army, and in the French army his enemies, began to fear lest they would join him to that lamentable example: he saw it was likely that they would sooner practise infidelity and treason against him for the difficulty he had to pay them, then against the French men, to whom was wanting no money to pay their wages, nor to corrupt their minds: wherein this was one matter that confirmed him in his doubt, that james Stafflier general of the Swizzers, had asked him his pay with great arrogancy: Which nevertheless was deferred, besides many other difficulties, because the treasure that was sent to him out of Germany, was restrained by the Spanish regiments that were within Bressia, to satisfy so much of their pays as were due: So that in the consideration of these objections and doubts, together that the danger was nothing inferior to the fear, Caesar broke up his camp and retired towards the river of Adda, his negligence taking from him the glory of the victory which fortune and opportunity seemed to prepare for him: for, if he had made his approaches to Milan but three days afore (a time which he vainly consumed afore Asola) the French men that lined in great doubt and incertainty of the coming of the Swizzers, had returned beyond the Mounts: Besides, if he had not so soon discamped, either the French men, not reapposing fully in the Swizzers for the respects of their country men that served in Caesar's camp, had followed their first council, or else the Swissers taking their excuse upon the commandment of their superiors, would have abandoned the French men. Caesar passed the river of Adda, and was not followed of the Swizzers, who remained at Loda, protesting that if their pays came not within four days they would departed and leave his service: But Caesar making his abode upon the territories of Bergama, gave them continual hopes to be satisfied, for that he expected a new supply of money to be sent him out of England: he threatened to draw back his forces again to Milan, which eftsoons recontinued the doubts of the French men, who now more than ever stood incertain of the fidelity of the Swizzers, for that beside they had willingly forslowed their coming, with protestation that they would never lift up their weapons against their country men in the other camp, there was come to them a commandment from the Cantons to forsake the pay of the French men: In so much as there were two thousand of them that went away, leaving behind them great fear lest the others would follow their example, notwithstanding the Cantons had assured the king that they had given secret commandment to their footmen to the contrary. At last Caesar, after he had levied upon the town of Bergama an impost of xuj thousand ducats, and was gone towards Crema under hope of an intelligence, returned eftsoons upon the territories of Bergama without doing any thing, and determined to withdraw himself to Trenta: He communicated with the Captains of the army his deliberation, assuring them that his principal intention was to give order for money which he meant to levy of men, with the which and with the treasure of England that was upon the way, he would make a short return, desiring them to temporize & expect with him so good preparation: And they having sacked Loda, and forced the castle without artillery, retired to Guiaradada for want of victuals, after they had also made pillage of the town of S. Ange. After the departing of Caesar, there was some hope that the Swizzers with whom was joined the whole army at Romano, would estesones pass the river of Adda, the rather for that the Marquis of Brandebourg was come to the camp, and the Cardinal of Zion to Bergama with thirty thousand ducats which the king of England had sent: for fear whereof the duke of Bourbon whom almost all the Swizzers and the Venetian soldiers had forsaken, was come upon the shores on the other side the river to make resistance: but the thoughts of thenemies were suddenly changed, for that the Swizzers, the money not sufficing to satisfy their whole pay, dispersed and returned into their country by the valley of Voltolina: And for the same cause a regiment of three thousand footmen, part Spanish and part Dutch, came and rendered themselves to the camp of the French men and the Venetians, who being passed the river of Adda, had not ceased to travel thenemies with sundry incursions, and to skirmish with them with diverse fortunes and accidents: sometimes the French men had the worse, who in a hot skirmish made near Bergama lost about two hundred men at arms: and sometimes the adversity fell upon the contrary part, of whom in a like encounter fell into the fortune of a prisoner Caesar Fiermosquo: The residue of th'army drew near to Bressia, having received in priest a ducat for every man: but for the impediments that the light horsemen gave them, Mark Antho. Colonno entered into Verona with the lanceknights and certain bands of Spanish footmen, and all the others separated themselves.  
This was the end of the moving and marching of Caesar, wherein the French king had no small suspicion of the Pope, for that having summoned him according to the bond of the league made between them, that he should sand to the defence of thestate of Milan, five hundred men at arms, or at lest draw them near the confines, and withal to wage three thousand Swizzers according to his offer made to Antho. Maria Paluoisin which the king charged him withal: The Pope made but cold answers touching the waging of Swizzers, and taking an occasion to excuse himself that his men were in ill appointment, he promised to send him bands of the Florentines, who with certain of his soldiers marched very slowly towards Bolognia and Reggia: The king suspected more and more that he did communicate with the coming of Caesar, both for that assoon as he knew he was entered into Italy, he created Legate with him Barnerd Bibiena Cardinal of S. Maria in Portico, who bore always a settled emulation to the French, and was accustomed to impugn the proceeding of their affairs with the Pope: And also for that he suffered Mark. Antho. Colonno with his regiments to follow Caesar's army. But how so ever the king was jealous of the Pope's privity in this action, or by what humours he ran in conjecture against him for his consent to the emotion, it is most true that touching his proper interest, the Pope was not a little aggrieved with the descending of Caesar with so great forces, fearing that if he carried the victory, he would adventure to oppress all Italy, according to his ancient inclination: Nevertheless, what for thimpression of fear, and that such manner of proceeding was conformable to his nature, he dissembled his thoughts, labouring to make himself as little hateful as he could to either parties: That was the cause why he was bold to call home again Mark Antho. and durst not send to the king the succours he had promised: That he had created a Legate with Caesar, and on the other side, Caesar being departed from Milan, the Legate under a feigned cooler of sickness, stayed at Rubiera to see afore he passed further, what would be the issue of such an enterprise: And afterwards, to settle & quiet the king's mind, he thought good that his nephew Laurence (continuing in the same demonstration to depend of the king that he showed when he went to him at Milan) should give him money by the Florentines to pay three thousand Swizzers for one month: But albeit the king accepted this money, yet (disclosing by tokens that he knew the Pope's drifts) he said, that since he was always against him in war, and the alliance made with him served him to no use in times of danger, he would eftsoons make a new confederation wherein he would be bound but in peace and in seasons of surety.  
Assoon as the army of Caesar was dispersed and separate, the Venetians (without 
The Venetians recover Bressia.  tarrying for the french men) approached Bressia by night thinking to scale the walls: They had confidence in this enterprise by the small strength of men that was within, since there remained no more but six hundred footmen spanish, and four hundred horsemen, but both their ladders being shorter than was necessary to that service, & the valour of the defendants beguiling their expectation, their attempt drew with it no success: Afterwards arrived the french army under the charge of Odet de Foix whom the king had newly created his Lieutenant in place of Monsr Bourbon, who of his own motion had willingly resigned that government into the kings hands: These armies assailed Bressia with artilleries in four places to take from the defendants all reasonable possibility to make resistance against so several executions: and albeit the valour of the defendants contending against their fortune, made good resistance so long as they had hope, that a regiment of seven thousand footmen of the country of tyrol, being come by Caesar's commandment to Montagnia, should pass further: yet, both that rescue being disappointed for th'impediments which the Venetians bestowed in the castle of Auso and other passages, and also the defendants not willing to abide th'assault which was to be given the next yenare, (a great pane of the wall being already beaten down to the ground) the soldiers covenanted to leave the town and castle only with their goods saved, if they were not rescued within a day.  
About these times the Pope preparing to take by arms from Francis Maria de la Rowero, the Duchy of Vrbyn, began to proceed against him with censures and Church pains, causing to be published an admonition wherein was expressed, that being in the pay and wages of the Church, he had refused those regiments of men for the which he had received pay, and was secretly compounded with thenemies: That long time before, he had killed the Cardinal of Pavia of the which he was absolved by grace and not by justice, and had executed many other murders: That in the greatest heat of the war between Pope julio to whom he was Nephew, subject, and captain, he had sent Balthasar de Chastillion to take the kings pay: And that at the same time he had denied passage to certain bands that marched to join with the army of the Church, and in the jurisdiction which he possessed as freeholder to the sea Apostolic, he had pursued the soldiers of the Church that fled from the battle of Ravenna: The Pope was determined many months before to make war upon him, whereunto, besides all late and green injuries, he was pushed on by a disdain in that he refused to aid himself and his brother to return to Florence: And yet he was somewhat retained by a shame that he had to persecute the Nephew of him, by whose mean the Church was risen to such a greatness, but much more at the contemplation of his brother julian, who, in the time of their exile having remained many years in the Court of Vrbyn both with Duke Guido & after his death, with the Duke reigning, could not endure to see him deprived of the duchy wherein he had received entertainment, favour, and honour: But julian was no sooner dead of a consuming disease at Florence, and the great stirs of Caesar being vanished and turned into smoke: then the Pope at the persuasion of his Nephew Laurence and his mother Alfonsina thirsting after that estate, resolved to defer no longer the oppression which he had determined with no less injury than infamy: he was not ashamed to allege for excuse of his ingratitude (which many imputed to him for reproach and slander) not only the trespasses he had received by him, and the penalties which the rigour of the laws impose upon a subject that offends in contumacy against his Lord, or a captain who contrary to his bond denieth to lead the men for the which he is waged and entertained: But also he brought in this consideration, that it was to him a matter very jealous and dangerous, to endure in thentrails of his estate, a man, who by how much more he had begun already to offend him without all regard to faith and honour, by so much more it was certain that when so ever a greater occasion did offer, he would not be less ready or apt to do the like hereafter confirming his first ills 
The Pope taketh the Duchy of Urbin & giveth it to Laur▪ de Medicis his nephew.  with other examples of like nature. The discourse of that war was this: Assoon as Laurence showed himself upon the frontiers of the Duchy, and displayed his army compounded upon the soldiers and subjects of the Church and th'estate of Florence, The City of Urbin with other towns of that jurisdiction, made a voluntary rendering to the Pope, the Duke that was then retired to Pesera, giving them election to save themselves, since he had no ability to defend them: And assoon as th'army drew near, Pesera followed th'example of Urbin, the cowardice of the Duke concurring with his infelicities: for notwithstanding there was a garrison of three thousand footmen, the town mighty in fortifications, and had the sea at devotion, yet the Duke leaving within the Castle Tranquillo Mandolfo in whom he much reapposed, took his way to Mantua, whither he had sent before, his wife and sons: some supposed that his retiring thither came upon a suspected confidence he had in the soldiers, of whom the greatest part was unpaid: but some are of opinion that his impatience for the absence of his wife, was the cause of his going thither, under which policy he excused his fear with love. It is a true saying that adversities have a swift course, and fortune to make her mutability wonderful, can heap in one day all the chances of a world: for except the castles of Sinigalo, Pesero, S. Leo, and Maivolo, the whole duchy of Urbin and Pesero was reduced in four days to the obedience of the Church: But the Castle of Sinigalo made no delay to follow the course of the victory, as also the strong Castle of Pesero after it had been two days executed with artilleries, compounded to give up if within twenty days it were not rescued, so farforth as during this time of truce or expectation of succours, there were no casting of rampires nor other sort of fortifications: which condition being ill performed, was the cause that Tranquillo receiving no rescue within the time appointed, refused to deliver it up: and beginning a fresh to recontinue the war, he made new sallies and actions upon th'enemy without, which made his destiny the harder, for that the battery beginning to play with greater fury, the soldiers within the Castle preferring their own safety afore the will of Tranquillo, drew into mutiny against him, and delivered him up into the hands of the captains, who condemned him to be hanged for his promise breaking: Not many days after was rendered the castle of Maivola, a place very necessary to besiege S. Leo, for that it is but a mile distance, and hath his situation directly opposite: And they bestowed about S. Leo two thousand men to th'end to keep it besieged: And albeit for the strong situation there was no hope to carry it but by the last necessity, which is hunger: yet it was surprised within three months by an invention of a master Capenter, who climbing by night by the benefit of a very long Ladder up to a cliff or dependent supposed to be most inaccessible of all that mountain, he took away his ladder, and remaining there all the residue of the night, he began at the first appearing of the day, to climb higher with certain fastening instruments of iron, and got at last with great adventure to the top of the mountain, and so descending again, and with his iron instruments making easy certain of the places that were of most difficulty, he returned the night following to the camp by the help of the same ladder that carried him up: he declared to the captains that the mountain was accessible, and that in the enterprise the danger was greater in opinion then in adventuring, in so much as a night was appointed when he was sent thither with the same ladder that he first used: And as it was reasonable that he should be guide of th'action, that was the first author of thinvention, so there were committed to him a hundred and fifty footmen of choice, with whom staying upon the said cliff or dependent, they began at the opening of the day (for it was impossible to climb higher by night) to mount up those very hard and strait places, esteeming nothing of the peril when they considered what glory was in the adventure: with this labour about thirty of them overcame the difficulty of the place, and got up to the top of the mountain with a drum and six ensigns: and hiding themselves upon the ground to expect their companions that were a climbing, when the watch being then relieved espied them as they lay in ambush upon the earth: The watch gave the alarm when the soldiers being now disclosed not tarrying for their fellows, gave the sign to the army in the camp, who according to good direction took knowledge of the success of the climbers, and with great store of ladders offered a present assault to the mountain in many places: Their chiefest reason in this assault was to draw away those that were within, who after they had somewhat served the places they were apponted unto, and descrying already upon the plain of the mountain six ensigns advanced, they ran to enclose themselves within the Castle that was hewed out of the mountain, having now more fear of their lives, than confidence in the invincible strength of the place: The residue by this time being climbed up to the top of the mountain, they began to command the whole place opening the way to others that as yet with great pain & difficulty were labouring to win the top of the hill: But the resolution of the clymers being far above the valour of the defendants, in whom also the suddenness of the fortune redoubled their fear, the mountain become a reward to the labours of those that had adventured to climb it, when the Castle also well provided of all things to hold out saving of valour and fidelity, yielded the second day: In so much as upon the conquering of this estate, which together with Pesera & Sivigalo separate members from the Duchy of Urbin, was not worth in revenue above xxv. thousand ducats. The Pope pursuing the process he had begun, published sentence & deprived Francis Maria, and in the consistory invested his nephew Laurence: wherein for a more able and sufficient confirmation of his doings, he annexed to the Bull which he dispatched for that action, the subscribing of the proper hands of all the Cardinals, saving of Dominike Grimani Bishop of Urbin and an ancient friend to the Duke, who would not be concurrant in so manifest a wrong, & for that cause fearing the Pope's indignation, he departed afterwards from Rome whether he never returned so long as he lived.  
The french king was discontented with thoppression of the duke of Urbin, the rather for that he suffered privation of his estate for being confederate with him: But he stood much more displeased for many other things that the Pope did: for Prospero Colonno abiding at Basseta a town of the Paluoisins, at such time as he was returned from France, & afterwards being come to Modona for fear of the frenchmen, whither likewise was retired jer. Morono, who also stood in doubt of them, for that contrary to their promises they had commanded him to go into France: There was conspiracy whilst Prospero lay at Modona & afterwards at Bolognia, to surprise secretly some place of importance in the duchy of Milan by the working of some of the banished men: In this practice was also concurrant Mucio Colonno, to whom the Pope having privity in these actions, had granted harbour for his bands of soldiers upon the territories of Modena: Moreover the Pope had persuaded the king Catholic (for so was th'archduke called since the death of his grandfather by the mother side) to make no new conventions with the French king: And on the behalf of the Swizzers, Emius Bishop of Verulo and the Pope's Nuncio, to whom afterwards even in his latest years, was transferred the creation and dignity of Cardinal, stirred up the five Cantons to follow the amity of Caesar, besides many other offices displeasing to the king: So that concurring also at the same time a practice between Caesar (who remaining between Trent and Ispurch, terrified the French men more with demonstrations then with effects) and the king of England, and the Swizzers to make a new invasion upon the Duchy of Milan: The French king suspected that these matters were wrought with the will and privity of the Pope, whose evil affection also appeared in other actions, making many exceptions and difficulties to confirm unto him the tenth of the benefices of the realm of France which he had promised him at Bolognia: And yet (so great is the respect and majesty of a Pope) the king so laboured to appease him with offers & offices, that albeit after the departure of Caesar he had determined to molest Mirandula, Carpy, and Correge, as towns imperial, to th'end to make some levies of money of them, yet he forbore from all action, in regard of the complainings of the Pope, who had received afore into his protection the Lords of those towns. Moreover the Moors of Africa commanding the sea inferior with many vessels, he offered to send him for the surety of those seas, his navy of ships which Peter of Navarre armed at Marseilles by his consent for thinvasion of the streams and creeks of Barbary with a strength of six thousand footmen: But notwithstanding all these offers & observances, the Pope persevered in his opinion, and as sometimes he would use denial, & sometimes occupy excuses, yet he would never so much as consent to that demand the king had made to him with great instance to call out of Swizzerlande the Bishop of Verulo, and much less would he remove Mucio Colonno from the territories of Modona (where he feigned he remained of his own authority) until, by the departure of Prospero from Bolognia and all that practise dissolved into smoke, there was no more necessity of his abiding there: Only the breaking up from thence was a matter of great adversity to Mutio, for that entering afterwards by night into the town of Ferma with the forces of the Colonnois and with certain bands of footmen Spanish, as he was busy in sacking the City, he received a blow whereof he died within few days after.  
In this estate of affairs, and the Senate of Venice making instance for the recovery of Verona, Monsr Lawtrech with his army of six thousand lanceknights whom the Venetians agreed to pay for that enterprise, came to the river of Adice, to th'end to pass to Vsolinguo, and so to encamp afore Verona together with the Venetian army: But what by the rumour of the coming of the Swizzers now redoubled, and the suspicion recontinued of the being of Prospero Colonno at Modona, where also remained the Cardinal of S. Maria in Portico, he retired to Pesquiero, not without the complaints of the Venetians, making distribution of his bands both on this side & beyond the river of Mincia: And notwithstanding the said suspicions were ceased, and that from a regiment of two thousand footmen both Spanish and lanceknights were gone to the pay of the Venetians, and more did go daily: yet he remained in that place more than a month, expecting (as was said) both a new provision of money out of France, and a greater proportion of artillery, munitions and money from the Venetians: But the true cause of his temporizing was, to observe what would be the issue of the treaty between his king and the king Catholic: for the French king knowing how much and how necessarily his amity did import the king Catholic, both to remove the difficulties of his passage into Spain, and to assure him of th'obedience and jurisdiction of his kingdoms, he seemed not content with the matters that had been agreed upon afore at Paris, but devised both to impose upon him more harder conditions, and by his working to have peace with Caesar, which he could not bring to pass without rendering Verona to the Venetians. And touching the Spanish king, whose minority having not above fifteen years, was wholly governed by Monsr de Cheures, he refused not to apply his deliberations to the present time and necessity of things: By reason whereof, on the part of the French king were sent to Noyon the Bishop of Paris, the great master of France, and the Precedent of the Parliament of Paris: And for the king Catholic were Monsr de Cheures, and the great Chancellor of Caesar: In which respite or intermission, the rigour of arms and hostility (as is the custom of warfaring of our time) was continually employed against the poor peasants and country men, Monsr de Lawtrech lying still to see what would come of the negotiation: for, by the benefit of a bridge which he had builded at the village of Monzarban, he began to cut down the corn of the country of Verona, and gave liberty to his light horsemen to make incursions in all places: He sent also one part of his army to encamp upon the lands of the Mantuans, making havoc of the commodities of that country with so universal and general damage, that to redeem their harms together with the retiring of so dangerous an enemy, the Marquis of Mantua was contented to contribute to him twelve thousand crowns: And the soldiers of Verona executing daily hostilities upon the territories of Vincensa and Padua, put to sack the wretched City of Vincensa. Afterwards Monsr de Lawtrech bearing compassion to the great complaints of the Venetians, passed the river of Adice by a bridge which he caused to be set up at Vsolingua: and afterwards having made a great pray of the country (for it was never thought that th'army would pass on that side) he drew near to Verona to besiege it, winning Chiusa in the mean while by the aid of the country men, to make more hard the passage of succours that were to come out of Germany: Nevertheless the same day that he approached to Verona, the regiments of lanceknights being now three months since they had been entertained with the money of the Venetians, either of their voluntary will and motion, or by the secret subornation of Caesar, protested openly that they would not serve at the siege of a town possessed by Caesar, and wherein the French king had no principal interest: By which mutiny drawing with it a suspicion of greater conspiracies, Monsr de Lawtrech repassed Adice, and encamped a mile from the walls of Verona, to whom the Venetian army went to join with him, not supposing it sufficient for their surety to remain on the other side the river, though their army contained a strength of five hundred men at arms, five hundred light horsemen, and four thousand footmen.  
About this time the deputies of those two kings passed capitulations in this sort in the town of Noyon: That there should be a perpetual peace between 
Capitulations between the French king and king Catholic.  the French king and the king of Spain, with the like confederation for the defence of their estates against all the world: That the French king should give in marriage to the king Catholic, his daughter being then but one year of age, and he to endue her for dowry with the rights which he pretended to appertain to him in the kingdom of Naples according to the partition made afforetime between their predecessors: but under this covenant, that until she bore an age able to be married, the king Catholic should pay to the French king an hundred thousand crowns yearly to help to defray his expenses: That if she died before the marriage, and the king should have an other daughter, than he to bestow her likewise upon the king Catholic with the same conditions: and in case he had no other daughter, then to give him to wife Madam Renea, who had been promised to him in the capitulation made at Paris: That in case any of those wives died in marriage without children, than that part of the kingdom of Naples to revert to the Crown of France: That the king Catholic within a certain time should restore the realm of Navarre to his ancient king, and in not performing it, it should be lawful to the french king to aid him to recover it: but under this charge (as the Spaniards affirmed afterwards) that the king of that state should first communicate with him his rights: That Caesar might enter into the peace within the term of two months, and if he did enter into it, it should be lawful to the French king to aid the Venetians to recover Verona: which city, if Caesar delivered up into the hands of the king Catholic with power to give it frankly and absolutely to the French king within six weeks, to dispose of it as he thought good: that he should pay him an hundred thousand crowns, and the Venetians as much, whereof the one part to be paid upon the consignation, and the other within six months, and also to remain acquitted of three hundred thousand crowns which he had received of the king Lowis whilst they were in confederation together: That in that case there should be truce for xviij. months between Caesar and the Venetians: That to Caesar should remain Riva de Trenta and Rovera with all that he possessed then in the country of Friull: and that the Venetians should continued to hold the places which at that time they held of Caesar until the French and Spanish kings had determined the differences that had been entertained between them for their confines & limits: for resolving whereof both the one and the other of the parties named the Pope. Notwithstanding th'accord made at Noyon, the Venetians ceased not to stir up Monsr de Lawtrech to besiege Verona, desiring to recover it by arms, both for that they were uncertain whether Caesar would accept the peace, and also to cut off the proportion of money which they were to pay. But touching the French king, the way of concord and peace was more agreeable to him then the mean of arms and force, his desire to have unity with Caesar drawing him above all other respects: And yet Monsr de Lawtrech refused not to consent to their will, having now no more reason of excuse, both for that the Venetians had made great levies of soldiers, and fulfilled all other provisions demanded by him, and also for that the lanceknights refused no more to go thither together with the others: So that the armies passed severally over the river of Adice, the one by the bridge that was builded above the City, the other by the benefit of an other bridge set up for the time beneath the City: One part of th'artillery of the French army that lay encamped at Tomba, was planted before the gate Santa Luce, and the other with the lanceknights was bestowed at the gate S. Massina: They made choice of those places for their artilleries, to th'end to do execution all together on that part where the wall between the City & Citadel meeteth conjoined with the wall of the town, by which devise having mean at one time to make entry into the City and the Citadel, the defendants within should be constrained to divide themselves into two parts for the regard of the wall in the midst. The Venetian army passed beneath Verona in the field of Mars, and remained encamped at S. Michael's between the river and Cannell, both to levy and remove the defences of that place, and also to beat the gate called the Bishop's gate, which was a place of most weakness & least armed: The two first days the defences which were of great strength and beaten flanking, were beaten down by th'artilleries, but with greater difficulties on the quarter of the Venetians, to whom it was no small labour to batter the defences of the three bastillions: But assoon as they were battered both parts began to execute the wall with xviij. pieces of great artilleries, and xv. smaller pieces of battery, either army having thrown down by the third day twenty fathoms of the wall, not forbearing to batter still to make the breach and entry the larger: And yet the Venetians on whose side the wall was most weak, notwithstanding they had almost reversed all the bastillions & rampires, had not yet wholly removed all the defences within that played in flank, because they lay so low and almost within the ditch, that either the boollet went over them, or else was grazed in the earth afore it came there. Moreover at the same time they undermined the wall, which though they had underset & stayed with props, yet it beguiled the devise of the doers, and fell down before the time appointed by the Captains. There was within Verona a strength of eight hundred horsemen, five thousand lanceknights, and xv. hundred Spaniards under the government of M. Antho. Colonno, who had now exchanged the wages of the Pope for the pay of Caesar: This garrison omitted nothing that might tend to the strengthening and repairing of the rampires, and standing careful to do all other things for the valiant defending of the place, they expressed universally a wonderful resolution and courage of mind, and particularly was performed an honourable example and office of M. Antho. who receiving a sleight hurt in his shoulder by a shot, forbore not for all that to offer his body both day and night to all pains and dangers. By this time th'artilleries planted by the French men in four places against the towers between the gate of the Citadel and the gate of Santa Luce, had made so great and many ruins, that every breach was able to receive soldiers in order: The artilleries of the Venetians had advanced so much, and almost done no less execution, and yet Monsr de Lawtrech demanded new artilleries to make the breach the greater, embracing readily all occasions that offered to defer the action contrary to the will of the Venetians, who cried to give th'assault: He made helping to his delays this accident, there came to th'army by the plains of Verona, eight hundred barrels of powder together with many other natures of munitions drawn by Cartes, and what by the straightness and importunity of the place, and emulation of the dryvers striving to enter one afore another, the chasing and violent moving of the wheels bred to a fire, whose heat embraced the powder and so consumed the Cartes with the cattle that drew them: Moreover there was this increase of difficulty to those that were besieged, that in the City so many months afflicted by thenemies that kept it always straightly environed, the store of victuals began to diminish, and no hope to be resupplyed but in very small quantity, and that by stealth, using the paths of the mountains for the commodity of that poor relief.  
But as the affairs of Verona stood in these terms, there came to the rescue of that City a regiment of nine thousand lanceknights sent by Caesar, who arriving at Chiusa took it by composition, and made themselves Lords of the castle of Coruaro, which is a piece standing upon the next hill to Adice drawing towards Trenta and commanded many times by both the parties in the war between Caesar & the Venetians: Monsr Lawtrech either fearing in deed, or dissembling to be amazed at the new supply of lanceknights, levied his camp against the minds of the Venetians, and retired his army to Villefranche carrying with him one part of the Venetian regiments, and the other part under john Pawle Manfron withdrew to Boseto beyond the river of Adice by a bridge prepared for their passage: Insomuch as the Venetians having now no further confidence to carry Verona, sent all their great artilleries to Bressa: And the lanceknights without any impediment encamped at Tomba, where the french army was lodged afore, one part of them entering into the City, & the other part remaining without, which returned after Verona was revitteled: There remained for the guard of Verona a strength of seven or eight thousand lanceknights, for that the most part of the spanish bands that could hold no agreement with them, were passed to the Venetian camp under Cronell Maldonato: And in common judgement, that rescue or succours was of small moment for that they brought not with them other store of money then xx. thousand Florins of the Rhein which the king of England had sent, & during the time of their tarrying there, they consumed so much victuals that it was almost equal to that quantity which they had brought with them.  
By reason of those bands that were retired to Villefranche from whence they committed manifest havoc and spoil upon the parts of Verona and Mantua, the Venetians were compelled lest the frenchmen, whom no commandment that was made to them on the king's behalf could make to stay, should depart to their garrisons, to take order that the City of Bressa should wholly furnish them of necessary victuals, an expense rising to above a thousand crowns a day.  
At last things began to incline manifestly to peace, for that it was known that Caesar (notwithstanding his former solicitation to his son in law not to compound with the french king) preferring the covetousness of money afore the hate he bore naturally to the french, & also afore his ancient ambition to make himself Lord of Italy, had not only accepted and ratified the peace, but also determined to tender Verona according to the form of those conventions: from this succeeded an other matter to the benefit of the french king, that all the Cantons of Swizzers seeing arms & hostility deposed between Caesar & the king, were contented to compound with him as the Grisons had done before, in which action Galeas Visconte did what he could, who being banished and a rebel protested by the king, won of him by this mean, liberty to return into his country, restitution to all his goods, and recompense of many graces and honours: The composition was, that the king should pay to the Swizzers within three months an hundred & fifty thousand ducats, and from thence forward an indument of perpetual yearly pensions: That the Swizzers should be bound to deliver to his pay by public decree so often as he should demand, a certain number of footmen, wherein notwithstanding the proceeding was diverse, for that the eight Cantons were bound to furnish that proportion whensoever he should enter into any enterprise to offend the estates of an other, and to the five Cantons the covenant bore no other obligation then for the defence of his proper estates: That it should be in the power of the Swizzers to tender to the french king the castles of Lugan and Lugarno, which be passages of great strength and of no less importance for the surety of the Duchy of Milan: And in case they would make restitution, the king to pay to them three hundred thousand ducats: But they razed them to the ground immediately upon the making of the composition: This was the discourse of things in Italy in the year a thousand five hundred and sixteen: But in the beginning of the year following, the Bishop of Trent who was come to Verona, made offer to Monsr Lawtrech to deliver up that city to the french king within six months according to the contents of the capitulation, seeing he held it in the name of the king of Spain: But there remained this difficulty whether the term should begin from the day of the ratification of Caesar, or from the time it was acknowledged that Verona was holden by the king catholic: And upon this albeit there passed a disputation for certain days: yet for that the garrison of footmen that were within Verona drew to mutinies upon the demand of money, the Bishop of Trent was constrained to follow those affairs with a greater haste: And therefore taking the beginning from the day that he had received commission from Caesar, he agreed to deliver up Verona the fifteen day of january: At which day he passed the assignment to Monsr de Lawtrech who received it in the name of the french king, the said Bishop receiving of the Venetians the first fifty thousand ducats, together with the fifteen thousand which by the capitulation they were bound to pay to the garrison in Verona, and also assured fidelity and promiss of Monsr de Lawtrech to see drawn to Trent the artilleries that were within Verona: Monsr Lawtrech at the same instant redelivered the city over in his kings name to the Senate of Venice, Andrew Gritty standing then as Deputy and assigney to that state: great was the gladness of the nobility and whole commonalty of Venice, for that after so long and dangerous a war, drawing with it so many calamities and expenses, they had reclaimed to the general body of their dominion, so principal a member, esteeming the reward of the war far above the burden and charges of the same, although by the reapport of such as have written of their doings, they consumed during all the wars they made since the league of Cambray, five millions of ducats whereof they levied five hundred thousand of the sale of offices: lastly the inhabitants of Verona rejoiced no less than the residue together with all other cities and jurisdictions subject to their common weal, hoping now to be delivered and dispensed withal from so many afflictions, which so long a war had thrown upon them, sometimes by the one army and sometimes by the other.  
The end of the twelfth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE thirteenth BOOK.  
The Duke of Urbin makes an enterprise to recover his estate out of the hands of Pope Leo: the french king makes a league with the Pope: The conspiracy of Cardinal Petrucci against the Pope is discovered: Charles king of Spain is chosen Emperor: Martin Luther writeth against the Pope: The Pope puts john paul Baillon to death.  
THE THIRTEENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
FOrasmuch as all arms and hostilities were now surceased between Caesar and the Venetians, and in the french king all occasions restrained to make war against Caesar or the king Catholic, it seemed that to the regions of Italy, afflicted with so many calamities and travels of war, was now appointed a time of rest and tranquillity: wherein these were the reasons that the Swissers (a mighty instrument to any that sought to innovate and trouble things) seemed now reclaimed to their ancient amity with the french king, and yet bore no minds estranged from other Princes: that in th'accord made at Noyon, was declared such a hope, that, to establish a greater alliance between the two kings, there was working to draw them to an interview at Cambray, whether were gone to that end, Monsr de Cheures, the great Master of France, and Robertet: Lastly there was expressed no less readiness on the part of Caesar, who, besides the rendering of Verona, sent two Ambassadors to the french king, to solemnize and confirm the peace: so that it was a judgement accompanied with his just cause & reasons, that by the benefit of peace & concord between so mighty Princes, would be dissolved the seeds of all quarrels and disagreements in Italy: But as there is no certainty in the councils of mortal men, so is there less expectation of their worldly events: for, men and their doings standing subject to the law of nature and destiny, have no other liberty then to deem and debate, and to God alone is referred all power of disposition and execution since he is able to govern and command all things by the same power wherewith he hath created them of nothing: Insomuch as in this action of Italy, either for thinfelicity or destiny of the country, or for that the universal jurisdiction was divided into so many several principalities and states, it was almost impossible that it should suffer any dispensation of miseries, by reason of the diversity of wills and interests of such as had it in hand: for, searcely were laid aside arms and hostility between Caesar and the Venetians, yea the City of Verona not yet resigned, when were disclosed tokens and beginnings of new tumults: And of these 
Beginnings of new 〈…〉.  was the breeder and conspirator Franciscomaria, who had practised and drawn to his faction such bands of Spanish footmen as had served both within Verona and afore Verona: he persuaded them to follow him to the reconquering of his estates, out of the which the Pope had expulsed him the same summer: A matter wherein he found small difficulties, for that to soldiers foreigners and marcenary accustomed in the time of wars, to sack towns and to make pray and spoil of countries, there was nothing more contrary than peace, whereunto they saw all the affairs & inclinations of Italy disposed at that instant.  
There drew to him about five thousand spanish footmen, whereof was chief, one Maldonato, A man of the same nation, and of long experience in many wars: And to this regiment was joined a strength of eight hundred light horsemen, led by Federyk Bossolo, Gaiozo a Spaniard, Succhar a Burgonion, Andrew Bue, & Constantyn Boccalo Albanoesies, all Captains of name & mark, & especially esteemed for their knowledge in wars: Amongst them he that bore the greatest reputation, whether it were for the nobleness of his house, or for the honourable degrees in war which he had borne from his youth, was Federyk Gonsagno Lord of Bossolo, who haply was one of the greatest parties to persuade this enterprise, being no less moved by an ambition to make greater his merits & praises by new wars, concurring also thamity which he had with Francisco Maria, then through an ancient & settled hatred which he bore to Laurence de Medicis, chief for that at such time as was transferred to Laurence, the charge of all the armies of the Church & the Florentines, by reason of the sickness of julian his Uncle, he had denied to make him captain general of the footmen, an estate which julian had assigned to him afore: This army standing only upon bodies & numbers, was lame in all other proportions & provisions: for, they had neither resort of money, assistance of artilleries, nor any strength of munitions, & except their horses and armour, they wanted all furnitures accustomed to follow armies. Only they bore estimation more by their virtue then through any other ability or means to sustain the war: They departed to go to the state of Vrbyn, the same day that the city of Verona was given up to the Venetians: A matter which troubled not a little the Pope after he had received advertisement: for, he considered the quality of th'army, which was to be feared, both for the hatred of the Captains, & virtue & reputation of the spanish footmen: And he was not ignorant with what inclination the peoples of that Duchy favoured Francisco Maria, having long lived under the easy government of the house of Montfeltro, the affection whereof they had transferred to him as to one that had been trained & nourished in that Duchy, & bred of a sister of the Duke Guido: Besides it grieved him not a little that he was to menteine war against an army, which having nothing to loose, could leave no reward to his victory, And marching only upon desire of prey and pillage, drew with them a miserable expectation of profit, bringing nothing to the war, but what they hoped to get by the chance and fortune of the war: he doubted also lest the sweet desire of gain (which for the most part carrieth marcenory soldiers to the fight) would draw such others to join to their faction, as by the mean of the peace, were utterly excluded from action: But the matter that most troubled his mind, was a fearful suspicion that the French king did communicate in this conspiracy: for, both he knew that the king was displeased with the war made against Francisco Maria, and was no less touched in his conscience with the consideration of causes that he had given him to be ill contented of him: he knew also he had not observed the confederation made after the conquest of Milan, at the time when Caesar descended into Lombardye: he considered that after he was returned to Rome, he sent him a bull touching the collation of benefices in the Realm of France, and Milan, much different from the convention made at Bolognia, which for the shortness of the time was not then subsigned: This Bull the king would not accept, both for that it bore contradiction against the agreement, and also for the interest of his proper dignity: he remembered the secret negotiations interteyned against him with other Princes, and with the Swizzers: he was not ignorant that a little before, pushed on by a desire directly to hinder the recovery of Verona, he had suffered the regiments of Spanish footmen coming from Naples to the rescue of it, to pass in several troupes through the dominions of the Church, excusing himself that he would not give them occasion to pass in one joint strength, being in that case not able to stop them: lastly he found in his conscience that he had not performed his promises touching the donation of the tenths but under conditions subtle and entangled, nor had observed the rendering of the towns to the Duke of Ferrara, abusing the king's expectation, and his own fidelity. These were right just causes to make him doubt of the kings will, whereof also his suspicions made him seem to see certain tokens, for that this conspiracy and levy of men being bred in the parts of Verona, it could not be that Monsr de Lawtrech could be without knowledge of it many days before, and seeing he was secret and silent in it, it was a manifest presumption of his privity and consent. To this also was added a jealousy of Federike Bossolo, having till then followed the pay of the king, and it was doubtful whether that was true that Monsr de Lawtrech alleged for his excuse, that the time of his entertainment was finished. Moreover the Pope stood doubtful of th'inclination of the Venetians, having an opinion that their Commissioners had made themselves parties to this union, for that the Senate stood very much discontented with him aswell in regard of things passed, as for iclousie of his present greatness, which was such that being successor of so great a power and reputation of a Popedom, he disposed absolutely at his devotion the whole estate of the Florentines. These considerations brought no small amaze to the Pope, to whom also was no less reason of expectation or hope in the confidence or alliance with other Princes, for that, besides that they were of new reconciled and confedered with the French king, not one of them held for acceptable his manner of proceeding with secret councils and subtleties, wherein albeit he dissembled sometimes to incline on their side, yet what between the detections that burst out against him, & the slow execution of his intentions and promises, he gave little or none satisfaction to any of them: yea disclosing oftentimes a manifest doubt against them all, he had dispatched a little before to the king Catholic Freare Nicholas an Almain, and secretary to the Cardinal Medicis to draw him from thinterview and parley which was solicited with the French king, fearing a contract of greater alliance between them, to his prejudice. Thus the Pope waved indifferently between doubt & dread between fear and suspicion, expecting all things to happen to him which his timorous conscience did suggest or fashion, the same being a passion that oftentimes torments the minds of ill men, against whom Solomon pronounceth this vexation: that what so ever their guilty minds do fear in ill, the same shall assuredly happen unto them: Nevertheless amid these confusions and suspensions of mind, he and his nephew Laurence ceased not to send bands of soldiers into Romagna, such as for the most part were levied of new, and the residue drawn out of the squadrons of the Florentines pensioners: his reason was in sending out of this force, that joining with Ranso de Cero and Vitelli, who lay at Ravenna with the regiments of men at arms, they might give impediment to the passage of thenemies: But this expedition was in vain and th'effect thereof, for that th'army of th'enemy, having already passed the river of Paw at Ostia, and preventing with their celerity the preparations of their adversaries, were by that time entered upon the lands of the duke of Ferrara, taking the way to Cento and Burio, and marching thorough the country of Bolognia: In this journey they sacked Granarola, which is borrow upon the territories of Faventia, and from thence they drew near to Faenza, to prove if they could conspire any mutation there by the help of a young gentleman of the family of Mansroy, who was in that army: But the inhabitants of Faenza disavowing all mutinies, the army passed further, not trying to get any other of the towns of Romagna, for that they were all strong in garrison either of men at arms or of footmen, and for the better surety of Rimini, Ranso & Vitellt were gone thither by sea. Laurence came to Cesena to assemble his companies there, and at Rimini: but for that thenemies were already passed, he ceased not in the mean while to levy soldiers in many places, whereof there flocked to him both more than he needed, and more than he required: for a regiment of two thousand five hundred lanceknights that were dismissed by Monsr de Lawtrech to return into their houses, and likewise certain colonels of iij. thousand Gascons, were retained by john Poppy secretory to Laurence: wherein he used his own authority, being persuaded that that army of footmen would follow Francisco Maria if they were not waged by others, or haply he believed lightly that with these forces there might be opened an easy way to the victory: In this action he employed also th'authority of Monsr Lawtrech (with whom he had remained many months) to persuade the Captains, whom with their several bands and regiments he converted immediately towards Bolognia: But his diligence brought forth an effect contrary to his expectation and the merit of his travel, since the Pope and Laurence were discontented with that manner of doing, suspecting the king's indignation, and yet they could not refuse them, for fear lest they would join to th'enemy being marched so far with minds and promises to be employed: In the mean while Francisco Maria advanced more and more, accompanying his fortune with that diligence and celerity which leads men of action to the success and felicity of th'enterprises they follow: he was no sooner entered into the Duchy of Urbin, than he was 
Urbin returneth to the obedience of the natural Duke.  received in every place with great joy and gladness, he found no soldiers in the towns, for that Laurence having no leisure to refurnish so many places, had only care to defend the City of Urbin, the sanctuary and capital place of that Duchy: And for that cause was sent thither by the counsel of Vitelly, a strength of two thousand footmen from Citta di Castello, and in place of Vitelly that refused to go to that service, that charge was committed to jacques Rossetto of Citta di Castello, who notwithstanding he was advised, by reason the people of Urbin were holden suspected, to chase out of the town all such bodies as were unable to bear arms, yet he forbore to execute any such violence, thinking he should better assure himself by clemency then by cruelty. But Francisco Maria not converting his time to the service of any other place, drew directly to Urbin, where albeit he could do little at the first approach, yet at the second, jacques Roffetto agreed to deliver the town into his hands, his infidelity being greater than his fear, both for that there were no mutinies nor uproars amongst the people, and also he had no reason to be timorous of the forces of thenemies, having neither artilleries nor other provisions serving to the taking of towns: The soldiers according to the composition went out of the town, their goods and lives saved, but the Bishop of Vitelly remained prisoner, who had been regent of that estate for the new Duke, and under whose government it seemed that nothing had haply succeeded: All the other towns and places of the duchy followed th'example of Urbin, except S. Leon, which for the quality of his situation, and property of the munitions that were there, was easy to be defended, yea with a very small garrison: The city of Agobbio that in the beginning was declared for Franciscomaria, and eftsoons returned to the obedience of Laurence, did now as the rest did, being carried not by respect to faith and allegiance, but by the event and observation of things: only Pesero, Sinigalo, Gradaro and Mondano, towns separate from the Duchy, remained in the jurisdiction and devotion of Laurence. Franciscomaria having thus recovered Urbin, entered into devise to make himself lord of some place upon the sea shore: And 
Fano besieged.  making shows as though he would go to Pesero, whither were gone already many bands of soldiers, and to Sinigalo, he dissembled his intention & drew towards Fano, a City which in all times had carried more facility to be taken, and whereof the adversary doubted lest, for that it had been never as yet subjecteth to his jurisdiction, Ranso de Cere that lay at Pesero, either doubting of the danger which in reason of war he foresaw, or seeing into his intention, which he could not hide, dispatched thither Troylo Savello, with an hundred men at arms, & six hundred footmen: Nevertheless th'enemy made his approaches with five pieces of artillery not great, which they had found in Urbin, and having also want of powder, they could not make so great execution as they would, only they brought down to the earth xx. fathoms of wall, which notwithstanding was not done without great difficulty, yet they followed it with an assault, at which they lost more than an hundred & fifty men: But neither being amazed with that slaughter (for their minds were resolute) nor standing to expect and temporize (though they were weak in munitions) they recontinued the charge the day following, when with their valour they so far vanquished the peril, that they made the breach almost abandoned, yea they had no doubt entered the wall, had it not been for Fabian de Galleso liestenant to Troylo, who being left upon the wall with a very small company of men of war, made a wonderful defence, and sustained the charge: The day after they were prepared to give the third assault, but understanding by espial that a strength of five hundred men sent from Pesero, were entered by night by sea, they levied the siege, & retired to the borrow & castle of the mount Baroco, which standing upon a high hill, beareth a very strong situation, his descending being easy towards Fossambrun, and most hard and sharp towards Pescro: They remained in that place, where having no further convenient occasion, they guarded the duchy of Urbin which lay upon their backs. On the other side, those regiments of lanceknights and Gascons that were come to Rimini to Laurence de Medicis, prepared them to march, together with many bands of Italian footmen, & an other regiment of xv. hundred lanceknights, of those that had been at the service of Verona: with which strength joined to the horsemen of the Popedom and Florence, Laurence marched with his men at arms to Pesera: And being wholly governed by the counsel of his capteins for the small experience he had to manage an enterprise, he sent his footmen to encamp upon the mountains opposite to thenemies. The City of Pesera standeth at the entry of a little valley which comes from 
Description of the City of Pesero.  Urbin, out of which issueth a river which thinhabitants call Porto, for that by th'opportunity of his deepness the vessels are brought up even to that place: this river runs near to the City on that side which is towards Rimini: The Castle hath his standing towards the sea, and between the river and the City be many store houses which Ranso caused to be reversed for the surety of the town: A great part of the city is environed with mountains on all parts, which stretch not out so far as the sea, but between them and the sea remaineth a certain piece of the plain containing two miles in largeness on that side towards Fano, and upon the bank rise two hills the one right over against the other: that towards the sea is called Candelaro, and Nugalaro that which hath his prospect towards Urbin: and in the top of every of them is a borrow and a castle bearing the same name. The Italian footmen were lodged at the castle of Candelaro, and to the lanceknights and Gascons was appointed Nugalaro which lay nearest to th'enemy: which disposing of th'army in this sort, was not of intention to fight with them otherwise, then by light skirmishes to cut them off from overrunning the country, or to amuse them for resolving to any enterprise: for the Pope's counsel was not to hazard the battle with thenemies, unless there were almost an assured hope of the victory, for that he saw what peril it was to fight against resolute men, who by how much greater was thinequality of the reward of the victory, by so much less would they fear the hazard of their lives: & the battle swaying on their side, he saw the estate of the church and the Florentines would be abandoned into manifest danger: That it were far more assured to temporize, specially the appearance being great, that for want of money and victuals, th'enemy would draw to some disorder, the poverty & sterility of the country compelling them thereunto: That his army with respite would become better & better, aswell through experience which much helpeth to the perfection of soldiers, as also that from month to month it was refurnished with brave & resolute bodies: Lastly he had expectation that his affairs would daily take better course, since that from the beginning of this stir & action, he had vehemently solicited the succours of all Princes, both complaining to their Ambassadors that lay at Rome, and by special messengers and letters imploring the Princes themselves: wherein he wrought not with all in one manner, for, signifying to Caesar and the king of Spain that the conspiracy of Franciscomaria and the Spanish footmen, was contrived in the camp of the French king, and with the privity of his lieutenant: he objected so far in those particular clauses of his letters, that it might be easily comprehended how far he suspected the king in the action: And to the french king him himself he alleged only a jealousy of Monsr de Lawtrech, and forbore to execute his complaints any further. The matter was diversly taken by those Princes, for to Caesar and his nephew it was no small gladness to hear that the Pope interpreted that injury to the French king: Besides, the ancient hatred of Caesar joined to his natural inconstancy, had made him already estranged from the French king, and newly become confederate with the king of England: He also had communed with his nephew near Antwerp, and dissuaded him from having conference with the French king, which accordingly wasat last accomplished by the consent of both the one and the other king: And in the king Catholic the confederation that he had with him, did not suffice to deface his emulation, jealousy, and suspicion: So that they made a ready offer to the Pope to aid him, giving present commandment to all their subjects to depart from the war that was made against the Pope: The king Catholic scent the Count Potenso to the Realm of Naples, to th'end that upon the view and mooster of his men at arms, he should lead to his succours four hundred lances: and for a more full testomonie of his will, he deposed Franciscomaria as disobedient, from the Duchy of Sora, an estate lying upon the confines of Terra Lavoro and had been purchased by his father: but for other respects, were agreeable the perplexities of the Pope to the French king, as a Prince that had a mind estranged from him: & therefore following his example from the beginning, he determined to entertain him with vain hopes, & answering that his discontentments brought no little grief to him, he promised so to work that Monsr Lawtrech should minister to his affairs: And yet he forbore not to say that the Pope himself had been the causer of his proper afflictions, for that the Spaniards would never have taken that boldness, if their numbers had not been increased by such as under his licence, were passed from Naples to Verona: This was the king's intention at the beginning: But considering afterwards that the Pope being left abandoned of him and of his succours would run with a ready will into the amities of the king Catholic, he determined to aid & favour him, & according to the estate of the time, to draw some fruit of his necessity: Insomuch as the Pope sending eftsoons to demand succours of him, he took order to refurnish him from Milan with three hundred lances, requiring withal to have a new league to pass between them, since that that was contracted afore at Bolognia, was of no more consideration, having suffered many violations by the Pope in sundry manners: he added many complaints to the offers which he made him: sometimes he said he suffered wrong in matters wherein the Pope charged him to other Princes: & sometimes he held himself injuried, for that he had excommunicated George Sopressan soliciting for him with the Swizzers, an action wherein the despite of his injury was so much the greater, by how much in the doing of it he expressed a desire to gratify the Cardinal of Zion: Moreover the Lady Regent mother to the king & of no small authority with him, reprehended without respect, the impiety of the Pope, for that not satisfied to have chased a Prince out of his proper estates and dominions, he had also subjecteth him to the censures of the Church, and with a mind full of inhumanity, had denied to the old Duchess, the property of her dowry due upon those Patrimonies, and also had withdrawn from the young Duchess his wife, all sorts of relief & means to preserve & nourish her: these words finding passage even to the ears and hearing of the Pope, brought matter to redouble the suspicion: Nevertheless the Pope, who in those difficulties desired the kings succours not so much for th'effect and meaning, as for the name and reputation of them, being not able to dissemble his suspicion, made stay for many days of the iij. hundred lances that went from Milan upon the territories of Modona & Bolognia: & afterwards Laurence bestowed them within Rimini, as having less mean to annoyed him by lying there, for that that city bore a far distance from thenemies. The Pope could not be drawn from his ielosies and suspicions, notwithstanding at the same time was set down in Rome, a conclusion of confederation between him & the french king: & albeit before it was ratified, the king objected many new difficulties for the which the matter remeined many days in suspense, yet at last the Pope yielding to many things, the king past the ratification: By the articles of ratification the Pope and the king were reciprocally bound to the defence of their estates 
Consederation between the Pope and fr. king.  with an equal proportion of men and soldiers, and a charge of twelve thousand ducats for every month: The same bond was between the French king and the Florentines, with whom was conjoined the authority of Laurence de Medicis, and in that article was comprehended the Duchy of Urbin, but with a lesser number of men, and pay of six thousand ducats monthly: The king was bound to aid the Pope whensoever he had any action upon the subjects and vassals of the Church: The Pope confirmed to the king the nomination of the benefices, and the tenth, according to his promises made at Bolognia, under this condition that the moneys should be put into the hands of a third man to be employed against the Turks: This was the cooler of granting the tenth, but there was secretly hope given to the king, that after the collection of the whole quantity, the condition should be changed by an other writ, & his majesty to have liberty to convert them to what use he would: The Pope passed a several promiss to the king under his signature, never to demand of him any aid or succours against the Duke of Ferrara, and consented withal, that the king might take him into his protection: There was long dispute upon the rendering of Reggia, Modona, and Rubiero, which albeit the king demanded with no small instance according to the Pope's promises at Bolognia, and the Pope altogether not refused it, yet he reserved the restitution till an other time, alleging that it would be an action far unworthy of him and almost a confession of his extreme necessity and compulsion, to redeliver them at a time when he stood oppressed with the war: The king stood still upon it to have them rendered presently, Insomuch that the Pope making manifest shows that he would utterly estrange himself from the king if he sought to constrain him any further, the king having for declared enemies thenglish, and no less suspicion of Caesar, the Spaniards and the Swyzzers, accepted the Pope's promiss under his hand, that within seven months next following, he would put into the hands of the Duke of Ferrara, Modona, Reggia, and Rubiero: The Pope had this intention that if the dangers wherein he was, ceased afore, he would make no more account of his act under his signature then of his promiss simply made at Bolognia: And touching the king, since he could win no further of him without the hazard of his extreme indignation, held himself contented, esteeming it somewhat sufficient, that he had appearing in writing th'assurance and testimony of his word and faith.  
During the discourse and action of these matters, Laurence had much increased his army both by many regiments of Italians levied of new, and also by a thousand footmen spanish and a thousand lanceknights waged by the Pope at Rome: with which strength joined to th'opportunity and ripeness of the time, he saw he stood in good estate to assay to deliver himself of such a war, wherein his only hope was by the strength & situation of the place where thenemies lay, to compel them to discampe for want of victuals: for which cause was dispatched Camylla Vrsin with seven hundred light horsemen, to overrun all that country which is called the vicariage from whence came the greatest traffic of their victuals: At this time was sent to Pesera from the camp of th'enemy, A trumpet who required of Laurence saffeconduit for captain Swaro a Spaniard appointed by Franciscomaria to come to him: his demand was easily accepted by Laurence for that he thought it had been a captain with whom he had interteyned very secret intelligence: But there came to him an other captain of the same name, and with him one Oracio de Ferma Secretary to Franciscomaria, who after they were brought into public audience, declared, (according to thinstructions of Franciscomaria) that since the quarrels that were between them might be decided by singular combat of their own persons, or with a determinate number of men indifferently agreed upon by them both, it were better to choose the one of those two means, then to persevere in that course whereby might be brought to destruction so many numbers of people on both sides, no less contrary to all piety, then even to the prejudice of whosoever should carry the victory: In which good respects, Franciscomaria offered him to make 
Franciscomaria sends to defy Law. de Medicis.  election of whether of these ij ways he would: & after he had delivered this message by mouth, he would have read a writing that he had in his hand, saving that he was forbidden: Laurence answered by the council of his Captains, that he willingly accepted this offer, so far forth as Franciscomaria would first leave those pieces which he occupied by force: After which answer (by thincensing of Ranso de Cero) he caused them both to be apprehended prisoners, Ranso maintaining that they had deserved punishment for performing an action too insolent: But the other Captains showing him how far he transgressed the law of arms and the reputation of his faith and word, he let go Swaro, & retained only Oratio, excusing, with false colours, thinfamy of his faith breaking, as though it had been necessary in the safeconduit to have expressed specially Oratio, who, for his birth & country, was a subject of the Church, and for his place, a secretary to the enemy: But his restraint was chief to draw from him the secrets of Franciscomaria, but specially by whose council and authority he had begun the war: Whereupon being examined with torments, it was published that in his confession was matter to augment the suspicion conceived against the french king: To the desire of Laurence, to cut of from the Spaniards the traffic of victuals out of the country of the vicariage, was need to be applied greater forces, both for that by the incursions of his light horsemen, was done no matter of importance, and withal, his army was in that estate of strength & furniture, that he might boldly make head against thenemies: for, beside a thousand men at arms and a thousand light horsemen, he had levied fifteen thousand footmen of divers nations, amongst whom was a regiment of two thousand Spaniards mustered at Rome: An army of footmen of special choice and sort, and of great exercise and training in arms for that the war being in no other place in Italy, the Captains had good mean to exchange for better, all such bands of Italian footmen as were levied in haste: And so compounded their whole army upon the glory and flower of the soldiers of all Italy: He determined at last to go encamp at Sorbolonguo, a borrow in the country of Fano five miles from Fossambrono, from whence it was easy to him to restrain from th'enemy all relief coming out of the Vicariage: The city of Fossambrono stands upon the river of Mettro, which is a 
Situation of Fossambrono.  river of name, by reason of a victory which the romans had against Asdrubal of Carthage, and running thither by a channel restrained between the mountains, it passeth Fossambrono, and begins to run thorough a little valley more large, which makes itself so much the larger by how much it approacheth the sea that is fifteen miles beyond Fossambrono, and there it falleth into Mettro near to Fano, but on that side towards Sinigalo: On the right hand following the course of the river, is the country which they call the Vicariage full of fertile hills, and borrows, and lieth stretched out in great length towards the sea: and on the left hand of the river are also hills, but passing further, there are found mountains very high and sharp, the plain or valley whereof extending towards Fano, containeth more than three miles in largeness: At such time as Laurence determined to encamp at Sorbolonguo, fearing lest his enemies, knowing of his removing would prevent him: he sent on the morrow, afore day john de Medicis, joh. Baptista Stabbio, & Brumalt de Furly with four hundred horsemen, to surprise Sorbolongo, and gave order to the footmen that were at Candelaro and Nugularo, to cross the mountains and draw towards Mettro, to join with the others: himself with the residue of th'army, leaving for the guard of Pesero, Guido Rangon with an hundred and fifty men at arms, took his way at sun rising, from Pesero towards Fano along the sea shore, & afterwards turning towards Fossambrono where the valley beginneth, he arrived about noon at a place called our Lady's mill built upon the river: All the horsemen and the regiments of Italian footmen, passed the river by ford, but the bands of Gascons and lanceknights, were so long in passing the bridge prepared to that end, that the army was not able that day to fetch Sorbolongo according to the direction: and therefore they thought it convenient to encamp at S. George's, Orciano, & Mondano, borrows bearing distance one from an other half a mile: The direction that was laid out for the light horsemen, succeeded not with much better fortune▪ for, as they marched, Ioh.▪ de Medicis▪ (in whom in this first try all of service, appeared those signs of valour that appertained to one of his descending) seeming by error to take the longer way, le●t the residue that contemned his council & entered within Sorbolongo long time before night▪ & the other two Captains, after they had fetched a long compass, returned at last to th'army, being abused (as they said) by their guide: Neither could john de Medicis (who had with him only his regiment) abide that night within Sorbolongo, for that the same morning Franciscomaria, had with great celerity taken the field with all his army, doubting belike of the discamping of his enemies, and no less imagining which way they would draw: he found no impediment to pass the river, but using the favour of a stone bridge at Fossombrono, he won Sorbolongo afore night, & bringing with him matter of fear and astonishment to john, being then of sufficient ability to resist him, he compelled john to retire towards Orciano, whether he was followed in chasse by the horsemen of th'enemy, who made pray of many of his people and carried them back in the state and fortune of prisoners: At Oreiano he went to found Laurence in his lodging, to whom he complained with a mind much discontented, that either the negligence, or the cowardice of Brunault & john Baptista Stabbia, standing then in his presence, had that day taken out of his hand, the victory of the war: he esteemed the injury so much the greater, by how much the virtue & celerity of his own people were less forward to advance his glory, than fortune herself, who for the most part useth to hold back the merit of men's valour in such actions: But albeit this was the first, yet it was not the only occasion of good luck, that the army of Laurence did loose, seeing afterwards he did not only omit the honour of enterprises of great importance, but also he was followed continually with far more dangerous disorders, his ill fortune being always accompanied with ill counsels: The borrows of Orciano & Sorbolongo have their situation in a place eminent & high, & are distant one from the other, somewhat more than two miles: the mid way between them is full of little mountains and hills, and hath a borrow in it called Barty, wherein were encamped part of the bands of Franciscomaria, & for that neighbourhood and nearness of th'armies, all the day following was spent in skirmishing: Amongst the Captains of Laurence army, the councils and opinions were divers: for, some and chief they who bore lest swaigh in the resolution of things, persuaded to give a charge of thenemies, thinking perhaps, by advancing vainly valiant councils, they should get the name of valiant men, not weighing in their glorious moods, how far the danger exceeded the attempt: But this council was impugned by Ranso and Vitelli, upon whose advises Laurence with great confidence, founded all his directions, for, said they, thenemies being lodged in a place of strength and advantage, and having on their back the favour of the borrow, there was no possibility to execute that enterprise, but by a way troublesome and too full of annoyance: yea they thought it not good that th'army should continued in those places, being a matter no less unprofitable, then hindering the purpose for the which they were removed from Pesero, for that Sorbolongo being at the devotion of Franciscomaria, i● would be hard to restrain the resort of victuals from the country of the Vicareage. These reasons made rejected all other counsels, obtaining what by the audioritie of the same, and by the necessity of things, that the army should return. And to th'end their retiring should not seem a manifest flying, their direction was that th'army should not only return to their first lodging place, but also to go seize upon Monte Baroccio and other places left abandoned by thenemies, from whence they might draw towards Urbin: With this resolution the army departed the morning following at the appearing of the day: But the manner of their going away held more of a fleeing then of a retreat, which growing to an opinion thorough out the camp, it happened that Franciscomaria was advertised by two men at arms, that thenemies were filled full of fear, and were broken up almost in disorder and fleeing▪ In so much as seeming to be almost possessed of the certain victory, he advanced his army and marched with great speed, by the way that leads athivart the mountains: he hoped to encounter them at their descending into the plain, believing that they would take the way that was most short and passable, which if they had taken, neither the one nor the other army could have avoided the battle: But as oftentimes in wars, effects and events of greatest consequence are both hindered and changed by light causes and accidents: so fortune would, that by the occasion of a Canon left behind the day before, for that one of his mounting wheels was broken, the army of Laurence went to repass the river of Metro at our ladies mill, which is four rhyles lower than the place where unto his short and easy way would have brought him: All the horsemen and footmen of Laurence army passed over at the ford, and as both for their numbers and other impediments they made a long passage, so assoon as they were over, they cast themselves with great celerity into order, keeping along the plain that draweth towards Fossambrono: The army of footmen being passed, and the men at arms and light horsemen marching in the later ward of the camp being upon their passing, the light horsemen of thenemies, both many in number, & of the most resolute, began to skirmish with them: In which encounter was taken prisoner Constantin the son of john Paul Baillon, whom we might aswell call his nephew as his son, since he begat him of one of his own sisters: not many days before the same john Paul was come to the army, and led the vanguard, but by the ill chance of his son, striving to do his best to recover him, he stayed so long devising, that from thavantgarde he become in the areareward, and Laurence that led the battle stepped into the forward, as also Troilus Savelo that governed the rearguard was set to guide the battle, for that Ranso and Vitelli marched before with the footmen: But Franciscomaria and his captains, discerning well that thenemies, by the same measure and numbers where with they passed the river, turned towards Fossambrono, saw that they removed not like men that fled, but with intention to surprise Montebaroccio: for which consideration, they forgot their former fury and disposition to fight, which haply was grounded upon an imagined fear of thenemies, and leaving abandoned their baggage, they ran in great haste, and with no less disorder, yea casting their ensigns wrapped upon their shoulders, to get a very strong passage of the river called the passage of Tavernelle: At this passage it seemed that nature had made a confused trench full of cliffs which runneth all along through a plain place even until the mountain, which gave no liberty of passage but by one way which was made for ease and sufferance: To this passage if their bands had come, who turned from that side always as they passed over, the Spaniards had been reduced into manifest danger▪ And albeit Laurence and his captains were advertised of this by Lodowick the son of Oliver de Fermo, who the same day was come to the army with a thousand footmen together with a Spanish sergeant that could well discover the country, yet their espial was of little profit, fortune and destiny being stronger than counsel: for notwithstanding in the regiments of lanceknights and Gascons was expressed a wonderful readiness and disposition to fight, and the same desired with an universal cry throughout the whole camp, and withal, the will of Laurence being fully concurrant: yet that resolute devotion of the camp was not executed by the advise of Ranso de Cere and Vitelly, who counseled him not to go meet his enemies, but to draw his army to a little hill fast by, from whence in great safety he might do many grievances to his enemies with his light horsemen if they attempted to pass the river: And so leaving that place of strength, Ranso turned towards the mountain, which assoon as the Spaniards had brought to their devotion, they began to salute with the bollet those bands of lanceknights that lay nearest them, and signified with cryings & other tokens full of rejoicing, how out of a danger manifest and desperate, their valour had made them a way into absolute safety: Thus either by indiscretion or by cowardice (if we may not allow destiny to partake in it) did Laurence lose that day in the judgement of all men thoccasion of the victory: 
Laurence loseth th'occasion of the victory.  The difference of counsels amongst his captains were very prejudicial to the glory and success of this expedition, for they stood there to consult and debate, where occasion called them on to execute the thing which their fortune had offered them, and then were they least settled in resolution, when they saw most necessity of action: That night the army was lodged in a burrow near that place called Saltaro: but such was the diligence of Eranciscomaria, that marching with his camp till well of the night, he gate Montebaroccio, preventing a regiment of two thousand footmen which Laurence sent thither to surprise it: The day after he went and encamped above Saltaro towards the mountain, taking a place for the bestowing of his army, that had his prospect upon Montebaroccio, but standing somewhat lower & had his situation upon the sea shore: These were the places wherein the two armies encamped, bearing no more distance than a mile one from an other, only there fell: to Laurence greater discommodities by the often want of victuals, for that the traffic lying by sea from Pesera to Fano, they were driven upon the alteration of the winds, to use the service of carriages overlande, to the which the light horsemen of Franciscomaria gave no small impediments by their continual roads and incursions over the whole country, having espial by the peisants of every little moving of thenemies. About this time Franciscomaria sent a trumpet to communicate with the Gascons certain packets of letters found amongst the writings of the secretories of Laurence and taken from him with other of his trash by the horsemen of th'enemy the same day that he departed from the borrow of Saltaro: By these letters was discerned that the Pope being weary of the great pays of the Gascons, and yet stood to make immoderate augmentation of them every month, wished that travel might be made to induce them to return into France: By which occasion there had been great peril of a tumult the self same day, if Carbono their captain and Laurence de Medicis had not by good persuasions reclaimed them, making them believe that the exhibition of those letters, was but a suborned and fallible stratagem of th'enemy: Nevertheless, what by the suspicion of that danger, the necessity of victuals, and the difficulties of the place bearing more manifest signs to lose, than any hope at all to win, they determined to break up from thence, and to enter into the country of the Viccareage on that side that is nearest the sea, and so to march on, till they approached Fossambrono: And albeit it was not without shame to retire so often from thenemies, yet the resolution to depart was allowed through the whole camp, but not without the infamy of Ranso and Vitelli, against whom exclaimed all the regiments of soldiers, charging him that if in the beginning they had put execution to that devise, they had brought upon thenemies no small wants and difficulties of victuals: Laurence himself reprehended them no less than the others, who accompanying his complaints with reproachful suspicions, imposed upon them, that, either to make the war long for their particular profit, or to hinder his reputation and glory by arms, fearing haply to their persons the like effects by his greatness, which thestate and ambition of Valentinois had wrought against their houses, they had brought so many difficulties and so many dangers upon an army so mighty and appointed, and so far above thenemies, in force, in fortune, and in discipline: But the army marched and encamped before S. Constance, a borrow appertaining to the country of the viccareage, the walls whereof they began with no less speed than violence to batter and execute with their artilleries: And albeit the inhabitants sued for parley, and offered to submit and tender it, yet knowing the facility to force it, there was given to the Gascens only a full liberty to assault it, retiring from the walls all the other sorts of soldiers: such was the desire to reappease the angry minds of the Gascons by the spoil and sack of that place, whereof the whole profit and riches was transferred to them. From thence the camp marched two miles further, and went the same day to Mandolffe the best and strongest borrow of all the Viccareage, and having his situation upon a hill and a high place thereof, is also environed with walls and trenches convenient, to the which the situation of the place serveth as a rampire, having withal two hundred soldiers in garrison: That night they planted th'artilleries on that side towards the South, but either by negligence or by indiscretion of Ranso de Cere, to whom was appointed the managing of that charge, they were planted in a place discovered and not defended by rampires: by which salt, before the sun had dispersed his brightness one hour upon the earth, there were slain by the artilleries from within, eight canoneers with many pioneers, and Antho. Santcrosse the captain of their artillery, wounded: by reason of which accident, Laurence rising into some perturbation of mind, went in person to cause th'artilleries to be rampiered and defended, notwithstanding all his captains advised him to forbear in his own person th'execution of a danger which he might well recommend to the charge of an other: After he had set in hand that labour and well refurnished the work with all things necessary, about the mid of the day he retired behind the place to reappose himself under the shade of certain trees, thinking the height of the hill to be a sufficient cover to him against all dangers: But as he laboured in climbing, and the height of the hill diminishing by his labour, he discovered a sidelong, the rock situate on that side towards the west, which he had no sooner disclosed than he had in his eye (such is the swiftness 
Laurence de Medicis hurt.  of destiny) a fire given to a arqebus laid with full leavill against him: And as he threw himself flat on his face to deceive the blow, the swiftness of the bollet was far greater than his speed in falling, in somuch as before he could fall to the earth, the bollet that otherwise had run through his body, took the top of his head, and rasing upon the bone, passed along the brain pan towards the neck: This wounding of the general brought no small grief to the captains and universal multitude of the army, in whom was kindled a greater desire of revenge, by howmuch less worthy were the people by whom they had received the despite, and that even in the person of the greatest amongst them: And therefore redoubling their resolution by the remembrance of the injury, and finding that notwithstanding the battering they had made of the wall, the earth was yet too high behind, they began to cast a mine, wherewith entering under a tower that leaned to the wall which they had battered, they put fire to it the u day: The powder and other matter used in the mine being embraced of the fire, threw out such a violence and strength that it brought the tower down to the earth, together with a quarter of the wall joining to it: which furious execution of the fire was followed of the camp with an assault, but with little order and (as it were) at adventure, the same yielding no other fruit than such as is wont to grow upon enterprises ill disposed and directed: Nevertheless (fortune in some actions doth more than either power or policy) the night drawing on, the soldiers that had no expectation of succours, for that Franciscomaria had not stirred from Montebaroccio, either not to lose the advantage of the situation of the place, or for other occasion, yielded up the place under condition of goods and life saved, leaving in vile manner the people of the town as a wretched pray to thenemies: But by reason of the hurt of Laurence, which brought his life in danger, the Pope sent as Legate to th'army, the Cardinal S. Maria in Portico, who, ill fortune being already joined to ill government, began with very ill signs to exercise his Legation: for, the day after he came to th'army, there happened a quarrel by chance between an Italian and a Launceknight, when such as were nearest ronning to the fray, and every one calling upon the name of his nation, the tumult so increased through the whole camp, that neither expecting any information of the cause, nor seeking the due redress and remedy of the same, all the bands of footmen ran in great mutiny to the lodgings of their fellows and companions, to arm themselves: The violence of their disorder carried them so far, that whosoever they encountered in the way of an other language or nation, paid with their lives the price of their fury: And as such general calamities draw with them many diversities of disorders, so in this universal confusion, whilst the bands of Italian footmen were gone in good order towards the place where the tumult began, their lodgings and houses were sacked by the Gascons: No nation, no regiment, no company was free from this outrage: and in whom was greatest care to cure the evil, in him was most possibility of peril and danger: The innocent found lest safety in abstaining most from violence: there was no dispensation of harms where was no respect to person, and less expectation of safety where the sword bore most sway, and that guided by hands fiery and bloody: The principal captains after they had been in council to remedy the disorder, ran to the fray, to see if by their presence they might do the thing which they were not able to do by counsel: But finding the danger of the tumult to be greater than their authority, every one cast from him the thoughts and care of the common business, and began to look to their particular safety: they ran to their lodgings and houses, and putting in order their men at arms, they retired for their safety a mile from the camp, drawing with them their particular companies to defend them from the fury of the popular soldiers: only the Legate Bibieno, using the constancy and readiness that appertained to his office and honour, would never abandon the common cause, but putting himself oftentimes with the danger of his life, amid the press of their bloody swords and weapons, he did so much with the diligence & labour of other Captains of the footbands, that the tumult was at last reappeased, during the fury whereof were slain in many parts of the camp, more than an hundred lanceknights, xx. Italians, and some Spaniards: This accident was the cause that they determined for the present to enter into no enterprise, but for a time to keep the army separate: for, it was feared, that if the army should keep together, the soldiers not yet reconciled for the harms received, would recontinue the mutiny for every light occasion, knowing that by so much greater is the despite of an injury, and the desire of ruenge more violent, by how much are remeining in presence & memory the first authors and doers: Therefore the companies of men at arms of the Church, & of the Florentines were bestowed in the City of Pesera together with the regiments of Italian footmen: for, touching the french lances, they had not stirred from Rimini by reason the difficulties that were between the Pope and their king were not yet resolved: The footebands of the Gascons were encamped upon the plain within half a mile of that City, and the other companies of footmen were dispersed upon the mount Imperialo above Pesero and on that side towards Rimini: And such was the several distribution of them, that the Spaniards were placed upon the top of the mountain, the lanceknights somewhat lower according to the descending of the mountain, and the Corsikans at the foot of the hill: upon this mountain called Imperialo standeth a palace which the ancestors of the family of Maletestey had builded: They continued in this order three and twenty days executing no other thing in that respite and intermission of time then certain skirmishes of the light horsemen: for, Franciscomaria, stirred not what with desire to hold that he had gotten, and that he saw no hope to break so great an army in the plain field, or to take any place so near thenemies: Nevertheless at last which was the four and twenty day, departing by night from Montebaroccio, he came by the peep of the morning to the top of the mountain, where the Spaniards lay encamped, with whom either generally or severally it was believed he had some secret intelligence according to the relation and testimony of the success that followed: for, assoon as he was come thither, his Spaniards began to cry upon the others of their nation, that if they would make care of their own safety, they should follow them, a voice which most part of them did accept every one putting upon his head a bough of green leaves according to the example of the others: Only their Captains retired to Pesera, and drew with them about eight hundred footmen: When the Spaniards were thus joined into one strength, they went all together to the tents of the lanceknights, who kept no great guard on that side for the surety of the neighbourhood of the Spaniards, and taking the advantage of their security, they fell to execution and slaughter, in which medley they killed and hurt more than six hundred of them, the residue fled to the camp of the Corsikays, and with them retired in one strength, towards Pesera: The Gascons might well discern the bickering and putting themselves in order, they kept their ground not once moving from the place where they stood: Franciscomaria, after this slaughter of the lanceknights, and the most part of the spanish footbands alured to his side, went to encamp between Urbin and Pesera not without great hope to have to come join with him those Gascons and lanceknights, who, levied at that time in the camp of Monsr de Lawtretch, had always marched together, and were for the most part lodged together, and never did any action separate or a part: There was amongst the Gascons a captain called Ambro who bore envy to the virtue & glory of captain Carbono: This Ambro was young and well disposed, of noble place and descending, kinsman to Monsr de Lawtrech, and with the soldiers bore a greater credit and authority than did Carbono: he had secretly practised many days to pass with his regiment of footmen to the part of Franciscomaria, wherein he took this occasion, that not satisfied with thimmoderate augmentation of their pays, they redemaunded insolently greater conditions: Which when they were denied by the Pope's ministers, there interposed between them Carbo and the captains of the french horsemen, who for the same cause were come from Rymyny to Pesero, to reduce them to accord: but five or six days after the discomfiture of the Spaniards and Germans in the imperial hill, Franciscomaria, with his whole army disclosed himself near unto them: of whom one part together with Ambro being fallen into array of battle with six pieces of ordinance called Sagors, the Germans followed & joined themselves also unto him: Carbo in vain endeavouring to stay them with prayers and most vehement persuasions: with Carbo abode seven Captains with 1300. footmen, all the rest together with the Germans forsook him: And as in warlike matters always one mischief breeds another: so the Italian footmen, perceiving what need there was of them, the next morning stirred up a tumult: And to reappease it, when neither greater shamefastness nor lesser greediness was in the Captains then in the soldiers, it was necessary in their pays to promiss them more immoderate conditions: And truly it was a matter to be marveled at, that in the army of Franciscomaria in the which no pay was distributed to the soldiers, was so great agreement, discipline, and concord, which no doubt proceeded not (as is said of the Carthaginian Hannibal to his high commendation) so much of the virtue or authority of the governor, as of the exceeding affection and constancy of the soldiers: But of the contrary, in the army of the Church, where in times due were not wanting excessive pays, was seen an universal confusion, disorder, and desire of the soldiers to pass to thenemies camp. The same proving that oftentimes, concord and discipline in armies are not so easily conserved by money as by other causes: The Legate and others who were present at the council being made astonished with so many accidents, after they had long time debated by what means & remedies they might relieve the afflicted estate of things: neither were they more discreet or abundant in councils, to foresee that those disorders fell not, then apt to apply due remedies to the mischiefs happened: And therefore being moved also with their own covetous desires & interest particular, they concluded to persuade the Pope to restore Bolognia to the Bentivolians before they being emboldened by the late declination of things, or pushed on by the incitation of others, they should make some commotion: A matter which how unable they were to resist was well expressed in the difficulties they had to sustain the wars in one only place: And therefore to give the greater authority to this council, and for the more justification of all parts in all events: They sent the same to the Pope by Robert Buschet A gentleman of Modona set down in writing, subscribed with the hands of all the captains and of the Legate and the Archbishop of Vrsin, of whom the one was linked to the Bentivolians in ancient amity, the other joined to them in parentage: which advise the Pope did not only despise, but also complained in most bitter terms that his own ministers, and such as had been enriched by him with many benefits, with daily expectation to receive more, had set before him with so little faith and love a council or election no less pernicious than the very evils which the enemies did: But chief he cried out against the Archbishop of Vrsin, whom haply he judged to be the chief author and inducer of the others to this counsel: under thoccasion of which displeasure it was believed that he deprived him of the purple hat or cardinals dignity which was promised in the beginning with an universal consent to be transferred to him in the first promotion that happened: But Franciscomaria seeing his strength so increased and his enemies forces abated, & making his advantage also upon the necessity, raised his thoughts to greater attempts: for both the footmen which came with him, had been three whole months without pay, and he had no likelihood of mean or ability to wage those that lately revolted to him: and also the duchy being sore peeled and harried, and almost utterly spoiled, the soldiers had not only no mean of pray and booty, but also with great difficulty could they find out sufficient victuals to sustain them: But in choosing this new expedition, he was to follow other men's wills, so that for the better establishing of his estate before he would attempt any other matter, he sought to assault afresh Fano or some other piece on the sea coast: Nevertheless by th'inclination of the soldiers greedy of pray and booty, he determined to turn into Tuskane, where because the region was plentiful of all things, without suspect, and unready for defence, he hoped to raise some great spoil: Furthermore he was carried with a hope to make some mutation in Perugia and Sienna, by the mean of Charles Baglion and the Burgoes of Petruccio, by which devise his own things had been sufficiently augmented, together with the molestations and perils of the Pope and his nephew: therefore the next day, after he had assembled the Gascons, he removed his camp towards Perusia: but when he was come to the plain of Agobina, he determined to make manifest his suspicion, yea rather the certain apprehension which he had of the treason of the Colonel Maldonato and others joined with him in the same cause: The matter was bred and brought forth in this sort: When the army marched by Romagna, Snares one of the captains of the Spaniards, under dissimulation of sickness dragged behind, and of purpose suffered himself to be taken of his enemies, & being in the state of a prisoner he was conveyed to Cesena to Laurence, to whom he declared in the name of Maldonato and the two other captains of the Spaniards, that not for any other cause were they conjoined with Franciscomaria, then to have occasion to do some notable service to the Pope and to him, seeing it was not in their power to let the accident of this commotion, promising in all their names, that they would not omit the execution assoon as th'opportunity was offered: which device whereas it was utterly kept unknown from Franciscomaria, yet he quickly took suspicion by certain words unadvisedly spoken of Ranso de Cere to a drum of the Spaniards: of whom taking occasion to jest with him, he demanded when those Spaniards would give up their Duke prisoner: which voice making deep impression in the heart of Franciscomaria, gave him cause diligently to observe whether there were any infidelity or treason in the army, which at the length by letters intercepted with the carriages of Laurence, he did not only discern, but perceived that Maldonato was the author of some dangerous stratagem: A matter which having dissimuled until then, he thought not good any longer to conceal it: and therefore calling together all the Spanish footmen, setting himself in the midst of them, he began to give them great thanks, with words of most vehement insinuation for those things which for his sake they had undertaken with so great inclination of mind, confessing openly that neither in the memory of these latter times, nor in histories of ancient writers, had been any Prince or captain owing so great obligations to men of war, as he acknowledged to own to them: for that neither having money, nor any mean to reward their great merits and services, and himself a Prince but of small estate though he should recover all his patrimonies, not being of their nation and language, nor having served with them in the field, yet they had with so ready a disposition followed him against so mighty a Prince and of so great authority, and that not for hope or greediness of spoil, since they knew they were led into a barren and poor region: Which valour and good services, as he had no mean to recompense to them but with goodwill and gratification of mind, so yet this was his comfort, that not only amongst the regions of Italy, but also through all the provinces of Europe they had purchased perpetual same and reputation under him: they being but very few in number, without money, without artillery, without any warlike furniture, had so often constrained to turn their backs an army most rich in treasure and all other provisions, with whom were joined so many warlike people, against the forces of the Pope and the power of the Florentines, with whom the name and authority of the kings of France and Spain was concurrant: and that in regard to support and preserve the faith and honour of men of service, they had neglected the solemn commandment of their proper princes: Of which things like as he did take exceeding pleasure because of the name and glory of them, so on the other side, all matters which might obscure so glorious a renown, would bring upon him a burden of intolerable griefs: That as he endured with manifest dolour the opening of matters which should draw to hurt them or any of that company, to every particular of whom he had vowed whilst he drew breath for ever to be dedicated in all affection, in all service, in all fidelity, and all office whatsoever: So nevertheless, lest this evil begun should be increased with his silence, and lest the malice of some should blemish so great a glory gotten by this army: and being also convenient that he should hold a more dear account of the fame and honour of them all, then particularly respect the amity of a few: he could not conceal longer from them, that there were four in that army who went about to betray the glory and the safety of them all: Touching his own private case, neither would he make mention, nor infer complaints, since having been traveled in so many accidents, and passed the rage of fortune for innocency, he was now reduced to this temperance and stay of mind, that it was all one with him the desire of death or life: But for their parts, neither th'obligations and offices which he aught to them, nor the settled affection which with so great merit he bore to them, would suffer him to keep longer from them the information and knowledge of their present danger, which was that Colonel Maldonato, in whom for his place aught to have been a greater care of the safety and glory of them all, and captain Snares the first contriver of this fraud by yielding under a sergeant sickness to be taken of his enemies in Romagna, together with two other Captains, had conspired and promised under wicked counsels, to betray the lives of them all to Laurence de Medicis: And as the effect of those counsels was disappointed by his vigilancy, for which cause he would no sooner reveal so great a treason: so now not thinking to hold any longer either the person of himself, or the lives of others under so great a danger, he hath opened unto them, the thing which long before was known to himself: And the better to induce their minds, he said that the discourse of this treason was set down in credible form in certain letters authentic found amongst the writings of Laurence and intercepted by him, besides many apparent signs & conjectures: All which he thought good to lay afore them, to th'end they might be the judges of such a heinous conspiracy, and so hearing aswell the crime detected as the justifications of thoffenders, they might proceed to justice according to that counsel which should stand best with equity & order, and establish a due safety to the whole army: When he had made an end of speaking, he commanded to be read and interpreted the evidences of the crime objected against them, which being heard with very great attention, Maldonato, Snares, & the other two capteins not being suffered to answer, were condemned by the common judgement of the army as of a matter most manifestly proved, and forthwith being committed to pass the pikes, they were executed after the manner of soldiers. Thus the army being purged (as they said) by this punishment of all threason, they followed on their journey towards Perugia: into the which was already entered john Paul Baillon, being departed from Pesero assoon as he had knowledge of their intention: and there arming his friends with many companies of peisants levied in the country and confines there, he prepared himself to defend it: to whom the Legate had sent for succour, Camillo Vrsin his son in law, leader of the Florentines together with the men at arms of his conduct, and two hundred and fifty light horsemen: with the which forces it was thought he might sustain the invasion of his enemies, the rather for that many devices were made to hinder their proceedings: for Vitello with his regiment of men at arms, and Size with the French lances, who stood now no more suspected, for that between the Pope and the French king: was established a consederation, were marched to the city of Castle, & Laurence de Medicis, who being newly recured of his wound, and also lately come from Ancona to Pesero, was gone in post to Florence to prepare there things necessary to the conservation of that government & the cities adjoining: There he took order that the Legate with the rest of the army, should march towards the dukedom of Urbin, to th'end to counsel Franciscomaria to abandon th'expedition of Tuskane, for the guard whereof was left no other regiments of soldiers, than a defence of th'inhabitants: Frans. not without the hope of some intelligence or conspiracy, did remove his army to Perugia, where joh. Paul riding about the city to take view, he was assailed in the midst of the street by a peisant or soldier of the country, and failing at that time to strike him to the death, he was suddenly set upon and slain by the concourse of those that accompanied john Paul: who taking th'opportunity of this tumult, caused certain others whom he suspected to be murdered, and so being delivered from snares of conspiracy, he seemed also to be acquitted from all peril, for that thenemies who had now many days lain about Perugia, had no mean to take it by force: And yet john Paul at a time when the Pope lest expected such a matter, alleging in his justification, that the people of Perugia (whose fury he had no power to resist) would no longer endure the spoiling of their country, covenanted with th'army to pay ten thousand ducats, to grant victuals for four days, not to take arms against Franciscomaria in that war, and they to issue presently out of the territories of Peruzia: A matter very grievous and of no little discontentment to the Pope, for that it confirmed the opinion conceived of him from the beginning of this war, in going so slowly to the army with the succours he promised, and holding for suspected the power of Laurence, he wished that Franciscomaria should conserve the Dukedom of Urbin: This also aggravated the grief and discontentment of Baillon, that whilst he was in the camp with Laurence, Ranso and Vitello bore greater authority than he: the memory of which things was haply the chiefest cause of his own calamities in times following: Franciscomaria having made conditional agreement with the Perugians, marched towards the city of Castello, where when he had made certain incursions with intention to enter the town of Sansepulcro in the state of Florence, the danger of his own state constrained him to take other counsel, for that the legate Bibiena having eftsoons levied certain bands of footmen Italians, following the deliberation made at Pesero, was removed with the rest of his army to Fossombrono, which city being battered with the artillery, the third day was taken and sacked: This done he led his army to Pergola, where the day following the earl of Potenza with 400. Spanish launches sent from the king of Spain to the aid of the Pope, did join with the army: within Pergola there was not one soldier, but only a Spanish captain & many inhabitants of the region, who being sore astonished began to common of yielding, but while they were in parley, the captain who stood upon the wall being wounded in the face, the soldiers made assault, without any order or commandment of their capteins, & won the town by force: From Pergola they consulted to bring their army to Cagli, but being advertised that Franciscomaria having heard of the loss of Fossombrono, was returned into that region with most great celerity, they determined to retire themselves: wherefore the same night in the which the Legate received that intelligence, they departed from Pergola, & having traveled to Montlion, when knowing that there they might lodge, they began to lay out the ground according to incamping, being advertised by other messengers that the celerity of the enemy was far above persuasion, and that he sent before him 1000 horsemen, every one carrying a footman in croope, to th'end that they being constrained to travel with more leisure, time might be given to the army to overtake them: they marched seven. miles to a place called Bosco, from whence departing the morning following before day, they came in the evening to Fano, having almost upon their backs the horsemen of thenemies which came with so great celerity, that if they had only departed four hours later, they had hardly escaped the necessity of the fight.  
At this time the affairs of the Pope in other actions, proceeded with no better felicity, then in the accidents and events of the war: for that Alphonso the Cardinal of Sienna disdaining much the life of the Pope, lay in wayre to betray him, the rather for that the Pope having forgotten the travels and dangers which Pandolpho Petruccio his father had endured to restore him and his brethren to the government of Florence, together with the operations which he with other young Cardinals had wrought in the consistory to advance him to the Popedom: In recompense of so many benefits he had caused to be thrust out of Sienna, Borghese his brother and him: By which occasion, being also spoiled of his father's estates, he could not maintain the dignity of the purple hat with that glory which he was accustomed: and therefore being carried with hatred, and reduced almost to despair, he began to devise by a young counsel to murder him with violent hands, whom his hateful heart could not brook to love: but restrained with the peril and difficulty of the fact, more than with the example and common infamy that throughout all Christendom would run, if any Cardinal should with his own hands take away the life of a Pope, he changed advise, and turned all his thoughts to take him away with poison, by the ministration of Baptist a Vercelly a famous Surgeon, and very familiar with him: of which counsel (if so wicked a fury be worthy such name) this should have been the order, that sith that he could not find any other mean, the Surgeon should by setting forth with singular praises his virtues, make such insinuation into him, that the Pope having a Fistula under his fundiment, for the which he used daily the travel of men of his profession, would by such impression call him to his cure: But the impatience of Alfonso reduced the action of this devise to a desperate hope, since as th'execution drew with it some long tract of time depending upon many observations and circumstances, so Alfonso who could not contain himself from complaining against thingratitude of the Pope, being every day more hateful, and suspecting lest he would conspire some thing against his estate, was at last as it were constrained for his own safety to departed from Rome, leaving nevertheless behind him Antho. Nino his secretary: Between them there was a continual passage of letters, whereof certain being intercepted, the Pope discerned manifest treason to be practised against his life: therefore under colour to make some provision for th'affairs of Alfonso, he called him to Rome, sending him safeconduit, joined to his word & faith given beside to the Spanish ambassador, not to touch him prejudicially: Under which assurance, notwithstanding the privity & testimony of his conscience to so apparent treason, he went unwisely to the Pope, who immediately caused him to be apprehended together with Badinello Cardinal Sawly a Genua, a great furtherer of Leo to the Popedom, but so conjoined with Alfonso in strait friendship & familiarity, that he was thought partaker with him in all things: Their first apprehending was in the Pope's chamber and in his presence, and from thence were conveyed as prisoners to the Castle S. Angelo: There was also present direction given that Baptist a Vercelli, who then was following his art at Florence, should be made prisoner and sent to Rome. The Spanish Ambassador laboured with vehement complaints and protestations, to have Alfonso set at liberty, alleging that the Pope's faith given to him as the king's Ambassador, aught to be observed with the same fidelity as if it had been given to the king himself: But the Pope answered that there was no safeconduit how ample soever it was with clauses strong and special, that carried any surety in crimes conspired against the life of the Pope, without peculiar and special nomination: And that the same exception and prerogative followed also the crime of poisoning, an offence so greatly abhorred by the divine and humane laws, and so hateful to the senses of all men, that they have reserved no safeconduit or assurance for thoffenders that way, but under particular and special mention. The Pope preferred to examine them, Mario Perusco the procurer of the fiske, who following the matter upon them with severitic and rigour, they confessed the treason conspired with the privity of Bandinello: The confession was verified by the Surgeon, and confirmed by Po. Bagnacanallo, who under Pandolfo his father, and Borghese his brother, had long been captain of the garrison of Sienna, and for this offence were now publicly quartered: After this confession, in the next sitting of the consistory, was apprehended and carried to the Castle, Raphael Riario Cardinal Saint George chief chamberlain to the sea Apostolic, who for his wealth and riches, for the magnificency of his Court, and for his long time and continuance in that dignity, was become both in truth and name, the principal Cardinal of all the Colleague: he confessed that albeit neither the treason nor the counsel thereof had been imparted to him, by the which he justified his innocency, yet he had heard oftentimes the Cardinal of Sienna both lament and use threats to the Pope under such words and speeches, as he could not but comprehend that he bore in him a mind to do some violence against his person when occasion offered: The Pope after this continued his complaints in an other Consistory, wherein the Cardinals not accustomed to be violated, fell into no small astonishment and grief of mind, that with such cruelty and iniquity, the Pope's life should be betrayed by those, who for their place and dignity which made them principal members of the sea Apostolic, stood more than all others justly bound to defend it: He complained with great compassion against th'accident and thunthankfulness thereof, to return to him such a recompense for his infinite benefits & liberalities bestowed upon all sorts, yea not without blame and imputation of some: But the thing that made him burst out into more vehemency of passion, was that other Cardinals were entangled with the conspiracy, who nevertheless, if afore the consistory were dissolved, they would frankly confess their offence, they should find him prepared to clemency & to give pardon, but if they deferred till the Consistory were broken up, he would turn his clemency into severity of justice, and call into proscription aswell the accessories as chief offenders: Which words working both piety and submission in the minds of Adriano Cardinal Cornetto, and Fran. Soderini Cardinal of Volterra, they humbled themselves upon their knees afore the feet of the Pope, confessing that the Cardinal of Sienna had used the same speeches to them, which the Cardinal Saint George had expressed. Assoon as these examinations and the evidences incident, were published in the consistory, Alfonso and Bandinello by sentence of the general Consistory, were degraded of the dignity of the purple hat and holy orders, and delivered over to the secular Court and judges of criminal offences: The night following Alfonso was secretly strangled in prison, but the sentence of Bandinello by the Pope's grace, was changed into perpetual imprisonment, from the which nevertheless he was not long afterwards delivered under a ransom of money, and eftsoons restored to the dignity of Cardinal, notwithstanding he had juster cause of indignation against him for the many benefits and graces he had bestowed upon him: And yet he was become estranged from him for no other cause then for the amity he had with Alfonso, adding withal a disdain that the Cardinal Medicis was preferred afore him in the suits of certain benefices: And there were not wanting malicious interpreters, who judged that afore he was delivered out of prison there was given to him by the Pope's commandment, a potion confected with that kind of poison which killeth not suddenly, but worketh by subtle operations until by times it hath wasted the life of him that receiveth it. And touching the Cardinal Saint George, albeit the laws ordained by Princes for the security of their states, command that in the crime of high treason aswell the accessary as the principal be passed under extreme punishment: yet, what by the state of his fall being in a condition inferior to the others, & what for the respect of his age and authority which time had made reverent in him, and lastly, what for the law of friendship which had indifferently run between them afore his ascending to the Popedom, he proceeded with him with more clemency and favour: In so much as like as for th'authority and reputation of justice, he was by sentence deprived of the cardinals dignity, so he was immediately by grace bought with a great sum of money, restored to his former condition in all things, saving in the authority and privilege of his voice active and passive, which grace nevertheless within the revolution of a year was fully restored to him again. There was no other vexation imposed upon Adrian and Volterra, saving a secret exaction of great sums of money: But seeing there was no surety to either of them to abide in Rome with convenient dignity, Volterra with the Pope's licence went to Fondy, where under the wings of Prospero Colonno he remained till the Pope's death: And Adrian departed secretly out of Rome, but what destiny fell upon him, it is hard to reapport, seeing there are none that ever could give any information of him since his going away: The bitterness of this accident drew the Pope to consider for the creation of new Cardinals, knowing that the whole presence of the college, astonished by this punishment, and jealous of other occasions, were of minds much estranged from him: In which action he proceeded so immoderately that in one morning in the consistory, the college consenting more for fear then of will, he pronounced one and thirty Cardinals, and in that abundance & plenty of numbers, as he had good mean to satisfy many ends, and to make his election of every quality of men, so he preferred two sons of his sister, with some others, who, saving for the services they had done him, and had been acceptable to the Cardinal Medicis by many offices, were in other reasons neither capable nor worthy so high dignities: In the calling of some, he observed the humours of great Princes, creating them at their instance: some he raised by simony and corruption of money, to relieve his treasure being much consumed: some he called were very famous by th'opinion and credit of their learning, amongst whom were three Generals (that appellation is of the highest degree) of the order of S. Augustin, S. Dominik, & S. Francis: And in this creation he left this most rare tradition, that to one function, in one promotion, and at one time, he preferred two of the family of Triunlco, taking his inducement for the one, to recompense his service for that he had been his chamberlain, & also upon a desire to satisfy john jacques, and touching the other, he was carried with the same of his learning accompanied with some quantity of money: But that which bred matter of greatest admiration, was the election of Francisco Vrsin, and Pompey Colonno with other five Romans of the principal houses, such as were followers of all factions with councils altogether contrary to the resolution of his predecessor: Nevertheless it was reputed an action not the lest discreet and yet it drew no great happiness in the end to his friends and kindred: for whereas, the greatness of the Barons of Rome being always the suppression and vexation of the Popes, and where in default of the ancient Cardinals of those families, whom Alexander the sixth had bitterly persecuted to make a pray of their goods, julio would never suffer that dignity to be reinvested in any of them: Leo, with great immoderation did the contrary, not that it could be said he was drawn with the merit of the men, for that as Francisco was taken from the profession of arms, and created Cardinal, so for Pompey the memory of his doings past, aught to be objected against his preferrment, for that though he was a Bishop, yet using thoccasion of Pope julioes' sickness, he had laboured to seduce to tumult, the people of Rome against the government of Priests, for which cause Pope julio deprived him justly of the dignity of Bishop. But in this time Franciscomaria, albeit by the retiring or rather manifest flying of thenemies, could have no mean to fight, his army being made mighty in men and valour by the continual resort of new soldiers running after the fame of the captain, & partly carried with hope of pray, entered into Marca, where Fabriano and many other towns compounded with him, redeeming with ready money, the peril of sacking and robbing their houses: But others standing destitute of that humanity, he committed to the mercy of the soldiers, amongst the which the city ran a hard fortune, since during the parley and negotiation of accord, it was entered and spoiled in the unbridled insolency of the soldiers: he drew from thence to Ancona for the defending of the which, the Legate had sent a crew of soldiers: he remained about it many days, to the great hindrance of his affairs by the loss of time which he suffered, not in fight with the desendants of the place, but in temporizing to compound with them: At last because they would not with the harms of the war, suffer also the loss of their harvest, they made him a ransom of eight thousand ducats, not swerving in other sort from their accustomed fidelity to the Church: afterwards he invaded the city of Osim with very ill success: And at last he planted his camp afore the town of Corinaldo, wherein were two hundred footmen foreigners, by whom together with the valour of the townsmen, it was so valiantly defended, that after he had consumed xxij days about it, he levied his siege, his despair being greater than his hope to carry it. This did greatly diminish the terror & fear that was had of that army, the rather for that he had not made conquest of any those towns that refused to compound with him: A matter which no way could proceed of the unskilfulness of the captain to dispose, nor of want of valour in the soldiers to execute: but the true reason was, for that they had but very few and those very small field pieces, lacking withal many things to put them to service: Besides, touching those towns which would not yield to him, it was necessary they should make demonstration of their constancy and valour, for that the Captains of the Church army, amongst whom Count Potenza was chief, had sent troupes of their men of war to bridle and make pillage of the country even to the walls of Vrbyn: And Sise being returned from Citta de Castello in Romagna, and afterwards entered into Montfeltro, and had subdued by force Secchiano with certain other small towns, was reduced to remain encamped within five miles of Pezero, with intention not to minister succours to any place, nor once to stir unless necessity moved them to retire: For, where, in the times when they were superior in forces and strength, their affairs had fallen out so unhappily, now, being made inferior in numbers by the diminution of their footmen, they had not the courage to sustain the fame of their enemies approaching, and much less to abide any other peril: In which resolution made according to the Pope's mind, they were confirmed by a hope of the coming of six thousand Swizzers, whom the Pope by the council of the french king, had sent to levy and wage: for, the french king after the confederation made, desired the victory of the Pope, and yet at the same time he retained the same suspicion of him that he did before: he was continued in this suspicion by the relations of Galeas Viscount and Mark. Anth. Colonno, of whom the one being revoked to his country from banishment, and the other not thinking his services and merits well recompensed by Caesar, and both transferred with honourable conditions to the pay of the french king, they had reaported that the Pope had conspired greatly with Caesar and the Swyzzers against him: But much more was the french king moved, for that the Pope had contracted secretly a new confederation with Caesar, with the king of Spain, and th'english, which albeit was lawful for him to do, for that it bore only for their defence, yet both the matter & manner of it troubled not a little the thoughts of his mind: he was induced through fear to be delivered of the warrers, lest the Pope not finding his aids and succours ready would not enter into a greater conjunction with other Princes against him: And besides that, he began to take grief & suspicion of the army of Vrbyn, whose strength was compounded of footmen spanish and lanceknight: Therefore besides that he had advised the Pope to make himself strong with the footmen of Swyzzers, he offered to sand him of new, three hundred lances under Thomas de Foix brother to Odet, alleging that besides the reputation and valour of the man, he would be a convenient instrument to embeasell from the army of Franciscomaria, the bands of Gascons, with whom those brothers and race of Foix being descended of the noblest blood in Gascoigne, had great authority: The Pope accepted this offer, but with a mind very suspicious, for that he stood doubtful as he did before, of the kings will, wherein he suffered his suspicion to take increasing by the withdrawing of the Gascons, fearing lest that action had privily proceeded of the operation of Lawtrech: And he that in those times had made observation of the doings of Princes, might apparently discern, that no benefit, no office, no conjunction, was sufficient to remove out of their hearts the distrusts and jealousies which they had one of an other: for, the suspicion was not only reciprocal between the Pope and French king, but also the king of Spain hearing of the levies of the Swizzers, and the preparation of Thomas de Foix, was not without his fear that the Pope and the French joined together would not devise to despoil him of the kingdom of Naples: These suspicions were thought to profit th'affairs of the Pope, since both of them lest they should give him cause or matter to estrange himself from them, laboured to confirm him and assure him with benefits and with aids.  
Now Frantiscomaria departing from Corinaldo, returned upon the state of Urbin to give defence and protection to his people for the getting in of their harvest: and retaining with an increase of ambition his ancient desire to get Pesero which was guarded by the Count Potenza and his soldiers, he brought his army to the borders thereof, and objecting all impediments to cut off the resort of victuals, he put to the sea certain ships: But against that force they of Rimini rigged out sixteen vessels, some barks, and some brigantins, and some of other nature agreeable to the service of those times, which being armed and manned, and sent to accompany and assure other ships loaden with victuals for Pesero, they encountered the navy of Franciscomaria, of whom they sunk to the bottom the Admiral, and took all the residue: by which accident despairing of the enterprise of Pesero, he levied his forces and departed. In this mean while Monsr de Foix advanced with his three hundred lances, but the Swissers made slow preparation, for that the Cantons denied their consent unless they were first satisfied of their old pensions: from which obstinacy the king being not able to remove them, and in the Pope no ability to make them satisfied for the intolerable defrayments he had expended, his Agentes having consumed in that solicitation many days, entertained and waged without common privity, two thousand particulars of that nation, and four thousand other Germans and Grisons: which levies being descended and bestowed in the confines and suburbs of Rimini, and they being divided by the river from the residue of the City, are environed and fetched in with walls, Franciscomaria was entered by night by the vaults and arches of that notable bridge of Marble which tieth the suburbs with the City, but he could not pass over, the river being swelled by the inundation of the sea: There grew a strong fight between his soldiers and the foot bands bestowed in the suburbs, in which was slain jasper captain of the Pope's guard, who had conducted them thither: But greater was the loss of thenemies by the death of Balastichino and Vinea Spanish captains, and Federike Bossolo and Franciscomaria being wounded in the body with a bullet. After this encounter he turned his army towards Tuskane, being carried more by necessity then by hope, for that in a region so much consumed, so great an army could not be nourished: He remained certain days in Tuskane amongs the populars of S. Stephano, the borrow of S. Sepulchro, and Angbiari towns of the dominion of Florence, where he took Montedoglio, a place very weak and of little importance: he gave a long assault to Anghiari, a town more strong by the fidelity and valour of the inhabitants, then by fortification of wars, or other kinds of munitions: But being not able for his own weakness and wants, to carry it, he retired his army under the Appenin, between S. Sepulchro and Civita di Castello, and causing to be drawn thither from Mercatello four pieces of artilleries he encamped within less than half a mile of the town, upon that way that leadeth to Urbin: There he seemed to stand irresolute and doubtful what course to take, seeing that as his enemies were passed behind him into Tuskane, and many Italian bands entered into S. Sepulchro, and Vitello with a great strength was got into Citta di Castello: So within Anghiari, within the plain of S. Stephano, & within the other towns conjoining, were entered the bands of footmen of the Germans, the Grisons, and the Swizzers: Laurence de Medicis came also from Florence but somwhtat late to S. Sepulchro, where Franciscomaria had lain with his camp many days idly: And for that he began to find in these places many discommodities of victuals, and less hope to be able to bring forth any good effect, and withal for that the soldiers of his army who were driven to defend their lives, by pray and pillage, were now of equal terror to his friends and to his enemies, he began not to discern any good expedition or end for his affairs: And the bands offootemen who had so long followed him, seeing no pay ministered, and no more hope remaining to live by discretion, because they had no munition of quality to force towns, and noting withal that to their calamity of want of victuals, was joined an increase of the force & reputation of their enemies by the grace of many Princes disclosed in their favour, they began to be weary with the longness of the war, the rather also for that they could hope for no good issue or success, neither by the opportunity of present battle, nor by the benefit of longer time: The Pope for his part felt likewise the same perplexities and afflictions, for, he was both made naked of wealth and treasure, and no ability of himself to continued the provisions of his camp, and also he stood more doubtful than ever of the fidelity of other Princes, but chief of the french king, who with greatslownes and negligence, did provide for the relief of money which he was bound unto by the capitulation: And for that Monsr de Foix, having by the Pope's direction remained in Romagna refused to sand part of his lances into Tuskane, alleging that he would not divide his strength before the armies were passed the Appenin: there arose many arguments and persuasions of accord between the Legate and Franciscomaria & his Captains: In which good inclination to peace, there interposed between them Monsr de Foix and Don Hugo da Moncado, and for that effect also the Viceroy of Sicilia was sent by the king Catholic: But until that day nothing succeeded for the hard conditions which Franciscomaria urged: At length, the bands of spanish footmen, induced both by the difficulties that appeared, and also by the solicitation & instance of Don Hugo, who joining threats to the authority of his place, and satisfying them that such was precisely the will of the king of Spain, they were brought to incline and embrace peace: which, with a very hard consent of Frantiscomaria, and the negotiation of the Bishop of Auellino sent thither for the Pope by the Legate, was contracted in this sort, concurring also the consent of the bands of Gascoine footmen by the interposing of Monsr de Foix: That the Pope should pay to the spanish footmen five and forty thousand ducats for the full satisfying of four months pay, and to the Gascoines, & Germans joined with them, three score thousand ducats: That they should all depart within eight days out of the state of the Church, the jurisdiction of Florence, and the territories of Urbin: That Franciscomaria leaving abandoned all that he possessed in that state, might pass in security to Mantua: That he might carry with him his artilleries, his household stuff, and namely that famous library which with so great charge and diligence had been erected of Federik his grandfather by the mother's side: A captain for leading of an army, of most renown of all the Captains of his time, but most famous amongst all other his virtues for his patronage of good learning: That the Pope should absolve him of all censures, and give remission to all the subjects of the government of Vrbyn, and to all others that had risen against him in this war: But whilst they were reducing the substance of these capitulations into articles and writing, Franciscomaria sought to have inserted in special words, that the Spaniards were they who promised to deliver up to the Pope, the state of Vrbyn: A matter which they refused for the regard of their honour, whereupon they came to contention, when Franciscomaria suspecting lest they would cell him to the Pope, went suddenly to Sestina leading with him part of the light horsemen, with the footmen italians, Gascons, & Germans, and four pieces of artilleries: Assoon as perfection was given to the peace, & the Spaniards received their pays, they went into the Realm of Naples, containing at their departure a strength of six hundred horsemen, and four thousand footmen: by their example, the other bands of footmen departed after they had received the reward of their disloyalty: Only to thItalians, nothing was neither given nor promised, And touching Franciscomaria over whose safety it seemed Monsr de Foix had a care particular, seeing himself now abandoned, challenged the benefit of the first peace, and went thorough Romagna and the country of Bolognia to Mantua, being accompanied with Federik de Bossolo, an hundred horse and six hundred footmen: In this sort did end the war of Vrbyn, continued eight months with great expenses and ignominy to the Victors: on the Pope's part were expended eight hundred thousand ducats, the greatest mass whereof was drawn out of the common weal of Florence, for the authority he bore there at that time: And touching the Captains to whom was referred the administration of those wars, there was heaped against them, great imputation of cowardice, & of disordered government, adjoining to it want of sincerity or sound intention: for that in the beginning of the war when the forces of Laurence were mighty, and the power of thenemies in great weakness, they never could use any occasion, neither by apparent valour, nor by their industry, and much less by their providence or forecast: To which beginnings drawing with them loss of their reputation, negligence in discipline, and disobedience of th'army, were adjoined in the proceedings and further course of the war, want of many provisions in the camp: And at last fortune seeming to take her sport and pleasure upon their errors, did by her working so heap calamities upon their disorders, that the affairs of the wars were reduced to these terms, that the Pope detecting the snares that were laid against his life, and being much shaked in the government of the Church, and eftsoons fearing the estate of Florence, was constrained with petitions and new obligations, to implore the aids of all men: And yet he could not be delivered from those calamities, but by defraying of his own treasure upon the army of his enemies, And such as either were the original movers of the war, or else being entertained in his pay, had vilely revolted against him, after they had vexed him with many extortions.  
In this year and almost in the end of the year, the king of Spain, went with prosperous navigation, to take possession of his kingdoms: he had obtained before of the french king (between whom and him went many demonstrations of amity, both of them covering the secret intention of their minds) assurance that he would forbear for six months, the first payment of an hundred thousand ducats which he was bound to pay in by the articles of the last accord contracted between them: The Venetians also made a reconfirmation for two years, of the league defensive which they had with the French king, with whom as they stood most firmly conjoined in the law of league and fidelity, so in regard of him they made small account of the amity of all other Princes: In so much as they omitted to send Ambassadors to present their obedience to the Pope, who having sent Legate to Venice, Allobello Bishop of Pola, it was imputed against him as a matter unworthy his majesty.  
There followeth now the year a thousand five hundred and eighteen, in which the regions of Italy, contrary the precedent of many years before, felt not the lest impression or motion of war, yea there appeared the self same disposition in all other Princes of Christendom, between whom by the operation of the Pope, though haply more with fair reasons, then with substantial counsels, was solicited an universal expedition of all Christendom against the pride of Selim prince of the Turks, who the year before, had so enlarged and extended his greatness, that comparing with his power, his ambition to be greater, pushed on with many helps of nature, it was worthily to be doubted that if he were not prevented by the invasions of the Christians, he would in his pride lift up his victorious hand against them: For Selim discerning that Baiseth his father, reduced to extreme old age, sought to establish the succession of th'empire in the person of Acomath his elder brother, drew into rebellion against him, and by force of arms, concurring the corruption of the soldiers of his guard, constrained him to resign up to him the authority of the government: And not suffering his ambition to stay there, it was believed of all men, that for his more absolute assurance he took away his life by poison: And afterwards giving an overthrow to his brother in an encounter of a battle, he confirmed fully the seat of his Empire, by depriving him of his life in public show, exercising the like rage of cruelty upon Corcu the youngest brother of all: And being not satisfied according to the tyranny of the house of Ottomanni, with the blood and slaughter of all his Nephews, or any others that remained of that line and stock, he was in thought oftentimes (by the rage and fury of his disposition) to take away the life of Solyman his only son. Of these beginnings breeding one war upon an other, after he had subdued the Aduliti a people of the Mountains, he passed over into Persia against the Sophi, to whom he gave battle and overthrew him, and in that felicity of war he took the city of Tauris the sovereign seat of that state, together with the greatest part of Persia, which he was constrained to abandon, not through the valour of his enemies, who for their disability to support their army, were retired into the mountains and places desert, but for the universal dearth and barrenness of that year, he fell into an extreme want of victuals: He returned soon after this expedition to Constantinople, where after he had done execution upon certain soldiers seditious, and for certain months had refreshed his army, he gave out that he would eftsoons return to make war upon Persia, but in deed he turned his forces against the Sultan king of Soria and Egypt, a prince not only of most ancient reverence and dignity for that religion, but most mighty for the amplitude of dominion, most rich in tributes, and very glorious by the discipline of the Mammeluckes, of whose arms and forces that state was possessed with great reputation, three hundred years: for that Empire, being ruled of the Sultan's, they not by succession but by election, ascended to it, and to the supreme seat of government were not preferred but men of manifest virtue, and confirmed by all the degrees of war, in the administration of provinces and armies, and also the sinews and strength of their forces, stood not upon soldiers mercenary and foreign, but of men elected, who taken of children in the provinces adjoining, and trained up by succession of years in hardness of fare, in suffering of labour and toil, and in th'exercise of arms and all customs appertaining to the discipline and law of war, they ascribed and enroled them in the order of the Mammelukes: There succeeded from hand to hand in this order, not the sons of the Mammelukes that were dead, but others, who being taken of children forslaves, had their rising by the same discipline, and by the same industry and arts, by the which their predecessors had passed from hand to hand: These not being in number above seventeen or eighteen thousand, held subjecteth under a most heavy yoke, all the people of Egypt and Soria, whom they spoiled of the use of all arms, and practise to manage horses: yea such was their fierceness and valour, that oftentimes they made war of themselves, for that of their numbers and by their election were chosen the Sultan's, and in their power rested all authority to distribute the honours, offices, and profits of that most rich Empire: By the opportunity of which, having subdued many nations adjoining, and reduced to obedience the Arabians, and maintained many wars with the Turks, they were many times victorious, but very seldom or never vanquished of others: Against these people did Selim convert his forces, whom he overthrew in many battles fought in plain field, wherein was slain the Soldan, and afterwards in an other battle was taken prisoner the other Soldan his successor, whom he caused to be publicly murdered with an unworthy kind of torment: Thus having satisfied his bloody humour with these great slaughters, and almost wasted the name of the Mammelukes, he proceeded to the invasion of Cairo a most populous city, wherein were resident the Sultan's, and in short time subdued under his jurisdiction all Soria and all Egypt: The same drawing unto him so great an increase of empery, such amplification of tribute & revenue, and removing the impediments of so mighty enemies & of so great reputation, that with great reason he was to be feared of the Christians: A fear which took his degrees of increasing by this consideration, that to so great a power and valour was joined a settled impression of ambition to bear rule, and by many victories, to make glorious his name to all posterities: wherein reading oftentimes the Legends and actions of the great Alexander and julius Caesar, he seemed to suffer grief and perplexity of mind, that his actions and exploits of war could in no wise hold comparison with so many great triumphs and victories: In which humour, refurnishing continually his armies, and building of new a great number of ships, and levying all provisions necessary for the war, it was feared when his preparations were accomplished, that he would invade Rhodes, the bulwark of the Christians in the East parts, or else the kingdom of Hungaria made fearful by the valour of thinhabitants to the nation of Turks, which at that time was in division amongst themselves, and made weak by the minority of their king, who was governed by Priests and the Barons of the Realm: Others were of opinion that he had addressed all his thoughts to thinvasion of Italy, taking his encouragement upon the discord of the Potentates and natural princes, whom he knew to be much shaken with the long wars of those regions: To this was joined the memory of Mahomet his grandfather, who with a power far less than his, and with a small Navy sent upon the coasts of the Realine of Naples, had won by assault the City of Otronto: and, saving (he was prevented by death) had both opened the way and established the mean to persecute the regions of Italy with continual vexations: So that the Pope together with the whole Court of Rome being made astonished with so great success, and no less provident to eschew so great a danger, making their first recourse to the aid and secure of God, caused to be celebrated through Rome most devout invocations, which he did assist in presence bore foot: And afterwards calling upon the help of men, he wrote letters to all Christian Princes, both admonishing them of the peril, and persuading them to say aside all civil discords and contentions, and attend speedily to the defence of religion and their common safety, which he affirmed would more and more take increase of most grievous danger, if with the unity of minds, and concordances of forces, they sought not to transfer the war into th'empire of the Turks, and invade th'enemy in his own country: Upon this advise and admonition, was taken the examination and opinion of men of war, and persons skilful in the discovery of countries, the disposing of provinces, and of the nature and usage of the forces and weapons of that kingdom, and thereupon a resolution being set down to make great levies of money by voluntary contributions of Princes, and universal impostes of all people of Christendom, it was thought necessary that Caesar accompanied with the horsemen of Hungaria and Pollonia, Nations warlike, and practised in continual wars against the Turk, and also with the footmen of Germany, should sail along Danubi into Bossina called anciently Misia, and from thence to Thracia, and so to draw near Constantinople, the seat of the Empire of the Ottomanes: That the French king with all the forces of his kingdom, the Venetians, and the other potentates of Italy, accompanied with the infantry of Switzerland, should pass from the port of Brindisi in Albania a passage very easy and short, to invade Grece, a country full of Christian inhabitants, and for the intolerable yoke of the Turks, most ready to rebel: That the kings of Spain, of England, and Portugal, assembling their forces together in Cartagenia and the ports thereabouts, should take their course with two hundred ships full of Spanish footmen and other soldiers, to the strait of Galipoli, to make roads up to Constantinople, having first subdued the Castles and forts standing upon the mouth of the strait: And the Pope to take the same course, embarking at Antona with an hundred ships armed: With these preparations, seeming sufficient to cover the land and overspread the sea, it was thought that of a wart so full of devotion and piety, there could not be but hoped a happy end, specially adding the invocation of God, and so many several invasions made at one time against the Turks, who make their principal foundation of defence, to fight in the plain field: These matters were solicited with no small industry, and to stop all matter of imputation against th'office of the Pope, the minds of Princes were thoroughly sounded, and an universal truce for five years between all the Princes of Christendom, published in the consistory, upon pain of most grievous censure to such as should impugn it: So that the negotiation continuing for all things appertaining to so great an enterprise, he assigned Ambassadors to all Princes: to the Emperor he sent the Cardinal S. Sisto, to the French king he dispatched the Cardinal of S. Maria in Portico, the Cardinal Giles to the king of Spain, and the Cardinal Campeius to the king of England: All Cardinals of authority, either for their experience in affairs, or for opinion of their doctrine, or for their familiarity with the Pope: All which things albeit they were begun with great hope and expectation, And the universal truce accepted of all men, And all men with no little ostentation and bravery of words, made show of their readiness with their forces to advance so good a cause: yet, what with the consideration of the peril esteemed uncertain and far of, and extending more to one Prince then to an other, And what by the difficulties & long tract of time that appeared, to introduce a zeal and union so universal, private interests and respects particular seemed to prevail more, than the piety of the expedition: Insomuch as the negoclation stood not only naked of all hope and issue, but also it was followed very lightly and as it were by ceremony, this being one property in the nature of men, that those things which in their beginnings appear fearful, do daily take such degrees of diminution and vanishing, that unless the first fears be revived by new accidents, they lead men in process of time to security: which property of negligence, both touching the affairs public, & affection of private and particular men, was well confirmed by the death that succeeded not long after to Selym, who, having by a long malady suspended the preparations of the war, was in the end consumed by the passions of his disease, and so passed into the other life, leaving so great an Empire to Solyman his son, young in years, and judged to bear a wit and mind not so disposed to the wars, although afterwards th'effects declared the contrary. At this time, appeared between the Pope and the French king, A most great and straight conjunction: for, the king gave to wife to Laurence, his Nephew, the Lady Magdaleyne nobly descended of the blood and house of Bolognia, with a yearly revenue of ten thousand crowns, whereof part was of the kings gift, and the residue rising of her own patrimony: Besides, the king having borne to him a son, the Pope required that in his Baptism, he would impose upon him his name: By which occasion Laurence making preparations to go to mary his new wife, for his more speed, performed his journey by post into France, where he was received with many amities and much honour of the king, to whom he become very gracious & of dear account, the rather for that besides other general respects, he made a dedication of himself wholly to the king, with promise to follow in all accidents, his fortune: he brought also to the king a writ or warrant from the Pope, by the which he granted to him, that till the moneys collected of the tenths and by other means of contribution, were expended upon the holy war against the Turks, he might dispose it to his own uses, so far forth as he would make promise to restore it whensoever occasion & necessity would call him to defray it to that end it was gathered for: his warrant boar also to deliver to Laurence of the same treasure, fifty thousand crowns: And whereas the king till that day had dissembled not to execute the Pope's promise made to him under writing for the restoring of Modena and Reggia to the Duke of Ferrara, notwithstanding the term of seven months were passed, And knowing withal that he could not offer to the Pope a thing more grievous, then to urge him to that restitution, he redelivered into the hands of Laurence, the said writ of promise, making a greater reckoning (as it often happeneth amongst mortal men) of the stronger than of the weaker. About the same time, the Venetians by the operation of the French king, prolonged the truce they had with Caesar for five years, with condition to pay for every one of the five years twenty thousand crowns, and to every one of the exiles that had followed Caesar, the fourth part of their goods yearly being rated at the value of five thousand crowns: it was supposed that Caesar would have been induced to have made peace with them, if they would have gratified him with a greater sum of money.  
But this truce was not a little agreeable to the french king, for that the Venetians not standing fully assured, had the greater reason to make dear account of his amity, and that to Caesar was given no power, with the money he had of them, to dress any innovation: Insomuch as matters on all sides, tending to peace and concord, the differences between the French and English were also reconciled: And for the more stability of which agreement, it was confirmed with a contract of parentage & alliance, wherein the king of England promised to give his only Daughter, to whom having no sons, there was hope of the descending and succession of the kingdom, to the dolphin the eldest son of the crown of France, Adding for a portion four hundred thousand ducats: Both the one and the other boar yet so tender age, that infinite accidents might happen, before perfection of years would make them able to establish matrimony: There was made between them a league defensive, wherein were comprehended Caesar and the king of Spain in case they would ratify it in a certain time: The king of England bound himself to restore Tornay, receiving presently for defrayments expended upon that town, two hundred and lx. thousand ducats, and three hundred thousand to be defalked of the portion, and to pay three hundred thousand more in the space of twelve years: The French king also was bound that if the peace and the parentage followed not, to tender up again into the hands of th'english, the town of Tornay: Many Ambassadors were sent from both the Realms to negotiate this league, and to receive the ratifications and oaths, by whom in the Courts of both the kings the acts of th'accord were dispatched with great solemnity and ceremony, with a resolution of an interview of both the kings between Calais and Bolleyne, immediately after the restitution of Tornay. About the same time, the Daughter of the French king appointed to be married to the king of Spain, being dead, the former peace and capitulation was eftsoons reconfirmed between them, wherein was promised the marriage of the second Daughter of France: Both the kings celebrated this conjunction with most great demonstrations of perfect amity: for, the king of Spain, having paid in at Lions an hundred thousand ducats, ware publicly the order of Saint Michael upon the day of the celebration of the same, and in recompense of that honour, the French king, upon the day dedicated to Saint Andrew, was honourably attired in the robes and colour of the golden fleece.  
Thus the affairs of Italy standing in good estate of tranquillity, there remained only discontented and in ill disposition, john ja. Triuulce, whom neither his old age reduced almost to the last time, nor his virtue so oftentimes expressed in the service of the house of France, could any way aid or comfort: for, as in himself were bred some occasions, partly by his ambition, which was suspected, and partly through his impatiency, which the condition of old age might reasonably excuse: So he was crossed by the subtle humours of such as did envy him, but chief and vehemently quarreled withal in many things by Monsr Lawtrech, by whose instigation, the king was drawn into suspicion of him, that not only his own person but also the whole family and house, were too much agreeable to the Venetians: Wherein they 
jealousy against john ja. Tryuulce.  took the consideration of their suspicion, not only for th'interest of the faction of the guelfs, and many other actions and traditions of times past to keep him entertained in the grace of the Venetians, but also for that Theoder Triuulce was become their governor, and Rene a member of their family, was newly received into the pay of that state: By reason of which, after Galeas Viscount by the death of Fr. Barnardin Viscount, was become chief of the Gebelin faction, the king endued him with thorder of S. Michael and allowance of pension, to th'end to oppose him against Triuulce with a greater authority, having withal the ready hand of Lawtrech to push on his reputation & credit as often as occasions occurred to do any thing to the disadvantage of Triuulce: The passage of which things as they brought no little diminution to the authority of the old Triuulce, so, having no patience to dissemble the wrongs which he knew he had not deserved, he made his daily complaints, & was so much the more hated & suspected: Lawtrech with his other adversaries made this no little occasion to reproach him and accuse him to the king, that he had made himself a burgeis enrolled with the Swizzers, as though he would use their mean to be supported against the king, & haply aspire to greater things: so apt is envy to suborn suggestions, & so ready to enforce them dangerously to the ruin of those against whom she contendeth: and as Triuulce, notwithstanding his old age which was now in thestate decrepit, & thinfirmities of a body broken which draweth after it dispensation from travel, was gone into France to justify himself: so, Monsr Lawtrech after his departure, restrained under reasonable guard by the king's direction at Vigevena, his wife & grandchild borne of the Count of Musocque his only son deceased, which degree of rigour or hard dealing, was well expressed upon himself at his coming into France, for that much less that he was received of the king with the same aspect, countenance, & honour that he was wont, seeing of the contrary he reproached to his face, his amity & correspondency with the Swizzers, assuring him that no other thing held him from punishing him as he had deserved, than the consideration of thuniversal renown that ran (though not true in many parts) of the merits & services he had done to the crown of France: upon the king's displeasure which commonly worketh many dangerous impressions in the minds of men, he renounced & disclaimed all society & introduction with the Swizzers: and not many days after, following the court, he fell sick at Chartres, where he gave up to the king, his innocency and complaints, and made to God the last reckoning of his aged days: he was a man in the 
The death of joh. ja. Triuulce.  judgement of many, & confirmed by sundry experiences, of singular valour in the discipline of war, & ran a race always opposed to thinconstancy of fortune, who according to her mutability, made him feel th'operation of both her humours, sometimes rejoicing in her favour, & erst again finding her sour & of bitter taste: By his commandment were written upon his tomb, these words not disagreeable to the condition & course of his life: I found the rest within my grave, which in my life I could not have.  
About this time, Caesar desiring after his death to establish the succession of the Roman Empire in the person of one of his grandchilds, treated with the electors to choose one of them king of Romans, a dignity which draweth with it an immediate succession to the Empire after th'emperors death, without other election or confirmation: And because none can aspire to such election, until th'emperor elect have obtained the Crown Imperial, he made instance to the Pope that by a new example, he would accomplish his Cronation in Germany by the hands and deputation of certain cardinals Legates apostolic for that action: And albeit Caesar had afore wished that that dignity might be transferred to Ferdinand his grandchild as a degree to support him, the elder having diuolued to him so great a puissance of estates, and albeit he judged that for the better continuance of his house in fame and honour and to meet with all ill accidents that run upon the eldest, it were better that two personages were great then one alone▪ yet what by the operation of many his Courtiers, and by the perpetual labour of the Cardinal of Zion, and lastly by the suborned importunities of such as feared and hated the puissance of France, he rejected the first council, and disposed all his means to have the king of Spain elected to that dignity: wherein he was persuaded that it would be far more profitable for the house of Ostrich, to assemble and draw into one alone, all power and greatness, then in canvasing and dividing it into many parts, to make that family less mighty to obtain the issue of their purposes: That the foundations of the greatness of Charles were such & so mighty, that adding the dignity Imperial, there was great hope, that he might reduce into one monarchy all Italy and a great part of Christendom: An action not only appertaining to the greatness of his progeny and descendants, but also agreeable to the tranquillity of his subjects, and for the regard of the infidels, most conformable to the benefit of the common weal of Christendom: That it belonged to him in office & equity to lay for th'augmentation & exaltation of the dignity Imperial which had been so many years invested in his person and his house of Ostrich, and which till that day, both by his weakness and infirmity of his predecessors, had been greater in title and name then in substance and effects: That there was no hope of the rising of that dignity, or to reinvest in it his ancient renown, then by transporting it into the person of Charles and annexing it to his power: That seeing the humour of the time presented to him thoccasion, wherein also did concur the order of nature and of fortune, it aught to be far from him to stop or hinder the course of so many helps, to advance & lift up the greatness of his house: That it was seen by examples and traditions of ancient Emperors, that Caesar Augustus and many of his successors, for want of sons or other issue of their line, have searched by mean of adoption for successors very far removed from their alliance, yea such as touched them nothing in blood and kindred, wherein they were carried by a natural controversy lineally descending from one to an other, that the dignity which had been so long resident in their persons, should not be separate or decline to diminution: That th'example was familiar of the king Catholic, who albeit he loved as his son, Ferdinand who had been always trained up about him, and never seeing Charles, but found him in his last age, very disobedient to his commandments: yet without having compassion of the poverty of him whom he loved as his son, he never imparted with him any one of those estates which he held, nor of such as he might dispose by the right & prerogative of conquest, but left all to him whom he scarcely knew but as a stranger: That he would remember how the same king would always urge him to purchase new estates for Ferdinand, but to leave the dignity Imperial to Charles: & that it was seen that for th'augmentation of the greatness of his successor, he had, perhaps with a council reproved of many & happily unjust, devested from the kingdom of Arragon, his proper house, & consented against the common desire of most men, that the name of his house so noble and renowned, should fall into obscurity & perdition. Against this instance of Caesar, the french king opposed himself with all industry and means possible, taking not a little displeasure and envy that to so many 
The french aspireth to be Emperor.  kingdoms and great estates holden by the spanish, there should be added the dignity Imperial, which resuming a certain vigour and strength for so great a puissance, might subdue all others under his fear and jurisdiction: he made secret solicitation to all th'electors, to stop th'effect of such an ambition: he stood upon instance to the Pope not to sand with an example new and dangerous, the Crown to Maximilian: And he sent Ambassadors to the Venetians, to induce them to hinder it with the Pope, whom he admonished of the perils that might fall upon them both by the course of such a greatness: But the Electors for the most part were already drawn to the opinion of Caesar, and no less assured of the sums of money promised them for that election by the king of Spain, who for that purpose had sent into Germany two hundred thousand ducats: Neither could they in reason, nor haply without danger of slander in regard of th'examples passed, deny him such a demand: Besides, it was not to be believed that the Pope (notwithstanding it was discontenting to him) would refuse to agreed that Caesar should receive in Germany by the ministration of Legates Apostolic, the Crown imperial in his name, seeing that to make a voyage to Rome to be crowned, albeit it brought a greater authority to the sea Apostolic, yet in all other regards, it was a matter rather ceremonious then substantial. With these impressions and with these accidents, ended the year a thousand five hundred and eighteen, and as the Electors had not yet resolved and established the deliberation, so it was made both more doubtful and full of difficulties, by the death of Caesar which happened in the first beginning of the year following: he died at Liuz a town upon the marches of ostrich, where he remained 
1519  for the delight and pleasure in hunting the wild Boar and other chases of the field: He lived always under one condition of fortune, who many times favoured him in offering him many fair occasions, and as often wrought against him in not suffering him to take the fruit and effect of them: He was by nature inconstant and removable, and had conceits and impressions very ill disposed and different from the judgement of other men, joined to an excessive prodigality and dissipation of money: Matters which cut off from him th'effects and success of all occasions, being otherwise a prince most perfect and instructed in the ordering of war, secret to say and dispose a plot, diligent to follow it, of body able and suffering, of mind affable and easy, and replenished with many other excellent gifts and ornaments. Assoon as he was dead, the French king and the king of Spain, began manifestly to aspire to th'empire, the purchase whereof albeit was a matter of right great importance, and no less the emulation ronning between two so mighty Princes, yet they ordered their ambition with great modesty, neither using words of injury nor threats of arms, but either one labouring by his authority and by his means, to draw on his side the Electors: The French king sundry times reasoned touching th'election with great comeliness with the Spanish Ambassadors, to whom he said it was a matter both agreeable and convenient, that either of them severally should seek by honest means to increase the honour of his house by so great a dignity: which for that in times before had been transferred into the families of their predecessors, there was now the less occasion to breed between them two, matter of injury, nor diminution of their amity and goodwill: But rather he wished that in the action of th'empire they might follow th'example and order of two young lovers, who albeit they follow the quest of one Lady, and either one laboureth by his industry to carry her, yet they forbear to come to contention: The king of Spain alluded with good right that th'empire appertained to him, as having continued by a long succession of time in the house of ostrich, and that it had not been the custom of the Electors to deprive the issue of th'emperor without manifest cause of their disability, neither was there any in Germany of that puissance and authority to make him equal to stand competitor with him in that election: And east of all did he hold it just or likely that the Electors would transport to a foreign or strange Prince, so great a dignity continued by so many ages in the nation of Germany: And albeit some particular amongst them, either through the insinuation of money, or other property of corruption, might be alured to an other intention, yet he hoped to stop him with force prepared in time convenient, not doubting also but the other Electors would oppose against him, and the princes and free towns of Germany would not endure so universal an infamy, specially to suffer it to be laid upon the person of the French king, which would be no other thing then to make great the puissance of a king enemy to their nation, and from whom there was no surety that th'imperial dignity would ever return into Germany: he thought it would be an action easy to obtain and reduce to perfection, that which had been solicited by his grandfather, who had already compounded for recompenses and donations, and other dividentes for every of the Electors. On the other side, the desire of the French king was as great, and no less were his hopes, which took their principal foundation upon an opinion he had to corrupt the voices of the Electors with his huge sums of money, especially for that there were amongst them both pensionaries to him, and otherwise assured by many good offices, who encouraging him with the facility of th'enterprise, pushed him on to embrace it: And for his part, as mortal men are apt to believe the thing they desire, so he nourished that hope with reasons rather apparent then true: he knew that commonly it was a matter grievous to the Princes of Germany to have themperors mighty, being jealous that in so great a puissance, they would not either in part or in all, quarrel the jurisdictions and authorities imperial occupied by many of them: In which reason he persuaded himself, that they would in no sort consent to th'election of the Spaniard, and so of themselves to subject themselves to an Emperor more mighty than had been since a long descent and race of Emperors: A matter which in his person seemed to be qualified, for that having neither estates nor ancient alliances in Germany, they had no occasion of suspicion of his greatness: The same reason also made him believe well of the conformity of the free towns, in whom much less that the regard of the glory of the nation would carry it from him, seeing it would help to peize the balance on his side, for that with most men the motions of proper and private interest may do more, than the respect of public and general profit: He knew it was not a little grievous to many noble houses of Germany, pretending to be capable of such a dignity, to see th'empire continued so long time in one house, but much more did it discontent them to suffer that so great an estate which of right aught sometimes to be given to one of them, and sometimes to pass to an other, should become a perpetual descent and succession in one line: In so much as they might call inheritance and succession that election, which durst not leave the line of themperors: That in that sort th'empire was translated from Albert d'Austriche to Federike his brother, and from Federike to Maximilian his son, and now there was devise to pass it from Maximilian to the person of Charles his grandchild. By these humours and indignations of the Princes of Germany he took hope that the discords and jealousies amongst themselves might help on his cause, the rather for that it often happeneth in the contentions of men, that he that is excluded, or the party whom he favoureth, runneth with a natural rashness rather to call in and advance a third, then to give place to him that hath opposed against his intention: Moreover the French king was not without his hopes in the favour of the Pope, both in regard of thamity and alliance newly passed between them, and also for that he was not ignorant how inconvenient it would be to the sea Apostolic to have th'imperial Crown invested in Charles, nor so much for his own greatness, as for that by the opportunity and neighbourhood of the realm of Naples to th'estate of the Church, and the adherency of the Barons of the Gebelins, he had a plain and open passage to run up to the gates of Rome: But in that discourse he considered not that the same reason which he judged true against Charles, was also against himself, for that th'empire being joined to his person, he was no less to be feared of the Pope and all others, than Charles, for that though the one of them possessed haply more realms and states, yet the other was not to be less esteemed, having his power not dispersed nor separate in many places, but was Prince of a realm entirely assembled and united, where the obedience and fidelity of his subjects was no less wonderful, than his treasure and riches infinite: Nevertheless not knowing in himself that which he considered in an other, he had recourse to the Pope, and implored his favour under the offer and protestation of his person and kingdoms, with all other devotions of a loving son. The matter of this election pressed much the Pope, to whom it was not a little grievous, both for the surety of the sea Apostolic, and tranquillity of Italy, that either of those two kings should be elected Emperor: And as his authority with the Electors was not such as he might hope to draw them much to his purpose, so he judged it necessary to take a wise course, and to use industry in a matter that drew so great consequence: He persuaded himself that the French king being abused by some of th'electors, would have little part in th'election, and that the corruptions in men saleable would not be sufficient to transport th'empire from the German nation to the house of France: But he supposed the action would be easy to the king of Spain, both for the conformity of language and nation, and for the practices and solicitations begun with Maximilian, and for many other regards, yea he thought he might easily lead on his intention, if he objected no impediment: A matter which he saw he could not work in other sort, then to labour the French king to turn upon the person of one of the self electors the same favours and distributions of money, which he advanced to procure his own election: But he esteemed it a matter impossible to induce the king's mind to take that course, so long as he stood carried with the vehement humour of vain hopes: And as he hoped that by how much more earnestly he should embark himself into that practice, by so much more easily should he draw the French king to favour the election of a third, with no less affection than he had sought to advance his own: so he doubted not that under that dealing he might not win so much with the king as to bring him to receive and hear his authority and counsel, especially having insinuated in him a credence certain to be his friend, and to have with him the same desire to advance his election: Besides, he thought that in favouring at the beginning the affairs of the French king, the king of Spain finding difficulty to obtain his desire, and fearing lest the French would win some advantage, would in like sort dispose himself to elect a third: For which reasons he did not only signify to the French king with what affection he wished he were lifted to th'empire, but he counseled him with many reasons to proceed resolutely in th'enterprise, promising him under large words, to favour him with the whole authority of the sea Apostolic: And as he thought he could not in better sort imprint in the kings mind the sincerity of his intention, then to use for that purpose an instrument whom the French king would think depended more upon him then of any other, he gave present direction to his Nuncio in Germany called Robert Vrsin Archbishop of Reggia, and of great confidence with the king, that both severally and jointly with the French Agents there, he should make the best labour he could to solicit th'electors: But he diminished the liberty of this commission by secret advertisement, that the Nuncio should proceed either more or less moderately, according as he found in Germany the Electors disposed, and the affairs advanced. These actions discretely discoursed by the Pope, and no less covered with a wondered simulation, stood in need, aswell for the person of the king as in his Agents in Germany, of a greater wisdom and secrety, and in the Pope's ministers a more fidelity and gravity.  
But whilst these matters took their proceedings by practices and by arms, the French king gave direction to Peter of Navarre to go to the sea with a Navy of xx. galleys and other vessels fraughted with a thousand soldiers: his commission was to lie to impeach the piracies and inroads of the Moors, who having with their foists run into our seas without impediment, become more harmful this year then at any time before: His commission bore also to invade the Moors of Affrika if the Pope thought it so good: But the principal respect and intention of this expedition was, to take away from the Pope (who was wholly for him in the challenge of th'empire) all occasion not to fear the forces of the king Catholic, who more for fear to be troubled in his own estates, then for desire to vex any other, levied with great preparations an army by sea, to send it out for the guarding of the realm of Naples. And yet notwithstanding, amid these distrusts and suspicions, both the kings continuing in demonstrations and fair semblances of amity, there was sent from them severally and in particular, to Montpellier, the great master of France & the lord of Cheures, in the several persons of whom consisted almost all the counsels and intentions of their kings: Their negotiation tended partly to confirm the marriage of the second daughter of France with the king of Spain, and partly to resolve the affairs of the kingdom of Naples, the restitution of which albeit being promised to thancient king in th'accord made at Noyon, though much solicited by the French king, was till that day deferred by the king of Spain, with diverse cunning excuses: But this entercouncell and meeting was dashed, by the accident of death happening to the great Master, who was taken away afore they assembled.  
In this time died Laurence Medicis, who had languished in a continual sickness 
Death of Law. de Medicis.  ever since his return from France, where he had consummated his marriage with a wretched prediction by the death of his wife, who not many days before, and after her delivery of child, was revoked out of this world, leaving him behind to take warning of his mortal end by her going before to prepare his way: By the death of Laurence, the Pope standing desirous to keep conjoined so long as he lived, the power of the Florentines with the estate of the Church, would take no counsel of certain his familiar friends, who advised him, that since of the line Masculine there remained no more (except himself) of the lawful descendantes of Cosmo de Medicis the first founder of that greatness, he would reenlarge and restore the liberty of his country: But with a counsel singular and particular, he preferred the Cardinal Medicis to th'administration of that estate, either in an ambitious humour to perpetuate the name of his house, or for a revenging hatred nourished by his exile against the name of that common weal: And judging that the Duchy of Urbin, for the universal love which the people bore to their ancient Duke, would hardly be holden under the name of the only daughter remaining of Laurence, who was comprehended in the investiture of her father, he rendered it together with Pezero & Sinigalo, to the sea apostolic: which seeming not sufficient to repress the vehement affection of the peoples, he threw down to the earth, the walls of the city of Urbin & the other principal places of that Duchy, except Agobbio: a city which, for the controversy it had over the city of Urbin, bore no great inclination to Franciscomaria, he favoured, & restored it to reputation, enduing it with a chief jurisdiction & principality over all that Duchy: And to weaken it so much the more, he gave to the Florentines in recompense of the money expended by him in the war of Urbin for the which he before had reduced the chamber Apostolic, as debtor to the state of Florence, the fortress of S. Leo with all Montfeltro and the parishes of Sestine which were always of the demain of Sesena: The Florentines were not well contented with this manner of satisfaction, and yet they had no mean to oppose against his authority and william.  
Let us eftsoons return to the challenge or suit for the Empire, which holding all Christendom in suspense, was pursued by both the kings with more ambition than ever: The french king was beguiled more and more under the inducements & great promises of the Marquis of Branderburg, one of the electors, who was alured with no small offers of money and haply some round sum in priest, for the which he did not only bind himself with secret capitulations, to give him his voice, but also to make for him and on his side his brother thArchbishoppe of Magence, one of the three prelate electors: The king in like sort promised himself much of an other part of th'electors, and in case it came to an equality of voices, he hoped not a little in the voice of the king of Boheme, by the voice of whom the controversy was to be decided if the six electors whereof iij. be ecclesiastic & iij. secular, were discordant: Therefore the french king sent to th'admiral, who was gone before into Germany to solicit the action, a great quantity of money to be distributed amongst the electors: And as he understand that many of the free towns together with the Duke of Wittenberg gave out threats against those that sought to transport the dignity of the Empire into the person of strangers, for the which they made levies of men of war: so he forgot not to collect great provisions of money and treasure, to th'end that both with corruption & arms, he might oppose against such as put th'electors in fear to make choice of him: But great was th'inclination of the people of Germany to keep retained the Imperial majesty within the compass of that nation, yea it concerned & ran even amongst the communities of the Swizzers, who for the love they bore to their common country of Germany, besought the Pope, that in the election, he would not bear favour to any that were not of the natural language of Germany: Nevertheless the Pope persevered to push on the french king, hoping that for those degrees & demonstrations of his affection towards him, he would at lest be brought to hear & take council of him with greater credit & faith: under which council followed with other reasons, he laboured in the end to persuade the king, that shaking of all hope from himself to be elected, he would work with the same instance & importunity, to transfer the election to the person of some other of the Princes of Germany: A council that served to small purpose, for that th'admiral & Robert Vrsin, being cunningly carried over with the promises of such, as, to make themselves rich with the money of France, fed them with intentions very certain and pleasing, the one being of a french nature & the king's servant, & the other bearing a light & unstaid condition, and desirous to win grace with the king: consumed him daily more and more with vain advertisements increasing his hope to carry the election: with these practices and operations of money & sinister means, the Princes, to whom not more by antiquity of custom or well grounded reason, then through permission and privilege, or rather dispensation of Pope Gregory the fift a German of nation, belongeth the power to elect themperor of Rome, went according to that ancient usage, to Franckfort a town of low Germany, where, as they contended upon many points and differences touching the proceeding to the election in time due, observing their ordinances: They were advertised of an army put already to the field by the king of Spain, who was more careful to wage soldiers with money, then to exspende his treasure in simony and corruption upon the electors: This army approaching near the town of Franckfort, under title to bridle all such as should offer force to the action of election, brought no small encouragement to those Electors who favoured his cause, reduced to his part those that stood doubtful, and so astonished the Marquis of Brandenburg, who was for the French king, that both despairing of the concurrence of other Electors, and also glad to avoid the hatred and universal infamy of the whole nation, he had no heart to discover his intention: So that coming at last to the act of election Charles d'Austriche king of Spain was elected Emperor the xxviij. of june by the full voices 
Charles the fife chesen Emperor.  of these four electors, the Archbishop of Maience, th'archbishop of Colleine, the Count Palatine, and the duke of Saxon: The Archbishop of Treues choosed the Marquis of Brandenburg, who was also concurrant in the election of himself: But touching Charles it is not to be doubted, that if by equality of voices the election had been passed over to the gratification of the seventh elector, that he had not been also called, for that Lewis the king of Boheme who was also king of Hungry, had promised his voice to Charles.  
This election pulled down marvelously the heart of the French king, and no less abated the reputation of all those that in Italy had their expectation and dependency of him: And on the other side, it raised into courage and stomach all such as were occupied with hopes and thoughts contrary, seeing transferred and conjoined so great a power, in the person of one only prince, whose youth and other appearances made show of great effects of ambition in him, besides that there was promised and prophesied upon him by many predictions, a right great & large empire, together with many worldly fortunes and felicities: And albeit he was not so rich in treasure and money as was the French king, yet it was noted in him a matter of right great importance, to be able to furnish his armies with footmen of Swizzers, Germans, and Spaniards, people for their valour, of great glory and reputation through the world: A matter wherein he had a singular advantage of the French king, who for that he had not in his kingdom a strength of footmen to oppose against the virtue of these, had no mean to make strong war, but by drawing with great expenses and intolerable difficulties, bands of footmen out of foreign contreis': A necessity which constrained him to entertain with great charge and diligence, the nation of Swizzers, and to endure of them many injuries, and yet he never stood fully assured neither of their constancy nor of their fidelity. 
Occasions of contention between the fr. king and themperor.  Moreover it was not to be doubted that between these two Princes of equal youth and ambition, and having indifferent reasons and occasions of jealousy and contention, would not in the end arise a great and dangerous war: for the French king was not without a burning desire to recover the kingdom of Naples, to the which he aspired and pretended just title: and he took greatly to heart the restoring of king john to the realm of Navarre, touching the which he now discerned that he had been fed with vain hopes. It troubled the Emperor to pay the hundred thousand ducats promised in the accord of Noyon, and he interpreted against the king that in rejecting th'accord made before at Paris, and using immoderately thoccasion when he was to pass into Spain, he had almost forced him to make a new accord: Besides, the cause of the duke of Gueldres was green and fresh between them, A matter of itself without any other concurrancie, sufficient to stir them up to war & arms, for that as the French king on the one side had taken him into his protection, so on the otherside he was holden by the people of Flaunders, a severe and bitter enemy: But above all other quarrels the Duchy of Burgundy wrought in the mind of th'emperor no small emulation: which duchy being possessed by Lewis the eleventh by reason of the death of Charles duke of Burgundy grandfather by the mother's side to th'emperors father, hath ever since tormented the minds of his successors: Lastly there wanted no matter or occasions of strife and war for the duchy of Milan, of which the king reigning had not since the death of Lewis the twelfth, neither demanded nor obtained the investiture: Besides, there was pretended to the rights which had been gotten to him by the investiture which had been made to his predecessor, many challenges & exceptions aswell touching the invalidity, as the loss of those rights, which was matter sufficient to stir them up to quarrel: Nevertheless neither the time ronning, nor the opportunity present (which are the guiders of actions) consented as than that they should enter into any innovation: for, besides that th'emperor of necessity was to repass first into Germany, to receive at Aix the crown of th'empire according to the custom of those that are elected: yet they were either of them so puissant & mighty in their particular, that the difficulty to offend one another kept them restrained from all invasion until they had perfect information of the intention & disposition of other Princes, but specially of the Pope, in case the war were to begin in Italy: his intentions & inclination were so obscured & covered with artificial & fair semblances, that much less that they were known to others, seeing haply at sometimes they held no resolution in himself, notwithstanding he had dispensed with Charles for th'acceptation of th'election made in his person, contrary to the tenor of th'investiture of the realm of Naples, wherein (being made according to the ancient form of investitures) he was expressly forbidden such a matter: But what soever he did in that action, proceeded not so much of good will, as for that he had no occasion to refuse it to him, without offending him greatly.  
So that the regions of Italy, for these reasons, stood in good estate of peace and 
The Pope's enterprise upon Ferrara.  tranquillity, notwithstanding in the end of the same year, the Pope sought to possess the city of Ferrara, not with manifest arms, but by secret ambush and devise: for albeit it might have been believed, that for the death of his Nephew Laurence de Medicis, especially for that there wanted in his house rather men than estates, he would have shaked of all thoughts & ambition to occupy Ferrara to the which he had always aspired before: yet whether he was pushed on by a hatred conceived against that Duke, or by a desire to make himself equal, or at lest to come as near as he could, to the glory of julio, he had not, neither for the death of his brother, nor for the losing of his nephew, diminished any part of that burning ambition: by which experience it may be easily discerned that the ambition of Priests taketh of nothing so great nurture, as of itself: But the quality of the time and the situation and fortress of that City which Alfonso with great diligence had reduced to good rampires & fortifications, would not agreed that he should make his enterprise with forces open and discovered, seeing withal he had provided an infinite quantity of fair artilleries & munitions, & improving to th'uttermost his revenues, & limiting all his expenses, imposing new raxations and tributes, and lastly expressing in all things the mind of a merchant more than of a prince, it was believed he had gathered together a huge mass of money and treasure: In so much that if the conditions of the time changed not, there remained to the Pope no other hope to carry it, then by the way of secret conspiracy and practice: whereof as he had in vain made experience in times passed with Nicho. d'Este and many others: And Alfonso for that he knew not that he followed any more those practices, held himself almost assured, not of his will, but of his conspiracies and ambushes: So it seemed to the Pope, for the means that were offered to him, and for that Alfonso by thoppression of a long malady was reduced to those desperate terms that there was almost no hope of his recovery, and withal for that his brother the Cardinal, because he would not remain in the Court of Rome with disgrace, was gone into Hungry, that the time consented to execute some plot laid and preferred by some exiles of Ferrara, and by their working, by Alexander Fregoso Bishop of Vintemille who was then at Bolognia, for that aspiring to be Duke as his father the Cardinal had been, he was suspected of Octavian Fregofo: The same Bishop having had ill speed in the traficks and practices which he managed to bring him again into his own country, promised to himself a better course and more happy success in the drifts which he should drive for an other in a strange country: So that after he had secretly received of the Pope ten thousand ducats, he levied under cooler to re-enter Genes by force, a power of two thousand footmen partly in the countries of Rome, and partly within the jurisdiction of Lunigiane: By the brute and rumour of which mustering, Octavian Fregosa fearing to be surprised by him, made himself strong both by sea and land: But the Bishop making as though by the disclosing of his drifts, he were fallen from all hope to be able at that time to altar thestate of Genes, gave advertisement to Federike de Bossolo with whose aid the town of Concorda was chief maintained against Count john Francis of Mirandola, that he might use the service of his forces until the expiration of their pay which yet continued almost a month: And after he had passed the Appenin, he descended into the country of Corregio, taking the way by slow marchinges to Concorda: The foundation of this treatise or solicitation was to pass the river of Paw, for which effect certain servants of Albert Carpi consenting to th'expedition, had under cooler to be merchants of corn, hired many barks riding at the mouth of the river of Secchio, and passing in them the river of Paw, the Bishop laid his pretence to approach upon the sudden near to Ferrara, where for that he had been not many months before, he had carefully surveyed one part of the town upon the river side, where forty faddomes of the wall were down to the earth, which was a breach sufficient enough to enter: This breach or ruin of wall, for that it was but lately fallen, was not reenforced and made up again so speedily as appertained, both for that the neighbourhood of the river and the privation of fear, had nourished security and negligence in such as aught to have provided and repaired such disorders: But when the rumour ran through the country that the Bishop of Vintemille was passed the Appenin with his soldiers, the Marquis of Mantua, though for no particular suspicion, yet following his ancient custom to take away all means from foreign bands to pass the rivers, retired to Mantua all the barks that lay in the mouth of Secchio: By which accident the Bishop lost the opportunity and service of those barks which were hired, and less mean to recover other so soon as the necessity of the expedition required, for that the officers for the Church that were nearest that place, were not made privy to the practice, or at lest if they had any ynkling, they were without Commission to deal in it: In so much that why jest he searcheth with the Agents of Albert some remedy, and reaposeth his people about the confines of Corregia, where, by indiscretion he discloseth to some the particularities of his purpose: the Marquis of Mantua sendeth one of his men to impart the intention and discourse of the enterprise to the Duke of Ferrara, who doubted so little of any such matter, that he was hardly induced to believe it: Nevertheless looking with better eyes into th'estate of his danger, that part of the wall that was ruinated moving him more than any other thing, he began to wage men of war: And making as though he had no suspicion of the Pope, he advertised him of the ambushes dressed against him by the Bishop of Vintemille, beseeching him to give direction to the governors thereabouts to minister succours to him if need required: A request which was readily granted and executed by the Pope by writs and letters in his favour, notwithstanding he dispatched secretly at the same time Commissions to the contrary. The rumour that ran of the preparations which were made at Ferrara, joined to the difficulties to pass the river of Paw, took from the Bishop all hope to accomplish his enterprise, by reason whereof he drew with his army towards Concorda: And whilst he treated with those that were within (who were already entered into suspicion against him) to invade Mirandola, he presented himself suddenly in the night before the walls of Concorda and gave th'assault, to th'end to induce a persuasion that he was come into those places not to go to Ferrara, but to impatronise himself upon Concorda: But this assault as it was in vain, so the residue of th'expedition drew with it a light effect, for that afterwards he dismissed the most part of his soldiers: he left many men in opinion, and even Alfonso himself, that if the mean to pass the river of Paw, had not been taken from him, the breach or ruin of the wall that was reversed, had ministered to him a great commodity to take Ferrara, wherein was not one band nor regiment of men of war, the Duke extremely diseased, and the universal people in such discontentment of him, that in an accident so sudden and unprovided, there were few that would have sought their remedy by arms, or offered their bodies to be opposed against such a danger.  
Now followeth the year a thousand five hundred and twenty, wherein the peace 
1520. Martin Luther against the Pope.  of Italy, for the same reasons and occasions by the which it had been preserved the year before, took continuation and held good: But new doctrines began to spread and increase, first against the authority of the Church of Rome, and afterwards against the course of Christian religion: This doctrine took beginning in Germany in the country of Saxony, by the preachings of Martin Luther sometimes of the order of Saint Augustine, who renewed at the first for the most part, the ancient errors of the Bohemiens, which being reproved by the universal council of the Church holden at Constance, by whose authority were burned john Hus and Jerome a prague two heads of those heresies, had lain of long time contained within the limits of Bohemia: The cause that newly stirred up these opinions in Germany was a contempt of the authority of the sea Apostolic, which Pope Leo abused too licentiously: he following toomuch the counsel of Laurence Puccio cardinal of the title of four Saints touching the administration of graces which the court of Rome distributeth upon things spiritual & beneficial, had dispersed throughout the world without distinction of times or places, most ample indulgences, whereunto he had joined a power to help not only those that were yet in this life, but also to deliver the souls of the dead out of the pains of purgatory: And because it was manifestly known that those indulgences were granted only to draw money from men, and the same impudently demanded by the Commissaries deputed for that exaction, who had bought of the Pope's officers power to exercise and distribute by sale the said indulgences: they had bread in many places a great indignation and many slanders, and especially in Germany, where were detected many of his ministers selling for a small price, or set upon a game at tables in a Tavern, the power to redeem the souls of dead men out of Purgatory: This indignation took also increasing by an other degree of abuse in the Pope, who for the facility of his nature managing in many things the office of Pope with very little majesty, made donation to his sister Magdalene, of the profit and exaction of the indulgences in many quarters of Germany, and she assigned her commissary Bishop Arembauld, a minister worthy such a commission, which he executed with no little avarice and extortion: And forasmuch as it was known notoriously through all Germany, that the money that was drawn by these indulgences, were not paid over to the Pope nor the Apostolic chamber, who happily might have expended some part of it in good uses, but was transferred indirectly to satisfy the infinite covetousness of a frail woman, not only the exaction become detestable and the officers of the same, but also the name and authority of him who with so little discretion granted it. Under this occasion Luther entered into his controversy, and began not only to contemn those indulgences, but also in them to tax and reprehend the authority of the Pope: and drawing to him every day great numbers of Auditors who ran to hear a matter so well received of the ears of the people, he began to deny and quarrel more openly the authority of the Pope.  
Of these beginnings happily honest of themselves, or at lest excusable in the greatest part, he nourished his occasion and avowed it to be just: And being further carried with ambition and popular inclination joined to the special favour of the Duke of Saxon, he went on not only to tax the power of the Popes and the authority of the Church of Rome, but also standing still upon the errors of the Bohemiens, he began with time to batter the Images of Churches, to deprive places ecclesiastic of their goods, and to permit marriages to Monks and Nuns professed, confirming his opinion not only with authority and with arguments, but also with the example of himself: He denied that the power of the Pope was extended out of the Bishopric of Rome, and maintained that every other Bishop had as much authority and power in his particular Diocese, as the Pope had within the Bishopric of Rome: He rejected all matters determined in councils, all traditions written by those that are called Doctors of the Church, and all Cannons and decrees of Popes, and reduced himself only to the old Testament, to the book of the Gospels, to the Acts of the Apostles, to all that is comprehended under the name of the new Testament, and to the Epistles of Saint Paul: Only he gave to all these a new sense and interpretation doubtful, such as never had been heard of before. But the folly of Luther and his adherentes stayed not only there, but being in effect followed of all Germany, and running daily into errors more detestable and dangerous, he came at last to deal with the Sacraments of the Church, and to despise fastings, penances, and confessions, yea some of his followers (such as some way differed from his opinion) spoke matter of blasphemy against the Eucharist: All which things being originally reproved by the authority of counsels and holy doctors, have given an entry to all new and perverse inventions and interpretations, and going on increasing and amplifying in many places out of the bounds of Germany, for that they contain such property of doctrine, that delivering men from many commandments established for their safety by the general Counsels of the Church, by the decrees of Popes, by th'authority of Cannons, and by the sound interpretations of holy doctors, they bring men back to a manner of life more full of liberty, yea even according to their own fancy and lust. The Pope laboured in the beginning to quench this pestiferous doctrine, and yet he forbore to use remedies and medicines proper and convenient to cure so great a malady: for he cited to Rome Martin Luther, he forbade him to preach, and afterwards for his disobedience, he imposed upon him the censures of the Church: But he abstained not from the action of many things of ill example, and such as being reasonably reproved and blamed by Luther, become very intolerable to all men: for proceeding against him in his intemperancy, with arms spiritual and ecclesiastic, much less that he did diminish, but did augment in the minds of the people, the reputation of Martin, as though those persecutions had taken their beginning of the innocency of his life and of his sound doctrine, rather than upon any other occasion: The Pope sent into Germany many religious men to preach against him, and countenanced them with many letters & writs of credence to princes and prelate's: But neither that course nor any other means which he used to repress him, served to nothing, by reason of the universal inclination of the people, and the special protection and favour of the Duke of Saxon being within his jurisdiction: In so much as the cause of Luther began to seem every day in the court of Rome to carry greater importance, and to augment a fear amongst them that there grew not of it some great damage touching the greatness of Popes, the profits of the Court of Rome, and the union of Christian religion: for which occasion in that year were summoned many consistories at Rome, and many consultations assembled in the chamber of the Pope, and many disputations amongst the Cardinals and divines specially deputed, to devise a remedy for such an evil which took increasing daily: And albeit there were some amongst them in this solemn Council, that failed not to reduce to the Pope's memory, that the persecutions which had been executed against Luther, since they were not accompanied with a correction of things damnable in themselves, had increased his reputation and goodwill with the people, and that it had been a less evil to dissemble the knowledge of such a matter which perhaps would have dissolved of itself, then by blowing at the brand to make the fire burn more and cast a greater flame: yet (such is the nature of mortal men to proceed with remedies fierce and violent) the persecutions were not only redoubled against him and his followers commonly called Lutherans, but also a wonderful writ of threatening monition thundered out against the Duke of Saxon, by the which being so much the more incensed and kindled, he become with a greater affection the protector of his cause: which, for the space of many years went multiplying so far, that there was great danger lest the residue of Christendom were not infected with the contagion: But there is nothing that so much hath restrained his course, as the knowledge that men took that the followers of his doctrine, did no less impugn the empery and power of Princes temporal, then were most enemies to the authority of the Popes of Rome, A reason which hath moved many Princes, for their proper interests, to labour with study and severity to keep out of their realms and principalities, that contagion: And of the contrary, albeit those errors have been many times at the point to confound and fall, both for the immoderate intemperancy of their heads and chieftains, and for the diversity & contrariety of opinions amongst their disciples, yet there is no one thing that so much hath entertained and continued the obstination of them, as the licentious liberty which the people have gotten in their manner of living, together with the covetousness of great men, who would not suffer the deprivation of those portions of goods which they occupied of the Churches.  
There happened nothing this year worthy of memory, saving that john Paul Baillon and gentle one of the same family, being at Perousa, fell at quarrel between themselves, for that john Paul being not content that he had the greatest part and authority in the government, sought to subject the whole, in which ambition he chased Gentle out of Perousa: for which violence the Pope being not a little grieved, cited him to appear personally at Rome, but fearing some danger to his person, he forbore to go thither, but sent Malatesta his son with his justifications and to protest his ready obedience to the Pope and all his commandments: Nevertheless the Pope insisting still upon his personal appearance, after the passion of many doubts and perplexities, he was resolved at last to go to Rome, being carried partly with confidence in his ancient merits and services done in all times to his house, and partly overruled by the persuasions of Camilla Vrsin his son in law with other his friends, who both extended their authority and applied all other means they could to the Pope for his safety: of whom they obtained promise under his fidelity and express assurance (though not set down in writing, but pronounced with the Pope's mouth with greatarte) under confidence whereof he willed them to encourage him to appear, which they accomplished under warrant of assurance from them that he might do it in safety: But when he was come to Rome, he found the Pope under coollur of his recreation according to his custom, gone a few days before, to the Castle S. Angelo, whither john Paul going the morning following to present himself to him, he was before he came there, made prisoner by the captain of the Castle: Afterwards he was rigorously examined by judges assigned, to whom in this misery he confessed that he had committed many grievous faults aswell for the conservation of tyranny as to continued his disordered pleasures, and to observe his other interest particular: for the which, after he had been prisoner more than two months, he was beheaded according to the ordinance and sentence of 
The Pope executeth Io. Paul Baillon.  the law: it was believed that the Pope was induced to this punishment, for that he discerned in the war of Urbin by many signs, that john Paul bore a mind estranged from him, that he had entertained conspiracies with Franciscomaria, and that he could not in all accidents assure himself of him, and consequently so long as he was at Perousa, he could make no foundation of that estate. The children of john Paul, assoon as they heard of the restraining of their father, fled from the malice of the Pope, who to readresse the government of Perousa according to his fancy, gave that Legation to Silvio Cardinal of Cortono, his servant and of his ancient bringing up: He restored Gentle into Perousa, to whom he gave the goods which john Pawle had possessed, and so resting upon a foundation and subject very weak, he converted into him all greatness and reputation. In like sort this year, the Pope, who attributed more to fortune or want of discretion then to any other operation, the loss and miscarrying of the Bishop of Vintemillo, began to enforce new ambushes against the Duke of Ferrara, by the mean and working of Hubert Gambaro the Apostolic pronotory: To him, one Rodolphe captain of certain bands of lanceknights which Alfonso held for his guard, had promised to put into his hands at his pleasure the entry of the gate of the castle Tialto, whether the soldiers that were to be sent from Bolognia and Modona, having mean to come without passing the river of Paw but by the wooden bridge which is before that gate: direction was given to Guido Rangon and the governor of Modena to assemble a certain crew of soldiers under some other cooler, and to go make a surprise of that gate, and to defend it until were arrived the others that were to come from Bolognia and Modena: But the day to execute th'enterprise was no sooner determined upon, than it was discovered that Rodolphe to whom by the Pope's ordinance were given about two thousand ducats by Hubert Gambaro, had from the beginning communicated all the conspiracy to Alfonso, who, after he was well informed and assured of the Pope's intention & his purposes, stopped the further course and passage of things, and revealed to all men the deceit of Rodolphe.  
In this year th'emperor passed by sea out of Spain into Flaunders, and making his course by the shores of England, he descended and took land there, not by necessity 
Themperor in England.  as his father did, but voluntarily to have conference with the king of England, with whom he found good agreement: from Flaunders he went into Germany, where he received in the month of October, at Aix being a city of fame and renown for the ancient residency and sepulchre of Charlamaine, the first crown, which is as men say the self same crown with the which Charlamaine was celebrated: it was delivered to him according to old observation, by the authority of the Princes of Germany: But that felicity was troubled with new accidents happening in Spain which grew upon this occasion: The populars and universal multitudes of that kingdom, were not a little aggrieved with his promotion to thEmpire, as knowing that to the great incommodity and harm of them all, he should for sundry occasions be constrained to spend the most part of his time out of Spain: But the principal cause of that discontentment and stir, was the general hatred they had conceived against the covetousness of such as governed him, especially against Monsr de Cheures, who 
Commotions' in Spain.  expressing desires insatiable, had raked together by many means, A great mass of treasure: By whose example the other Flemings were carried by humours covetous and getting to cell for ready money to strangers, those offices & Magistracies which were wont to be bestowed upon Spaniards, and made vendible all other graces, privileges, favours and expeditions of Court: Insomuch as all men's minds being inflamed against the name of the Flemings, the people of the vale of Olyt began to draw into rebellion, at such time as th'emperor departed: And immediately after he was gone out of Spain, all the peoples of any province whatsoever, gathered into commotion, not against their king as they protested, but to suppress the covetousness of his wicked governors: And after they had communicated together their counsels, they would no more obey the king's Officers, but of themselves set down a form of government dressed by the universal council of the multitude, which they called Lafoy santa giunta: such is the name they give to the universal council of the popular sort: The Captains and kings Officers took arms against them, and so things being reduced to a manifest war, the disorders increased by so many degrees, that th'emperor held amongst them a very small authority: The same being the cause that aswell in Italy as out of Italy, the hope of those increased who desired the diminution of such a greatness: Nevertheless as his army by sea had won upon the Moares the isle of Gerbes, so in Germany the reputation of the french king had been somewhat embased: for, the king, to nourrish the troubles of Germany, favoured in that province, the Duke of Wittenberg, who was disagreeing from the league of Suave, which thing, his people's finding and feeling to their damage and harm, they chassed him by force out of his estate, and after they had won his living upon him, they sold it to th'emperor whom they knew to be desirous to pull down the factioners of the french king: th'emperor bound himself to defend them in all oppressions whatsoever, insomuch as the Duke seeing himself reduced to hope in the succours of the french, was constrained to have his recourse to the clemency of th'emperor, and to receive of him such laws as was his pleasure to assign, not being for all that restored to the possession of his Dukedom.  
Towards the end of this year, a regiment of three thousand spanish footmen having no minds to return into Spain, according to a commandment which they received of th'emperor, and little esteeming th'authority of their captains, passed to Reggia in Calabria: And from thence, committing many insolences as they passed, they drew towards the territories of the Church: A matter which put the Pope (in whose mind was fixed the memory of thaccidents of Urbin) in great fear, lest being either stirred up by other Princes, or joining themselves with Franciscomaria, or with the sons of john Pawle Baillon, or some other enemies of the Church, they were not the cause of some great emotion: This fear was made greater in the Pope, for that the soldiers refused the offers made to them by him & the Viceroy of Naples to entertain part of them in pay, and to distribute money to the residue: But these offers raised them so much the more into courage, & made them to march towards the river of Tronto, not keeping the strait way of Capinai, but spreading over the large way of Powilla: The resort of other soldiers joining with them daily, together with certain companies of horsemen increased more & more the humour of this fear: In men timorous fear is a ready impression, and for the time carrieth the mind in contemplations of peril and danger: Nevertheless this emotion took end both with more expedition and more facility than was expected, since assoon as they had passed Tronto to enter into the mark of Ancona whether the Pope had sent strength of soldiers, & encamping before Ripatransono, they were compelled to retire for the great loss of men they had sustained in a fierce assault they gave to the soldiers within Ripatransono: an accident so prejudicial to their valour and reputation, that they accepted willingly of th'emperors officers, conditions of far lesser quality than such as they hadreiected before.  
The end of the thirteenth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE FOURETENTH BOOK.  
POPE Leo is the cause that the peace continueth not in Italy: He joineth in league with th'emperor against the French king: The French king loseth the ` Duchy of Milan: Pope Leo dieth: Adrian the sixth is created Pope: Francis Sforce re-entereth upon the Duchy of Milan: War is made in Tuskane by Ranse de Cere.  
THE FOURETEENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
ABout the beginning of the year 1521. was reappeased that former little stir, touching the which men's minds suffered more fear by a fresh recordation and memory of those bands of spanish footmen that invaded the state of Urbin, then for any other cause bearing either reason, likelihood, or probability of terror: But as one war draweth on an other like to diseases that redouble in bodies il disposed, so, not many months after, Italy began eftsoons to be vexed with wars of greater peril, of longer continuance, and of more importance, than were all the other quarrels that had passed afore: Wherein the ambition of two most mighty kings puffed up with mutual ielowsies, hatreds, and deep suspicions, drew them on to make exercise of all their power and forces in the parts and bowels of Italy, which having scarcely breathed three years in peace (and yet always full of doubt and suspicion) it seemed that in the powers of heaven, destiny, and fortune, was laid up either a manifest envy of their tranquillity, or else a superstitious fear that under the benefit of rest and concord, those regions would eftsoons return to their ancient felicity and greatness.  
Such personages were the beginners of these new emotions, as albeit they had far more interest than all others to procure the preservation of the peace, yet generally and severally they troubled it more than any others, and by their industry & authority, sought to kindle the fire, which they aught to have quenched with their proper blood, if other remedies had not sufficed.  
For, notwithstanding the hard moods and inclinations between Caesar and the French king grew increasing continually, yet there was no cause at all to push them on so fast to make present war, neither did the one so far exceed the other in Italy, either with force or friends, or any other property of aid, that they were able to offend one an other without the favours, opportunities, and means of the Italian Princes: for that as the French king had noreason to fear any vexation of Caesar, neither touching the kingdom of Naples, nor for any quarrel of Germany, both having the Venetians conjoined with him for the defence of Milan, and in the Swissers remaining no more readiness to make wars in their own names, but stood only disposed to serve as soldiers to who so ever would minister pay to them: so also he had no mean to offend Caesar in the realm of Naples, unless the Pope were concurrant with him in the action, who stood solicited by them both by many offers and means to be their friend: In so much as it was believed, that if the Pope continuing indifferent between them, were careful to temper and range with his high authority, and fidelity of a neuter, their disdains and quarrels, and to cut of and stop the passage of their troublesome councils, the peace would easily be preserved without violation: And there was not discerned any apparent cause why he should seek to incense the war, both for that he had with ill speed broken out into arms before, and withal, considering the greatness of those two Princes, it stood him upon to keep an indifferent fear of the victory of either of them, since it was evidently seen into that whether of them soever prevailed in that war, could not be stayed from subduing and subjecting to his obedience all the regions of Italy: The Pope possessed in peace and great obedience the large estate of the Church and of Rome, and his whole Court flourished wonderfully under him in plentiful happiness and felicity: He had full authority over the state of Florence, which in those times was a state mighty in people, policy, and riches: He was naturally inclined to ease and pleasures, and therefore made it an offence to his liberty and greatness to hear speak of suits and affairs: His custom was to consume the day in hearing of Music, in seeing stage plays, and trifling with scoffers and jesters: so that being more effeminate than was either convenient or comely, it seemed he should be altogether estranged from the war: Besides, as he was full of gracious liberalities and magnificency, such as might be termed wonderful though he had descended by long succession from great kings, so he had not only by his incredible prodigalities and distributions without discretion or distinction consumed the treasures gathered by julio, but also having exacted an infinite quantity of money of thexpeditions of the Court and many new sorts of offices invented to raise gain, he had wasted all so excessively, that he was still constrained to study means and devices to entertain those immoderate expenses which grew increasing with the vanity of his disposition: He had no devotion to raise or make great any of his house or kindred: and though he was possessed with a vehement desire to recover Parma and Plaisanca, and no less ambition to reduce to him thestate of Ferrara, yet he thought them not causes sufficient to remove him from his pleasures, nor to reverse the peaceable condition of things, but in his delights and security he held it better to temporize and expect opportunities and occasions.  
But right truly is it spoken, that there is no greater enemy to great men then too great prosperity, for that it takes from them all rule of themselves, it makes them full of liberty, it gives them boldness to do evil, and it breeds in them a desire and aptness to trouble their proper weal and benefit by innovations and new things.  
Leo being thus lifted to so high estate, suffered to be bred in him many considerations: 
Pope Leo is the cause of the war.  sometimes he saw what infamy it brought to him to lose Parma and Plaisanca gotten by julio with so great glory, and to that mood was joined his burning desire to advance th'action of Ferrara: sometimes he seemed to see that if he died without doing some thing of importance, the memory of his pontificacy would remain dishonoured: sometimes he feared lest those two kings (they both being excluded out of hope to have him on their side, and therefore less able to offend one an other) would grow at last to contract between themselves some league prejudicial tending to the ruin of the Church and the residue of Italy: sometimes he hoped (as I have heard the Cardinal de Medicis say who knew all his secrets) that the frenchmen being chased out of Genes and Milan, he might the more easily expulse Caesar out of the kingdom of Naples, and so appropriate to himself the glory of the liberty of Italy, to the which his predecessor had manifestly aspired: An enterprise which by how much less he thought he was able to accomplish by his proper forces, by so much more did he hope, by appeasing somewhat the mind of the french king, either by th'election of some Cardinal whom he would prefer, or by his readiness to gratify him in some other matters, to draw him to give him succours against Caesar, as though it were a satisfaction to the king to see that as much was done to Caesar as to him: These were his conceptions, such were the discourses of his mind, & in these variations did he fashion the image of things: But which soever of these causes moved him, whether one, or more, or all together, he took unto him new impressions, and turned all his thoughts to the war, and to join himself with one of these two Princes, to th'end that being allied with the one, he might move war in Italy against the other: And for a declaration of his readiness to the matter, as also not to be oppressed in the mean while by either of them: whilst he negociated with them both, but more straightly and particularly with the french king, he sent into Swizzerland Antho. Puccio Bishop of Pistoyo and afterwards Cardinal, to levy and lead to the service of the Church, six thousand Swizzers: An army, which, being delivered to him without difficulty by the Cantons under the favour of the confederation which since the war of Urbin he had renewed with them, & having likewise got liberty of passage through the estate of Milan, was conducted upon the lands and dominions of the Church, where he entertained them many months as well in Romagna as in la Marqua: Many were uncertain to what ends he made so great & chargeable a levy of men and not to employ them, seeing there was no stir or alteration in Italy: And albeit he assured the regions and potentacies of the same that he had armed them for his proper surety, for that he knew well that the rebels of the Church conspired some violent action against him: yet, the murmur of the people being not satisfied, for that his reasons bore small resemblance with truth, men discoursed severally upon it according to their several fancies: some supposed that he called in those forces for fear of the french king, others believed that he would employ them against Ferrara, and some thought that he would turn them against Caesar to chasse him out of the kingdom of Naples: But the practice that was secret between him & the french king, was, that they should with their joint forces invade the kingdom of Naples, under this condition that Caietta and all that stood between the river of Garillan and the confines of thecclesiastic state, should be for the Church, & the residue of the realm to revert to the second son of France, who, until he came to the age of majority should be governed, together with the kingdom by a Legate Apostolical that should lie resident at Naples: Moreover, it was an article in the capitulation that the king should aid him against the subjects and freeholders of the sea Apostolic, which was a condition affixed for the better assuring of that which the Church held already, and no less tending to the desire which the Pope had to get Ferrara.  
In these times and in very good season for those practices, the french king, no less taking thoccasion of the tumults of Spain, then observing the persuasions of the Pope (which he afterwards assured by complaints) sent out an army into the kingdom of Navarre under Monsr d'Asperot brother to Lawtrech, to range that kingdom & reduce it to his ancient king, requiring at the same instant Robert de la March and the Duke of Gueldres, to break out and vex the confyns of Flaunders: The seditions of Spain were the cause that Monsr d'Asperot made an easy conquest of the kingdom of Navarre, both being destitute of succours, and also not without a great memory and devotion to their original and ancient king: for, after he had forced with his artilleries the castle of Pampeluna, he entered the frontiers of the kingdom 
Fontarabye taken by the french.  of Catelognia and took Fontarabye, ronning up even to Logrogma: of this enterprise it happened, as oftentimes cometh to pass in human things, that that which men thought would have brought prejudice and harm to Caesar, turned greatly to his service and benefit: for the matters of Spain being traveled till that time with divers adventures and fortunes, were now reduced into very great perplexities and troubles, for that on the one side, the multitude and popular sort were bandyd together, and on the other side many Nobles and Barons had taken arms for the service of Caesar: They, for th'interest of their estates, feared the popular liberty being now come to a manifest rebellion, and the rather to have it governed by a head of authority, they had drawn out of the castle of Sciatyva the Duke of Calabria, whose fidelity made him refuse to come out of prison because he would not bear arms against Caesar: But such is the affection and conscience of men towards their natural country, and such the perpetual custom of country men when they see invasions made by foreign forces, that civil quarrels can not take from them the feeling of common and foreign dangers: for, when the Spaniards saw the armies of France make slaughter and hostility upon their country, notwithstanding they had suffered the loss of the Realm of Navarre being a member of their dominions by the uniting which the king Catholic made, they felt themselves so touched in conscience and affection, that partly for those regards, and partly for a happy encounter which the army of Caesar had made, they become men converted and returned to the obedience of their king, leaving suppressed and forgotten, their domestical hatreds & contentions.  
After this easy conquest of the Realm of Navarre, there happened to the king a far greater success if he could have used thoccasion: for, as both he & Caesar had their Ambassadors with the Swizzers, soliciting severally that nation to stand with them, so the Cantons did not only refuse (contrary to th'opinion of many, and against the hope that was given) the friendship and offers of Caesar, but also embraced thalliance of the French king, binding themselves to furnish for his service so many footmen as he would, and for what enterprise it pleased him, and not to suffer any levies of soldiers for any other against him.  
There rested the execution of the capitulation made at Rome between the Pope and the king, who, when he was required to ratify it, began to temporize and devil in suspense, being advertised by many that there was no expectation of surety in the Pope, in whom was no opinion of fidelity and confidence, and who, since he was possessed of the dignity and place of Pope, had always made declaration of small friendship towards the french: That it was to be feared that his doings were entangled with subtlety and deceit, since there was no congruency of reason that the Pope should desire the divoluing of the realm of Naples into his power or to th'inheritance of his son, for that by how much more jurisdiction the french should have in the kingdom of Naples and the Duchy of Milan, by so much less would be the surety of the Pope amid a power so mighty and redoubted: That so great a show of amity breaking out upon such a sudden, could not be without mystery: That the tokens of deceit that appeared warned him to take heed, that under the practice to conquer the kingdom of Naples, he fell not into the snares laid for him to lose the Duchy of Milan: for that to send his army into Naples was none other thing then to give power and opportunity to the Pope with his six thousand Swizzers to break it and put all to extreme hazard, which being overthrown there remained no defence for the duchy of Milan: An estate which as he knew the Pope had failed to take from him by arms and war, so it was to be feared that he would assay to deprive him of it by treachery & deceit: These reasons so wrought with the king, that they made him doubtful to ratify the capitulation, and therefore expecting haply an answer of some other practices, he sent no dispatch of the ratification to Rome, but left the Pope's ambassadors in suspense. But for that the Pope either in deed (notwithstanding his shows & semblances) had his mind estranged from the king, or (for that all the terms and dates to answer being passed) he began to suspect a truth: or haply for that he feared lest the king would discover to Caesar his practices, & so some alliance to pass between them to his prejudice: or it might be he was pushed on by a vehement ambition to recover Parma & Plaisanca, and to do some thing worthy of memory: or lastly perhaps he might take to displeasure th'insolency of Monsr de Lawtrech and the Bishop of Tarba his minister, who contemning his commandments in thestate of Milan, and rejecting some ecclesiastical edicts, disdained him with very proud and insolent words: for some of these causes he determined to enter league against the French king with Caesar, who also for his part, being kindled for the war of Navarre, and pushed on by many of thexiles of Milan, and lastly induced by some of his counsel desiring to embase the greatness of Monsr de Cheures, who had always persuaded him not to separate himself from the French king, resolved to join confederation with the Pope against the king: which he was thought to hasten the more, under a hope that with the Pope's authority & his own, he should either diminish or dissolve the alliance made with the Swizzers, afore it were confirmed by bonds and other offices of gratification. Moreover the Pope took greater occasion of confidence in this, that Caesar, who had heard Martin Luther in the Parliament of Worms, whither he was 
Martin Luther.  come under his safconduit, and having passed him to be examined by many divines who made report that his doctrine was erroneous & dangerous for Christendom, had banished him to gratify the Pope: Only at last there was contracted between Caesar 
Confederation between the Pope and th'emperor against the fr. king.  & the Pope a confederation for their common defence, including also the family of Medicis and thestate of Florence: This league was resolved without the privity of Monsr de Cheures, who till that time had borne with him right great place and authority, and died almost even at the same time: There were also these additions to the contract, that they should raise war against the state of Milan at such time and in such manner as should be resolved upon between them, and if it were subdued and conquered, than Parma and Plaisanca to revert to the Church under the same rights and titles with the which it had holden them before: That Francis Sforce who had been chased out of Milan and remained then at Trent, should be eftsoons restored to the possession of that state, as having right thereunto by th'investiture of his father and by the renunciation of his brother: That the confederates should be bound to defend him in his title: That the Duchy of Milan should use no other Saltes nor Saltpittes then those of Ceruia: That it should not only be lawful to the Pope to proceed against his subjects and freeholders, but also Caesar to be bound (after the conquest of Milan) to join with him against them, and namely for the recovery of Ferrara. The tribute of the realm of Naples was increased, and there was promised to the Cardinal of Medicis a pension of ten thousand ducats out of the archbishopric of Toledo which was newly void: And to Alexander de Medicis bastard son to Laurence & lately duke of Urbin, was promised an estate in the dominion of Naples of ten thousand ducats of revenue.  
For the more plain information & opening of these things, it is not out of purpose 
The titles of th'empire to the duchy of Milan.  to set down in brief what were the rights that Caesar pretended th'empire to have upon the duchy of Milan in those times: The Lawyers of th'empire alleged that the ancient rights of the Dukes of Orleans were of no consideration, for that what soever had been accorded touching the succession of Madam Valentina, was not confirmed with th'authority imperial: And that for the present, that Duchy appertained immediately to th'empire, because th'investiture made to Lodowick Sforce for him and his sons, was revoked by Maximilian grandfather to Charles, & that with so many & ample clauses that the revocation had judicially his effect to the prejudice chief of his sons, who never possessing it, their right & title was in hope, and not in effect: Therefore th'investiture was available that was made to king Lowis, for him and for his daughter Clawda, in case she were married to Charles, and with condition that the marriage not going forward without that there were fault in Charles, it should be nothing, and that the Duchy of Milan should pass directly to Charles, who in that case was invested of it in the presence of his father Philip: That it followed thereupon that the second investiture made to the same king Lowis, for him and for the same Lady Clawda, and for Francis Lord of Angoulesine, was nothing worth, as being made to the prejudice of Charles then an infant and under the tutorship of Maximilian: So that as the king then reigning could make no foundation of that, so he could less allege interest in that duchy by new rights or titles, for that much less that he had obtained investiture from th'emperor, seeing he had not so much as demanded it, as also it was manifest that the session made to him by Maximilian at such time as he rendered to him the Castle of Milan, could not help him: for that a chief aliened of proper authority, reverteth immediately to the supreme Lord: And lastly, for that Maximilian Sforce, notwithstanding he had been admitted by the consent of themperor, and dying in that estate without having ever received th'investiture, he could not transport to an other the rights that appertained not to himself. Thus assoon as the confederation 
Practices against the fr. king.  was passed between the Pope & Caesar against the french king, & that as secretly as might be: they consulted together (afore they entered publicly into arms) to proceed by ambushes & practices, & by the mean of the exiles, to assail at one time by sudden invasion, the duchy of Milan and Genes: In which council it was set down, that Caesar's galleys which were at Naples, and the Pope's galleys armed with 2000 Spanish footmen, should fall at unwares into the port of Genes, & having with them jero. Adorno, by whose authority and train of followers those of the rivers which were of their faction drawing into commotion, they hoped that that city would easily fall into tumult. On the other side Francis Sforce & jer. Moron who was with him at Trent with many of the best sort of the exiles, had consulted that the French bands that were within Parma, Plaisanca, & Cremona, should be charged at unwares: That the like invasion should be made at Milan by Manfrei Paluoisin & Matto de Brinzi a chief commander in those mountains, who should lead thither by the lake of Coma certain lanceknights, & so to execute that city where they were assured to have secret intelligence: Moreover if those enterprises took good success, or any of them being of most importance, then thexiles of Milan who were many gentlemen & they to be conveyed secretly to Reggia where should meet them jeronimo Moron at the day appointed, should draw into a strength and rise to enter into that state, levying with all possible diligence a camp of three thousand footmen: for the better effect and expedition of those actions, the Pope sent to Francis Guicciardin an ancient governor of 
Francis Guicciardin the writer of this history.  Modona and Reggia, ten thousand ducats, to be delivered over to Moron for thentertaining of footmen to be ready upon the event of things, to whom Guicciardin was commanded to show favour, but secretly and in such manner that the French king should take no occasion either to complain of the actions of his Officers, or evil interpret the Pope.  
But so unperfect are the councils and devices of man, and so naturally subjecteth to a providence infallible and immutable, that there is left no certainty of their resolutions and less surety in their mortal doings, themselves being no other thing than bodies compounded of imperfection, error and frailty: not one of these devices succeeded either to purpose or to profit: for, the army by sea that went to Genes which was compounded of seven galleys, four Brigantyns and certain ships of other nature, made a vain show afore the poart, for that Duke Fregosa, doubting belike of their coming, had well manned and refurnished the town: Insomuch as they crossed sail and retired into the river of Levant, after they found no mutinies nor any other thing well disposed on their behalf: And touching Lombardye, many of the exiles having special privity with the negotiation there, together with the voice that jerom Moron was to come to Reggia, Federyk de Bossolo having intelligence of it, went to Milan to give signification to Monsr d'Escud, supplying the place of his brother who a little before was gone into France: By reason of these advertisements, he moostered and drew together the bands of men at arms that lay dispersed in divers places, and after he had given order that Federyk should lead thither a thousand footmen of his subjects, he went suddenly to Parma with four hundred lances: In the way he was from time to time made more certain of those things which Federyk had reaported to him, the rather for that the banished men, not observing the order that was given them to make their assemblies secret, were in an open force withdrawn to Reggia: They required in all places bands of soldiers, & gave out in public & manifest rumours that they would immediately attempt some new enterprise: in whose example & manner of proceeding, continued jerom Moron that came after them, pushed on perhaps with this reason, that by how much they did disclose themselves and their enterprise, by so much would it breed hatred & enmity between the Pope and the French king.  
But the vanity of these devices and enterprises declared itself manifestly to all men: And yet Monsr de l'Escud being arrived at Parma, determined the morning following (a day solemn for the nativity of S. john Baptist) to present himself afore the gates of Reggia: he hoped in this manner of action ●● find occasion to take either all or part of the exiles, and that either as they fled out of the town through the fear and astonishment of his coming, or else there being no strength of foreign soldiers, the fear of the governor (A parsonage estranged from the profession of war) would put them prisoners into his hands: or lastly he hoped that under the terror which the townsmen would have of his forces & sudden coming, the occasion & favour of the time would give him leave to enter without difficulty: The governor made some doubt of the matter, & albeit (the assailing of Genes being not yet come to his knowledge) he thought it not likely, that Monsr d'Escud would give beginning to the war without the commandment of his king, & enter in warlike manner upon the lands of the Pope: yet looking into the ordinary furies and importunities of the french nation, as also to be somewhat armed against a mischief so apparently threatened, he sent out his present directions to Guido Rangon lying upon the confines of Modena, to come the same night to Reggia, giving the like order that those bands of footmen levied by Moron & lodged nearest that place, should likewise march thither: And lastly his precepts went out to the people of the town in whom he knew was no property of affection to the french name, that at the sounding of the great bell, they should be at the guard of the gates, where every one should receive his charge: The morning following Monsr d'Escud arrived with four hundred lances, Federyk de Bossolo marching a mile behind him with a thousand footmen: Assoon as Monsr d'Escud approached the town, he sent to the governor a captain of his called Monsr Bonneuall, to tell him that he would speak with him: by whom it was agreed 
Monsr d'Escud before Reggia.  & assigned that Escud should come to the postern that entereth upon the ravelin of the gate that looketh towards Parma, where the governor would meet him, either one assuring other of their faith: Monsr d'Escud according to thappointment came near the gate accompanied with many gentlemen of his train, & the governor issuing out of the wicket, they began to common together: The one complained that contrary to th'articles of confederation, there was received & relieved in the towns of the church, the exiles & banished peoples which were drawn into companies & bands, to trouble the states of the king: The other expressed a grief and unkindness, that there was made sudden invasion in manifest array of war and force, upon the lands of the Church: But as they stood debating those complaints, certain of th'inhabitants (contrary to th'order set down) opened suddenly one of the gates, to let in a cart laden with meal: when Monsr Bonneuall standing right against the gate (for the train of Escud dispersed about the walls environed a great part of it) advanced with certain men at arms to enter the gate: But he was repulsed & the gate shut upon him with a great cry, which piercing even to the place where Monsr Escud and the governor consulted together, it was the cause that they of the town and certain of thexiles standing by troupes upon the walls of the Arch, gave the boollet to such as stood near to Monsr d'Escud, and in that violence so hurt Alexander Tryuulce that he died of the wounds within ten days, although he had not deserved the stroke of such a calamity, for that he had dissuaded th'enterprise of Reggia: The terror of this sudden violence made the others seek safety by fleeing, and no other thing preserved Monsr d'Escud, but a fear that he had who aimed and leveled at him, lest he should strike the governor: This astonished not a little Monsr d'Escud, who took occasion of the violence, to complain of infidelity and faith breaking, and according to the face of his peril not knowing what resolution to take whether to tarry or to flee, the governor took him by the hand, and persuading him to follow him upon his faith, he led him upon the Arch, being accompanied with none other of his train then Monsr lafoy mot, a gentleman of France: It was a thing wonderful that all the bands of men at arms understanding that Monsr d'Escud was entered within the gate, were possessed forthwith with an opinion that he was made prisoner, A conceit which made them fall to fleeing with such general fear and confusion, that many of them cast a way their lances, refusing, to make them more light and easy to flee, the weapons which they brought to defend their lives: such a matter is fear, that oftentimes it makes men forsake the things that they aught most to employ for their safety: In this confused fear, there were few that either looked back, or once tarried for Monsr d'Escud, who finding after long reasoning that the disorder grew upon his own people, was immediately dismissed of the governor, in whom was no intention to keep him retained, both for not defiling his faith given, and also to observe the commissions he had of the Pope to make no violent demonstration against the king: as also in regard that the effect of the rebelling of thestate of Milan did not follow, as many believed at that time: for, notwithstanding the troupes of men at arms fell all to fleeing, yet seeing no man pursued the chasse for that there were then within Reggia very few horsemen, and withal meeting upon the limits and confines of the country of Reggia, with Federyke Bossole who hasted to march on with his regiment of a thousand footmen, they stayed and drew themselves eftsoons into order: Neither had the fear continued that was begun at Parma and at Milan by the first rumours that came that Escud was holden prisoner and the men at arms broken notwithstanding it had been known that the bands of men at arms had been hole, for that neither was there near at hand any army or force to make any stir, and withal many other Captains of men at arms were there remeining. But assoon as Monsr d'Escud had reassembled his companies of horsemen and footmen, he retired to Coriagne a village in the country of Reggia not six miles from the city: from thence within certain days after, he withdrew to the confines of Parma on tother side the river of Le●zo, and sent la Motte to the Pope to tell him what moved him to go to Reggia, and withal to solicit him in virtue of the capitulations which were between the french king and him, to expulse out of the dominions of the church, such as were holden rebels against the king.  
About this time there happened at Milan a matter of no less wonder than fear, 
Lightning upon the castle of Milan.  which brought to the frenchmen no small astonishment as if the heavens by manifest signs had given them a forewarning of their calamities to come: For, upon the day that is solemnly consecrated to the memory of the death of the Prince of Apostles, the sun being set and the air and firmament clear, there fell down from the uppermost regions as it were a fire, and light afore the gate of the castle, whether were brought many barrels of gunpowder drawn out of the castle to be sent to certain places of service: This flash or fiery lightning embraced by and by the powder with a horrible noise, and by the violence of it the fair tower of marble builded over the gate and bearing upon his top a goodly clock, was cast down and razed from the top to the foundation: In which fury did communicate also the walls and chambers of the castle with other buildings adjoining the tower: Yea in one instant all the whole body of the castle, together with the universal City of Milan trembled and shaked with the fury of so raging a tempest, which blue into the air from sundry places many huge and great stones falling to the hurt of many persons: And as in a general calamity every one hath his fortune, so there were many that being happy to escape the fall of the huge stones were made wretched by the ruins of the walls under the which they were smothered and rammed to death: with which ruins, the castle green was so spread and covered that it was a terror to behold such an alteration, but specially it brought astonishment even to the most assured to see the stones of incredible greatness which the fury of the tempest had cast more than five hundred paces from the place: It happened in the very hour wherein the people of all sorts were gone for their recreation to take the air upon the green, by which occasion were slain more than five hundred footmen of the castle, and the captain of the rock and the castle, together with others of principal place so amazed and desperate both in courage and council, that if the people would have taken the benefit of that accident and fallen to arms, they might without difficulty that night, have occupied the castle, specially so great a quantity of the wall being reversed.  
After the Pope was advertised how Monsr d'Eseum was come even to the gates of Reggia, he served his turn of that enterprise, and enforced it to the justification of his own actions, he complained greatly of that doing in the consistory of Cardinals, where, conceiling the confederation made secretly afore with Caesar, and also the direction that both their galleys should be armed to the assailing of Genes, he declared, that since Monsr d'Escum had attempted to take Reggia, it was to be supposed that the french king bore no good mind to the sea Apostolic: he concluded that for the defence of the Church and the rights of the same, he was constrained to join with Caesar, in whom had never been discerned any action that was not worthy a Christian Prince, and the same expressed as well in his other operations, as in his late zeal which he published at Worms touching the protection of religion: Therefore he made semblance, and show to contract then, with Don john Emanuel Caesar's Ambassador, the confederation which had been concluded afore, and for that matter he caused to be sent for to Rome, Prospero Colonno, upon whom was determined the charge of the enterprise, and with whom they consulted in what manner and with what forces, they should enter into open war, seeing they had found no success in ambushes and assaults sudden, like as in deed the treaty of Coma did no more happily succeed then th'enterprise of Genes: for, as Manfroy Paluoysin & M. de Brinzi were by night drawn near the walls of Coma with eight hundred footmen, as well Italians as lanceknights, hoping that Anthony de Rusquo a citizen there would break down so much of the wall next joining to his house, as they should have mean to enter, where, for the slender strength of frenchmen that were there, they supposed would be offered no resistance: And after they had expected some good space of time, the governor of the place, assembling together all the frenchmen with certain of the townsmen whose fidelity he held most assured (& yet their numbers were less than they that were without) gave the charge upon them with a violence and suddeines so terrible, that they broke and fell easily into flight, not without suspicion that he had corrupted the Almain captains both with money and greater promises: In the chasse three barks were sunk upon the lake, & seven taken: Many of the general soldiers fell into the fortune of prisoners, and amongst the chieftains were taken Matto and Manfroy as they fled by the way of the mountains: The lanceknights were suffered to go away freely, and the residue were led to Milan, where Manfroy and Matto were publicly quartered: They confessed in their execution, that Bartl. Ferrery of Milan a man of place and authority, was consenting to the practices of Moron: upon which accusation he was imprisoned together with his son, & so committed to the same punishment for that he had not revealed that Moron had induced him by secret messages, to practise innovations, and to raise enterprises against the king: About this time, the Pope knowing of what opportunity was thestate of Mantua for the wars of Lombardy, took to his pay Federike Marquis of Mantua with two hundred men at arms, and two 
The Marquis of Mantua for the Pope.  hundred light horsemen, and endued him with the title of captain general of the Church: But before he possessed himself of thentertainment of the Pope, herenounced the order of S. Michael, and returned the collar and ensign that the king had given him to him who first received him into that order.  
This was the resolution set down at Rome between the Pope and Caesar's Ambassador touching the order and manner of proceeding in this war, and that according 
The resolution for the war against the Frenchmen.  to the counsel and reasons of Prospero Colonno: First, that along the frontiers of the Church, invasion should be made with all speed possible upon thestate of Milan, employing in that enterprise the companies of men at arms of the Pope and the Florentines: A regiment which (comprehending the bands of the Marquis of Mantua) mounted to the full number of six hundred men at arms, and to them were to be adjoined all the bands of men at arms which Caesar had in the realm of Naples, being almost as many as the residue: That there should be levied six thousand footmen Italians: That the regiment of two thousand footmen Spanish which were with Adorno in the river of Genes should come to the army, making their assembly between the country of Modena and Reggia: That the Marquis of Pesquiere should bring two thousand other footebands from Naples: That there should be levied of the common purse of the Pope and Caesar four thousand lanceknights and two thousand Grisons: That there should be also joined to th'army the two thousand Swizzers which remained voluntarily in the Pope's pay: for the residue of their countrymen both weary with wandering so long time without any thing doing, and also the season of their harvest drawing on, were now returned to their country afore Monsr d'Escum came to Reggia, neither could the Pope retain them any longer, notwithstanding he had unprofitably consumed amongst them an hundred and fifty thousand ducats. Besides these provisions, it was determined that with the authority of the Pope and Caesar, there should be instance made to the Swisser Cantons, both to advance six thousand footmen according to the tenor of the contract which the Pope had made with them, and also to refuse to minister any succours of men to the French king: And the better to draw them to his demand, the Pope alleged that the confederation which he had made with them, was afore that which they had contracted with the French king. If these demands were obtained, it was resolved in the general order and resolution of the war, that the Duchy of Milan should be invaded on that side towards Coma, in which quarter was hope that there would be made some insurrection, both for the great multitude of the banished men being the most part of honourable houses, and also for that the ancient reverence and affection which the people were wont to bear to the name of king Lowis, was converted into hatred, and that not little: The reason was that the men at arms ordinary for the guard of that estate, lived in a great and unbridled liberty, the rather for that they were ill paid through the ill order the king used in his affairs, wherein partly by necessity and partly by will, he had covenanted to allow huge expenses: The governors rising more insolent and haughty by the negligence of the king, did not minister that true and lively justice which they were wont to execute with integrity and roundness in the time of the late king, who bearing a dear affection to the Duchy of Milan, had always a particular care and regard to thinterests of the people and subjects there: This was also one thing that went hard with them, that they were constrained according to the custom of France, to lodge continually in their houses the officers and soldiers of the French, which albeit was nothing of their expenses and charges, yet the trouble being perpetual and general, it was so much the more intolerable and grievous: And albeit it was a yoke which they bore during the time of the late king, who enforcing th'example of Paris, would never exempt the subjects of Milan, yet the discommodity drawing with it the other evils that we have spoken of, it seemed to them for the present very heavy and irksome: To this also was added the common nature of the people always desirous of new things, together with a vehement thirst and inclination which mortal men have to deliver themselves from perplexities present, not considering what will be the event and afterchaunce of things.  
The rumour of this war set down by the Pope and Caesar with so mighty preparations, 
Monsr de Lawtrech returneth to Milan.  gave warning to the French king to look to the defending of Milan with provisions no less resolute and well appointed: wherein, not to delay the danger that was so imminent and manifest, Monsr Lawtrech who was upon his way to go to the Court for certain his particular affairs, was eftsoons readiorned and remaunded to return to Milan: And albeit, doubting of the king's variety and negligence, and inconstancy of such as governed, he refused the journey, unless they first delivered him in priest three hundred thousand ducats which he assured to be no more than necessary for the defence of that state: yet being no less overruled with th'importunities of the king and his mother, then beguiled with the promises and oaths of such as had the charge of his treasure, assuring him that his person and the money he demanded should arrive there with one speed: He embraced the journey and returned thither with great diligence, putting carefully in order all things necessary for the defence: This was the order which he set down with the king, that to the king's men at arms which were then in Lombardie, should be joined the six hundred men at arms, and six thousand footmen which the Venetians were bound to contribute to the king's service, whom they offered to advance speedily, making their men at arms to march even by the country of Verona & Bressia: That there should be levied ten thousand Swizzers, which they held for certain would not be denied by virtue and tenor of the new confederation: That they should 'cause to pass into Italy six thousand adventurers, and to adjoin to the whole army certain bands of Italian footmen: With these forces he hoped without great danger to be able to adventure the fortune of a battle, or being to weak for such an action, he should at lest sufficiently strengthen his places with garrisons of men, and so temporize upon the defending of them, that both thenemies in time would draw to be weary: the one by his natural prodigality and huge expenses disbursed in the war of Urbin, was drained of all money and treasure, and for the other he stood so abridged and restrained at that time, that the tributes and revenues which he levied of his kingdoms and dominions, could not suffice to furnish for any long season the expenses of such a war: This was also considered, that Alfonso d'Este despairing of his proper estates if the victory fell to the Pope, would either rise to recover that which he had lost, or at lest standing upon his readiness, would so hold the Pope in suspicion, that of necessity he should employ many bands of soldiers for the guard of towns and places adjoining his confines and limits. These were the counsels and preparations of both parts, the king nevertheless labouring by all his means (but in vain) to reappease the Pope.  
At that time Prospero Colonno was at Bolognia, and from thence not tarrying for the regiments that were to come from the kingdom of Naples, nor the bands of lanceknights, after he had mustered his other companies, and jest sufficient garrisons within Modona, Reggia, Bolognia, Ravenna, and Ymola, for fear of the Duke of Ferrara, he marched and encamped upon the river of Lensa within five miles of Parma: he nourished himself with a full hope that the Frenchmen could draw no strength of footmen from the Swissers, and that aswell for that disappointment as for the ill disposition of the people, he supposed they would rather abandon then defend the Duchy of Milan: but it happened otherwise: for the Cantons, notwithstanding the vehement labour to the contrary made by the Cardinal of Zion and th'ambassadors of the Pope and Caesar, determined to deliver to the king, bands of men such as they were bound to levy by the last conventions: And whilst those levies were in preparing, George Sopressan was descended to Milan with four thousand footmen Valesiens': by reason of which succour, Monsr Lawtrech desirous to defend Parma, sent thither Monsr d'Escud his brother with four hundred lances and five thousand Italian footmen, over whom Federike Bossolo was captain: Moreover it was understanded that the Venetians made their moosters at Pontwicquo to send speedily to the aid of the French king, and also that the Duke of Ferrara levied certain regiments of footmen: By reason of these preparations, Prospero seeing what need he stood of greater forces, kept himself encamped seven. days in that place, during which time there joined to the army four hundred Spanish lances led by Antho. de Leva & drawn out of the kingdom of Naples: there came also to the army the Marquis of Mantua with part of his regiments, and yet for his coming being captain general of all the soldiers of the Church, was nothing altered the authority of Prospero Colonno, in whose person according to the Pope's will and Caesar's, rested the government of the whole army, but without any supreme title, for that to Francis Guicciardin was given sovereign 
Francis Guicciardin general commander over the army.  and absolute power to command over the whole regiments of the Church, and namely over the Marquis of Mantua, and did bear this title, General commander over the army, A place which he exercised with a right great authority, far contrary to the custom of the general commanders before. After this Prospero led the army to S. Lazaro within a mile of Parma, taking the way that goeth to Reggia: There he determined to pass no further till the Marquis of Pesquare were come, who was then vehemently expected to march from Naples with three hundred lances and two thousand Spanish footmen: he looked also to receive there the regiments of lanceknights that were to come: And so long as the army remained there, there were no other violences done upon the country men of Parma, then by common industry, to turn the streams and course of waters, and by breaking down their mylnes, to take from them all mean and use of grinding: There was great expectation when and what way the lanceknights would come, and to hinder their passing, the Venetians at the instance of the French, sent part of their regiments upon the territories of Verona: for it was known by relation, that being come to Ispruch, they sought to receive at Trent their first months pay, and required that there might be sent to meet them, certain numbers of horsemen, to th'end that being once descended to Montbalde, they might with more surety pass on with their bands: whereupon Prospero Colonno had dispatched to Mantua two hundred light horsemen, to th'end that joining with two thousand footmen commanded by the country of Mantua, they might advance and march together with th'artilleries of the Marquis, who (to be the more acceptable to the Pope and Caesar) proceeded in all things as in his own action, and not in the condition of one marcenarie or taking their pay. But it was a matter of far greater difficulty to make payment of thentertainments of the lanceknights at Trent, for that the Pope did not only make provision of his part, but also disbursed Caesar's portion, neither could the money have passage over the lands of the Venetians but with great difficulty and peril: In so much as the lanceknights heaving what impediments the Venetians would object against their coming, required for their surety greater forces, and varied at the same time touching the passage of the mountain and the way, notwithstanding that the Marquis of Pesquaere turned his companies upon the parts of Mantua, and was at that time arrived upon the lands of Modona, and had sent to him from the camp two hundred men at arms & three hundred Spanish footmen: At last the lanceknights having no devotion nor patience to attend the time they had set down & signified, sent a new advertisement that they would eftsoons cut of & lessen u days, with this resolution that they would not expect the horsemen more than one day at the foot of Montbaldo, and if they came not, they would return back again: At which time the Marquis of Pesquaere being not able to be there to hold appointment, they were constrained to sand from the camp in great diligence, Guido Rangon & Lewis Gonsaguo, which nevertheless served to no purpose, for that (as Prospero did always warrant & assure) the Venetians were not able to stop the passage to 6000. footmen (that being their number aswell lanceknights as Grisons) A force able to have encountered the bands of horsemen, & for thItalian footmen, they had no courage to oppose against them: For which reason, & also for that the senate (to whom was always hateful that the war should be managed upon their proper estate) sought to satisfy the frenchmen more with demonstrations then with effects, they caused to retire towards Verona all their bands and regiments the day before the lanceknights should pass: By which occasion they found liberty of passage & went to Valegge without any impediment, & so the day after they drew upon the confines of Mantua: And assoon as the Marquis of Pesquaero was come to the camp, the army that had remained three days at S. Lazaro, marched the day following to S. Martin, where did join with them the same day the footmen of the lanceknights and Grisons.  
Thus the forces ordained for this war, reduced and drawn into one army, the 
The captains of the league take counsel together.  captains began to consult what was to be done: some gave counsel to besiege Parma, both for that it was the first and chief town of the frontier, and also that it was no surety to leave it behind for the army that was to come on, in regard of the incommodities of victuals and conduct of money and other provisions that might be necessary, and much less was it profitable for the towns that should remain between Parma and Bolognia: They alleged that the footmen that were within Parma were bodies of no valour, both because they were levied in haste and at random, and also they made continual disorders, stealing to the camp by stealth, no less for the difficulty and straightness of their pays, then for want of meal and provision for food: That the circuit of the town was great and the people ill disposed, who though they were embased of courage, would yet take heart when they saw the army near the walls: so that executing battery upon the City in many places, it would be heard for the French men at one time both to resist th'enemy without, and also keep guard upon the people that were within. Others reasoned of the contrary, that the City was well fortified, that it was strong in bands of men, that touching the footmen that wandered from them, they were people unprofitable, unapt, & cowardly, but the bodies bearing ability, experience, & disposition to the war remained there, together with many bands of the french soldiers, all resolutely prepared to defend their life: Lastly that without this good surety and provision, it stood not with the experience and conduct of Monsr d' Escud, Federike de Bossolo, and other right brave and worthy capteins, to suffer themselves to be environed: That it was well known (for that of late time the manner of warrefaring and to keep and defend a place was changed) what difficulties were in the taking of towns: And that it belonged to them to consider thoroughly, in what degree of reputation the army should stand, if they did not accomplish the first enterprise: That as they held it necessary to plant before Parma their artilleries in two several places, so they had to look whether the camp were furnished with artilleries and other provisions fit for the action: That such a quantity of artilleries could not be drawn thither without the loss of certain days, which (besides the consuming of too much time before) would be an intermission prejudicial, for that in such respite the Venetian companies and the most part of the Swizzers, would be joined with Monsr Lawtrech, who was daily expected at Cremona: That one part of the regiment of Swissers was already arrived, and the forerunners of the French army wear near at hand: That whilst the army was entangled with the siege of Parma, it would bring no small prejudice if Monsr Lawtrech came and planted his camp afore some place adjoining: And as it would be a hard matter to force him to fight, so he might and would easily vex the scouts of the forreagers, and give impediments to the victuals which daily were brought from Reggia, and they already in diverse sorts distressed by such as were within Parma: That it were a better counsel to make provision of victuals for certain days, and and leaving Parma behind, to proceed to surprise Plaisance, A city of far greater circuit, and of less strength and garrison of soldiers, the place void of fortifications and artilleries, and the people of the same disposition with them of Parma: That these reasons removed all doubt that making their approaches they should not forthwith carry it, wherein Prospero Colonno being of the same advise and counsel, assured the residue that he knew a place which in no sort could be possible to hinder their entering, being the same by the which Francis Sforce at that time captain over the peoples of Milan, made his victorious entry against the Venetians, who had occupied it after the death of Philip Maria Visconto: That Plaisanca was a City wonderfully abounding with great quantities of victuals, and stood so apt to assail Milan that the Frenchmen would be constrained to retire thither most of their forces, by which mean the cities adjoining to Parma should stand in no estate of danger: Lastly Prospero held himself assured, that passing the river of Paw only with light horsemen, and so marching with diligence to Milan, that City would draw into tumult hearing of the rumour of his name: Such was his opinion afore he parted from Bolognia, and in that regard, not thinking it needful to stay about the taking of any particular place, he would not have a plentiful provision of artillery nor munitions.  
In this variety of counsels & opinions, it was determined by such as had authority to deliberate and resolve, that assoon as sufficient provision might be made of meal and bread to nourish the army for 〈…〉 days, a regiment of five hundred men at arms, one part of the light horsemen, the regiments of Spanish footmen, and fifteen hundred footmen Italians, should march with great speed towards Plaisanca; and the residue of th'army to come after, which could not march but with slow pace by reason of th'artilleries, victuals, and many other impediments following ordinarily a camp: And it was assuredly believed, that upon tharrival of the first companies, either the City would rise for the Church, or at lest they should be a reasonable let for thentering of succours, & so upon the coming of the residue and full force of the army, they made no doubt to carry it: But it happened the day before that the army should remove, that certain troupes of french horsemen having passed the river of Paw, ran up even as far as Bossetto: a matter which made a brute that the whole french army was come over Paw, and therefore that accident breaking the deliberation that had been made, the departing of the bands was deferred until the certainty and truth were known, for the discovery whereof they dispatched john Medicis captain of the Pope's light horsemen with a troop of iiij hundred horses. But that which most troubled this devise & th'execution of it, was the ambition & controversy that fell between Prospero & the Marquis of Pisquaire between whom was no great agreement before: Prospero contended to lead the vawward and principal part of th'army, against whom the Marquis alleged that it was not reasonable that the regiments of spanish footmen over whom he was Captain general, should go to any expedition without him: In regard of which ambition & controversy of the chief captains dangerous most commonly for the affairs of princes, notwithstanding it was known within few hours after, that the bands of frenchmen were eftsoons returned beyond Paw, and that Monsr Lawtrech stirred not, yet the first resolution was not followed: But what by the diversity of opinions and for the natural slowness of Prospero, things had proceeded in greater delays & longness, if the Pope's Agent had not stepped in with them, and declared with discourse full of reasons and efficacy, how much and how justly the Pope might take offence that they had temporised so long: wherein they should not in any reasonable sort excuse themselves towards his holiness of the delays and respites they have used tell then, first in expecting the Spaniards, and then in tarrying for the lanceknights: upon whose admonition they drew all to a present resolution (but more in manner of tumult, then by maturity of council) to plant the camp before Parma, wherein even such as the day before had assured the contrary, began to have a wonderful hope of the victory, the rather for that the numbers and bodies of footmen ceased not to issue out of Parma for want of money and food: Only it was reasonable to make some surceance for certain days, both to tarry for two other canons that were expected from Bolognia & to make provision of many other things necessary for thexecuting of towns with artillery, matters which Prospero had refused before: This, whether it may be called negligence, or mutation of council, brought no little prejudice to the state of th'enterprise, for that by how much more time was wasted in temporizing, or in that property of controversy, by so much more leisure and respite was given to Monsr Lautrech to assemble his companies which he expected out of France, from the Venetians and from the Swissers: so greatly doth it import wise Captains, remembering how necessary it is in wars to change councils according to the variety of accidents that happen, to accommodat in the beginning all provisions for all accidents, and for all councils. In this mean while, the army remaining idle, there was executed nothing touching the service of Parma, but certain very light skirmishes: nevertheless the third day after the camp was reduced to S. Martin, the army passing beyond the river of Parma, was lodged upon the way of Rome in the suburbs of the gate that leadeth to Plaisanca called S. Cross: Which suburbs Monsr Escud had burned the day before, having doubt of their coming.  
The town of Parma is divided by a river that beareth the name of it, whose 
The siege of Parma.  stream & channel is neither so deep nor violent, but it may be always passed by ford saving in seasons watery and rainy: The lesser part of the town, peopled by men of base condition and yet containing the third part of the whole, called by the inhabitants Codipont, have their dwelling on that side towards Plaisanca: The captains made choice of this place, to be the more apt and ready to stop the entry of succours into Parma, but much more for that on that part the wall was weak, and bore such situation that it could not beat the camp in flank: The Marquis, who the day before went with certain other Captains to take knowledge and view of the place, made his reapport the same day that the battery might easily be begun: but because it was necessary (the better to remove their defences) to batter first a tower upon the top of the gate, giving no small strength to the wall, all the day was wasted in that action and a great Coluerine broken in th'execution: The night following th'artillery was planted against the wall upon the left hand of the gate to such as entered, their purpose being to do the like on the right hand, and to leave the gate in the midst: The reason was for that having no conveniency to bestow th'artilleries in two places separate, for that there were as yet brought to the camp no more than six Cannons, and two great Coluerines, it seemed that by constraining the defendants to be amused at that defence for a long space, it would work all one effect: But that devise was not put in execution, for that there was on that side upon the compass of the trench that environeth the walies, a rising or mount so high, that unless it were either made plain or laid open (a matter unpossible in so short time) it would give great impediment to th'artillery to batter the wall: The wall, for that it was old and weak, made no great resistance to th'artillery, which having easily made two sufficient breaches, the captains spoke of giving the assault the same day, notwithstanding without any firm or assured resolution: Only the Marquis, who with his bands of Spaniards had the whole charge of the battery, sent certain companies of footmen to discover the breach, and to disclose if they could what fortifications they had within: Who being mounted upon the wall, began to make shouts and signs to the army to approach and enter, in so much that the footbands of Spaniards and Italians ran to the wall more by heaps and troupes then by order: But by that time they were approached and began to climb the breach, upon the which was slain Jerome Guicciardin leader of the footmen, the Captains ran thither with the Alarm, and caused them immediately to retire, doubting there could no good fruit come of that charge, being rather a feeble and weak tumult then assault well ordered: This retreat either made cold all their thoughts to the charge, or at lest so served for excuse, that that day they forbore to follow the assault in order: The day after they continued to batter the wall which stood whole in the midst of the two breaches, and also a flank, which had been made within upon the tower of the gate: But for that there ran through the army a brute, that for the huge rampires which the French had made, it would be hard to carry it with a simple assault, the Captains sent out to discover the battery two footmen of both the languages, who, either by fear, or by their little diligence, or perhaps by subornation (as was supposed) brought word that there remained of the wall which had been battered to the ground, more than five faddomes on height: They reported also that the defendants had cast a very deep ditch, and had made so many other sorts of fortifications, that it was determined to make mines near to the wall that was battered and to open the wall fast by, and so with the ruins of the same, to fill the ditch that was made within, thereby to make the entry more easy: It was also agreed that assoon as those works were brought to perfection, and that the artilleries of the army were increased with two Cannons that came from Mantua, there should be made an other battery in that place where the wall by turning makes an angle after it hath gone foorthright a long space, on the right side of the gate, on which side, after the wall was cast down, they might bear the defendants in flank: But as they began to cast a trench on that side which had been battered, and within few days after, an other, the better to cast down the wall with the working of the mines: so nevertheless those works proceeded slowly, aswell for that the necessary provisions and instruments for such actions, were not yet in the camp, because Prospero nourished ends and thoughts diverse, as also for that the earth where they digged was hard to open bearing a property of foil resisting their labour and diligence.  
Whilst these things were in doing, and a general intention not to assault the town until they were fully accomplished, Monsr de Lawtrech who had been slow to march for the long tarrying of such as came to th'army, having now assembled the most part of his men of war, advanced and marched five miles, holding always along the river: He had in his army five hundred lances, seven thousand Swizzers, four thousand footmen brought the same day by Monsr S. Valier out of France, and four hundred men at arms with four thousand footmen under Theodor Triwlco commander of the Venetian bands, and Andreas Gritti their Legate or commissary: There followed this army the Duke of Urbin, and Mark Antho. Colonno, the one as soldier to the French king, but without title and charge, and the other following the common hope of such as were banished: he expected also a regiment of six thousand Swizzers which the Cantons had made him grant of, they were already upon their way, but according to their custom, they marched slowly and with many difficulties: All which forces being joined to his army, he would not have refused for the rescue of Parma, to adventure the fortune of battle: In which regard, what in expecting such as were to come, and what in soliciting and labouring the bands already arrived, he stayed on the way and went not far from the shores of the river of Paw: Only he feared lest whilst he temporised upon those good causes, his brother might compound with thenemies, and therefore he sent to him to let him understand, that the cause why he prolonged and lingered so much, was that he tarried for a greater force of Swizzers who were near at hand, and without whom the regiments that were already with him made difficulty to pass Paw: Nevertheless he would draw near to Parma, and would give him a token of his coming by shooting of certain pieces of artilleries, and so the day following he would affronted th'enemy and provoke them to fight, sending out certain troupes of his horsemen to entertain the skirmish, to th'end he might with better opportunity issue out and join with the army: A matter which Monsr d'Escud did chiefly solicit, who assured him that he was not able to hold out above two or three days in that part of the town, and not above two days more beyond the river, both for that the town was large and weak, and his forces remaining not above two thousand footmen, for that many of them were straggled away, and also the men at arms being but three hundred, upon whom lay the burden of the service, were not able to make resistance, if the town were assaulted in many places: Thus afterwards the same day he had promised, he accosted thenemies in the borough of Zibelle which is about twenty miles from Parma, and from thence dispatched four hundred horsemen to run up even to the tents of thenemies, who having brought their mines even to the wall, and afterwards turning them and dressing them in the place where the fire should be put, Count Guido Rangon with thItalian footbands over whom he was captain general, began to plant th'artilleries on the other side of the wall: But the French men hearing the brute that was made in executing the mines, having for two hours afore abandoned the Codipont, retired in order and without noise on the other side the water, drawing with them their artilleries: which retreat being known to those that were without, they entered into the Codipont the morning following at the break of the day, some making their way by the breach, and some used the service of scaling ladders: They were received with an universal gladness of the Parmesans, to whom nothing could be more acceptable then to return under the dominion of the Church: But it was a joy that drew with it a present sorrow and heaviness, and a gladness that was easily converted into dolour and lamentations, for that they saw afore their eyes their▪ houses sacked and spoiled, in no less rigour and fury then if they had been mortal enemies: And it was not to be doubted that if certain days before, the artilleries had been planted in the same place, the French men had not in the same manner abandoned the Codipont: After their entry, they fell to breaking open the gates which afore had been rammed up with no small industry, and so the artillery having passage even to the shore of the river, they began to batter the wall that defendeth the other bank of the river: but the near approach of the night hindered the benefit and effect of their working that way, and by the little time they had left, it was well known they could do no great execution for that day.  
The same day Monsr Lawtrech came and encamped upon the river of Taro within seven miles of Parma: some supposed his coming so near was to bid battle to th'enemy, but others were of opinion, that he advanced the full show of his army, to th'end that either he might be ready to receive his brother and his companies if they issued out of Parma by night, being no longer able to hold out: or else to entertain some▪ treaty or parley with th'enemy for the better delivery of his brother and his soldiers with safety and without obligation, according to th'example of Federike de Bossolo; who had begun a conference by the solicitation of the Marquis, notwithstanding he had received a hurt in his shoulder with a shot not many days before as he walked about the rampires: But the parley was not so far forward, as that there could be made any certain conjecture of the will of Monsr d'Esud: The truth was (by th'experience of things that happened afterwards) that Monsr Lawtrech was not determined to fight, unless the regiments of Swissers came to him: for notwithstanding he had somewhat the advantage, both for the numbers and valour of men at arms, and also was more mighty in artillery, yet the enemy was stronger than he in footmen, containing (according to a just computation and account) nine thousand lanceknights and Spaniards, two thousand Swizzers, and more than four thousand Italians. Let it here be considered how often and how much upon small accidents & moments in wars, depend things of very great consequence: for the night after the army entered the Codipont, it happened just at th'instant that by advertisements coming from Modona & Bolognia, they understood that Alfonso d'Este issuing out of Ferrara with 100 men at arms, 200. light horsemen, and two thousand footmen, amongst whom were a thousand aswell Corsegneis as Italians which Lawtrech had sent him, and with twelve pieces of artillery, had surprised the borrows of Finalo and S. Feli●●, with great fear that he would pass further: This bred no small trouble and terror in the minds of the Captains, notwithstanding they had fear of such a leavy long time before, being not ignorant with what vehement instance the French men solicited him to it: And yet had they not made at Modona such a provision as might suffice for the surety of that City, for that Prospero maintaining to thou 〈…〉 most the contrary opinion, would never consent that soldiers should be drawn out of the army to be sent to Modona: his reason was, that either he reapposed assured faith in the promises of the Duke who was his right dear friend, and with whom even under the Pope's directions, he was interposed to solicit some accord: or else for that he had no will to diminish the number of his men of war in a time when they feared th'enemy would approach: One principal reason might be also taken of his natural disposition always inclined to do things surely, which made him for the most part to desire to have in his army more men than the service needed: It may be he had other ends and considerations more secret and private to himself, then to be known of others by any conjecture or appearance: Only assoon as the advertisements were thoroughly disclosed and understanded, the Captains assembled in counsel upon those affairs, determined that Guido Rangon should presently depart: for Modona with two hundred light horsemen and eight hundred footmen, which being joined to the six hundred footmen that were left there before, they thought would be a sufficient strength & garrison against the forces of Alphonso: After they had set down this order and resolution, there remained yet certain hours afore it was day: A little before also there came advertisement that Monsr Lawtrech was encamped the night before upon Tare, which advertisement was partly true and partly doubtful, for that it contained that the Swissers were joined with him, and it was not known that those which he had then in th'army, notwithstanding his infinite requests, had made him no further promise' then to come to Taro: The Captains; though they were not assembled for that matter, yet seeing there yet remained certain hours of the night, and by that occasion they had no necessity to employ themselves severally in other affairs, they began to reason amongst themselves rather to beguile the time, then by way of counsel, into what estate things would be reduced now that Lawtrech did approach: In which discoursing it seemed the words and reasons of Prospero, the Marquis, and Vitelli, tended to this end: That it would be hard to take Parma, if they planted not a battery on the other side the City: for that though the wall beyond the water should be executed, which they had begun to batter the day before, yet there would be a wonderful difficulty to climb up from the bottom or lower part of the river to the bank: Neither could they put that matter in practice without great danger, for that th'artilleries and shotts bestowed upon the three bridges standing upon the same river, and in the houses there adjoining, would be as flankers to the peril of such as offered to climb the bank: They reasoned that the neighbourhood of Monsr Lawtrech, who was to march on and encamp in some place towards Paw, though he would not attempt the fortune of the field, would be the cause that th'assault could not be given without great danger: Moreover it was to be considered that by reason of the pillage and sack which had been lately made of part of Parma, there were many footmen gone away laden with spoil, and the other that remained were more careful to save the things they had gotten, then disposed or apt to fight: That the army could not remain there without many difficulties, discommodities, & dangers, for that as it should be necessary for the service to send out every day great troupes and bands, not only to defend the foragers, but also for the surety of victuals and money which came daily, making a long circuit about the walls of Parma: So, whilst such troupes should occupy the fields, it might come to pass that the residue of the camp should have to do at one time with the French men that were without, and such also as were within: They brought into discourse also, that if the Duke of Ferrara reenforced his army with more bands of soldiers, they should be driven of necessity to levy from the camp far greater forces for the surety of Modona and Reggia: yea, if he overrun the country with such bands as he had, he might so hinder the resort of victuals that they should be driven to break up and dissolve the camp, extremities which brought with them manifest appearances of most great dangers: These reasons albeit they expressed an inclination to leavy the siege, yet they were so cloaked and dissembled, that it could not be discerned that such was their counsel and intention: At last after they had occupied many reasons and long discourses, the Marquis of Pisquaire seeming to have already comprehended th'intention of the residue, said that he discerned well enough that there was amongst them all one opinion and counsel, but every one severally respecting his particular, was content to use silence expecting that the mouth of an other should be the author of the thing which they conceived in their hearts: But for my part, said he, depriving myself of such interest and respect, I can not but pronounce in the presence of you all, that as whilst we remain about the confines of Parma our dangers are greater than our hopes, & our labours more than the fruits we shall reap, so, to avoid greater evils, I think it very necessary we leavy and depart: Prospero justifying the words of the Marquis, alleged that he had expressed no less, had not the celerity of the Marquis prevented his slowness to speak: Vitelli confirmed th'opinion of them both: but Antho. de Leva well allowing of the breaking up of the camp from thence, made this proposition, to consider whether it were not better to go seek Monsr Lawtrech and to give the charge upon him: Whereunto it was answered, that as it would be very hard to constrain the enemy to sight, so also to remain there would be a matter so much the more impossible, by howmuch the difficulties that were to be brought into consideration about their abiding there, would rise far greater, seeing it was not unlikely to come to pass, that the regiment of two thousand Swizzers would not follow them: Both for that many days before, they had received commandment from the Cantons to departed out of the Pope's pay: and also it was not likely that they would be drawn or disposed to fight against an army wherein were so many bodies of the same language and nation: Moreover it could not be denied, but that by reason of the sack and pillage made the day before, it would be very hard to move the footmen that were so disordered: So that this counsel and the reasons of it being rejected, it seemed that the opinions and wills of all the Captains drew to this, that it were best to break up the camp from before Parma: Upon which resolution no less settled then universal, Prospero and the Marquis, withdrawing themselves a part from the residue, after long conference in private, demanded of the Pope's Legate, what the Pope would say if they levied the camp: The Legate answered the Marquis with this question: shall we not take Parma this day, according as you assured us yesternight? To whom the Marquis replied in his Spanish language, neither this day, nor to morrow, nor after to morrow: The Legate said it could not be doubted, that the Pope would not be right greatly discontented with the matter, for that it would altogether deprive him of the hope of the victory. Only he said that the point of that deliberation consisted in the truth or error of the suppositions and reasons by them set down, for that if to surcease and abstain were a matter dangerous & without hope, it could not be doubted that to remain there were great indiscretion, but if it were otherways, to break up could not but bring slander of too great disorder. Therefore he willed them to consider with deep council and discretion, both the state of the army and importance of things, and to balance indifferently whether was the greater, either the danger or the hope: But Prospero and the Marquis stood continually upon this, that all reasons and rules of war advised them to retire, against whom being Captains of such name and authority, the Legate forbore to object any further: Insomuch as it was set down the same day that the camp should break up, and th'artilleries should be retired from the walls, which being published thorough the camp, it was blamed as a resolution timorous and fearful by all those that were not present at the council: And albeit it was a council even then disposed to execution, yet by the murmur of the universal body of the camp, the Legate and Moron joining together, laboured to altar Prospero and retire him from his opinion: They found him not much estranged to consult again & call a new council, alleging with words and reasons so much the more worthy & commendable, by howmuch was great or grave the parsonage that spoke them, that he held it no shame to change council when he was encountered with better reasons, and therefore caused eftsoons to be summoned all such as were at the first resolution: But the Marquis of Pesquare, being busy about retiring th'artillery, would not hear speak of changing the first conclusion, and refused to come to council, Insomuch as the matter remaining rather confused then resolved, they proceeded to execute the first determination: Thus the same day which was the xii since their encamping, they returned to S. Lazaro, And at the departing, there wanted not much of a very great disorder: for that the footmen lanceknights, demanding so unreasonable conditions touching their pays that they could not be accorded, refused to follow the army, And the old Captains that impugned the council, concurring with them in that tumult, had created amongst themselves, a captain & Author of that sedition: In which disorder it was feared jest they would compound and accord with the french men, nevertheless the army being already gone, and no hope that the sentence or resolution would be altered, they prepared also to departed, and followed the army: In this manner of perturbation, the army being full of fear and faction both for so sudden a breaking up, and for the tumult of the lanceknights, there is no doubt, if Lawtrech had advanced and taken thoccasion, that he had not easily put them all to flight: Such a thing is disorder, that in an army divided, it breeds more danger than the multitude or sword of th'enemy: This sudden discamping wonderfully afflicted the mind of the Pope, who expected from one day to an other, that news would be brought to him that his soldiers were within Parma: he seemed to be deprived of his hope contrary to all reason and order, and that he was now entered into a most deep subjection to a heavy and intolerable charge, for that (except the men at arms and the spanish footmen) he supported generally all the burden and expenses of the war: But that which worse was, he was not without doubt of the Captains' imperials, whom many others held also suspected, persuading themselves that the retiring of the camp from before Parma, proceeded not of fear but of art and cunning, as though they had suspected that after the Pope had recovered Parma and Plaisanca (nothing else appertaining to him in thestate of Milan) he would wax weary of the war and the thoughts thereof, forbeating any longer to sustain so great a charge and travel for thinterests of another: he was induced to these suspicions both by the long tract and delay that was used to plant the camp afore Parma, and also that they had bestowed it in a place so unapt and inconvenient, seeing the lesser part of the town being taken, they were to devise to take the other part with the same difficulties: Lastly they proceeded in the siege slowly and drawing things in delay, as though they meant expressly to give time and respite to the succours of the French: And being at last in possession of one part of the town, they cowardly left it abandoned assoon as they heard Lawtrech approached, and yet he was not stronger than they: Some there were that supposed all this action might proceed (without the privity of Prospero) of the art and subtlety of the Marquis of Pesquairo, who as much as he could was envious and jealous of the glory of Prospero: Nevertheless it might be that those sorts of men supposed the truth, who believed that all was done with sincerity and good meaning, and that they were not pushed on with other motions then of a fear that Lawtrech was at hand, wherein they were greatly beguiled by the first advertisements, by the which they were made to understand that his army contained far greater forces: But it is most certain that the french captains marveled more than all the residue, being reduced into a very small hope to be able to defend Parma, for that the Swizzers, being governed more by their own humours and nature, then observing the necessities of those that paid them their wages, were very long in coming: which made many amongst them (not attributing to fear so sudden a discamping) interpret rather that Prospero, a wise and experienced captain, knowing what disorder the sacking of Cities brings upon armies, and considering how hard it would be to restrain the soldiers from spoiling of Parma, judged it a matter of peril to take it, the enemies being so near: What so ever was the cause, Monsr Lawtrech after he had refurnished Parma with new bands, encamped at Fontanella, and within three days after he sent one part of the army to take Roccabianqua, a borrow of the territories of Parma near to Paw, which after it had been battered with artilleries, the borrow and the castle were rendered by Rolland Paluoisin lord of the place, himself having liberty to depart: After this the army was dispersed between S. Secondo and the river of Taro, the better to be ready for employment according to the proceedings of thenemies, and it was now become strong & well resolved, aswell for the defence of Parma, as for that the new regiments of Swizzers which were expected were now arrived at Cremona: The same being the cause that the army of thenemies not seeming to be in sufficient surety at S. Lazaro, (notwithstanding Monsr Lawtrech had commanded them not to stir from thence) that they retired to the river of Lensa on that side towards Reggia, with intention to draw yet further of, if the French men advanced: yea the captains without further tarrying, had made a greater retreat, if they had not been contained by the complaints of the Pope and the Agentes of Caesar, and touched with the murmur and blame of the whole army. This was the behaviour and disposition of both the armies for many days, Lawtrech notwithstanding making diverse incursions with his horsemen and the soldiers of Parma, even up to Reggia by the way of the mountain: wherein he gave great impediments to the victuals which were brought to thenemies from Reggia, and that to the great discommendation of Prospero, who would hardly suffer his light horsemen to do service, & very slowly provided for the safety of such things, as he might have remedied with good facility.  
On the other side the mounts, the affairs of Caesar ran the same fortune, for that being entered into the dominions of the french king on Flaunders side, with a mighty army, And holding Maisiers besieged with great hope to carry it, he was deceived in his expectation, Insomuch as being not able to take it, for that a strong succour of the french came to rescue it, he retired with peril lest his army were broken and overthrown.  
But in Italy, notwithstanding the success of the war was not happy nor acceptable, 
The Pope's Captains and the emperors take council to pass further.  yet the thoughts and councils of men, were nothing restrained or forslowed: for, the enemies to the french, not devising any more to take Parma or any other town, determined to enter deeper into the Duchy of Milan, joining to th'army so many bands of Italians, that in all they contained six thousand which were levied from hand to hand: They were the more boldened to take this resolution, by a hope they had that there would of new descend to the pay of the Pope, twelve thousand Swyzzers: who albeit had been refused by the Cardinal of Zion soliciting openly in their parliaments against the french, and by Ennius' Bishop of Verola the Pope's Legate, and also by Caesar's ambassadors, for that the Cantons would not deliver such a regiment of their nation but for the defence of the dominions of the Church, and with express direction not to march to offend the estates of the french king: yet for that they could not have them with other reason, they were glad at last to accept them under the same condition, hoping that being once descended into the regions of Italy, they might be induced to follow the army against the Duchy of Milan, and that either through their natural inconstancy, or by their universal covetousness, or at lest by the sleights and corruptions that might be ministered to their Captains: In this deliberation to pass further, there was no doubt made into what quarter they would draw: for that, to continued the war on this side the river of Paw, could not be without manifest and right great difficulties, seeing it was a matter desperate to take Parma: And if they would leave that city behind, they must of necessity go seek out thenemies to fight with them, An action evidently dangerous for that they were lodged in a place of advantage and well fortified with artilleries: To remain between Parma and them, or to pass further without fight, there was no reason nor ability to do so, for that standing between the towns that were possessed by them and th'army, they should within few days be afflicted with penury of victuals, the country of th'enemy denying all resort, and no possibility of traffic further of: All which difficulties would be avoided in transferring the war beyond Paw, for that in that country, naturally abounding in all things, and had not as yet tasted of the harms of the war, they made good warranty to found victuals sufficient, and to meet with no impediment until the river of Addo: Both for that, leaving Cremona on the left hand, and drawing near to the river of Oglio, there were no places to make resistance, & also they were persuaded that the Senate of Venice would not (for thinterests of others) deliver up their bands of soldiers to the fortune of a battle: They believed also that the french durst not oppose against them, but at the passage of the river of Addo: yea the universal hope was, that the army approaching the Venetian frontiers, the Senate (for the surety of their own estates) would call home the most part of those soldiers which they had sent to the service of the french king: Lastly, over and beside all these considerations, to pass beyond Paw, fell out very aptly for the army to loin with the Swyzzers, A matter not of lest importance. But whilst necessary provisions were in preparing for this deliberation, as artilleries, munitions, pyonners, bridges, and victuals: And whilst bands of Italian footmen were levied in Tuskane and Romagna: Count Guido Rangon, under the Pope's commandment, marched towards the mountain of Modena, with part of the footmen that were already levied, and with those bands that were under his government: This mountain did never acknowledge other Lord than the Duke of Ferrara, neither so long as Modena stood under the jurisdiction of Caesar, nor afterwards when it diuolued to the dominion of the Church: But the peoples of the country hearing how armed men came to invade them, made public protestation for the Church, not tarrying till they were assailed. At the same time fled from Milan Boniface Bishop of Alexandria, and son to the late Francis Barnardin Viscounte: the cause of his evasion, was, for that certain conspiracies which he had practised against the french, came to light: As also was disclosed a practice managed within Cremona by Nicolas Varola, one of the best sort of the banished men of that City, by reason of which conspiracy, certain inhabitants in Cremona, partakers of the matter, were executed & made an example: a great number of thexiles of Milan followed th'army, in whom I know not which was greater in those seasons, either their ill fortune, or their undiscreet behaviour: for, beside that all th'enterprises that they took in hand drew very untoward effects and success, yet being wholly given to pill and spoil the country, they were the cause that there came not to the army so great store of victuals as was necessary, yea (except thindustry of Moron) they recompensed not these evils by any diligence or intelligence of espials: Lastly, and which is of more importance than all the residue, Prospero having sent them long time before towards Plaisanca, they executed great damages and hostilities indifferently both upon their friends and enemies, and fell at last into such civil conreution amongst themselves by reason of the booties, that Peter Scot of Plaisainta a chieftain amongst them, was slain by Hector Viscount and diverse others: Such destiny followeth unlawful pillage and spoil, that being purchased by unjust arms and violence, it either brings with it the seeds of sedition, hostility, and blood, or at lest leaves to the getters a miserable use & fruition. In this mean while Prospero attempted to burn the barks of the bridge which the frenchmen had retired near to Cremona with a very slender guard, he set upon this enterprise to this end, to win so much the more time to enter the country, whilst Lawtrech should reassemble the barks necessary to re-edify the bridge: But the expedition being imposed upon john de Medicis, sent out to that end with two hundred light horsemen and three hundred spanish footmen, the longness of the way was the cause that he could not arrive there till after the night was passed: insomuch as the mariners judging some violence by the noise or brutes that were made, retired the barks into the midst of the river of Paw, where th'enemy that lay planted upon the shore, had no way to offend them: At last when all things necessary to pass Paw were prepared, the army marched to Bresselle where was erected a bridge of barks: But afore they passed over, for that to their purpose to offend an other, was joined a necessity to see to the defending of themselves, there was sent to the guard of the towns of the Church which should remain behind, Vitello Vitelly with an hundred and fifty men at arms, the like number of light horsemen, and two thousand footmen of the pension and pay of the Florentines: In like sort went thither the Bishop of Pistoya with the regiment of two thousand Swissers, who were turned to that enterprise, for that it seemed to stand neither with surety nor policy to lead them against the french, in whose army was so strong a power of the same nation delivered to them by universal decree, and bearing their public ensigns: Neither were they assured what the new companies of Swizzers would resolve, who being mustered and assembled at Corre, there was daily expectation of assured advertisements that they had taken the fields to march: The Bishop and Vitelly had charge, not only to defend Modena and other towns of the Church if any invasion were made, but also to assail the Duke of Ferrara, who attributing to himself the glory to have delivered Parma, and occupied Finalo, and S. Felix, passed not further, for that the Pope (in whom was redoubled a hatred for that surprise) proceeded against him with censures and excommunications of the Church, to deprive him of the Duchy of Ferrara.  
Thus the army passed the river of Paw the first of October, & went to encamp 
The army of the league passeth the river of Paw.  at Casal-Maior: They consumed in passing not only all the day, but a great part of the night, the multitudes of such as followed the camp giving no less impediments than the baggage that was drawn and carried: In this the Captains were much deceived, for that they made their reckoning to see the whole army passed before noon, insomuch as what by the slowness and negligence of the stragglers which are no small impediments to a camp marching, and what by the darkness of the night, in which the use of the eyes and hands is taken away, one part of the artilleries and munitions, with many bands of soldiers remeined dispersed the whole night between Paw and Casal-Maior, in danger to be made a pray to every small troop of enemies that would have set upon them in their disorder: yea it was not to be doubted that if Monsr Lawtrech, (who after he had assembled all his Swizzers, came to encamp at Colorgne the same day that the enemies encamped at Bresselle) had passed over his bridge at Casal-Maior, which is but three miles from Colorgne, at th'instant that they made their passage, or at lest at midday, had charged that part of the army which was not yet passed (for between Bresselle and Colorgne is but six miles) he had had good mean and opportunity to bring his business well to pass: But in wars many occasions are lost, for that the Captains and leaders have not always knowledge of the disorders and difficulties that happen amongst thenemies. The same night arrived at Casal-Maior, Cardinal de Medicis whom the Pope sent as Legate into th'army: This was the Pope's reason to sand him thither: That albeit he had very secretly begun to give care to th'ambassador of the french king, yet for the fear he had lest these adversities and contrary successes, together with the burden of the war which was almost wholly reduced upon him, should give occasion to Caesar & his ministers to doubt, that to shake of so many difficulties and doubts, he would change his mind and turn his thoughts to new devices: he judged there could be nothing more apt to assure them, and so by consequence to induce them to proceed more resolutely in the war, then to sand amongst them Cardinal de Medicis: Both for that by reason of his affinity and nearness of kindred, he bore no little authority with him, and also for that without his privity and council, they knew was done nothing of importance, notwithstanding he remained for the most part at Florence: And besides that in him were concluded the very councils and authority of the Pope, yet in sending him to th'army, was thought to rest no small matter to hold up the reputation of th'enterprise which was somewhat declined: And lastly it was likely that for the presence of so great a parsonage the Captains would deliberate upon th'affairs with a greater agreement and unity: A matter of no little necessity to be looked into & remedied, for that between Prospero and the Marquis of Pisquairo, the quarrel roase more and more increasing, the rather for that the Marquis since the camp was levied from before Parma, seeking to lay upon other's thinfamy of that deliberation, gave advertisements to Rome that the resolution had been set down without his counsel or privity. The army rested one day at Casal-Maior, and from thence they matched along the territories of Cremona to draw near the river of Oglia, where they arrived in four removes of marching: And in this while was nothing done of consequence, saving that as the army was lodged in a farm called lafoy Corte de frati, there aroase a great fray and mutiny between the footbands of Spaniards and Italians, in the which were slain many of thItalian nation, and yet more by the policy of the Spaniards then by their valour, for that they knew how to use th'opportunity of thoccasion: Nevertheless, by the authority and labour of the captains, the matter was speedily reappeased. The day before, john de Medicis always pursuing thenemies, who the same day that the army stayed at Casal-Maior, were passed the river of Paw somewhat higher towards Cremona, broke a band of Venetian estradiottes led by Marcurie, with whom were certain French horsemen, who took prisoner Dom Lowis Caiettan son to the Duke of Tracetta, whose estate nevertheless was holden by Prospero Colonno: But assoon as they came to encamp upon the river of Oglia, fortune beholding with better eye the affairs of the Pope and Caesar, broke the sinister counsels of the captains, who had determined that from the farm of the friars or Monks, the Army should go to lodge in the town of Bordelano, a place about eight miles from thence, and upon the same river of Oglia: for, being not possible to draw thither th'artilleries by reason of the ill ways, it was necessary to stay in the town of Rebecca, being in the midway, and a place which is only separate by the river of Oglia from Pontwike a town of the Venetians: And whilst they encamped there, they had advertisement that Monsr de Lawtrech, being followed with the Venetian regiments, and had also left at Cremona all his baggage and impediments of camp, was come the same day to S. Martin, within five miles of that place, with full resolution to meet thenemies the day after in the field, if they offered to pass any further: This troubled not a little the minds of the Cardinal and the Captains, for that the Senate of Venice, at such time as they sent their people into Lawtreches army, had signified that deliberation to the Pope with such words as seemed to have some power to stir and move him, not for any desire of the French victory, but for that he had not just cause not to observe the confederation: They were also persuaded afore, and the coming of the Cardinal did well confirm that opinion, that Andrea Gritti had secret commandment not to suffer his bands to come to the fight: Which persuasion or opinion falling out to be false, it was necessary to leave there all their former counsels, since it was confessed of all men, that the army of th'enemy was far above them in forces, containing besides the horsemen which was mighty and strong, and seven thousand footmen French and Italians, a puissant strength of ten thousand Swizzers: But in the army of the Pope and Caesar, the numbers of lanceknights were so diminished, and the bands of the Spaniards abated, that scarcely were they able to bring to the musters seven thousand bodies, and of six thousand Italians (for that the most of them were new supplies and levied in haste) their number was more in consideration then by their virtue.  
Thus Prospero with the others, determined to tarry in that place for the coming of the Swizzers, who being upon their way, and the Cardinal of Zion that led them, having sent word not to linger for them in any place, it was thought they could not tarry above three or four days: And therefore the morning following, after the Captains had diligently considered the situation of the place, they reduced into a better form the lodging which the night before had been made almost in tumult and mutiny: In which action they did not consider in what peril they stood to be offended with the artilleries of the town of Pontowike which stood upon the opposite: for, this was the persuasion of the Cardinal de Medicis retaining still his first impressions, that the Venetians who stood not bound to the French king in other conditions then to aid him with men for the defence of the Duchy of Milan, would never consent nor suffer that out of their places should be drawn any mean to vex the army of the Church and Caesar: The difficulty of victuals was one thing that seemed contrary to the resolution to tarry for the Swizzers at Rebecca, for besides that the quantities that were carried with the army were not sufficient to feed them but for very few days, yet by reason of the harms done by the exiles of Milan, and the universal fleeing and abandoning that was made through the whole country, there was supplied and brought very little, and yet that more and more diminished daily: In respect of these difficulties and wants, Guicciardin their Agent gave this counsel, that seeing there was no abiding there for want of victuals, and less expectation of the coming of the Swizzers who might be stayed by many occasions, it could not be prejudicial to retire back again five or six miles upon the same river to the confines of Mantua, where having upon their backs the countries of their friends, they should not fear th'affliction of famine or want of provisions: He enforced this counsel with this reasonable allegation, that the thing which presently might be done with surety, might perhaps stand entangled with greater peril when so ever thenemies should approach: This counsel haply was not displeasing to the Captains, but the late infamy of the retiring from before Parma kept many of them restrained from the liberty of free speaking: They were also not a little carried with the hope that the Swizzers could make no long tarrying, for that within six days they might easily descend from Coire to the territory of Bergamo, and from thence they had no great way to make to join with th'army: So that being thus determined to await their coming at Rebecca, the provisions of meal carried with the army, were distributed by measure to all the bands: And because there were in the camp no ovens portative, and the houses wherein any were built were taken up by the soldiers, every one for his particular feeding baked upon stones and hot coals, the part that was delivered to him for his provision: which incommodity joined to the small distribusions that were made of meal, was the cause that the bands of Italian footmen, notwithstanding they had plenty of wine and flesh, fled secretly from the camp: But the third day Monsr Lawtrech remaining at Bordellane, caused about noontide to pass over Oglia, one part of th'artilleries, and sent them to Pontowike under the sufferance and privity of the Venetian Agent, notwithstanding he made semblance of the contrary: And albeit it was almost night, yet they began the same day to draw towards the lodgings of thenemies, whose Captains seeing into the manifest danger, notwithstanding they might have conveyed themselves into a place where they might have found defence in the covert and shadows of certain little hills, yet what with the calamity of want of victuals, and a redoubled fear that the Swizzers would make long tarrying: They caused the army to depart the morning following by break of the day, and as their going away was without brute or sound of trumpet or drum, and their baggage and train of camp drawn afore their companies, so there was no band which did not march in good order and well appointed to fight: They encamped at Gabbionetta about five miles from thence upon the confines of Mantua, confessing with one voice that they were delivered from a great danger, partly by the benefit of fortune, and partly by the negligence and indiscretion of thenemies: for if they had not stayed at Rebecca the very same day that they were appointed to go to Boydellano, there had remained to them a very small hope of safety, for that the self same or else greater necessities had constrained them to retire, by which adversity the retreat being longer and thenemies more near, the peril was most manifest. In like sort it is most certain that the victory had undoubtedly 
A fault of Monsr de Lawtrech.  fallen upon Monsr de Lawtrech, if he had marched to encamp near thenemies, the same day he sent the artilleries to Pontwike, whereunto he was advised by many of the Captains, but chief by the Swissers: for by reason of his dearness they had stand deprived of all means to retire in safety, both for that they could not range themselves into battle array for thinpediments of th'artilleries of Pontwike, and also the rage of the famine would not give them sufferance in that place above three or four days: But such are the ordinary fruits of singularity and self weening, that whilst by his nature and custom he despised the counsels of all others, he laid open to thenemies the knowledge of the peril that was towards them, and through his fault made them able to prevent his threatenings by their sudden departure: In so much as it was not without reason that the Swisser Captains told him, that they had well deserved the pays accustomed to be given to soldiers that had won the battle, seeing it was not long of them that they had not got the victory. At Gabbionetta the army of the League fortified their camp with great industry, and in their own safety remained there many days: Nevertheless both for that the coming of the Swissers seemed daily to linger and suspend, and also for fear of the neighbourhood of the French, both mighty in strength and brave in demonstrations to set upon them, they passed the river of Oglia, and went to encamp in the borrow of Ostiano appertaining to Lodowick de Bossolo, with intention not to depart from thence till the Swissers were come: which resolution made with wisdom and counsel, was also accompanied with good fortune, for that at Gabbionetta by reason of the low and shallow situation, the army had received great damages by the abundance of rains and waters falling assoon as the camp was gone.  
But whilst in this sort the time ran forth idly between both the armies, the one lying at Ostiano and the other at Rebecca: The Bishop of Pistoia and Vitelli having drawn into one strength the Swizzers and the bands of Italian footmen, gave charge upon the garrisons of the Duke of Ferrara that lay at Finalo, who albeit had for their advantage the opportunity of the place, both strong by nature and well fortified by art, yet the Swizzers whose fear is always lest when the peril seems most, presented themselves with a brave resolution to the danger, and giving an overthrow to the whole, they slew many of them, amongst whom the knight Coriano passed by the sword as he was fighting: This brought so great fear and amaze to the Duke of Ferrara lying then at Bodena, that yielding to thadversity which he could not overcome, he abandoned forth with that town, and fled to Ferrara, his fears being greater than his assurance: And to take from the enemies all opportunities to follow him, he retired with a present diligence all those barks upon the which he had builded a bridge in the same place.  
In this mean while the regiments of Swizzers that were expected, were descended upon the territories of Bergama: and yet their minds being no less variable than their difficulties certain, they stayed to pass further, having expressly refused to turn themselves to invade the Duchy of Milan according to 
The Swissers levied by the Pope would not march against the French king.  the instance of the Cardinal of Zion and the Agentes of the Pope and Caesar: They also made difficulty to join with the army that expected them at Ostiano, for that it was prepared to march against the French king, offering to go to the service of any place that the Pope should think good in the estate or dominion of the Church, for the defending of which, they said they were entered into pay: And yet according to their barbarous interpretation of things, they consented to march to assail Parma and Plaisanca as Cities manifestly appertaining to the Church, or at lest to the which the French king had no certain right or interest: They required also that afore they should march, there should be sent to them from th'army, three hundred light horsemen, the better with their aid to leavy victuals in those countries and places through the which they should pass: These were the difficulties they stood upon, bearing more upon froward wilfulness, then upon reason or necessity of the present service: Nevertheless in the end the light horsemen were sent, who passed at unwares in great diligence along the territories of the Venetians: They disposed their marching so, as they might come into some place most near the army, to have the more conveniency and opportunity to consult and resolve what were to be done: And in their way they gave the chase to certain bands of the French and the Venetians which were bestowed at Pondowille or rather upon the lake of Eupile to stop their passage: Assoon as they were drawn near to the army, there was present labour made to dispose them to join against the French, in which solicitation were employed many messengers and Ambassadors, and chief th'archbishop of Capua going to and fro in the name of the Cardinal de Medicis: At last, the bands that were levied of the Canton of Surich, who as they have a greater authority, so they make profession to do things with a greater gravity, refused it constantly: The others after many doubts and objections, neither expressly denied, nor manifestly accepted the offers that were made to them, for that as they refused not to follow the army, so yet it was without declaration that they would enter with them into the Duchy of Milan: So that, what by the counsel of the Cardinal of Zion, and labour of the captains into whose wills were made many corrupt insinuations by offers and promises, the army determined to march on under this hope, that since they refused not to follow, they would not be hard to be drawn to any place where the army went.  
The bands of Surich containing four thousand in number, broke of and returned towards Reggia: and the army after it had remained about a month between Gabionetti and Ostiano, joined with the other Swizzers at Gambaro: They carried marching in the midst of them the two Legates of Zion & Medicis with their crosses of silver environed with infinite weapons, artilleries, blasphemers, mankillers, & robbers: so much at that time did they abuse the reverence of religion: They went in three removings of camp through the lands of the Venetians to Orchiveche a town of their obedience, making this excuse to the Senate that it was a passage necessary, and that they had no intention or desire to offend them: In the same sort was it excused to them when Andrew Gritty their Agent was constrained to consent to Monsr Lawtrech to send artilleries to Pontwyke. At Orchi●eche arrived certain Corryers' scent by the Lords of the Cantons to command the Swyzzers to depart from the army, sending also the like commandment by other posts to the bands that were in the french camp, to whom was alleged that it was a thing unworthy the reputation of their name and country, to suffer the footmen of their nation to serve under public ensigns in the armies of two enemies: But these commandments brought forth diverse effects, for, the posts that were dispatched to the camp of the league were by coming stayed in the way, so that they came not so far as to those bands that were with the Cardinal of Zion: And touching the companies that followed the french camp, they dismissed themselves immediately without bidding farewell, not that they were moved by the commandments that were sent, and much less for the longness of the war wherein they are wont to be most impatient above all other nations: But they saw into the dishability of Monsr de Lawtrech to answer their pays, who as he had of long time received no money out of France, so t●extreame exactions which he levied upon the Duchy of Milan were far insufficient to satisfy his charge.  
Here may be gathered a fit experience how much the envy and indiscretion of officers brings prejudice and damage to Princes, who either through negligence have no employment in affairs, or else by incapacity, are not able of themselves to discern good councils from evil: for, where direction was given for the levying of three hundred thousand crowns to be sent to Lawtrech according to the king's promise: The Lady Regent being the king's mother bore so great emulation to his greatness, that using her envy against the profit of her son, she procured the treasurers and Receivers without the kings privity, to turn that sum to an other use: The same being the cause that Monsr Lawtrech suffered himself to run into confusion and private grief, since by the departing of the Swizzers, the success of the wars which afore he promised to be good & happy, was become full of doubts and despair: And therefore forbeating to contend against envy, fortune and the time, he bestowed garrisons in Cremona & Pisqueton, and reduced himself with the residue of th'army to Cassan, hoping to give impediment to thenemies to pass Adda, both in respect of th'ordinary difficulties which follow armies that are to pass rivers when there stands resistance upon the shore opposite, and also for thopportunity of the place bearing his bank towards Milan very high and raised, & therefore the offence is greater that is done to the enemies with th'artilleries, then that which they can receive.  
On the other side the Legates Apostolic and the Captains were broken up from Orchiveche, and passing eftsoons the river of Oglio, were come in three removings to Rivolco, not feeling any more thincommodity of victuals, for that they were plentifully relieved by the towns of Guiaradadde, which the frenchmen had left abandoned.  
At this place, as both the armies were upon terms, th'one to win, and the other to stop the passage of the river, Prospero and the other captains made preparation to build a bridge between Rivolco and Cassan, a matter very doubtful and hard for the stopping of the enemies: Wherein having consumed two or three days in controversies and councils, at last Prospero who would not communicate his thoughts with the Marquis of Pisquairo to th'end he should have no interest in the glory of that action, and much less would use the service of the Spaniards lest they would disclose his devise, caused secretly to be taken from the river of Bembo, two small barks, and sent by night with great silence certain bands of Italian footmen to pass the river right against the town of Vaury: Vaury is a town open, discovered, and without walls, and hath his situation upon the banks of Adda five miles from Cassan: There is convenient passage over the river, and 
The soldiers of the league pass the river of Adda.  in the midst of the town is there a small circuit of wall raised in form of a little castle: There were for the guard of this place, certain bands of horsemen under the charge of Hugh de Popoly Lieutenant to the men at arms which the french king had given to Octavian Fregosa: upon the hearing of the noise that was made, he presented himself upon the bank or shore, from the which he was presently repulsed with force of shot, and yet it was thought that he might easily have maintained resista nce, if a certain troop of harquebusiers had joined with those horsemen which he had with him, a matter which afterwards he said he did require of Monsr Lawtrech.  
As the footmen passed in troupes and numbers, so they assembled and drew into strength in a place within the town raised and somewhat fortified, expecting there the succours which Prospero had appointed: who assoon as he was advertised of that happy beginning, caused to be turned that way almost all the footbands of the army bestowed in diverse boroughs of Guiaradadde, to whom he gave this order that as they arrived they should pass successively upon the same small barks and upon two others that were appointed to follow th'army to serve for bridges over rivers, which by night were carried overlande to the same bank or shore: Then he and the other Captains with the Cardinal Medicis, took forth with the same way, leaving this commandment to such as tarried at Rivolto, that if the frenchmen retired from thence, they should immediately set up the bridge: But at Vaury the success of th'enterprise was uncertain for certain hours, for, if Monsr Lawtrech upon his first advertisement of the passing of his enemies, had converted thither one part of th'army, he had no doubt given them the overthrow: But after he had spent certain hours in doubt what he had to do, he dispatched thither Monsr d'Escud with four hundred lances and the bands of the french footmen, causing to be drawn afterwards certain pieces of artilleries: Monsr d'Escud and his regiments marched thither in great diligence, and began very resolutely to charge the place where thenemies were retired even at the same time that the succours which were expected, appeared upon the other shore: For whose coming together with the hope that they brought, thenemies made a valiant defence, notwithstanding that Monsr d'Escud descended on foot with all his men at arms and made so resolute a fight in the straights of the streets, that if th'artilleries had come in time, his valour no doubt had given them the overthrow: But on the other side the shore, did make speed to pass as much as the fraught of the barks could carry, jegane captain of the Grisons, and two ensigns of spanish footmen, pushed on with the comforts and speeches of Cardinal de Medicis and the other Captains: And as in matters of execution examples do much, so in this heat of valour and valiant doings, john de Medicis, more moved of his natural magnanimity and great desire of glory, then by any other man's incitation, swam over the deepness of the water upon a turkish horse to the otherside, giving in that action both a present fear to th'enemy, and a just courage to his own companies: At last notwithstanding the present arrival of th'artilleries, Monsr d'Escud finding the defence that was made to be so far above his forces, and his fortune no less inferior, that he could not but despair of the victory, retired to Cassan with the loss of an ensign, And by his example, Lawtrech departed from Cassan and withdrew to Milan with the whole army: There, whether it was that he would not loose thoccasion to satisfy his hate conceived afore, or whether he thought that by that spectacle he should make himself more feared and redoubted, he caused to be executed publicly, Christopher Paluoisin: An action of great pity and compassion to behold, no less for the nobleness of his house, greatness and authority of his person, and flourishing estate of his age, then for that he was committed to prison many months afore the war, in which point his justice was not without extreme severity. By this passing over Adda, Prospero won a name and glory above the son: he was afore, not only infamous at Rome but contemned throughout the whole army, not so much for his breaking up from before Parma, as for his custom in protracting the war: But now, as it often happeneth that things done first, loose their memory by the consideration of such as follow and are done afterwards, so thinfamy of his former vices was now defaced and the minds of all men converted to praise and extol him, the rather for that without blood and danger, yea altogether with council and industry worthy of so well experienced a captain, he had stolen from thenemies the passage of that river: A matter which Monsr Lawtrech did not only promise' to himself and his whole army to let and stop, but also assured it absolutely to the king under his writing and public protestations: And yet (such emulation followeth valour and the glory thereof) there were some, who with reasons eyether true or apparent, laboured to diminish the glory of this action, wherein they alleged that there was no virtue nor rare industry neither in the invention nor in th'execution: for that nature and natural providence doth teach all men finding impediments in rivers and strait passages, to search and sound some other way to pass either higher or lower, where nothing is objected to stop them: They could say also that the passage of Vaury was at hand, and by his ordinary frequentation a passage very convenient, and that Lawtrech had been so careless to guard it that his negligence had left no place to industry: So that in no other thing could be recommended the providence of Prospero, then that with secrecy he had made provision of the barks, and managed the whole enterprise with necessary silence: There were other also, who perhaps either too diligent to judge of things, or more ready to reprehend faults that be doubtful, then apt to commend actions and doings certain, were not contented to diminish the renown of his industry, but with a spirit more envious, they justified that there was in him neither providence nor order convenient: for, say they, in not sending commandment to those bands to stir that were appointed for succours and lodged within Trevy, Caravagge and many other places, but when the footmen whom he had sent before were possessed of Vaury: It fell out that the first companies could not arrive upon the shore of the river until noon, which was fourteen hours after the first bands of footmen were passed: So that if Monsr Lawtrech had done presently upon thadvertisement that was sent to him, the thing which he did many hours after, there is no doubt that he had not reconquered Vaury, and given the overthrow to those footbands that were passed, for that the succours or rescue were too slow and lingering: But such interpretations and fancies of men did nothing at all deprave the glory of Prospero, for that commonly in human wits this collection is made that they judge the councils of men by the event of things, and so sometimes with praise and sometimes with dishonour according as the success is happy or contrary, they give that to council and providence, which for the most part takes his proceeding of fortune.  
Monsr Lawtrech being departed from the shores of Adda, it was to be doubted that thenemies who the day following builded a bridge between Rivolta and Cassan would draw near to Milan as fast as they could: yet Prospero, whose council albeit was blamed by the popular sort, was yet approved by such as saw into the science of war, was of mind that in taking a longer circuit, they should march the first day to encamp at Marignan, A town equally distant from Milan and Pavya: for, being not possible for the hardness of the time both cold and rainy, to keep the field, he judged it best to draw near to Milan on that side, by the which if he found it hard to enter, he might immediately turn to Pavia, where Lawtrech had left no garrison, for that he sought to reduce all his forces to Milan: In which city both for the plenty of victuals, and many other opportunities, he thought to settle the seat of the war. On the other side, Monsr Lawtrech whose army of footmen was reduced to a very small number, had from the beginning devised to guard only the city of Milan: But considering afterwards that if he abandoned the suburbs, he gave mean to th'enemy to lodge and encamp, and there withal many ready opportunities to take the town, he changed opinion, and determined as yet to defend the suburbs: This no doubt was a resolute & wise council if it had been accompanied with that vigilancy that appertained, for that by it, considering the unlooked for accidents that fell within few days after, things had brought forth an other issue than they did. But the army of the league being lodged for the greatest part at Marignan, and the Swyzzers more forward in th'abbey of Cleruault, after they had remained there three days to expect th'artilleries which could not follow for th'extremity of the ways: presented themselves the xix. day of November before Milan, having this intention that if they could not enter the same day, they would departed the day after and draw to Pavia, whether was already dispatched part of the light horsemen to take possession of the town: There happened that morning this matter worthy of memory, as the Legates and Chieftains of th'army stood in a meadow near to Cleruault to give place to the Swyzzers to pass, there came to them an old man of aspect and habit popular, who telling them that he was sent by the parish of Saint Cir in Milan, solicited and called upon them with great exclamations to pass further: for that saith he, order was given, that not only the parish of Saint Cir, but all the parts of Milan upon thapproaching of th'army would rise & take arms against the frenchmen at the universal ringing of the bells of every parish: This relation was made more wonderful by the consideration of the man and his departure, for that notwithstanding all their diligence to found him again, they could never learn what he was, nor by whom he was sent. The army then marched in order towards the gate of Rome, and the great artilleries stayed at the entry of a way which turneth to Pavia: The Marquis of Pisquaire who was in the former front of the battle with his bands 
The taking of Milan by the league.  of spanish footmen, observing the coming on of the evening, drew near the trench that is between the gate of Rome and the port Thesin, And presenting his harquebuziers against a bastillion made in a place called Vicentyn, near the gate named Lodowikes gate, and that more to make a trial, then in hope to carry it: The Venetian footbands that guarded the place, after they had with much ado endured the presence of thenemies, gave their backs with an incredible baseness of mind, by whose example the Swizzers that lay near them, put themselves to flight, their fear being greater than their fidelity: By which yielding the Spanish footbands that passed the trench and the rampire without any impediment, entered with the same facility the suburbs, and in that hurleyburley of entering they took and hurt lightly Theoder Triuulce being all disharmed upon a little nag, who paid afterward to the Marquis of Pisquairo for his liberty twenty thousand ducats: In this confusion of fear and peril, Andrew Gritti with many others made way with great hardness for their safety, who after by the benefit of chase and fleeing they were eftsoons united with the French, they retired altogether into the town by fetching a very long compass: But both for that they had made no provision for their defence, and also that they had no strength of footmen, and therewithal the people disposed to rebel, they stayed about the castle: On the other side, the Marquis of Pisquairo in whom wanted no diligence to follow his fortune, made his approach to the gate of Rome (the gates of the City and the suburbs bear all one name) and was received into the town by the principal partners of the Gebelin faction, having the gate in guard: And not long after the Cardinal Medicis, the Marquis of Mantua, Prospero, and one part of the army made their entry in the same fort by the port Thesin, the victors themselves being almost ignorant in what manner or by what disorder they had won so great a victory: Only the principal cause proceeded of the negligence of the frenchmen, for that (as was discerned afterwards) Monsr Lawtrech had no advertisement that thenemies were removed that day, yea it was believed that he assured himself, that for the disadvantage of the ways being much disordered and broken with the reins that were fallen, they would not that day make their artilleries march, without the which he never thought that they would assault the rampires: yea such was his security, that at the same time that th'enemy entered the rampires, he was walking unarmed in the City of Milan accompanied with other captains without any cogitation of enterprise, as also Monsr d'Escud being made weary with watching the night before, was laid down to sleep in his own lodging: both of them being beguiled in the care which they aught to have had of their proper safety, honour and reputation: And yet it seemed fortune reserved for them a favour which their destiny would not let them enjoy: for if Monsr de Lawtrech after his fear and fleeing had reassembled his people upon the Castle green, it was believed that there was offered to him no little occasion to offend thenemies, for that one part were dispersed disorderly within Milan, an other part stood hovering in the suburbs in confusion, and the residue remained without in a troubled expectation: But what through his fear which could not be reappeased, and what by the error of the dark night to discern in so little time thestate of thenemies, he departed the same night to Coma, where leaving fifty men at arms and six hundred footmen, he took the way by the parish of juzina, and so after he was passed Adda at Lecco, he drew to the country of Bergama, the Castle of Milan remaining well guarded and refurnished: Lody and Pavia followed th'example of Milan: And at the same time the Bishop of Pistoya and Vitelli, who leaving Parma behind them, had taken the way of Plaisanca, were willingly received into that City: The like success they had in Cremona, where upon the news not only that Milan was taken, but also that the French were overthrown, the people ran to arms and cried upon the name of th'empire and Duke of Milan: Assoon as that commotion was understanded by Monsr Lawtrech, who was then arrived upon the territories of Bergama, he dispatched thither Monsr d'Escud with one part of th'army to recover it: he was repulsed by the people, by which occasion Lawtrech notwithstanding he had very small hope of good success, for that the Swizzers that were within Parma, might easily secure it, went thither with the whole army, having first given order that Federike de Bossolo should abandon Parma, holding it a matter of too great difficulty to furnish so many places: This enterprise drew with it a good success and issue: for, notwithstanding that Cardinal Medicis assoon as he understood of the rebellion of Cremona, had sent to the Bishop of Pistoye, that the better to assure such a conquest he should dispatch thither one part of the Swizzers: yet because he would neither divide them nor entangle himself with other affairs, standing always upon a desire to go with them to an enterprise determined upon Genes, he lingered so long that he left sufficient time to Monsr Lawtrech to recover it, having both the Castle to hold for him, and also knowing there was to be objected against him no other defence than a confused resistance of the people, in whom he discerned already an inclination to yield, for that they sent Ambassadors to solicit their pardon: This good event ministered eftsoons some good courage and life to Monsr Lawtrech, who sent forthwith to Federike Bossolo not to abandon Parma: But he was departed afore the summons came, and had passed Paw with his bands and companies: At what time Vitelly who went to Plaisanca with his companies and was not far from Parma when Federike departed, was called in by an universal consent of the people, and made his entry. The Captains and Assistants of the League devised how to recover the residue of the estate under this foundation to make no more so great expenses: And accordingly they dispatched from Milan at the same time the Marquis of Pisquairo with his bands of Spaniards and the lanceknights and Grisons, to say siege to Coma: In which enterprise in may be doubted whether was more forward his desire or his fortune, for he had no sooner begun to enforce the terror of his artilleries, than the defendants despairing of rescue, agreed to tender up the place under condition of safety of life and goods aswell to the French bands as to thinhabitants of the town: And yet when the French men were upon their departure, the Spaniards made their entry and sacked it, to the great infamy of the Marquis, who being afterwards accused of faith breaking by john Chabannes chief of the French bands within Coma, was by him defied and challenged to the combat.  
At the same instant they of the League sent the Bishop of Verula to the Swizzers to assure them of their wills, nevertheless assoon as he was come to Belinsone they committed him to ward, for that standing ill contented that their regiments of footmen had marched against the French king, they did not only complain of the Cardinal of Zion and the Pope, but also of all their ministers and officers: But chief they inveighed against the Bishop of Verula, for that being the Pope's Nuncio with them at such time as they levied their men, he laboured to induce them to go against thexception under the which they had been accorded.  
The estate and affairs of the war was reduced into these terms with a wonderful hope in the Pope and Caesar to confirm the victory, both for that the French king had no mean to dispatch with expedition new companies into Italy, and also for themselves they thought the power of those who had won Milan upon him with the most part of the Duchy, was sufficient not only to preserve it, but also to run through all the residue that remained in the hands of th'enemy: Yea such a thing is terror, that the Senate of Venice fearing lest the war begun against others would not fall upon them, gave hope to the Pope to 'cause the French bands to departed out of their lands: But of thoughts sudden began to spring an accident unlooked for: for, news came that the Pope was dead suddenly 
The death of Pope Leo the tenth.  the first day of December: As he lay at the village of Magliana whither he went oftentimes for his recreation, he heard the first reapport of the taking of Milan, which stirred in him such an extreme passion of joy, that the same night he entered into a small fever: and for his better remedy he caused himself the next day to be removed to Rome, where he died within very few days after, notwithstanding the Physicians in the beginning made no great reckoning of his disease: There was great suspicion that he was poisoned by Barnaby Malespina his Chamberlain, whose office was always to give him drink: And yet though he was made prisoner through the suspicion of the fact and the vehement reasons of the same, yet the matter was dashed and thexamination thereof, for that the Cardinal Medicis assoon as he came to Rome, set him at liberty, fearing to fall further into the disgrace of the French king, by whose practice it was supposed that Barnaby gave him the fatal drink: This was but whispered secretly, the author being no less doubtful than the conjectures uncertain: He died, if we consider the common opinion of men, in very great glory & felicity, not so much for that by the surprising of Milan he saw himself delivered of dangers and expenses intolerable, which having drained him of all store of money and treasure, he was constrained to advance all means and manners for his supply and relieving: But also that a very few days afore his death he received advertisement of the taking of Plaisanca, and the very day he died, news came to him of the winning of Parma: A matter so greatly desired by him, that at such time as he debated to move war against the French men, it is very well remembered that he said to the Cardinal de Medicis labouring to dissuade him, that as he was in nothing more carried to the desire of that war then to recover to the Church those two Cities, so when so ever God should bless him with th'effect of that desire, it would not grieve him to die: He was a prince in whom were many things worthy to be commended and blamed, and in the estate and discourse of his life he deceived greatly th'expectation that was had of him when he was created Pope, for that his government was with a greater discretion, but with far less bounty than was looked for.  
The death of the Pope did greatly diminish th'affairs of Caesar in Italy, as also it was not unlikely that such an enemy being taken away with whose money the whole war was both begun and continued, both the French king would enter into a new spirit and dispatch a new army into Italy, and also the Venetians for the same causes would recontinue the confederation they had with him: So that it seemed that by this accident the devices to assail Cremona and Genes, vanished & were dissolved: and the officers of Caesar, who till then had paid the Spanish bands with great difficulty, were constrained to dismiss a great part of them: A matter not without danger since there were holden yet for the king Cremona, Genes, Alexandria, the Castle of Milan, the castles of Novaro and Tressa, Pisqueton, Domussolo, Arona, and all the Lake maior: Besides, the Rock of Pontremo was eftsoons returned to his devotion, which being lost before, was reconquered by Sinibaldo de Fiesquo and the Count Nocero: Neither had the affairs of the French king any good success beyond the Mounts, for that Caesar bringing war upon Flaunders, had taken from him the City of Tornay, and not long after the Castle, wherein were no small quantities of artilleries and munitions: In so much that by reason of the Pope's death new governments, new counsels, and new estates of affairs and doings were introduced into the Duchy of Milan. The Cardinals of Zion and Medicis made forthwith to Rome to communicate in th'election of the new Pope: The Imperials kept retained with them fifteen hundred footmen Swizzers, and dismissed all the others, together with the lanceknights who went their way: The bands of the Florentines took their way to return into Tuskane: Touching the regiments of the Church, Guido Rangon led one part of them to Modona, and the other remained in the state of Milan with the Marquis of Mantua, and that more of his proper resolution, then by the consent of the College of Cardinals, who standing divided amongst themselves, could bring forth nothing in determination: In so much as when Monsr Lawtrech made his complaints to them that the soldiers of the Church remained upon the Duchy of Milan to the prejudice of the French king, to whom for the charitable actions of his predecessors done to the Church, was transferred the title of protector and eldest son of the same, they could not agreed to return other answer or resolution, then that they referred his remedy to the determination of the Pope to come. Of those Swizzers that were in Plaisanca, one part went with the Bishop of Pistoye to Modena for the defence of that City and Reggia against the Duke of Ferrara, who immediately upon the death of the Pope had taken the field with an hundred men at arms, two thousand footmen, and three hundred light horsemen, and so went to encamp before Cente after he had recovered by the will of thinhabitants Bondene, Finale, the mountain of Modena, and Garfagnano, and with the same facility had taken jugo, Bagnacavall, with other towns of Romagna. Those Swizzers that were of the Canton of Zurich continued at Plaisanca, and for that they would not suffer themselves to be separated, they would not give leave to a thousand of them to go to the guard of Par●na: which City remaining almost disfurnished, Monsr Lawtrech being then within Cremona with six hundred lances and two thousand five hundred footmen, took occasion of the nakedness of the place, to attempt to reconquer it, being specially induced to th'action by Federike Bossolo, who carried great credit in that matter for the peculiar knowledge he had in enterprises of like nature.  
It was then determined that Monsr de Bonneuall with three hundred lances, and 
The French men before Parma.  Federike and Mark Antho. Colonno, the one with the French footmen, the other with the Venetian bands containing in one strength and general number five thousand bodies, should be employed to surprise the city of Parma, wherein were six hundred footmen Italians and fifty men at arms of the Marquis of Mantua, besides that the people and inhabitants were at the devotion of the Church, but slenderly armed, and no less ill contented for the memory of the French, and violences used by Federike: With these was also concurrant this advantage, that of that part of the town which had been battered by the camp of the Church the walls lay yet on the ground without any restoring or repairing: Lastly the sea Apostolic was in vacation, A matter which is always wont to keep the minds of men in variation, and make governors rather careful of their proper safety, then to look to the defence of towns, as not knowing for whom they should put them selves into danger: So that with these foundations, the french footmen were sent below along the river of Paw even unto Toricelle where the bands of men at arms that were come from Cremona by land, joined with them: And many barks being sent thither from Cremona, they passed over Paw by night to Toricelle which is within twelve miles of Parma, having to follow them by direction Mark Anth. Colonno with the Venetian footebands, that were lodged upon Oglio: Francis Guicciardin was sent thither for the guard of the town by commission of Cardinal de Medicis, and doubting of the danger that was so apparent, he caused to call together by night, the whole people and inhabitants, whom he encouraged to stand valiantly to the defence of their lives and liberty: And because they should fight against their peril more with weapons then with words, he caused to be bestowed among them two thousand pikes which two days before he had sent for from Reggia: it imported him much to be careful to make provisions necessary for defence, wherein by so much greater was his diligence and study, by how much both the time and the place ministered many difficulties, both for that the small numbers of soldiers within the town, were not sufficient to defend it without the aid of the people, upon whom in those sudden and dangerous cases can be laid no firm foundation for the variableness of their condition: And also for that he saw it impossible to let thenemies for entering the Codipont, for which cause he retired the soldiers & all the townsmen into the other part of the city, but not without a wonderful difficulty: for, having a vain persuasion amongst them, that it might be defended, as also the inhabitants of that quarter, interpreting to rigour and hardness, to leave abandoned their own houses, They could not be disposed to it neither with reasons nor with authority until they saw thenemies approach: because the inhabitants were so long afore they would be persuaded to retire, th'enemy lacked not much to enter with them pelmell into the other part of the town, where concurred at one time many difficulties, both necessity of money, and inconveniency of the time, being the self same day wherein they were to pay the footebands, who protested to go out of the town if they were not satisfied of their pays within xxiv. hours. The first day Federyk Bossolo with three thousand footmen and certain light horsemen, entered the Codipont which was left abandoned: The day after arrived there, Monsr de Bunevall with the french lances, and Mark. Anth. with two thousand footmen Venetians: They had not with them other artilleries then two sakers, for that by th'impediment of the ill ways all along Paw, the places being low and apt to retain water, made it very hard for the use of carts to draw greater artilleries: which had not been without loss of time, and that contrary to their hopes grounded altogether upon celerity and diligence, for that they feared in lingering much, lest Parma should receive some rescue either from Modena or from Plaisanca: Nevertheless thin habitants being abused with the fancies and fears of certain peasants of the country that were fled, stood possessed with an opinion that the great artilleries were coming: By which occasion they were entered into a wonderful terror, and the same redoubled by a devise of Federyk, who having taken in the country, certain Citizens he made them assuredly belceve by certain rebels of Parma which he had with him, that Mark Anth. and the french men came after with a great army and artilleries: And after he had let them go to Parma, they brought news touching the forces of thenemies and other things, much against the truth, and so replenished the people with terror and amaze, that not only the Commons through all the quarters of the town, but even their Magistrates and council having charge of th'affairs public, began with importunities to entreat the governor, that what for the safety of himself and his soldiers, and to deliver the city from servitude and sacking, he would suffer them to compound with thenemies: Against which demand whilst the governor made resistance, sometimes with reasons and sometimes with requests, and consumed the time in debating, there happened this new difficulty, that the pay day being come, the soldiers that were drawn into insurrection, published in manner of tumult, that if they were not paid they would depart the town: So little assurance is there in soldiers marcenarie, in whom in times of trial and danger is commonly found less fidelity than forwardness, & more corruption than constancy, & serving but for pay, they have no regards above the desire of money & gain: Nevertheless the Agent or treasurer obtained with many persuasions of thinhabitants, to furnish one part of the money, which though they had promised before, yet they become slow to perform, notwithstanding he declared to them that in all events and changes, that action would stand them in no small stead of justification with the Popes to come: with this money he reappeased the tumult aswell as he could, the same being the cause that the fear of the people augmented: And as the soldiers who for their small numbers saw themselves at the discretion of the people, & had no surety of any one of the City, so they entered into present suspicion that the forces that were both within & without would set upon them at one time: In so much as they rather wished that the City would tender by accord under capitulations of their safety, then to continued & devil in that danger: So unquiet a passion is fear, that whom it possesseth it makes them in nothing less apt than to be resolute or constant, & keepeth them deprived of that reason & counsel which in other cases is the guide of mortal men & their doings: But in this estate of affairs reduced thus to extremities, it was necessary for the governor to show himself constant and absolute, and therefore he sometimes assured the soldiers that the peril was aswell common to him as to them, & sometimes he stirred up the principals of the town assembled in counsel, with whom he reasoned that there was no occasion of fear, for that he was assured thenemies caused not to march their great artileries, without the which it was both childish & scornful to doubt that by the benefit of scaling ladders they would offer to enter or force the town, wherein was a sufficient strength of youth & soldiers to make resistance against a far greater violence: He told them he had sent to require succours at Modena, where were the Swizzers, Vitelli, & Guido Rangon, with their bands, not doubting but that the day following he should be supplied with such a strength as would be able to enforce th'enemy to departed: That aswell in regard of their own honour, as for fear lest with the losing of Parma, there happened not a greater disorder, those succours would make haste, and their rescue be almost as ready as their danger: That he had sent to Plaisanca for the same matter, and for the same reasons he had manifest hope to be relieved from thence: That they had to consider that the Pope being dead, who had honoured him with the credit of that place wherein he was, there remained to him no interest or bond (if things stood upon such terms as they imagined) to subject himself to a peril so apparent: for that according to experience and common examples past, much less that the officers of the Pope deceased can expect of the Pope to come any degree of recompense, since it was most likely that the Pope of the new election would become enemy to Florence his natural country: for which reasons he had no cause to desire the greatness of the Church, respects public being no less against it then occasions private: Only such might be the concurrence of accidents, that the diminution of the same would be most acceptable to him: That touching his own particular, he had not within Parma either wife, children, or any goods, for the which he was to fear that by the translation of the government they might be made a pray to the lusts, to the insolences, and rapines of the French: That lastly since he had no reason to hope for any profit by the defence of Parma, and less fear (by rendering it) of the adversities they had proved under the hard yoke of the French, and taking it by force, his person communicating in the same dangers that they did: They might be assured that no other thing moved him to remain constant, than the manifest knowledge he had that the enemies had no ability to force the town without their great artilleries: of which as he was assured they had none at all, so if he stood in doubt, it stood him upon not to stand against th'accord, having no less care of his own safety, than all they had desire to avoid their common danger: seeing withal, that by the vacation of the sea Apostolic, and he not able in such a town as that was, to oppose himself against so great an inclination and will of the people, he could not be within danger of imputation, and much less stand charged with their revolt. With these reasons sometimes dealing apart and several with many particulars, and sometimes disputing with them all together, and sometimes leading them along the walls, and eftsoons reasoning with them of other provisions, he rob the time from them, and entertained them all the night: yea he was not ignorant that notwithstanding they had vehement imaginations to compound with thenemies, & that not for other cause then for fear to be passed into captivity and spoil, yet they retained this consideration, that in according without his consent, they could not avoid the note of rebels and faith breakers. But assoon as the day appeared, which was a day dedicated to Saint Thomas th'apostle, they began to know by the bullets that were shot from the two sakers planted there the same night, that thenemies had no pieces for battery: which made the governor to hope that returning to counsel, he should find them changed and assured, but he found them of disposition contrary, their fears being by so much augmented and redoubled, by howmuch by the light of the day making them able to discern, they esteemed themselves to be near the peril: In so much as laying aside all regards to fidelity, and aptness to hear reason, they began with manifest instance, with protestations and threatenings, to compel him to advance the composition: Such is the rage of a multitude unbridled, and so violently do they run to recure the thing which in their fears they have imagined, that their minds being once made timorous, there is nothing less respected with them then the thing which should most assure them. The governor made answer with a lively resolution and liberty of mind, that since he had no power to stop in them the course of those speeches & thoughts, which he would do if he had in Parma a greater strength, there remained to him no other satisfaction of the injury which they were determined to do to the sea apostolic and to him being a minister of the same, then that they could not avoid thinfamy of rebellion, & imputation of disloyalty to their lords, if reason could not hold them from executing the resolution which their timorous condition had stirred in them: he reproached to them with vehement words the oath of homage & fidelity which a few days before they had solemnly made to him on the behalf of the sea apostolic: he told them, that though he saw afore his eyes their destruction and death manifest, yet they were not to draw from him any other conclusion then that he would continued to make good his faith in that service, until either by supplies of new bands, or by the coming of great artilleries to the camp of thenemies, or some other accident happening, he were satisfied that the danger was more manifest to lose the town, than the hope greater to defend it. He flung out of the council immediately upon the delivery of these speeches, partly to leave them sounding in their ears and imprinted in their minds with greater authority, and partly to give order to many things necessary if thenemies should offer to give the assault that day, which was believed: But they remained in suspense, and stood so much the more confused, by howmuch their reason was less than their fears: Whereunto yielding at last to the thing that could lest assure them, and subduing in their fearfulness all other good regards: They resolved to send out at adventure to solicit an accord, dispatching withal certain of them to the governor, to protest to him that if he continued obstinate to consent to their safety, they were determined in their own mean, both to put away the peril that was towards them, and to preserve the City from the spoil that they saw pretended: But at the very instant that they were determined to address their embassage, there began to be heard on all sides, the cries of such as guarded the gates of the walls, together with the Alarm sounded by the bells of the high tower of the city, which gave the sign that thenemies being issued out of the Codipont in order of battle, made their approaches to the walls to give th'assault: By which occasion the governor returning to those that he had not spoken to as yet, cried unto them, that though all men were willing, yet the time was now inconvenient to come to accord: This is the election (saith he) you stand in, either to defend your lives honourably, or to see your city put to shameful sack, and yourselves delivered into captivity: your adversity calleth you to be warned by th'example of Ravenna and Capua, whose inhabitants and the eyes of the natural children borne in them, saw them miserably sacked even as they were soliciting an accord with thenemies that stood upon the walls: I have done hitherunto as much as might be concluded in the ability of one alone: My will hath been so much above my power, by howmuch my fortune hath been less than my means: I have governed you thus long, not more to mine own praise then to your profit, not less to your universal safety, then to the due satisfaction of the place I hold, and now have I led you to this election whether you will vanquish or die: I would of myself I could suffice to defend the thing which our fortune hath made not to be preserved without your aid, than should you see with what affection I desire to defend or to die. Be not the more discouraged for the nearness of your peril, let not your confidence be so much abated, by howemuche your danger is imminent: strive not less to vanquish fear then to overcome shame: And be not less resolute to defend your lives, your goods, the honour of your wives and daughters, than you have been importunate to desire without any necessity to run into willing servitude of the French, in whom you are not ignorant remaineth a natural malice towards you. After these speeches, he turned his horse away, and left them all possessed with contemplations of fear: But as necessity is mighty to make men resolute, so for that their fortune had left them now no time to prove other remedies, they let fall all parleys for accord, for the present necessity they had to defend themselves: for that one part of thenemies who the day before had gathered in the country a great quantity of scaling ladders, made approach to the Bastillion which Federike had builded on that side towards Paw, and invaded it valiantly: And at the same time was a furious assault given to the gate that leads to Reggia, as also the fight was begun in two other places, with so much the more difficulty of defence to them within, by how much thenemies were more brave and encouraged by the examples of the Captains, and the men of the town filled full of terror and cowardice, went not to the walls, but closed themselves within their houses, as though every moment they had expected the latest ruin of the City: These assaults being relieved many times, continued the space of four hours, the danger of the townsmen diminishing continually, not so much for the weariness of thenemies, who by the wounds and harms they received in many places, began to lose heart, as also by the example of the governor, and valour of the townsmen, who seeing the defence to succeed well, took courage in their good fortune, and laboured more and more at the wall: In so much that afore th'assault retired, not only the universal multitude of people was run thither together with the Churchmen to defend the breaches, but also in th'action was concurrant the valour of many women, who despising the danger were seen to carry wine and other refreshings to their husbands: By these, thenemies without despairing of the victory, retired with the loss of some and many wounded, to the Codipont, from whence they dislodged the morning following, and so returned beyond Paw, after they had remained a day or two about the borders of Parma: Federike confessed that in this expedition whereof he was the author, nothing did more beguile him, then that he would never have believed that in a governor, neither for his profession a man of war, nor for his time of any continuance in the city, would be found such valour, that the Pope being dead, he would rather throw himself into danger without any hope of profit, then seek for his safety which he might do without his dishonour or infamy.  
This defending of Parma hurt greatly th'affairs of the French, for that it put the people of Milan and other subjects of that state into greater heart to defend themselves then they had before: But specially they took courage when they knew what weakness of soldiers was within, & had received no succours abroad, for that beside that there came no rescue from Plaisanca, neither the Swizzers that were within Modena, nor Guido Rangon nor Vitelli, would once make out any men for the succours of Parma: wherein Guido alleged for his excuse, that notwithstanding the Duke of Ferrara because he could not take Cente defended by the Bollonois, was retired to Finalo at such time as the Swissers arrived: yet he stood afraid lest he would attempt some violent action upon Modona being made naked of the garrison: And the Bishop of Pistoia so wavered and was troubled for the instant requests which Guicciardin made to him, and for the persuasions of Vitelli, who for his own interest stirred him up to pass into Romagna with the Swizzers, to th'end to stop the passage of the duke of Urbin: That what for that he was irresolute, & what through his natural slowness, he did neither the one nor the other of those matters, both for that Parma defended herself, & in Romagna no impediment was given to the Duke of Urbin, because the Swizzers would not march for want of their pays: Which duke of Urbin and with him Malatesta and Horace of the family of the Baillons, passed, the one to recover his estates lost, & the other to return to Perousa, having assembled at Ferrara 200. men at arms, 300. light horsemen, and 3000. footmen: An army which willingly followed them, partly for friendship, and partly for hope of spoil: for neither of the frenchmen nor Venetians they could obtain no other favour then a permission to who soever had taken their pay, to follow them, & that the Venetians were contented that Malatesta & Horace should departed out of their pay: Thus they went 
The duke of Urbin re-entereth his estates.  from Ferrara to Lugo all along Paw, and finding no impediments in the estate of the Church, they drew near to the Duchy of Urbin, where the duke being called in by the people's, recovered presently his whole estate, except certain pieces holden by the Florentines, and so turning towards Pesero, he took the town with the same facility, and within few days after the castle: he joined diligence to his good fortune, and having chased out of Camerin, john Maria de Varana the ancient lord, who for his greater dignity and illustration had obtained of Pope Leo the title of Duke, he bestowed within it Sigismond a gentleman of the same family, by whom was pretended a better right in the same estate: And yet the Duke, who was withdrawn within Aquila, kept still the Castle: And so after th'expedition of these matters, he turned with Malatesta and Horace Baillon, to Perousa, of which place the Florentines had taken the defence, not so much of their own counsel, as following the will of Cardinal de Medicis: wherein he was pushed on either by a kind of hatred that he nourished against the Duke of Urbin and the Baillons, or by th'impediment of their neighbourhood which he thought might put in danger the authority he had in Florence, or lastly for that aspiring to the Popedom, he sought to carry the reputation that he alone was the defender of the Church during the sea vacant, the College of Cardinals having no care to defend any part of the ecclesiastic dominion, neither in Lombardie, in Tuskane, nor else where: The same proceeding partly by the division of the Cardinals, being no less full of civil factions, then wholly drowned in deep ambition to climb to the Popedom: And partly for that it could not be found neither in the treasury Pontifical, nor in the Castle S. Angelo, that the late Pope had left any provision of money: for such were his prodigalities that he had not only consumed the moneys which his predecessor had left him, with an incredible quantity of treasure which he had levied of the creation of new officers, with a yearly diminution of forty thousand ducats of revenue: But also he had left the sea charged with huge debts, and laid to pawn all the precious jewels of the holy treasury: Upon which occasion was published this subtle speech, that other prelacies ended with the death of Popes, but the pontificacy of Leo was to continued many years after. Only th'archbishop Vrsin was sent by the College to Perousa, to accord an unity and reconcilement with the Baillons, but that devise was no less vain than the labour fruitless, for that the man was suspected to gentle for th'alliance he had with the sons of john Pawle, and also for the conditions that were offered, bearing no surety for him: In so much as towards the last day of the year, the Duke of Urbin, Malatesta and Horace Baillons, with Camilla Vrsin, who being followed of certain voluntaries was newly united with them, went to Pont. S. john, and from thence running up to other places thereabouts, they did great damages aswell by night as by day to the City of Perousa, where over and beside five hundred footmen which gentle had levied, the Florentines had sent thither two thousand footmen and an hundred light horsemen under Guido Vaino, and 120. men at arms and an hundred light horsemen under Vitelli.  
This time was quiet in the duchy of Milan, no other thing being done by either of the parties then certain roads and pillages: And the better to execute those damages upon places holden by the Church, those bands of French men which were remaining in Cremona being 2000 footmen, had set up a bridge upon Paw, by thopportunity whereof passing oftentimes upon the territories of Plaisanca & Parma, they did harms to the whole country: And notwithstanding Prospero by th'incitation of other capteins did publish that he would take Trezzo, & had already sent thither artilleries: yet he forbore to put the devise to execution, alleging that it was not convenient that the army should be restrained to any one place, to th'end to be the more able to succour th'estates of the Church, if the French should begin to execute any action upon them: But it seemed his thoughts were far different from his words, for that when he was told that the French camp was planted before Parma, much less that he made any sign to secure it, seeing he said it was more convenient to expect the event and issue: yea that which more is, at such time as Plaisanca remained disfurnished of garrison, for that the Swizzers of the Cantons of Zurich according to the summons of their Lords, were gone away in haste, Prospero did what he could to let the Marquis of Mantua for going from Milan with his bands: and he being put within Plaisanca, sustained that City to his great praise with the footbands of his estates, not sparing oftentimes to relieve their necessities with money.  
Amid so many dangers and variations, there was no provision for th'election of the new Pope: a matter which was deferred to the great prejudice of thestate ecclesiastic, both to give time to the absent Cardinals to resort to Rome, and also for that the Cardinal of Yurea going from Thurin to Rome, was detained in Milan by commandment from Prospero Colonno, to th'end he should not assist the assembly in the conclave for that he was a favourer of the French: Upon whose restraining the College set down a decree that so many days would they tarry to enter the conclave, how many the Cardinal Yurea either had been or should be stopped from passing further: But assoon as he was delivered, the conclave assembled the xxvij. of December, wherein were drawn together in solemn assembly xxxix. cardinals: So much was increased the number by the immoderate promotions of Leo, at whose creation were not present above xxiv. Cardinals.  
The first fact of the year a thousand five hundred two and twenty, was the mutation of thestate of Perousa, which according to the judgement of men, happened no less through the cowardice of the defendants, then by the valour of the assailants: who with their voluntaries and followers, were risen to a number of two hundred men at arms, three hundred light horsemen, and five thousand footmen: This army after it had lodged in the suburbs of S. Peter which they within had abandoned, gave the fourth day of the year an assault with many numbers of ladders both at Saint Peter's gate, Solions' gate, and the gate Brognio, with many other places, having first removed the defences of all these places with seven field pieces which the Duke of Ferrara had lent them: The assault began about the breach of the day, and being many times relieved, it continued almost the whole day: And albeit entry was made in two or three places of the town, which only was defended by the soldiers without the aid of the people who stirred not, yet the assailants were always repulsed with slaughter, which gave no less courage to gentle, then hope to the Florentin Agent, to be able to defend it still with no less felicity and success: But the timorousness of Vitelli was the cause that the matter drew an other event: for fearing lest the people bearing more inclination to the sons of john Pawle then to gentle, would rise in their favours: And finding it withal a matter of no little importance that they were bestowed in the suburbs between the two gates of Saint Peter: But principally standing fearful to lose his life upon the ill event of things for the hatred which he knew the Duke of Urbin and the sons of john Pawle bore to him: he signified in the night to the other Captains that he would depart, alleging that his presence would be to little purpose for the service, for that the day before he had received at the assault a wound in his foot with a bullet, the anguish whereof constrained him to keep his bed: Gentle and the other captains laboured him with many requests to change that intention, wherein albeit they laid before him how hurtful would be his departure to the whole service, and of no less ill example to the soldiers and people of the town, yet they found him less apt to be removed then belonged to a man of his place and valour, and in that inclination they joined with him to follow him: And so the same night they departed to Cittade Castello, leaving Perousa to receive the Baillons, not without an incredible wonder to all those, who being advertised by letters written the same night what good success they within had the day before, heard within few hours after how Vitelli and the residue had cowardly left it abandoned.  
The election of the new Pope was not yet accomplished, which had been deferred 
Election of Pope Adrian the sixth.  by reason of the discord that was amongst the Cardinals, deriving principally from the Cardinal de Medicis who aspired to the place, and who could do much for the reputation of his greatness, and for his revenues: he had also by the glory of the late conquest of Milan corrupted the voices of fifteen Cardinals, pushed on either by their proper interests, or for th'affection they bore to him, or by the memory of the benefits they had received of Pope Leo: yea some of them were carried with this hope, that though he should not be able to carry the sovereign seat of the Popedom, yet he would at lest bear favour to those that had stand with him and for him: But many ways his ambition was suspected, and many things were contrary to his desire: for to many of them it seemed a matter most prejudicial that one of the same famulie should succeed the dead Pope, and that in it would be concluded a precedent and example to dispose the Popedom by succession: All the elder sort of Cardinals objected themselves against him, holding the dignity of their time and gravity much depraved, to suffer the election to settle upon one that had less than fifty years of age: All those that were of the French part were against him, with whom did join also some of th'imperial faction: for notwithstanding in the beginning the Cardinal Colonno gave it out that he would favour him, yet afterwards he opposed himself openly against him: as also all those companies of Cardinals that were ill contented with Pope Leo, declared themselves his enemies: Nevertheless amid these difficulties, the thing that nourished him was, that he knew that such as were of his side, making more than a third part of the College, so long as they stood united and constant, the election could not be accomplished without their consent: A matter which kept him delighted in this hope, that with time his adversaries would either be weary or divided, the rather for that there were of them who for their age and other infirmities, were not able to bear out a long pain: And withal, though they stood firm not to created him at all, yet he saw their diversity would keep them from concluding the creation of an other, every one striving to transfer th'election to his friend, and most of them retaining a settled obstinacy not to give place one to an other: But the change of thestate of Perousa did somewhat stay thambition of Cardinal de Medicis, by the instance of cardinal Petrucci, one of the Cardinals of his faction: who being chief of thestate of Sienna, and fearing lest by his absence there might happen some mutation in the city whereunto he understood the Duke of Urbin would address his army, did vehemently labour to advance th'election of the new Pope: his importunities together with th'interest and consideration of the danger which would fall upon the state of Florence if Sienna should happen to change, drew the Cardinal de Medicis somewhat to incline and yield, and yet was not determined to whom to give his voice. At last they fell to the custom of lotting of voices in the Conclave, wherein Cardinal Adrian Bishop of Der●●us● was preferred without any affection or partiality of voice: he was of nation a Fleming, & in his youth having been schoolmaster to Caesar and by his mean made Cardinal under Pope Leo, did at that time govern Spain in the absence of Caesar: And as there began some voices to publish for him, so Cardinal Xisto one of that election, began under an oration special, to recount and amplify his virtues and knowledge, by whose example certain other Cardinals yielded▪ and the residue from hand to hand followed, though more by compulsion then by council: Thus was he chosen with the voices of all the Cardinals, and had his creation perfected the same morning: wherein this was to be wondered at, that even those that had elected him could give no reason, why amid so many troubles and dangers in thestate ecclesiastic, they had raised to the sovereign sea, a stranger, a foreigner, and of long absence out of the country, and wherein were helping no respects of favour, no consideration of former merits, nor any conversation had with any of the other Cardinals: yea they scarcely knew his name, he had never been in Italy, and had no hope nor cogitation to see it: of which extravagant manner of dealing, being not able to excuse themselves by any reason, they attributed all to the working of the holy Ghost, who is wont (so they alleged) to inspire the hearts of the Cardinals in thelecting of Popes: he received news of his election in the town of Victoria in Biskay, and would not have imposed upon him any other name then his own, which he caused to be published under Adrian the sixth.  
Upon the mutation of Perousa, after the bands of soldiers had lingered certain 
The D. of Urbin and the Baillons before Sienna.  days to march not without some little prejudice to their other business, they went (to th'end to levy money of their friends) from Perousa and Tody, where Camylla Vrsin had restored the exiles: The Duke of Urbin with the residue leaving Malatesta in Perousa, marched in great diligence towards Sienna, having with them Lactance Petrucci whom Pope Leo had deprived of the Bishopric of Sienna, for that th'emperors officers had stayed Bourgeso and Fabio the sons of Pandolffo Petrucci from going from Naples: Those that governed in Sienna had no other hopes than in the succours of the Florentines, & that by intelligence which they had with Cardinal de Medicis: At whose instance his faction ruling for him in his absence thestate of Florence, understanding that the Duke of Urbin was gone from Perousa, dispatched presently to Sienna Guido Vaino with an hundred light horsemen & provision of money, to join with them certain bands of footmen which they of Sienna had levied: But the principal foundation was upon the forces appointed many days before: for, when they were advertised of the first moving of the Duke of Urbin and the Baillons, and withal, having fear of Tuskane, they had solicited to wage the Swizzers of the Canton of Berne, who being in number almost a thousand were remeining within Bologna with the Bishop of Pistoya, making no reckoning of the commandments sent to them by their Lords to return into Switzerland: This practice albeit it drew a longer time than was needful by many difficulties objected by the Bishop of Pistoy, yet at last it was put in execution, not without great expenses, besides the levying of four hundred Almain footmen who were joined in Bolognia with the Swizzers: They had also called out of Lombardy john de Medicis, and with those forces arriving in time, they made no doubt to assure the affairs of Sienna, which were now reduced to very ill terms, both for that the greatest part of the people envy the present government, and also for an ancient hatred against the Florentines, they could hardly endure that their bands of soldiers should enter into Sienna: But the matter that redoubled the danger present, was the absence of Cardinal Petrucci, in whose place notwithstanding his Nephew Francis did what he could to sustain things, though his authority was not equal to the Cardinal: for this cause, being careful either to avoid or to prolong the danger present, (wherein the principals and chieftains were concurrant) They had dispatched Ambassadors to the Duke of Urbin assoon as he was entered upon the territories of Syenna: who notwithstanding required in the beginning a change of the state, and thirty thousand ducats, yet afterwards his demands were reduced to a moderation, Insomuch as it was to be feared greatly that there would grow between the Duke and the Siennoys some composition, either by the consent and privity of the governors, or by the motion of the people against their wills: Nevertheless as the bands of the Florentines entered continually within Sienna, together with a brute running that john de Medicis approached with the Swyzzers, so such as impugned the accord and the solicitation of the same, took so much the more courage to hinder it from conclusion: So that the Duke being drawn near to the walls with his army which contained but seven thousand footmen the most part levied at random, he eftsoons left th'enterprise of Sienna to retire into his estate the hopes of th'accord diminishing, & the Swyzzers being come within a days journey.  
The same companies that succoured Sienna turned towards Perousa, And the Florentines took occasion to execute speedily the thing which they desired, being thereunto also solicited by the colleague of Cardinals: under whose name and authority the state of the Church was governed in the absence of the Pope, and by that reason the Cardinal Cortona, who from the time of Pope Leo was Legate of the city of Perousa, was personally in th'army. But since the creation of the Pope, there was in the colleague no greater unity or resolution than had been before in the conclave, but the variations were more apparent & their controversies not less violent: for, they had set down an order that every month the affairs should be governed by three Cardinals bearing the title of priors, whose office was to convocate and assemble the residue and dispatch causes: of which the first three that were newly entered, began to oppose against the Cardinal Medicis, who was immediately returned to Florence after th'election of the Pope, and cried out that the bands of the Florentines should do no harms nor damage to the lands of the Church: These bands having already sacked the town of Pasignian refusing to lodge them, and afterwards being bestowed within Olma three miles from Perousa, under an assured hope almost to carry that city, they had held small reckoning of those commandments, had not been the knowledge they had of the vanity of their hopes: for the family of the Baillons had made to enter Perousa many bands of soldiers, and bore besides a greater authority with the people then Gentle who followed the army: In which regardeno less despairing of the victory, then having proved in vain to carry it by composition, they retired somewhat above the borders of Perousa, as though they would not oppose against the will of the colleague. They entered into the country of Montfeltro which except Saint Leo and the rock of Maivola, was wholly returned under th'obedience of the Duke of Urbin: And after they had recovered it with more facility than loss, arms were deposed on that side as it were by a peaceable convention, both for that the Duke was not sufficiently mighty to continued the wars with the Florentines, nor they had not cause to hold him in war, neither for their own profit, nor to content others: for, the colleague wherein the adversaries of Cardinal Medicis could do most, had at the same instant covenanted with him to retain the estate which he had recovered until the Pope's coming into Italy, and longer if it so pleased the Pope, and that he should not molest the Florentines nor the Siennois, nor enter into confederacy with any Prince, nor any way communicate with him or administer to him.  
Hitherunto the matters of Lombardy had been in peaceable estate, the one part 
Alexandria taken by the imperials.  having want of money, and the other no less necessity of men: And therefore the soldiers of the imperials who were not paid, refusing to stir out of their lodgings, there was dispatched into Alexandria, only john Sassetella with his regiment and other soldiers and subjects of the Duchy of Milan: This captain in the beginning of the war changing a benefit certain for hopes incertain, left the pay of the Venetians to take the wages of the Duke of Milan, notwithstanding he was banished from his estate: In which disposition of mind and with a fortune more ready than a council stayed, he approached to Alexandria, where the rashness of the Guelffes' defending the City more than the force of the french soldiers, made easy to him the action which all men esteemed hard: for that being issued out to skirmish with thenemies and not able to sustain the encounter, their disability gave them occasion to enter pellmell into the City, which by that accident more than through their valour, become a prey to the victors, & a reproach to the vanquished: And not many days after with the same facility, were chased out of Ast, certain bands of the french being there entered, by the mean of certain particulars of the Guelffes' faction.  
But of this short and suspected quietness, there were already discerned to draw on beginnings of very great troubles: for, notwithstanding in the parliaments of the Swizzers, there were great contentions risen upon the demands of the french king, wherein as the Cantons of Zurich and Zuicz stood obstinate against him, and the Canton of Lucerna wholly with him, and the residue divided amongst themselves, so also the public affairs were troubled by the covetousness of private persons, some demanding of the king pension and entertainment present, and some requiring their old pays and debts due in times past: Yet they accorded to him at last 
Ten thousand Swissers descend into the Duchy of Milan for the fr. king.  those proportions of footmen which he required for the recovery of the Duchy of Milan: which levy making a number of more than ten thousand bodies, descended into Lombardy by the mountains of S. Barnard & S. Goddard, and were conducted by the bastard of Savoy great Master of France, & by Galeas S. Severin master of the horse. About this time the king of England being estranged from the amity of the french, had lent to Caesar a great quantity of money, the better to furnish him against so great an emotion: And with that money th'emperor had sent Jerome Adorno to Trent, to levy six thousand lanceknights, and to lead them to Milan, together with the person of Francis Sforce: his coming was then esteemed of great importance, both to keep contained & constant, Milan & the other places of that estate which greatly desired his presence, and also by his authority & favours to make easy thexactions of money whereof there was extreme want. At the same time they of Milan not knowing the provisions that Caesar made, had sent money to Trent to wage four thousand footmen, and they being prepared by that time that Adorno came thither, he left the other six thousand to be made ready, and with these four thousand drew towards Milan to descend to Coma by the vale of Voltolina: And albeit the Grisons denied to give him passage, yet his celerity and valour made his way, passing with so great diligence upon the territories of Bergama, and from thence to Guiaradada, that the Venetian governors who were within Bergama, had no time to stop them: And after he had led these first companies of lanceknights to Milan, he returned with the same diligence to Trent, to guide thither Francis Sforce with the residue of that levy. In Milan there was no care omitted to make all sorts of provisions, wherein this was chief observed, to forget no means that might augment the hatred of the people against the french, to prepare them the better to defend themselves, and to relieve the common necessities with money: To this action was much helping many counterfeit letters and false messages, together with other cunning stratagems proceeding from the diligence and art of Moron: But the thing that most of all advanced so great an inclination, was the preachings and sermons of Andrea Barbato a religious man of thorder of Saint Augustin, who drawing to him a wonderful concourse and affluence of people, induced them with reasons and persuasions to take upon them the defence of their lives, and the redeeming of their free country from the yoke of strangers, ancient enemies to that city: he willed them not to be less forward to execute, than God was ready to raise them a mean to set themselves at liberty: he told them, the sovereign care of mortal folks was to care for their proper safety: he reduced to their memory's th'example of Parma a weak and small city in comparison of Milan, and left not unrecorded thactions of their Elders whose names had carried reputation and glory throughout all Italy: he laid out by reasons and examples how far mortal men were bound to defend their country, for the which if the Gentiles who expected no other recompense then glory offered their lives willingly to death: then far greater was the office and bond of Christians, to whom, dying in so just and holy an enterprise, was prepared for recompense, not the glory of this world frail and transitory, but the fruition of thimmortal kingdom, infinite and everlasting. They had to consider what universal ruin would be brought upon that city by the victory of the french men, whose yoke if it had seemed heavy and grievous afore, their burdens now could not be less than extreme & intolerable, And by how much their rigour raged upon them without any cause afore, by so much had they to assure themselves of extreme oppression now upon thoccasion of these offences: That one execution of the people of Milan would not suffice to quench the thirst of their cruelty and hatred: that all the goods of the city could not satisfy their immoderate covetousness: yea nothing could content them but the utter defacing of the name & memory of the inhabitants of Milan, and by a horrible example to surpass the unnatural cruelty of Federyk Barberousse: These speeches so redoubled the hatred of thin habitants, and no less suppressed all fear of the victory of the frenchmen, that it seemed now more necessary to appease and retain them, then to move or provoke them, suchiss the power of speeches aptly delivered and duly respecting time, place, and all other circumstances concurring with th'inclination of the people to whom they are pronounced. But in this mean while Prospero was not idle to repair and relieve the bastyllions and rampires of the trenches, with intention to stay at Milan, which he hoped to be able to defend for certain months though the six thousand Swyzzers came not at all: And looking also to the defence of the other towns, he dispatched to Novaro Philippo Torivello, and to Alexandria Monsr Visconte, the one with two thousand, and the other with fifteen hundred Italian footmen, who lived upon the people for that they were not paid: he sent also to Pavia Anth. de Leva with two thousand lanceknights and a thousand Italians: And over and above all these proportions, he kept within Milan seven hundred men at arms, seven hundred light horsemen, and twelve thousand footmen: Only the present danger that remained was, that the French men should not enter Milan by the castle, therefore aswell to remedy that, as by the same mean to stop them for putting victuals or other provisions into the Castle, Prospero with an intention highly esteemed, and in the judgement of men supposed wonderful, caused to cast without the Castle between the gates that lead to Verceill and to Coma, two trenches with a bank or rising to either of the same of that earth that was thrown up: These two trenches were distant one from an other twenty passes, and in longitude they contained almost a mile, even as long as is the traverse of the gardens behind the Castle between the two ways aforesaid: At either head of these two trenches he erected a fort both high and well manned, the better to annoyed thenemies with shot if they made their approaches on that side: This was the use of these two trenches, being well defended with footmen that were placed in the midst of the same: They both kept that no succours should enter into the Castle, and withal would not suffer any of the besieged to issue out: Fortune also expressed with a gladsome token that such an invention should be no less happy, than it was full of wit and devise: for she ministered to it this favour, that it might be put in execution without any damage at all, for that Prospero serving his turn of the benefit of a great snow that fell, caused to be cast before day two banks or rysinges of snow (and to their resemblance or example he cast also trenches) which shadowed and covered from the shot of the Castle the labourers that wrought: And that which also helped to advance the work to perfection, was th'impediment which the Swizzers in passing the mountains received by the snow, which was wonderful deep and thick.  
In this mean while Monsr Lawtrech readressed and reassembled his companies, of whom he sent certain bands beyond Paw, and they entering Florenzola, stripped the guidon of horsemen of Lewis Gonzaguo whom they found sleeping in security and negligence: The companies also of the Venetians were moostred about the confines of Cremona under Andrea Gritti and Theodore Triwlco, and they joining at last with the Swizzers, passed the river of Adda the first day of March. Monsr Lawtrech was general of th'army, whose authority was nothing diminished by the coming of the great Master nor the master of the horse: And at the same time came to the army john de Medicis, who albeit he had solicited and almost resolved 
john Medicis for the french king.  to enter into the pay of Francis Sforce, and was already upon the way to go to Milan, where he was greatly desired for the good opinion that was of his valour and conduit: yet he was carried by the benefit of greater offers and more surety of payment of the French king, taking this excuse that there was not sent to him from Milan the sums of money that were promised him: In which respect and in which disposition he went from the territories of Parma, where he had sacked the town of Bussette for that they had denied him lodging, and passed to the camp of the Frenchmen, which lay within two miles of the Castle between the said ways of Verceill and Coma: The third day after the French men were encamped, they 
The French men before Milan.  marched in order making as though they would set upon the trench and rampire, which notwithstanding they did not execute, either for that such was th'intention of Monsr Lawtrech from the beginning, or else weighing together with the number of soldiers that were within, the disposition of the people, and the readiness that appeared in the desendantes, the manifest difficulty of th'enterprise drew him from it: The same day the stones that violently were driven from a house within by the fury of the artilleries, slew Mark Anth. Colonno a captain of very great expectation: Camilla Triuulce bastard son to john jacques participated also in this lamentable destiny as they walked together along the house that was stricken devising to raise a mount to strike with th'artilleries between the two trenches of thenemies: But Lawtrech having no confidence to take Milan by assault, thought he should be able to carry it with the longness of time, for that with the multitude of his horsemen, and great bands of banished men that followed his army, with whom he overran the whole country, he gave great impediments to th'entry of victuals: he caused to be broken down all the milnes, and turned away the course of such waters as any way gave relief or commodity to them of Milan: he was not also out of hope, that the pays would fail to the soldiers within, being hitherunto enter, teined but with the money of the Millanois, for that Caesar sent a very small quantity from the kingdom of Naples or other places: But such was the hatred of the people of Milan against the french, and so universal their desire to have their new Duke, that their affections therein did not only make their patience greater than all discommodities, but also much less that those adversities made them change will, seeing it was the thing that did more and more confirm them, yea the youth of their City ran voluntarily to arms, of whom they created Captains in every parish, insomuch that the guards that with a ready diligence ran day & night to the places furthest of removed from the army ministered no little succour & comfort to the soldiers: And wanting the use of milnes at that time for that they were ruined by th'enemy, they relieved forth with that adversity with the service of handmilnes.  
Thus the hope of the speedy victory of the war, being reduced into the labours and cares of a long siege, the Duke of Milan whose departure had been many days foreslowed for want of money, and had yet lingered if the Cardinal Medicis had not succoured him with nine thousand ducats, departed at last from Trenta with six thousand lanceknights, and taking the rock of Croara belonging to the Venetians, the better to open his passage, he marched without any impediment through the lands of Verona and Mantua: And passing the river of Paw to Casallmaior, he arrived at Plaisanca, where the Marquis of Mantua came to him with three hundred men at arms and accompanied him from thence to Pavia: There the Duke stayed to expect occasion to pass to Milan where he was wished with an universal expectation, for that by the daily diminution of means to levy money to entertain the soldiers, it was thought necessary to join assoon as might be with the lanceknights, and so to take the field and seek to put end to the war: But the difficulty to pass was great, for that assoon as Lawtrech understood they were in Plaisanca, he went to lodge at Casina five miles from Milan upon the way that leads to Pavia: he had also bestowed the Venetians within Binasquo which is upon the same way, both the one and the other being in lodgings well rampiered and sortified: where after they had remeined certain days, & in that space had taken S. Ange and S. Colombano, Monsr Lawtrech, understanding that Monsr d'Escud his brother whom he had sent into France to relate to the king the estate of the affairs, was returned, and both with money and bands of footmen which he had waged at Genes, was arrived in thestate of Milan: he sent to join with him Federike Bossolo with four hundred lances and seven. thousand Swizzers and Italians: Against whom albeit the Marquis of Mantua issued out of Pavia & went to Gambala to make head against them, yet he retired eftsoons to Pavia, having an opinion that his abode within Gambalo would be to little purpose, either for that (this was his saying) they made as though they would retire towards Thesin, or else (which was more credible) he stood in some fear of them, for that their numbers were greater than had been reapported to him: But they being come to Gambalo, and being joined with Monsr d'Escud, they went to Novaro, which after they had battered with th'artilleries of the Castle that held for them, they entered it by force at the third assault with the slaughter of the greatest part of the footmen that were within, and Phillippe Toruiello remaining prisoner: For this accident together with the redoubled letters of Toruiello appealing to him for succours, the Marquis of Mantua issued once again out of Pavia, returning eftsoons thither assoon as he had knowledge how things went, retiring his companies from Vigeneva, and leaving only garrison within the Castle. The joining of forces with Monsr d'Escud and the taking of Novaro, 
Francis Sforce at Milan.  was prejudicial to the French men in a matter of greatest importance, for that it was so much the more easy for Francis Sforce to go with his army of lanceknights to Milan: It was agreed between Prospero and him to departed one night in secret from Pavia, leaving for the guard of the same two thousand footmen and three hundred horsemen, under the charge of the Marquis of Mantua, who refused to pass any further for that he would not be so far removed from thestate of the Church: Francis Sforce taking a strange and uncothe way, was received at Sesto by Prospero, who was gone to meet him with part of his companies, and so to guide him to Milan: Great was the joy that the people of Milan made to receive him, and every one reducing to his memory the felicity wherein they had lived in that estate under his father and other Dukes of that name, made their desires so much the more infinite, by how much they doubted not that in a natural and proper prince could want no affection to his people to respect and esteem them, and not to reject or disfavour them for his immoderate greatness.  
After the Duke was gone from Pavia, Lawtrech entered into hope to be able to take that City, and upon foundation of that confidence, he went to encamp there assoon as he had reassembled his army: And of the other side Prospero, not ignorant in what danger it was, dispatched thither in great diligence a thousand footmen Corsegnans, with certain bands of Spaniards, who charging upon the sudden the lodgings of the French army, passed through, partly marching and partly fight: In which encounter making slaughter of many of the French men, they made way by their own valour, and arrived in safety in Pavia, where were many incommodities, but specially great want of gone powder: Monsr Lawtrech began to batter the walls in two parts, in the suburbs of 
Monsr Lawtrech before Pavia.  Saint Marie in Pertico towards Thesin, and in the Burget: And after he had brought to the earth thirty faddomes of the wall, he gave the assault but without any issue or good success: In so much as seeing into the valour of the defendants and their universal resolution to cell their lives with the place, he began to despair of th'enterprise: Besides, he was afflicted daily with many other difficulties, both for the diminution of the treasure which his brother had brought out of France, and also by the general necessity of victuals through the army, the same happening by thoccasion of great rains: by thimpediments whereof it was hard for th'army to be revittled by land, and less possibility of relief by the benefit of Thesin, for that the boats being driven back by the stream of the river which was great and violent, could not hold course against the fury of the stream.  
About this time Prospero was issued out of Milan with his whole army to draw near to Pavia, but by reason of the reins and storms that fell, he was constrained to stay at Binasqua, a place in the half way between Milan & Pavia: And from thence advancing as far as the Charterhouse which is within the Park about five miles from Pavia, and haply the fairest monastery in Italy, Lawtrech despaired to take Pavia, and therefore retired his camp to Landriano without receiving any other impediment of thenemies then certain light skirmishes in the breaking up: From Landriano he went to Monce, to receive with more facility and readiness the moneys that were sent to him out of France, which were stayed at Arona, for that Anchisa Viscount sent for that purpose from Milan to Busto which is near to Arona, stopped them that they could not pass further. This was the impediment that reduced th'affairs of the French into the extreme or last disorder, for that the Swizzers impatient by custom of all delays, finding their pays deferred many days, sent their captains to Monsr Lawtrech to make their complaints that their nation having been in all times liberal of their blood and service for th'advancement of the crown of France, they were now restrained of their duties and payments contrary to all equity, order, and reason: That under this ingratitude and injury it was manifest to all the world what slender estimation was made of their virtue and their faith: That after a vain expectation of so many days, they were now determined to reappose no more in promises, speeches, and terms which so many times had been falsified, though much to their hindrance and prejudice, yet not without dishonour and reproach to such as did assure them: And therefore they were now absolutely 
The Swvizzers would leave the sr. army for that they are not paid.  determined to return to their houses, after they had first made known to all the world, that the thing that induced them thereunto, was not any fear they had of their enemies who had now taken the field, and much less any desire to eschew such dangers as men of war are subject unto: A matter which always had been contemned by the Swizzers as many experiences and examples can witness: They told him withal that they were ready to go to the battle the day following, with intention to departed the day after: That therefore he would lead them to the field, and using thoccasion of their readiness, to bestow them in the first front of the whole army: That they hoped that as with far lesser forces they had vanquished the French army in their own tents about the borders of Novaro, so their valour was no less able to make them carry the victory over the Spaniards, who albeit were far above the French men in deceits, subtleties, and ambushes, yet they esteemed themselves nothing inferior to them so long as they were to fight with valiancy and force of arms: But Monsr Lawtrech considering in what peril he should assail thenemies in their tents, laboured to moderate that fury of the Swizzers, and by sufferance to seek to stay those minds whom he saw obstinate to be contained by reason: he told them that though the moneys were long in coming, yet the danger of the ways was more to be considered then the default of the king: he assured them that ere many days they should be possessed of the thing which their impatience made them to doubt of, and that their hopes should be no more prolonged, but their desires satisfied: But he could not win nor reclaim them neither with authority, with petitions, with promises, nor with reasons, and therefore since they should be the first that should feel the danger, he determined rather to adventure 
Monsr Lawtrech determined to set upon his enemies.  the battle with a great disadvantage, then to lose utterly the war, which manifestly was seen to be lost, for that if he consented not to fight, the Swissers were resolved to depart.  
The army of th'enemy lay at Bicocque a town within three miles of Milan, where is a camping place very romthie and large, environed with great gardens and they enclosed with very deep ditches, having their fields about full of fountains and brooks derived and conveyed according to the usage of Lombardye, to water the meadows: Monsr Lawtrech issuing out of Monce drew towards that place with his army, and supposing that thenemies lying in a place of advantage would not come out of it, he ranged and ordered his bands in this sort: That the Swizzers with th'artilleries should charge the front of the place and th'artilleries of th'enemy, which quarter was guarded by the lanceknights commanded by George Frondisperg: That on the left hand Monsr d'Escud with three hundred lances and a squadron of footmen french and Italians should be upon the way that goeth to Milan, and should draw towards the bridge by the which might be made an entry into the lodgings of thenemies: And for his part he would labour to enter upon their place with an esquadron of horsemen: which enterprise he hoped to guide to good success rather by art then by open force, for that to abuse them the more, he caused his people to put upon their cassakins, the red cross which is the mark of the army Imperial, and pulled of the white cross which is the sign of the french army: On the other side Frospero Colonno who for the situation and strength of the place held the victory certain, and therefore determined to abide the enemies upon the ditch: Caused all his companies to arm assoon as he heard of their coming: and having appointed to every one his place, he sent forthwith to Francis Sforce to come to the camp with that multitude of people that was armed: And having assembled at the ringing of the bell, four hundred horsemen and six thousand footmen, he was appointed by Prospero to the guard of the bridge: But assoon as the Swissers were approached near the tents of thenemies, notwithstanding that for the height of the ditches more rising than they supposed, they could not assail th'artilleries according to their first hopes, yet those difficulties nothing diminishing their valour, they gave a charge upon 
Thencounter of Bicocque.  the ditch striving with a wonderful courage to enter and carry it: And at the same time Monsr d'Escud who was drawn towards the bridge, finding so great a guard contrary to his opinion, was constrained to retire: Prospero also discovered immediately the devise of Lawtrech, and to meet with it commanded his people to put upon their heads bundles or handfuls of young corn and grass, and so made unprofitable the former subtleties: So that the whole swaigh or burden of the war lay upon the Swissers: who, as well for the great disadvantage they had, as for the valour of the defendants were much traveled without any profit or effect, they received many harms not only by such as fought in the front, but also were galled by certain harquebusiers spanish: Who lying hid and covered with the height of the corn almost full ripe, flanked them & so played upon them with assured aim, that in the end after they were well paid for their rashness by the slaughter of many of their companies, the violence of the shot compelled them to retire: And joining in their retreat with the french, they returned all together in good order to Monce, both leading with them their artilleries, and receiving no distress in their retiring: The Marquis of Pisquairo with other Captains importuned Prospero, to give a sign to pursue th'enemy seeing they had already given their backs: But he believing that which was, that they retired in good order and not in flying, wherein he was confirmed by the relation of certain discoverers mounted by his direction upon certain high trees, made this answer that it was not reasonable to refer to tharbitrement of fortune the victory which was assuredly gotten, and less council to deface by his proper rashness the memory and imputation of other men's temeeitie: Tomorrow saith he will make manifest to you what hath been done this day, for that thenemies coming to a better feeling of their wounds, and by their harm received being warned to avoid worse hurts to come, will seek to return over the mounts, by which honourable evasion we shall obtain with security that which this day we should adventure to get with peril: There were found dead about the ditch three thousand bodies of the Swizzers, 
The overthrow of the Swissers.  of such as being more valiant and forward were most resolute to vanquish the danger: of them were two and twenty Captains: On the other side the slaughter was little, and not one person of mark or quality except john de Cardona Count Culisano stricken with a small shot thorough his helmet. The day following Monsr de Lawtrech being wholly deprived of the hope of the victory, went to Monce to pass the river of Adda near to Tress: And from thence the Swissers taking their way through the territories of Bergama, returned into their mountains, their numbers being no less diminished than their valour, for that it is certain that the harms they received at Bicocqua so much afflicted them, that in many years after they expressed not their accustomed valour: The great Master and Master of the horse departed at the same time together with many french Captains: Monsr Lawtrech with his companies of men at arms went to Cremona to give order for 
Monsr Lawtrech returneth into France.  the defence of that City wherein he left his brother: And not many days after he passed the mounts, carrying to the french king, not reports of victories or triumphs, but a justification of himself with complaints against others for the loss of such an estate, happening partly by his own errors, partly by the negligence and indiscretion of some about the king, and partly by the malice of fortune, if such attribution may be lawful: Monsr Lawtrech took order also afore his departure from Cremona that Bonneuall and Federike Bossolo with six companies of men at arms and sufficient garrison of footmen, should enter the town of Loda, which had been holden for the king during the whole course of the war: He did this for that the Imperial Captains were let to convert thither forthwith their forces by reason of a tumult happened amongst those companies of lanceknights which Francis Sforce had brought from Trent: They required for a reward of the victory to have a months pay, a demand which the Captains said was no less unreasonable than unjust, for that both there was a great difference between the defending of themselves from such as did assault them, and to vanquish those that did charge them, and also for that it could not be said that the enemies were vanquished, who were retired not in flying but in good order, carrying with them their artilleries and trains: Nevertheless, th'insolency of the lanceknight's prevailing more than either necessary reason or due authority of the Captains, a consent was made more by compulsion & necessity of things then by just cause arising, & so they were satisfied with a promise to be paid within a certain time: After many days passed in these affairs, it happened that the same day that the french lances entered the City of Loda and the footebands following on tother side came the army Imperial and afore them all, the Marquis of Pisquairo with the spanish footmen, who entered afore the french could divide or distribute the quarters of the town or bestow their guards, but were occupied in confusion and tumult as often happeneth when men of war enter a town to lodge in it: This occasion was observed by the Marquis, and joining ready diligence to the present opportunity he assaulted one of the suburbs of the town which was environed with a wall where he found no great resistance: he was no sooner entered, than all the french men within the town no less terrified with the sodeinnes of th'accident then desperate for that their footmen were not yet come, yielded to their fears and drew into tumult, fleeing towards the bridge which they had built upon Adda: The Spaniards entering at the same instant the city, some by the walls and some by the rampires, followed them even 
Loda taken by the imperials.  to the river, and in the chase took many soldiers and almost all the Captains except Federyk and Bonneuall: And upon their return, they forbore not in that fury to sack that unfortunate city, sparing no more the goods than they had done the lives of men. From Loda the Marquis went to Pisqueton which he took by composition: And not many days after, Prospero with the whole army passed the river of Adda to go and encamp afore Cremona, which he had no sooner approached than Monsr d'Escud began to hearken to accord: he had no other hope to sustain the war then upon the coming of the Lord Admiral, whom the king (desiring to preserve that which yet held good for him in that estate) sent into Italy with four hundred lances and ten thousand footmen: And therefore he thought he did good service to the present affairs if without danger, he could temporize and entertain things in tranquillity till he saw what would be the issue of his expectation of th'admiral: And on the other side Prospero desired to rid himself speedily of th'affairs of Cremona, to have the better opportunity to reestablish within Genes the brethren of the family of Adorna, and that afore Italy were possessed of the new succours of thenemies: insomuch as the capitulations bore that Monsr d'Escud should depart out of Cremona within forty days with all his soldiers, artilleries and ensigns displayed, if within that time (which determined the xxuj. of june) there came not to him such a rescue as either might make him able by force to pass the river of Paw, or else to take one of those cities in the state of Milan which was possessed with garrison: That likewise he should procure that all those places and holds within the Duchy that were kept for the king, should be abandoned, except the castles of Milan, Cremona, and Novaro: That for th'observation of these covenants, he should deliver four hostages: That there should be restitution of prisoners on both parts, and sufferance to the french men to pass in surety into France with their artilleries and trains.  
Upon the conclusion of this accord, and receiving of tanguishes, the army of 
Genes taken by the imperials.  Caesar marched forthwith to Genes which they approached in two places: the Marquis of Pisquairo with his regiments of spanish footmen and italians, were encamped on that side of Codifa, and Prospero with the men at arms and lanceknights, upon the opposite of Bisagnia: At that time the city of Genes was governed by Duke Octavyan Fregosa, A Prince of excellent virtue, and no less for his justice then for his other good parts, as greatly beloved in that city, as any Prince may be in towns full of factions, retoyning yet a memory of their ancient liberty: he had waged two thousand Italyan footmen in whose confidence he laid up all his hope of defence, for that the peoples of the town being divided by factions, and having about him so mighty an army compounded upon so great diversity of languages and nations, forbore to take arms, but stood to behold things in the same manner and with the same eyes wherewith in other times he was wont to behold his other travels, Wherein without the danger or damage of such as took no arms, the public authority being transported from one family to an other, there was seen no other mutation, then that in the palace of the Duke were bestowed other inhabitants, other Captains, and other bands of soldiers for the guard of the place. Assoon as th'army was approached the town, the Duke began to solicit composition by the mean of Bennet Vivaldi A Genua whom he sent to the Captains: But this solicitation began to grow cold by the coming of Peter of Novaro, who being sent by the french king with two light galleys for the surety of Genes, entered the haven at the same instant: Nevertheless the Marquis beginning to execute his artilleries and batter the walls, they began more than before, to recontinue the parley for accord: Wherein all difficulties being debated and resolved, and the matter upon terms of conclusion, suddenly the Spaniards who all that day had battered a tower near to the gate, won the same, finding no guard nor order by the defendants who were abused through their hope of composition: Insomuch as following more their fortune then regarding their fidelity, they joined diligence to thoccasion and began to enter the city aswell by that tower as by the wall that was reversed and ruined: By their example all that part of th'army ran to the action, and after the Marquis had set his bands in order and signified to Prospero the state of th'accident, they caused the trumpets to be sounded and entered the city by whole numbers: the calamity of the defendants took away all resistance, the soldiers giving themselves to flee, and the Citizens to seek surety in shutting themselves in their houses: Tharchbishop of Salerne, the captain of the guard, and many other Captains and soldiers found safety in certain vessels with the which they hoist sail into the sea: The Duke for his disease not able to stir, caused to shut the palace and sent to the Marquis of Pisquairo that he would yield to him, in whose house he died within few months after: Peter Navare was taken: All the goods of the city become a prey to the victors, many rich families binding themselves some to one band of soldiers and some to another, to buy the safety of their lives with great sums of money, which they assured either with pawns and gauges, or with bills of merchants, & so with their money defended their bodies from blood, and redeemed their houses from sacking: In the same manner was preserved, the plot so famous which they call Catina, & is kept with great reverence in the Cathedral Church: It is hard to recount what quantities of silver vessel, jewels, money, and most rich wares were made pillage, that city by the great traffic of merchandise being replenished with infinite wealth: And yet so great a calamity was so much the more easy and tolerable, by how much was aptly expressed a compassion by the brethren of the family of Adorna, who both of a natural affection to the city, and for that th'inhabitants had showed no token of grudge or hatred, and for that also they were almost upon the point of accord, procured such order to be set down by the Captains, that not one Genua was made prisoner, nor the body of one woman put to violation. Immediately upon the appeasing of the soldiers Anth. Adorno was elected Duke, who after the army was gone, encamped before the castelet with such artilleries as the Florentines lent him: The third day he took the Citadel and Saint Francis Church, and the day after, the castelet was rendered to him by the captain under articles of composition.  
The mutation of Genes took from the french king, all hope to be able to secure 
Monsr d'Escud returneth into France.  the affairs of Lombardy: for, both the army that he sent and by this time arrived upon the territories of Ast, returned back again, And also Monsr d'Escud passed into France with his companies, having stayed certain days in Cremona above the term appointed for the resolving of certain difficulties happening about the castles of Tressa, Lecqua, and Domussolo: In his departure he had not only faith & promiss kept with him, but also was honourably received where so ever he passed.  
But amid these broils and alterations in Lombardie, Bolognia stood not altogether in quiet, aswell for the war that was in Lombardie, as for the absence of the Pope: And much less did Tuskane rejoice in any great tranquillity: for touching Bolognia, Hannibal Bentivoglia joining with him Hannibal Rangon, levied secretly an army of four thousand footmen, with whom and with three pieces of artilleries, one morning upon the first appearing of the day, they made their approaches on that side to the Mountains: and for that they in the town made no brute, some of them passed the ditch and fastened their ladders to the wall: But thinhabitants within, who had knowledge of their coming the day before, began to make a noise and to stir when they saw time, and to give fire to th'artilleries, and sending out also many troupes to begin the skirmish, the army forthwith fell to flight, leaving their artilleries behind, and in the chase Hannibal Rangon was hurt in the back. It was assuredly judged that this enterprise was attempted by the procurement and privity of Cardinal Medicis, who fearing lest the Pope at his coming into Italy, either of his own counsel, or by th'incitation of others, would diminish his greatness: sought first to trouble him for so great a loss of thestate ecclesiastic, and so by that mean not only to convert his thoughts to other matters then to persecute him, but also he should be constrained to have recourse to his aid and counsel.  
But far more tedious and great were the travels of Tuskane, for that scarcely 
Emotions in Tuskane.  was thestate of Sienna assured of the Duke of Urbin, and th'affairs of Perousa and Montfeltre ceased, than the French king by the suggestion of Cardinal Voltero, gave order of new that Ranso de Cero lying at Rome and not employed, should practise to change thestate of Florence, and to re-establish in that City, the brothers and Nephews of Cardinal Voltero, who was manifestly declared against the house of Medicis with all his friends and confederates of the king: But because the king at that time was in great necessity, the Cardinal was to advance for this enterprise all necessary sums of money, receiving the kings promise' to repay them within a certain time. Whilst Ranso was making his preparations, these matters came to the knowledge of the Cardinal Medicis, the consideration whereof, fearing also lest the duke of Urbin should stir, compelled him to make this accord, that without prejudice to the rights which the Florentines and the Duke pretended to the towns in Montfeltre, the duke should be captain general of the common weal for one year complete, and for ●n other year at pleasure, and the time of his pay to begin the first day of the next month of September: For the same cause he retained in the pay of the Florentines, Horacio Baillon, but with this condition that the time of his pay should not begin until june, for that he was entertained and bound to the Venetians for so long: And albeit this contract was likewise made in the name of his brother Maleteste, yet he would not ratify it, having afore received money to be joined with Ranso de Cere with a charge of two thousand footmen and an hundred light horsemen: On the one side he would openly blemish his proper honour: and on the other side he was loathe to provoke the Cardinal and the Florentines by new occasions: Therefore to wade in a mean between both, he feigned himself to be sick, and sent to Ranso being then come to the borrow of Pieva two thousand footmen, an hundred light horsemen, and four falconettes, making excuse by the rage of his sickness that he was not able to go in person: And to the Cardinal he gave hope that he would take no more new pays of th'enemy: and that assoon as the term were finished for the which he was paid, he would ratify the contract made in his name, and in the mean time would proceed with as great moderation as he could in such actions as he could not refuse for the pays he had received. After this Ranso entered into the territory of Sienna with five hundred horse and seven thousand footmen, with intention to practise the mutation of that government with the train of the self same exiles which had followed the Duke of Urbin: wherein if th'enterprise had drawn to good issue, it was not to be doubted that having power by that mean to enter on that side into the bowels of the Florentin dominion, that the like success had not followed him touching the particular of Florence. But the Florentins no less foreseeing that danger then desiring that thenemies should not approach to Sienna, had sent to that state all their regiments of men of war under the conduit of Guido Rangon elected for that emotion general of th'army: he had this special intention, both to temporize with thenemies, to make them loose time, for that he was not ignorant that without expedition they would fall into want of money: and also under one time to use all thimpediments he could to cut off and stop their victuals: So that governing himself according to the proceedings of thenemies, he laboured to put several garrisons into those towns that were nearest the estate of the Sienois and the Florentines: In which removing of soldiers from one place to an other, it happened that the guydon of horsemen of Vitelli going from Torrito to Asinolongo, encountered on the way with three hundred horsemen of thenemies and were overthrown, jeronimo de Peppoli lieutenant to Vitelli being taken prisoner with fifty men at arms and two ensigns: Ranso addressed himself first to the City of Chiusa, a City more noble for the memory of his antiquity and the renowned acts of Porsene their king, then for his fortunes and conditions present: his hope was deceived to carry it, bringing with him no other sorts of artilleries then four falconetts, A force far to weak to take towns that are defended with soldiers: He marched further between Torrito and Asinolongo, to draw near to Sienna, but having no commodity of victuals amid so many towns of thenemies, and seeking to get some by force, he assailed the borrow of Torrito, where was in garrison an hundred men at arms of Guido Rangon and five hundred footmen: But he levied his camp from thence without doing any thing to advance his purpose, and keeping his way, he went to Monteliste, and from thence to Bagno de Rapolano within twelve miles of Sienna, in which City the Florentines in the beginning had bestowed the Count Petillano: But the Count Guido by whose diligence and celerity all these devices were prevented, entered the same day into Sienna with two hundred light horsemen, leaving his army behind to follow after: So that what for the succours that approached, and the reputation of Ranso which was greatly diminished in this expedition aswell with his own companies as amongst thenemies, together with the knowledge they had that he was reduced to a great necessity of victuals, brought no little discourage to them of Sienna, to whom could have been acceptable a change or alteration: Nevertheless he presented himself within half a mile of the walls, and seeing no insurrection made in his favour, he retired having remained there xxiv. hours: The same day he retired (but after he was gone) the bands of the Florentines entered within Sienna, who albeit were put in readiness to pursue him, yet they made no great labour when they saw he was to far gone: they suffered certain light horsemen to pursue the chase and certain bands of footmen which were before at Sienna, of whom he received no great damage: only his retreat being hasty, and haply no less for famine then for fear, he lest his artilleries by the way which to his great dishonour fell into the power of thenemies: he stayed at Aygueponte to readresse his companies which were much diminished, a place so much the more assured to him, by howmuch he knew that the Florentin bands would be curious to enter upon the lands of the Church: But falling into wants of money and other provisions, and the Cardinals of Voltero, of Monte, and of Come, with whom by the French kings direction he communicated touching his affairs, beginning now to reject him, he converted those few bands of soldiers that his fortune had left him, to pill and rob the shores or water-sides of Sienna, and in vain gave assault to Orbatella: for which cause the Florentines having made their army to march towards the bridge of Centino, which is the confine & limit between th'estate of Sienna and the dominion of the Church, threatened to make invasion of the lands of the Church, for that they saw Ranso did not wholly dissolve his companies, In which respect the College of Cardinals, who stood jealous to suffer such an action upon thestate of the Church, interposed to accord them, A matter indifferently agreeable to them both: It was acceptable to the Florentines, for that by it they were drawn out of a burden of expenses which they made without any fruit: And to Ranso it was no less welcome, for that both he was ill furnished for the present, and also had no hope to increase his forces, specially the French affairs suffering ill terms in Lombardie: The accord contained no other matter then a bore promise not to offend one an other, which promise ran between the Florentines and Sienois on th'one part, and Ranso de Cero on the other part putting in pledge in Rome of fitie thousand ducats for the surety of observation: And touching the things that had been made pillage and spoil, they referred them to th'arbitration of the Pope when he should come into Italy.  
This winter there happened in the town of Lucquay this dangerous accident: 
An accident in the town of Lucquai.  one Vincent Poggio of a noble descending and famulie, and Laurence Totti, under cooler of particular discords, but more likely pushed on by ambition and poverty, took arms, and in the public palace slew the chief Magistrate of that City: And as one fury draweth on an other, and in an uproar is seldom seen any moderation, so they ran with their armed weapons throughout the town and made slaughter of diverse other citizens their adversaries, with such an universal terror and fear, that not one durst oppose against them: Nevertheless assoon as the first violence was somewhat ceased, the same fear that had amazed others, began to terrify themselves by the remorse and greatness of the offences they had done: In which opportunity certain wise citizens, thrusting in to solicit and appease, the murderers issued out of the City under certain conditions, and afterwards were sharply persecuted by thinhabitants of Lucquay.  
Thus were the matters of Lombardie and Tuskane brought to some appeasement, but the College of Cardinals taking no care of th'estates of the Church, partly for the Pope's absence, but more for the ambition and disagreements that were between them: Sigismond the son of Pandolfo Malateste an ancient Lord of Rimini, took almost wholly into his hands the government of that City, having therein but a very small intelligence: And albeit Cardinal Medicis at thinstance of the College, went to Bolognia as Legate of that City, both to recover Rimini and to reorder the other affairs of Romagna, which were much troubled and altered, to whom the College had promised to send to his succours the Marquis of Mantua captain general of the Church: yet nothing sorted to effect, no less by the wants and impediments of money, then through the jealousy and emulation of the Cardinals his adversaries, who objected themselves against all counsels and actions that any way might advance his reputation or greatness.  
The end of the fourteenth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE fifteenth BOOK.  
POpe Adrian comes to Rome: The Venetians make league with th'emperor: The Frenchmen besiege Milan, and are constrained afterwards to return from it: Cardinal Medicis is created Pope: King Francis descendeth into Italy, he taketh Milan, and besiegeth Pavia: Themperor Charles sendeth out an army to the succours of Pavia, where a battle is fought, and the French king taken prisoner.  
THE FYFTEENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
ALBEIT the late victory against the French men had somewhat reduced the matters of Lombardie into an estate peaceable and settled: yet it had nothing diminished the universal suspicion that the king would eftsoons recontinue the war, and in short time bring new invasions upon the Duchy of Milan: for both his own kingdom stood quiet and acquitted from civil troubles, his Captains and bands of men of war whom he had sent into Italy, were returned in safety, the Swizzers well disposed and prepared to take his pay as before: and lastly the Senate of Venice stood firm with him in the ancient league and confederation: Which arguments joined to the remembrance and passion of his harms received, and no less concurring the violent inclination of his youth naturally carried with moods of revenge, were sufficient to arm his mind with bloody desires, and to make him by his valour to seek to recompense the displeasures which the malice and envy of his fortune had lately heaped upon him. By the consideration of which danger, the Captains of th'imperials were driven to entertain and pay th'army, A compulsion very hard and grievous, for that they received no supplies of money neither from Caesar, nor from the kingdom of Naples: And touching thestate of Milan, it was so narrowly raked and gleaned, that of their proper treasure and ability they were not able to sustain so great a proportion of expenses as were distributed to the feeding of so many soldiers: And therefore for the relieving of so great burdens, they sent the greatest part of their companies to be bestowed upon the estates of the Church, notwithstanding the popular voices and College of Cardinals objected many impediments and vain exclamations: Also other provinces of Italy were taxed for the conservation of the Duchy of Milan, and that by the labour and solicitation 
The provinces of ●●al●e are taxed for the conservation of the duchy of Milan.  chief of Don Charles de Lavoy lately made Viceroy of Naples by the death of Don Reimond de Cardona, and Don john Manuel: The rate of thimposition was, that monthly for three months next following, thestate of Milan should contribute a thousand ducats, the Florentines fyfteene thousand, the Genoese eight thousand, Sienna five thousand, and Lucgua four thousand: And albeit many murmured against this taxation, yet the fear of so great an army made it to be both executed and suffered: So mighty is necessity, that in cases of extremity it makes tolerable those things, which in all other conditions are full of inconveniency and difficulty: Only they of Milan justified the taxation to be necessary, for that the defence of all Italy depended upon the continuation of that army: Neither did it cease after the end of three months, for that the same necessity continuing, the imposition was eftsoons renewed though in a far less rate and taxation.  
In this estate of affairs, Italy stood oppressed with continual adversities, and no less terrified with the fear of greater evils that threatened the universal regions thereof: for the remedy whereof much was attributed to the coming of the Pope, as an apt and convenient instrument by reason of his supreme authority, to appease and reorder all disorders: And albeit Caesar passing at the same time by sea into Spain, and in his way did communicate with the king of England, had besought him to tarry for him at Barcelona, whither he would come in person to honour him as Pope: yet ye forbore to abide themperors coming, either fearing lest for the great distance of th'emperor, who as yet was in th'extreme confines of Spain, he should let slip the commodity of his good time which after his navigation began to be rough and dangerous: or else he suspected lest th'emperor would solicit him to defer his voyage: or lastly (which was more credible) he feared to aggravate th'opinion conceived of him from the beginning, that th'emperor did so much govern him, as to be able to let him to treat of the universal peace between Christians: An action wherein he was determined to employ all his studies and labours: So that overruling by his wisdom all these suspicions, he passed at 
Pope Adrian the vi, cometh to Rome.  last by sea to Rome, where he made his entry the xxix. of August, with a great concourse of the commons and the whole Court: of whom albeit his coming was desired with an universal gladness, for that without the presence of the Popes, Rome beareth more a resemblance of a savage desert then of a City, yet that spectacle wrought sundry impressions and diversity of thoughts in the minds of all men, when they considered that they had a Pope for nation & language a stranger, and for th'affairs of Italy and the Court altogether unexperienced, and also for that he was not of those regions and countries who by long conversation were already made familiar with the customs of Italy: The envy that stirred up in men this consideration was redoubled by the accident of the plague, which beginning in Rome at his arrival, afflicted the City during the whole season of Autumn, to the great calamity and loss of the people: A matter which in the fancies of men was construed to an evil prognostication of his pontificacy.  
The first council that this Pope took, was to advance the recovering of Rimini, and to put end to the controversies which the Duke of Ferrara had continued with two of his latest predecessors: And for the better succeeding of that expedition, he sent into Romagna that regiment of fifteen hundred Spanish footmen which he had brought with him for the more surety of his passage by sea.  
Whilst the Pope was in these actions and preparations in Italy, th'emperor cast in his mind how much it would import to the success and surety of his affairs in Italy, to separate the Venetians from the French king: To which devise was much helping an opinion that he had, that the hopes of the french matters being diminished, the Senate would not be without manifest inclination to peace, and that they would not for thinterests of others, lay themselves down to the dangers which such a war might bring upon their estates: In this practice he communicated with the king of England, who afore had lent him money secretly against the 
The king of England for th'emperor. & sendeth Ambassadors to the Venetians to draw them from thalliance of the french.  French king and began openly to take part against him: They sent thither their Ambassadors to require the Senate to confederate with th'emperor for the defence of Italy, jerom Adorna being for th'emperor, & Richard Pase for the king of England: There was also expectation of an Ambassador from Ferdinand Archduke of Austria Caesar's brother, who entertaining many quarrels with the Venetians, it was judged necessary that he should interpose and communicate in all accords: Besides, the king of England sent a Herald to pronounce war against the French king, in case he would not come to a general truce with th'emperor for three years in all parts of the world▪ and therein should be comprehended the Church, the Duke of Milan, and the Florentines: he complained also in this diffiance that the French king had forborn to pay him thannuity of fifty thousand crowns which he was bound to answer yearly: But the French king whose youth made him more apt to trust in fortune, then to look into things by counsel, refused to make truce, And touching the demand of the fifty thousand crowns he protested openly that it was not convenient for him to pay money to him that aided his enemies with money: An answer which so aggravated the disdains & hartburnings between them that th'ambassadors on both sides were revoked.  
This year departed out of Italy Don john Manuel who had been Caesar's Ambassador at Rome with very great authority, And at his departure, he delivered to the Florentines a schedule subsigned by his hand, declaring that Caesar by a schedule published in September 1520. promised to Pope Leo to reconfirme and eftsoons to reaccord to the Florentines the privileges of estate, of authority, & of the towns which they held within six months after the first dyot upon his coronation at Aix: This was a reitteration of a former promiss made by him to accomplish the same within four months after his election, within which time he said he could not dispatch it for many just causes: So that under protestation of that reasonable excuse, Don john promised it eftsoons in the name of Caesar, who ratified the schedule in March 1523. and delivered the expedition of it in writing in a most ample form.  
As hath been set down before, Caesar passed this year into Spain, where he proceeded 
What th'emperor did in Spain.  severely against many that were noted the Authors of the sedition, and to others, he remitted all punishments and pardoned their goods: In which action, to join with justice and clemency examples of recompense and remuneration, he called to the Court in great honour, Ferdinand Duke of Calabria, who refusing to be captain of the commons that rebelled, he rewarded his fidelity with the marriage of Madam Germania sometimes wife to the king of Spain: she was rich, but barren, to th'end that house should determine in him who was the last of the descendants of old Alfonso king of Arragon, two of his younger brothers being dead before, the one in France and the other in Italy.  
But the end of this year was made no less wretched and unhappy, then slanderous 
Roads taken.  to all Christian Princes for the loss of the isle of Rhodes: which Solyman Ottoman took by violence, notwithstanding it was defended by the Knights of Rhodes, called in other times more ancient the knights of Saint john of jerusalem: And abiding in that place since they were chased out of jerusalem, notwithstanding they lay between two so mighty princes as the Turk and the Sultan, yet their valour had preserved it of long time, and to the right worthy glory of their order, they had remained as an assured rampire of Christian religion in those seas: And yet they were not without their imputations and notes of infamy, for that having a continual custom for the better defending of those shores, to spoil the vessels of the infidels, they were thought sometimes to make pillage of Christian ships: The Turk sent into thisland a wonderful great army, which remaining there many months with no less horror to good men for their cruelties, than terror to all men for their huge numbers, at last he came thither in person: And drawing to his desire of conquest and glory, the respect of profit and riches which the victory would yield, he lost not one minute of time to vex them, wherein his industry was nothing inferior to his valour, for sometimes he cast monstrous mines and trenches, sometimes he raised platfourmes of earth and wood whose height overtopped the walls of the town, and sometimes he afflicted them with most furious and bloody assaults: In so much that as these works and engines were not performed without a wonderful boocherie and slaughter of his soldiers, so also the defence of them was so dangerous to the lives of them within, that many numbers were diminished, many bodies maimed and made unserviceable, and the residue made terrified by the calamities of their companions and friends, to whom they could give no other property of compassion then to mourn with them their common misery: Their adversity was so much the more intolerable, by how much their traveles were without fruit, their words without comfort, and their valour disfavoured of fortune, and lastly their store of gone powder was consumed, which is not the lest necessity for the defence of a place: They saw afore their eyes huge breaches made into their walls with th'artilleries of thenemies: They discerned several mines wrought into many parts of the town, and they found by lamentable experience that the less good they did, the more painfully they laboured, for that their fortune had reduced them to these terms of extremity, that in abandoning one place to relieve an other, they put both in danger, not having numbers sufficient to furnish the service, and less expectation of rescue amid perils so raging and desperate: So that, what for that their necessities were greater than their hopes, and their defence less able by the continual diminution of their numbers, and lastly holding it no breach of honour to preserve by wisdom and composition, that they could no longer defend by their valour and prows, they gave place to their destiny, and capitulated with the Turk: That the great Master of their order should leave the town to him: That aswell he as all his knights should depart in safety, with liberty to carry with them as much of their goods as they could: And for assurance of this capitulation, the Turk should withdraw out of those seas, his fleet or Navy, and retire his army by land five miles from Rhodes: By virtue 
Rhodes rendered up to the Turk.  of which capitulation Rhodes remained to the Turks, and the Christians passed into Sicily, and so into Italy, keeping their faith and profession unviolated: They found in Scicilye an Army by sea compounded of a certain number of vessels, with great relief of victuals and munitions, and ready to hoist sail at the next wind to revittle Rhodes. The slowness of this rescue was laid to the Pope's fault: After they were departed, Soliman for a more contempt of Christian religion, made his entry into the City upon the day of the birth of the son of God: which day being celebrated in the Churches of Christians with noise of music and holy invocations, he converted all the Churches of Rhodes dedicated to the service of jesus Christ, into Mosqueis (so they call their temples) which after all the Christian rites and ceremonies were abolished, they made dedicated to Mahomet. This was the end of the year 1522. infamous for the name and title of Christendom, and this was the fruit drawn of the discords of our Princes, which yet might be somewhat tolerable, if at lest th'examples of harms past might make them better tempered in time to come.  
As the discords of Princes continued, so increased also the travels & perplexities of the year 1523. In the beginning of which the family of the Malatesteis knowing how unable they were to resist the Pope's forces, were in th'end contented by the mediation of the Duke of Urbin, to leave Rimini and the Castle, albeit under this uncertain hope, that there should be reserved for Pandolfe some reasonable estate and mean to live, wherein nothing was done. Afterwards the Duke of Urbin went to the Pope, with whom and with the most part of the Court, the glorious memory of Pope julio working much for him, he obtained absolution from all pains and impositions, and was eftsoons reinvested in the Duchy of Urbin, but with this exception, not to prejudice the rights and application that had been made of the country of Montfeltre to the Florentines, who said they had lent to Pope Leo three hundred and fifty thousand ducats for the defence of that Duchy, and had expended since his death in diverse places for the preservation of thestate of the Church, more than threescore and ten thousand: The Pope received also into grace the Duke of Ferrara, whom he did not only invest of new in the empery of Ferrara, and of all that he possessed appertaining to the Church afore the war of Pope Leo against the French men, but also he left to him (not without a note of infamy both to himself and ministers that abused his ignorance) the jurisdiction of the borrows of Saint Felix and Finale: Which towns as he got at such time as he began the war against Pope Leo, and afterwards lost them before his death, so he had eftsoons taken them of new by thoccasion of the vacancy of the sea: For recompense of this grace and investiture, the Duke was bound to aid and secure the Church in times of need with certain numbers of men, for so much as belonged to the defence of his empery and estate: And in case hereafter he should fall again and transgress or offend the sea Apostolic, besides his submission to great fines and amarciamentes, he consented to have this investiture made nothing, and to the privation of all his rights: Moreover the Pope gave him great hopes to restore to him Modena and Reggia, notwithstanding afterwards he estranged his mind from his promise, aswell for the importance of such an indument which was afterwards told him, as also for thinfamy of th'examples of his predecessors which could not but redound upon him.  
About this time the Castle of Milan suffering no less wants of all provisions 
The Castle of Milan rendered by the French.  except bread, then being universally afflicted with sickness and diseases, agreed to deliver up their charge under condition of life and goods saved, if they were not succoured by the xiv. day of April: at which day the composition being accomplished, the most part of the soldiers were found dead: Caesar was contented to deliver it over into the possession of Duke Francis Sforce, wherein he won no little reputation and praise amongst thItalians: And albeit there was no other piece in Italy that held for the French men, except the Castle of Cremona which had as yet a plentiful provision of all things: yet these successes did nothing qualify thinfelicities and adversities of the peoples of that Duchy, who were wonderfully oppressed by the army of Caesar for that it was not paid: In which discontentment being gone to lodge within Ast and the confines about it, and falling into tumult for the same cause, their disorder led them to make pillage of the whole country even as far as Vigeneva: for regard of which universal wasting, as also to avoid the harms and dangers of the country, thinhabitants of Milan were driven to make promise of their pays amounting to an hundred thousand ducats: And yet the feeling of so many adversities and rigours, could nothing abate the hatreds of that people against the French, wherein the things that sustained them were partly a fear through the memory of old injuries done against them by that nation, and partly a hope lest upon ceasing of the danger the French king would eftsoons assail that state, and also that they should be delivered from those great burdens, for that it should be no more necessary for th'emperor to entertain in that Duchy any regiments of soldiers.  
The negotiation of the peace between Caesar and the Venetians continued still, and as for many difficulties that happened, and diverse sorts of delays interposed by the Venetians, the minds of men were holden in great suspense what success or effect it would draw: So one chief matter that made that action dilatory and augmented the difficulties, was the death of Jerome Adorno, whose years albeit were not many, yet his experience was rare, and his wit raised to the comprehension of high things, which he well expressed in this treaty wherein his authority was great and his capacity singular: In his place was sent from Milan for Caesar, Martin Caracciolo pronotorie to the sea Apostolic, who many years after was created Cardinal by Pope Pawle the third: Many months were spent in this negotiation at Venice, where the French king become no small impediment to the resolution by the importunate labour and diligence of his Ambassadors, by whom he promised sometimes by letters, and sometimes by messaungers especial, that he would descend speedily into Italy with a right puissant army: These offers and promises bred great diversity of opinions amongst the Senators, and continual arguments and disputations: for many gave counsel not to abandon th'alliance of the French king, and reapposed altogether upon his promise to send presently an army into Italy: Which hope the French king labouring to feed with a wonderful diligence, he had newly sent to Venice Ranso de Cere, not only to entertain and confirm his promise, but also to publish the manifest preparation of things: Others remembering how in the hope of many things past, the king had behaved himself negligently, could not now expect any confidence in his promise to pass into Italy: wherein that opinion was confirmed in them by certain advertisements from john Baduere their Ambassador in France, who assured them that for that year the French king would neither pass in person nor send any army into Italy: An intelligence which he had from the Duke of Bourbon, who was already very secretly conjoined with Caesar, and wished the Venetians to entertain unity with him: An other sort of the Senators wavering in mind, stood terrified no less by the ill success of the king, then by the good fortunes of Caesar, whereunto they joined this consideration that in Italy the Duke of Milan, the Genoese, the Florentines, together with all Tuskane followed the faction of Caesar, and doubted also lest the Pope would likewise concur in that inclination: And out of Italy were for him his brother the archduke confining upon the Venetian estates, and the king of England making continual war in Pickardie: In which diversity of opinions running no less amongst the principals of the Senate, than the universal multitude, the deliberation could not long suspend, aswell for the forwardness of things, as for th'importunities of Caesar's Ambassadors, by whose continual solicitation the council of the Pregati was assembled to pronounce the resolution: In this Council spoke Andrew Gritti in this sort, a parsonage of very high authority in that common weal: for the great offices he had administered, and of especial reputation throughout all Italy and with foreign princes, for the merit of his wit and dealing.  
There is nothing more hurtful in Counsellors then the passion of jealousy and 
The oration of Andrew Gritti touching th'alliance with Caesar.  suspicion, which drawing with it diversity and separation of wills, is so much the more prejudicial, by how much it stoppeth oftentimes the liberty and freedom of well counseling: And for my part albeit I am not ignorant that in giving counsel at this present not to depart from the confederation of the French king, some will interpret me to partiality, as though in me bore more respect and authority the long custom and conversation I have had with the French, than the care and affection which in nature and equity I aught to express to the benefit of the common weal: Yet I will rather say myself down to the imputations of men, then keep suppressed that fidelity of counseling which in good office appertaineth to every good citizen, in whom can not be expected any good property either of a citizen or a Senator that for any occasion forbeareth to persuade to others that which in himself he decerneth to be good for the common weal: And yet I doubt not that amongst men of discretion and wisdom this interpretation will find no place, both for the consideration of my customs and actions in all times passed, and also for that I never negociated with the French king nor his counsel, but as your Agent, your Creature, your Commissioner, and your Deputy limited and regulated: But touching the present matter, I doubt not to accompany my opinion and counsel with such force of reasons and examples as shall be able to make me justified even with such as hold me suspected. We are assembled hear to dispute whether we ought to make a new confederation with th'emperor, both contrary to the faith we have given, and against the covenants of the league which we have with the house of France: Which in my judgement is no other thing then to go about so to assure and confirm the power of th'emperor already universally redoubted, that being without further remedy to moderate and embase it, it rise not continually increasing to our right great and apparent prejudice: We have no cause wherein may be taken any reason to justify that deliberation, if we look into the fidelity and equity of the French king: for that as he hath for the most part fulfilled th'alliance that he hath made with us, and carefully restrained himself to the reasonable observation of amity & league, so though thesfects have not followed so readily to renew the war in Italy, yet in regard of his proper interests therein concurring, that hath not proceeded of other matter then of thimpediments growing upon him in the kingdom of France: which albeit may for a time prolong or defer his counsels, yet let us not look that they will utterly dissolve his enterprise, for that he lives possessed with so great a desire to recover the duchy of Milan, and hath his forces so mighty and ready, that having once sustained the first brunts of his enemies, there will nothing let him to renew his army and recontinue the war in Italy: Wherein I may aptly use for example the experience and memory of king Lowis, who having his country invaded with armies far more mighty than those that now vex him, for that almost all the nations and regions round about him rose into conspiracy against him, yet did he so easily defend his estates by the greatness of his forces, by the munition and defence of his frontiers and places confining, and with the fidelity & readiness of his peoples, that when in all reasonable consideration it was thought that necessity would drive him to retire himself for a time and restrain his mind to rest and tranquillity, he raised his thoughts to the wars of Italy, and in that universal conjecture of his weakness, sent thither suddenly right huge & mighty armies: The king reigning did the like in the first year of his reign, and even then entered into the renovation of the war, when, both by his new ascending to the crown, and also finding his treasures consumed by the infinite expenses of his predecessor, every man looked that he would put of the war till another year: Let us not interpret sinisterly of his delays and deferring, and much less let us say them for an excuse of our variations, seeing that confederate that is slow not of will but by impediments, gives to his companion no just cause to complain, nor any honest cooler to departed from his confederation: We aught in this case to judge of the French king as in matters of amity good men use to measure friendship, that he that maketh a promise, albeit he perform late, yet he breaks not the law of promise, for that although he disappointeth, yet he faileth not: It is a great unthankfulness when we forget what we have received of our friends: and when they are slow to perform but small things, we are ready to raise great complaints against them. But touching this deliberation, if we look well into th'estate of our affairs, we shall find that if common honesty joined with the dignity of our Senate, call us to it, no less are we justly provoked by the regard of our profit and proper safety: it is easy to be discerned from how many dangers, from how many suspicions, and from how many afflictions we shall be delivered, if the French king recover thestate of Milan: and wise men with the same facility may find out into what tranquillity, into what assurance, and into what freedom of estate, our affairs will fall for many years, if he prevail in that action wherein he hath concurring with his forces reason, conscience, and equity: Of this we are warned by th'examples of the years before, for at such time as the king that now is went about to recover it, it came to pass that we, who afore with many dangers & very great expenses, were scarce able to desende Padua and Trevisa, were made able by his occasion, to reconquer Bressia and Verona: yea so long as he enjoyed that Duchy in quietness, we possessed in peace and surety all our dominious and jurisdictions, and what else was of our empery or our obedience: Which are examples that much more aught to move us then the ancient memory of the league of Cambray, for that the kings of France have learned by experience that which they could never comprehend by reason, how prejudicial it hath been to them to departed out of our alliance: A matter which without all comparison they may best discern in the time present, wherein this king hath for his adversary & competitor, an emperor, a prince whose amplitude of kingdoms, and whose redoubted power will keep him in necessity to esteem dearly our alliance. But of the contrary, who seeth not into what dangerous terms our affairs will be reduced, when the French king shall find himself merely excluded out of the enterprises of Italy: for who can let th'emperor to appropriate to himself or to his brother the Duchy of Milan, of the which he would never to this day transfer th'investiture to Francis Sforce? And if he have power to do so, what is he that can assure his will? who can stay the stream driven by so violent a wind? yea, since the Duchy of Milan is so apt a ladder to lift him to the Empire of all Italy, who will take upon him to promise', that in th'emperor justice and conscience will bear more swaigh, than ambition and covetousness, inclinations natural to all great Princes: If any man take any surety by the moderation and temperance of his officers which he hath in Italy, let him be answered that the most of them are Spaniards, a nation unfaithful, ravishing, and above all others most insatiable: So that if th'emperor or his brother Ferdinand, make Milan their own and possess it, in what degree shall remain our estate being environed by them both, on the confines of Italy and Germany? what surety, what succours, what expectation of remedy amid so many dangers? The kingdom of Naples is in his possession, the Pope with all the other Potentates of Italy are at his devotion, and all our friends being made naked of money and forces, there remains to us no hope of aid or comfort, and less possibility to find favour where fortune and so great division of minds contend against us. But if the French king were lord of the duchy of Milan, then should things stand so evenly balanced between two so great Princes, that who so ever stood in fear of the power of the one of them, should find peace and surety by the might of the other, for that both policy and their proper ambition would make them jealous one of an others greatness: yea the only fear of his coming assureth all his neighbours, for that by it the imperials are restrained from entering into arms, or to entangle themselves with any enterprise: By which reason is made more ridiculous than terrible the vanity of their threatenings to turn th'army against us if we confederate with th'emperor, as though it were an easy enterprise to move war against the state of Venice, and as though there were present surety of the victory, and lastly as though that were the only mean and remedy to keep the French king from passing, and not rather the cause of the contrary: for who doubteth that being provoked by them, we would propound to the king by necessity such conditions, that though he bore no inclination to them, yet they would induce him to pass? The same happened in the time of king Lewis, when the injuries and treasons that were done unto us by that nation, enforced us so to incense and stir up that king (when of his prisoner I become your Ambassador) that even when he stood in the greatest fear to be mightily invaded in his kingdom of France, even than did he dispatch a strong army into Italy, though with very ill success: Let us not believe that if th'imperials thought the way to draw us to their amity, or to assure themselves of the French king, were to set upon us, that they had till this day deferred th'execution: Perhaps their Captains have no desire to enrich themselves with the profits and spoils of war, perhaps they have had no necessity, in disburdening those countries that were friends to them to draw money from them, to nourish th'army in the country of an other: Not rather they have well found out, that by reason of our power it is too hard a matter to force us: And much less stands it with them having a continual fear of the descending of the French, to entangle themselves with an other war, nor to give occasion to a state so mighty in men, money, and opinion, to allure with the greatness of offers the French king to march: So long as they are holden in these suspicions and in these doubts, they will not intrude for themselves upon the Duchy of Milan, neither will they seek to offend us but with vain threatenings: Where if we assure them of that fear, they will have in their power to do both the one and other: And if they do it as it is likely they will, where is our remedy, where are become our hopes, our councils, and our expectations, yea of whom may we complain more then of ourselves: our own fears will breed our common dangers, our frail suspicions will draw on our proper calamities, and as a destiny we shall be driven into war by our immoderate desires to peace: which then is most holy and most to be embraced, when it puts men out of suspicion, when it increaseth no danger, & when it brings a mean to sit down in tranquillity, and to cut of great expenses: But when it appeareth in an other habit and form & begetteth effects contrary, it abuseth then the name, the property, and the nature of peace, and under a corrupt resemblance of peace it taketh justly the title of a dangerous war, and under the show of a wholesome medicine, it expresseth th'operation of a mortal poison: So that, as in confederating with th'emperor, we turn the French king from his enterprise of Italy, & lead th'emperor as it were by a line, to occupy at his will the Duchy of Milan, and so to embase us and our jurisdiction: so it followeth that by that action (with a right great infamy of our name and hazard of the faith of this common weal) we buy the greatness of a Prince who hath given no less tokens of his ambition then proof of his power, and who (joining with him his brother) hath set down this pretence, that all that we possess in the firm land, appertaineth unto them: And on the other side, we reject and exclude out of Italy, A king who under his equity and greatness assureth the liberty of us all, and is induced by a great necessity and constraint to remain straightly allied and conjoined with us: These reasons so evident and sensible avoid all matter of imputation that I am not pushed on more by affection then by truth, nor more carried by any interest particular then with the love I bear to the common weal, The safety and preservation of which we need not doubt if God give so great grace and felicity to your councils, as he hath plentifully imparted amongst you the spirit of wisdom and forecast.  
But against this speech, did oppose one George Cornaro a gentleman of equal authority, and of no less reputation for gravity and stayed condition.  
Rightielous were the office of Magistrates, if in matters of council it were less 
The oration of George Cornaro.  lawful to confute then to object, And no less doth it offend the estate and credit of their place, where it is not thought as great a fidelity to answer as to propone: Since such hath been always the law and liberty of council giving, to assure the truth against all sinister insinuations: And albeit I am not ignorant that in nothing is more suspicion then to give council in matters of state, yet for mine own part, considering the equity of this Senate afore whom I speak, I doubt not but the reasons I shall give will suffice to assure mine innocency against all imputations. Assuredly the matter we have in hand, is great and full of difficulties, both for the consideration of the time & nature of many accidents concurring: And yet when I look into thinfidelity and ambition of the Princes of this time, and how much they differ from the nature of common weals, whose government being not subjecteth to thappetite of one alone, but disposed by the consents of many, use to proceed with more moderation and regard, and observe with great ceremony (contrary to th'examples of Princes) not to departed from any thing that beareth appearance of justice, honesty, or reason: I can not but conclude, that it is most hurtful for us and our affairs, to have the Duchy of Milan possessed by a Prince more mighty than ourselves, seeing that necessarily such a neighbourhood will so hold us suspected and afflicted, that though we enjoy peace, yet we shall always live in continual thoughts of war, notwithstanding all leagues of alliance or confederation what so ever. Of this ancient stories give us many examples, which for good respects I pass over for the present, leaving you only to the lamentable experience of king Lowis the xii. of whose doings I doubt not remaineth imprinted in the hearts of us all a bitter remembrance: This Senate brought him into the Duchy of Milan, and to that unhappy resolution many of us hear gave assistance: we kept with him justly our faith in all Capitulations, notwithstanding (under great offers and goodly occasions) we were advised by the Spaniards and lanceknights to leave his alliance, as also his infidelity gave no small cause to draw us thereunto, for that he solicited many practices against us: But neither the memory of so many benefits received, nor the merit of our fidelity so justly observed, nor the consideration of so many perpetual offices exhibited, could moderate in him his great desire to vex us: In so much as in that ambition, and for that cause, he made a willing reconcilement with his ancient and greatest enemies, and lastly contracted against us that most perilous confederacy of Cambray: If it be dangerous for the rich and poor to devil near together, for that in the wealth of the rich are sown the seeds of envy to the poor, and by the wants of the poor are bred humours of covetousness in the rich man to consume him: far greater harms must grow by the neighbourhood of great kings and princes, whose ambition carried on the wings of authority, runneth without limit, and is no more repulsed by the resistance of men, than a swift running stream blown by a violent wind to overflow his channel: And therefore to escape those dangers that would always hung over us by so ill assured neighbourhood of great Princes, the necessity of our affairs drives us to address all our counsels to this end, that neither the French king nor th'emperor have any footing in the Duchy of Milan, but that it remain to Francis Sforce or such an other of his equality who were not borne up with kingdoms or large dominions: Upon such a choice depends our surety for the present, and hereafter (if the condition of times do change) may depend a great increasing and exaltation of our estate. We consult now, whether we should continued amity with the French king, or confederate ourselves with th'emperor: By the one of these two deliberations Francis Sforce is excluded absolutely from the Duchy of Milan, and an entry left open to the French king, who is a prince far mighty above us: the other tendeth to assure and confirm in the same Duchy, Francis Sforce whom th'emperor offereth to comprehend as principal in our confederation, and hath made promise to the king of England to protect him: So that though he would seek to deprive him of that estate, he should not offend us only and the other potentates of Italy (to whom he should give cause to turn eftsoons to the French) but also in that action he is both to displease the king of England whom it behoveth him greatly to respect, and also to provoke against him all thinhabitants of the Duchy of Milan, who bear an universal inclination to Francis Sforce: And so laying himself down to many difficulties and dangers, and to no less infamy, he should also go against his faith, which till this day we have not found by any token that he hath defiled, A matter which we can not protest on the behalf of the French: yea he can not be touched with any demonstration or sign contrary to his fidelity, having since the death of Pope Leo repossessed Francis Sforce of that estate, and redelivered up the strong holds in sort as they were conquered, and lastly re-established him in the castle of Milan contrary to the believing of many: why therefore should we not rather embrace that council wherein is discerned an apparent hope to come to the end of our intentions, then to follow that which manifestly tendeth to an end contrary to our affairs? Perhaps there are that will object against this, that this common weal would suffer greater danger, if the Duchy of Milan were in the power of th'emperor, then if it should devolve into the hands of the french, for that necessity would draw that king, both for the greatness of Caesar, and for th'emulation and controversy he hath of him, to persevere in our alliance: But in th'emperor, all the contrary, as well for his power & might, as for the claims and rights which he and his brother pretend against our estate: Sure I believe that who hath that opinion of the Emperor, is not beguiled, considering the nature and custom of Princes which are mighty and great: But God grant that he be not deceived that holdeth not the same opinion of the french king: Many of the same reasons made for his predecessor, yet ambition and covetousness bore more dominion in him, than either common honesty, or his proper profit: And beside, the causes that might keep him contained in league with us, are not perpetual, but subject to change from one time to an other according to the nature of human things: for, both th'emperor hath his mortality as other men have, and withal, stands subject to infinite accidents of fortune, according to th'example of many Princes as mighty in greatness as he: it is not long since, that all Spain conspiring against him, he seemed more needful of pity then of spite: And at the leastwise there is not so great difference between the one danger & the other, as there is odds between a council that wholly excludes us from our purpose, and a resolution which in similitude of truth and reason leads us to the full accomplishment of the same: Besides, those reasons consider only the time to come and far of: But if we look into the present estate of things, we shall discern that to reject th'alliance of th'emperor, doth put us for the present into greater perplexities and dangers: for, if we separate ourselves from the french king, it is credible that he will defer the war until better times and fit occasions, but if we continued conjoined with him, it may be that th'emperor will presently make war against us, a matter which necessarily will heap upon us many troubles & expenses: And in whether of these elections shall the issue of the war be more dangerous to us? If we join with th'emperor it is not almost to be doubted that the victory will not fall on that side, which we can not so assuredly promise' to ourselves if we stand conjoined with the french king: And in confederating us with th'emperor the victory of the french can not be so dangerous to us, as it would be in the contrary, for that in that case, all the forces of the victor would be turned against us, and th'emperor would not only have a less bridle and weaker impediments, but also he would stand almost in an absolute necessity to occupy the Duchy of Milan: Touching thobjection made against the bond of confederation it is easily answered by the same reason that is used to satisfy questions of equity, since our promise to the french king stretcheth only to aid him to defend his estates that he possessed in Italy, but not to recover them if he should lose them: The articles of the capitulations bear not that, and the same reasons make for us that are brought in against us: we accomplished the bond of all duty and office, when, after the loss of Milan happening through the default of their provisions, our soldiers and men of service received more harms then the frenchmen: We were acquitted of our promiss, when Monsr Lawtrech returning to the war with the Swyzzers, we sent him our bands of soldiers for his succours: yea we have done more then reasonably might be required of us, when, in expecting so many months the coming of his army, we received nothing from him but vain hopes and dissembled promises: if he were stayed by his own will, why seek we to support the imputation of his faults? if he were holden by necessity, is not the same a sufficient reason to justify us, though we stood bound? I know not why we should be kept bound any longer to the French king, seeing he hath first abandoned us: it can be no injustice to retire from the league, since we take our liberty by his example: how can we stand guilty in bond and office towards him, when he hath first broken the law of fidelity and contract with us? In matters of league and confederation between parties, the breach of the one gives liberty to the other, and the bond that is once broken by the one, forbeareth afterwards to compel the other: I will not assure that th'emperor's Captains intent to move war at this time against us, no more will I warrant the contrary, considering with what necessity they are pressed to entertain their army in the estates of others, and the hope they may conceive to draw us by that mean to their alliance, specially if the french do not march: Of which who doubteth, doubteth not without reason, both for their natural inclinations, for their necessity and want of money, and for th'impediments of the wars which they have on the other side the Mounts with two so mighty Princes, and of these impediments our Ambassador hath already made credible relation: Lastly, my reply containeth one self matter that we aught to foresee with all study, that the Duchy of Milan be transferred to Francis Sforce, and consequently I menteyne that the council that guides us to that effect is more profitable, then that which makes reasons and arguments to exclude us from it.  
Thauthority of two such personages, together with the force of their reasons, did rather make doubtful, then assure the minds of the Senators, whose perplexities kept them so far of from resolving, that the Senate deferred to determine absolutely, inducing them thereunto their custom and nature, the greatness of the cause, and their desire to see further advanced the preparations of the french king: The many difficulties also that by necessity happened in th'accord with the archduke, were some causes helping to their deferring: But the matter that most increased the suspense of their minds, was, that the French king, who with great industry prepared himself to the war, had sent the Bishop of Bayeulx to desire them to defer to resolve any thing till the next month, by whom he assured them that before that term, he would march with a greater army than had been seen in Italy in the age of man: And as they stood in this doubt and perplexity of mind, Anthony Gryman Duke of the same city died, and Andrew Gritty was chosen into his place: An election rather prejudicial to the French affairs then otherways: for, assoon as he 
Andrea Gritty Duke of Venice.  was raised to that dignity, he referred wholly to the Senate the deliberation & council of that matter, and would never afterwards either in word or deed, show himself inclined to either part. But at last, because the king continued to sand fresh corriers to the Senate, and was importunate in offers and promises, And for that there was special advertisement, that, to assure th'expectation of the war, Anne Montmoransy afterwards Constable of France, and Federyk Bossolo, were upon their way to Venice: Thambassadors of th'emperor and the king of England (to whom this deferring was much suspected) began to protest to the Senate, that they would depart within three days, and leave all things in their imperfection: By reason of which protestation employing a manner of threatening, & also that the fidelity that was gathered in the french promises, began to diminish finding nothing but vain hopes, but chief by the advertisement of their Ambassador resident in France, they were constrained to determine to embrace the amity of th'emperor, with whom they entered into contract under these conditions: That between th'emperor, Ferdinand 
Consederation between Caesar and the Venetians.  Archduke of Austria, and Francis Sforce Duke of Milan on the one party, and the Senate of Venice on tother party, should be a perpetual peace & confederation: That the Senate, in times of need, should send for the defence of the Duchy of Milan, six hundred men at arms, six hundred light horsemen, and six thousand footmen: That they should administer the like proportion for the defence of the kingdom of Naples, but in case it should be invaded by the Christians: for, the Venetians refused to be bound generally, because they would not stir up the Turk against them: That th'emperor should be bound to defend against all men, all that the Venetians possessed in Italy, and that with the like number and proportion of men: That the Venetians should pay in eight years to th'archduke for appaisement of their ancient controversies & for th'accord made at Worms, two hundred thousand ducats: upon the end of this agreement, the Senate having dismissed Theoder Triuulce, chose Francis Maria Duke of Urbin for governor general of their men of war with the same conditions.  
It was a common judgement of most of the wisemen in Italy, that the french king finding those aids to be turned against him which afore had been of his side, would put of the enterprise of Milan for that year: Nevertheless, when they heard that the preparations did not only continued, but that the army began to march, such as stood in fear of his victory, fell (the better to resist him) to make a new confederation, wherein they persuaded the Pope to be chief and principal.  
Here is to be remembered, that where the Pope, at his first descending into Italy stood desirous to have an universal peace, and looking with great compassion into the harms which grew upon Christendom by the victories of the Turks, he sent to th'emperor, to the french king and the king of England, to depose for the time, their arms so hurtful for the common weal of Christendom, and every of them severally to send Ambassadors to Rome with fullness of power to consult of the necessary remedies and relieving of the lamentable afflictions of the Christians: This was performed by them all in appearance, but beginning to treat more particularly of things, it was presently discerned that those labours were vain for the infinite difficulties that fell out when they came to the point of peacemaking: so many impediments do follow the deliberation of great causes, and so hard it is to reconcile controversies of estate, which ordinarily draw with them their infinite suspicions and differences: for, a truce for a short time, was nothing agreeable to th'emperor, neither did it in any sort serve th'expectation of his purposes: And the french king refused to make it for a longer time, (so hurtful was it for him to protract or temporize) that had all his provisions for the war advanced: In which separation of mind between these two great Princes, the Pope either for the ancient affection which eftsoons began to revive in him towards th'emperor, or for that he discerned the thoughts of the french king to be estranged from peace and concord, discovered his inclination, and began more than he was wont, to hearken to those that encouraged him not to suffer the french to possess again the Duchy of Milan: This opportunity was observed by the Cardinal Medicis, who, having remained at Florence for fear of the persecutions of his enemies, but chief of the Cardinal of Volterro who stood very great and gracious with the Pope, took to him a new courage, and came to Rome where he was received of most of the Court with great honour and respect: There, joining himself with the Duke of Sesso th'emperors Ambassador, and with th'ambassadors of the king of England, he favoured that cause, and furthered it all that he could with the Pope. It is seen often in the course and practise of worldly things, that the falling of one man is the rising of an other, by which property of revolution is apparently proved that mortal men are subject to the law of nature and fortune: for, in this advantage of variation and change, the ill hap of Cardinal Volterro which almost always troubled his wit, his policy, and all his drifts, heaped upon him a great damage and danger: And in that opportunity was given to the Cardinal Medicis, a notable mean to enter into greater grace and authority with the Pope, who afore bore a constant inclination to the Cardinal Volterro, for that both by his industry and apt insinuation of words, he had brought him to believe that he desired nothing more than an universal peace throughout all Christendom: This was th'accident: One Francis Imperiale, being banished from Sicily, went into France, And being stayed at Castelnova near Rome by the devise of the Duke of Sesso, there was found about him a packet of letters written by the Cardinal Volterro, to his Nephew the Bishop of Xainctes: By these letters he gave council to the French king, to invade the isle of Sicily with an army by sea, by which invasion th'emperors forces should necessarily be turned to the defence of it, and so the enterprise of Milan would become more easy to the French: The detection of this man troubled not a little the Pope, who was so much the more aggrieved against him, by how much his dissembled demonstrations had beguiled him: And in that just discontentment, he was vehemently furthered by the incitation of the Duke of 
Cardinal Volterro prisoner.  Sesso and Cardinal Medicis, by whose industries he was committed to the castle S. Ange and afterwards examined by judges delegate as guilty in the crime of violation of the Pope's majesty, for that he had incensed the french king to invade with hostility, the Island of Sicily, A free hold of the sea Apostolic: Wherein albeit they proceeded with lenity and favour, and after the acts of interogatories, he had liberty of council to plead for him, yet they proceeded not with the same moderation against his goods, since the same day he was apprehended, the Pope sent to make seizure of all the movables and riches that were in his house: And as one conspiracy revealeth an other, so by thimprisonment of the said Imperialo there was discovered an other detection for the French king in Sicily, for the which were executed by justice the Count Camerato, the master of the ports, and the Treasurer: The verity & consideration of these matters, insinuated in the Pope a great displeasure against the French king, in which ill disposed inclination, he began to consult more and more with Cardinal Medicis, And lastly the rumour of the descending of the french armies redoubling daily, the Pope published manifestly his intention to oppose against them: for which cause he summoned the assembly of the Cardinals to whom after his accustomed protestations of the present fears and dangers of the great Turk, he declared that as only the French king was the cause why so great perils were not removed from Christendom, for that he refused with great obstinacy to consent to the peace that was negociated: So, seeing it appertained to him as the Viccaire of jesus Christ and successor to Peter, to be careful over the preservation of Christian peace, he was compelled by that zeal which he oweth to their universal safety, to confederate himself with such Princes as did what they could to defend Italy from troubles, for that of the quiet or trouble of that region, depended the tranquillity or vexation of the whole Christian part of the world: According to this declaration concurring with the industry of the Viceroy of Naples being come to Rome for that purpose, a league was concluded for the defence of Italy the third day of August, between the Pope, th'emperor, the king of England, th'archduke of Austria, the Duke of Milan, the Genoese, and the Cardinal Medicis and thestate of Florence jointly: The publication bore also that it should continued all the time of the confederates lives, and a year after the death of every of them: There was reservation of place and time for any other to come in, so that the Pope, th'emperor, and the king of England thought good, with this provision, that in matters of quarrel and controversy, they should use justice, and not arms: That they should erect an army to be opposed against whom so ever would invade any of the confederates, to which army the Pope should send two hundred men at arms, th'emperor eight hundred, the Florentines two hundred, the Duke of Milan two hundred, and two hundred light horsemen: That the Pope, the Emperor, and the Duke of Milan should make all the provisions of artilleries & munitions together with all expenses and charges appertaining: That to levy the bands of footmen necessary for th'army, & to furnish all other exspences requisite for the war, the Pope should pay every month xx. thousand ducats, the duke of Milan as much, & the Florentines the like sum: That the Emperor should pay thirty. thousand, the Genoese, Lucquois, and Siennois together, ten thousand, and the Genoese notwithstanding to remain bound to the army by sea and other defraimentes necessary for their defence: To this contribution they should be all bound for three months, and so much time over the three months as should be set down by the Pope, th'emperor, and the king of England: That it should be in the power of the Pope and th'emperor to name the captain general of the whole war, who it was said should fall upon the person of the Viceroy of Naples, for whom the Cardinal Medicis, whose authority was great with th'imperials, laboured what he could, chief for the hatred he bore to Prospero Colonno: The Marquis of Mantua was joined to this confederation by an indirect mean, for that the Pope and the Florentines entertained him for their captain general at their common pay.  
But neither the league made by the Venetians with th'emperor, nor the union of so many great Princes contracted with so ample contributions and great provisions, could altar the resolution of the French king, who being come to Lions, prepared to pass in person with a strong army into Italy: where the brute of his coming was no sooner spread, then new tumults began to appear: for Lionel the brother of Albert Pio, recovered by surprise the town of Carpy being negligently guarded by john Coscia, whom Prospero had created governor there, which he might do of good authority, for that th'emperor had given that town to him after he had deposed Albert for his offence of rebellion to th'empire: But in the duchy of Milan there was like to have chanced a greater accident, both more terrible for the property, & for the person of greater prejudice: This is the discourse of it: Francis Sforce riding from Monce to Milan upon a little Mulet, & causing the horsemen that were for his guard to ride far from him to avoid the trouble of the dust that in summer time the train of horses makes to rise in great abundance through all the plains of Lombardie: Boniface Visconto a young gentleman, better known by the nobleness of his house, then for his wealth, estates, or other conditions, offered himself only to accompany the Duke being well mounted upon a Turkish horse: and as they came riding together upon a partition of a way, Boniface being somewhat slipped behind, observing the opportunity of the place and the distance of the Duke's train, spurred his horse, and ran in a main race with his dagger drawn to strike the Duke on the head: But what with the fear of the Mulet shrinking with the noise of his horse, and the fierceness of his horse whom he could not stop, together with the difference of the height of his horse from the Duke's mulet, the blow that he made at the Duke's head swerved and fell upon his shoulders, and afterwards drawing his sword to accomplish the execution, the same impediments made it vain, or at lest the hurt was light, being but a blow slentwise: By this time many of the horsemen making in to the Duke's rescue, he fell to flying, hoping to shake off by his fortune, the danger that by his valour he was fallen into: Many of the horsemen of the Duke's guard had him in chase, amongst whom was a general emulation of hazard and peril to kill him that in so manifest treason sought the life of their master, but he found more safety in the swiftness of his horse, than his followers found remedy in their revengeful desires: And if fortune had answered the valour and industry of the man, it might have been called one of the rarest & most singular adventures that ever was, that one man without armour, at noneday, in a plain way, durst set upon a great prince in the midst of his estate, and environed with so great a strength of soldiers and men armed, and yet to flee away in safety: The cause of this desperate resolution of this gentleman, was a malice that he had conceived for the murder of Monseig. Visconte, who a few months afore, had been slain in Milan by one Jerome Moron, not without the Duke's will and privity as many supposed: The Duke upon his hurt withdrew himself to Monce, and for that he was jealous that there were of the conspiracy within Milan, the Bishop of Alexandria brother to Monseig. that was slain, was apprehended by Moron and Prospero: At the first rumour of the fact, either to prevent the suspicion that might go on him, or to make his favour the greater, he put himself willingly into the hands of Prospero upon his faith, and after he was sounded by examination, they sent him prisoner to the Castle of Cremona, some holding him guilty, and some speaking much of his innocency, as the judgements of men were diverse. It happened almost in the same seasons, that Galeas Biraguo accompanied with thexiles of Milan, and with the aid of certain French soldiers which were already in the country of Piedmont, was received into the town of Valence by the captain of the Castle who was a Savoy man: But Antho. de Leva lying within Ast with one part of the light horsemen and Spanish footmen, being advertised of th'accident, went immediately to encamp before it, and taking the vantage of the weakness of the town which thenemies had no time to reduce to fortification, he planted his artilleries, and took it the second day, and with the same success battered the castle: There died about four hundred bodies aswell in the action of the town, as in th'execution of the Castle, besides many made prisoners, amongst whom was Gale as principal leader of th'enterprise.  
According to the great preparations made in France for the war, the army 
The French army marcheth.  marched at last, and bands of soldiers passed continually over the mounts: After whom the person of the king prepared to pass which he had effectually accomplished, had not the conspiracy of the Duke of Bourbon which now began to come to light, given impediment to his going: he was of the blood royal, and therefore his reputation more great & general: for the dignity of his office being great constable, his authority was absolute & ample: by his large estates & riches, his credit was currant in France: and by his natural valour, he was mighty and strong in the opinions of men: But he had not been of long time in the grace and favour of the king, and in that abjection, was not admitted to the secret affairs of the Realm, nor respected according to the merit of his place and greatness: he was discontented with the oppression of the kings mother, who reviving certain ancient rights, made open claim to the greatest part of his lands and dominions in the open parliament at Paris, And for that he found in the king no disposition to do remedy to that grief, he suffered indignation to enter into his heart, & in that discontentment admitted confederation with th'emperor & with the king of England 
Confederacy between themprour, the k. of England and the Duke of Bourbon.  solicited by Monsr de Beaurin of great confidence with th'emperor & his chief chamberlain: Between whom, to assure things with a more faster and faithful knot, it was agreed, that th'emperor should give him in marriage his sister Elinor the late widow of Emanuel king of the portugals: Th'execution of their counsels was grounded upon the french king's determination to go in person to the war: In which resolution to nourish him the more, the king of England had given him cunning hopes, that he would not molest the realm of France for that year: That the Duke of Bourbon, assoon as the king should be over the Mounts, should enter Burgundy with an army of twelve thousand footmen that were secretly levied with the moneys of th'emperor & the king of England: Wherein he doubted not well to acquit himself in that service, both for the absence of the king, & for the universal grace and opinion which he had through all the Realm of France: And touching those things that should be conquered, the Earledom of Provence should remain to him, and in place of Earl, he should put on the name & title of king of Provence, challenging that state to appertain to him by the rights of the house of Aniow: And all the residue gotten by this war to descend to the king of England: The Duke of Bourbon then abiding at Monlyns a principal town of the Duchy of Bourbon, feigned himself to be sick, to have the better excuse not to follow the king into Italy: The king in his journey to Lions, made Monlyns in his way, where being already possessed of certain light tokens of the Duke's conspiracy, he gave him an inkling that albeit many went about to bring him in distrust & suspicion with him, yet for his part, he believed less in the rumours & informations which might be full of incerteinty and error, then in his faith & valour, whereof he had so good experience: But the dissimulation of the Duke exceeded the roundness & plainness of the king, for, keeping his intentions smothered, he gave thanks to God that had appointed him to live under such a king, afore whose equity & gravity could not stand the false accusations & imputations of malicious men: And in that compassion he promised the king to follow him wheresoever he would go so soon as he was delivered of his malady, which he said could not continue long, for that it drew with it no dangerous accidents: But the king was no sooner come to Lions than he had advertisement that many bands of lanceknights were mostred upon the frontiers of Burgundy, which confirming the tokens of suspicion that he had before, together with certain letters surprised detecting more plainly the conspiracy, he committed to prison forthwith Monsr de S. Valier, Monsr de Boisy brother to Monsr lafoy Palisse, the postmaster, & the Bishop of Autun, all pertenors of the practice: And thinking to make the action perfect by apprehending the head, he dispatched in great diligence to Monlyns, the great master with five hundred horse & four thousand footmen, to take the Duke of Bourbon: But his suspicion was swifter than their celerity, for, doubting no less the detection of things, then fearing jest the passages would be stopped, by his forecast he prevented the peril that the king's indignation prepared for him, & escaped secretly into Franche count in disguised attire: so subtle in man is the suspicion of peril, and so swift are the wings that carrieth him from the mischief which he feareth.  
By reason of this evasion, and th'importance of the conspiracy that depended of 
The french army in Italy.  it, the king thought it best not to pursue in person the wars of Italy: And yet would he not wholly give over th'expedition, but retaining with himself one part of the soldiers prepared for this new war, he committed to Monsr Bonivet then Admiral of France, the conduction of his army, which contained a thousand eight hundred lances, six thousand Swizzers, two thousand Gascons, two thousand Valesiens', six thousand lanceknights, twelve thousand French men, & three thousand italians: with which army assoon as the Admiral was past the mounts, & drawing near the confines of the state of Milan, he made show that he would deal first with Novaro: And by that demonstration, the city being not tenable, both for the want of soldiers, & insufficiency of the rampires, it yielded by the consent of the Duke of Milan, who retained the castle, Vigeneva did the like suffering the same wants & impediments, & by their examples all that part of the country which is beyond the river of Thesin, fell into the power of the French men: Prospero Colonno lying sick of a long malady, would never believe that the French king would stand firm in his resolution to invade the Duchy of Milan for that year, both for the confederation that the Venetians had made against him, and for the detection of the conspiracy of the Duke of Bourbon: And therefore he had not with that diligence & speed that was necessary, assembled the soldiers & men of war that lay dispersed in divers places, & much less had made compotent provisions for so great a resistance: But now that thenemies were upon the way & approaching, he sent to mooster his companies in all haste, the opportunity of the time being against the speed he made, & his diligence as little available as the season was contrary: he thought above all things to stop their passage at Thesin, not remembering what happened to him at the river of Adda against Monsr Lawtrech, And of that he made himself so assured promise, that he took no care to re-edify the bastillions & rampires of the suburbs of Milan, of which the greatest part lay already on the ground, so small was the care that was had of them: he assembled his army upon the river between Biagrasso, Bulfaloro, & Turbiguo, A place very apt for that purpose, & no less convenient for Pavia and Milan: But the French men who were now come to Vigeneva, finding the water of the river lower than Prospero believed, began four miles from th'imperial camp to pass over, part by the ford, and some in boats & barks, building a bridge for their artilleries in a place where they found neither guard nor other impediment: By the necessity of this unexpected accident, Prospero was driven to change all the councils of the war, and therefore dispatched forthwith Antho. de Leva with an hundred men at arms & three thousand footmen, to the guard of Pavya, himself with the residue of th'army, drew to Milan, where after he had called the Captains to council, they were all of this mind, that if the French made their approaches forthwith, there was no possibility to defend Milan, for the ruin of the rampires of the suburbs whereof there had been made no reckoning since the last wars: The confidence that Prospero had to defend the passage of Thesin, was the cause that they were not repaired, neither could they be made defendable in the space of three days: And that they had to make a resolution aswell for the one as the other of these two accidents: both to labour with universal diligence at the rampyers, and also to stand upon a prepared readiness to depart, if the French men came either the first, the second, or the third day, And to retire to Coma if they took the way of Pavya, or else to go to Pavia if they marched by Coma: But the sinister destiny of the french, both blinding their eyes that they could not see, and bindig their hands that they could not execute, would not suffer them to use so great and happy an occasion: for, either through their negligence, which is a chief enemy to enterprises, or to expect the whole army, whereof a great part was behind, they wandered three days along the river of Thesin: And being all assembled into one strength between Milan, Pavya, and Binasquo, they marched afterwards to Saint Christopher within a mile of Milan between the gate of Thesin and Rome gate: There, after they had made the way even to pass their artilleries into the vanguard, they made as though they would assault the town: But without doing any other enterprise, they encamped in that place, and levying their siege from thence within few days after, they went to lodge in the Abbay of Clerevault, from whence they found means to deface the mylnes and cut the water from Milan: And so they thought rather to besiege then assault Milan, for that there was within the walls eight hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horsemen, four thousand spanish footmen, six thousand five hundred lanceknights, and three thousand Italians (besides the popular sort which were well furnished with weapon and resolute in their ancient disposition against the french.)  
In this estate of affairs, passed into the other life the fourteenth of September, 
The death of Pope Adrian.  Pope Adrian: His death was not without great discommodity and damage to the confederates, for that there did not only fail in them, the authority pontifical, but also the contribution of money, whereunto he was bound by the capitulations of the league: he died leaving behind him a very small opinion and estimation, either for the little time he reigned, or for his want of experience in affairs: But his death was not a little plausible to the wholecourt, for the desire they had to live under a Pope natural of Italy, or at lest such one as had had his training there.  
By the death of the Pope, many troubles began to kindle in the towns of the Church's jurisdiction, and in them as appeared smoking before his sickness, many small sparks of a fire to come, so in the time of his life, they had easily burst out to a flame, if they had not been quenched, partly by chance, and partly by the diligence of others: for, where before the Pope's passing into Italy, the college of Cardinals had given to Albert Pyo the keeping of Reggia and Rubiero: The said Albert held still for himself the castles, making small account of the instance that was made to him to tender them, wherein he had no less ready his colours and excuses, than he was apt to take occasion by the slender experience of Pope Adrian: Besides, he had solicited that as soon as the beginning of the war appeared, Ranse de Cere with certain horsemen and footmen should enter within Rubiero, to govern under th'opportunity of that place, the way of Rome that passeth between Modena and Reggia: His intention was both to give impediments to the money and other dispatches that should be sent from Rome, Naples, and Florence, to Milan, and to proceed to other greater enterprises as occasion served: But Francis Guicciardin governor of the same Cities, discovering in good time 
Francis Guicciardin.  this plot, and communicating with the Pope to what end tended the sweet words and requests of Albert, together with the dangers that would fall on thestate ecclesiastic on that side, induced the Pope to make demonstration by threatenings, that he would use force, and so constrained Albert, to restore to him the castles: Neither durst he oppose himself against the Pope's will, for that the French were not as yet very strong in Italy. Since the faction of Pio had recovered the town of Carpi, Prospero in whom was no small desire to have it again, procured to be retained in the name of the confederates, Guido Rangon with an hundred men at arms, an hundred light horsemen, and a thousand footmen, ordaining withal that a thousand Spanish footmen whom the Duke of Sesso had levied at Rome to join with the residue at Milan, should remain for the same cause at Modena. And whilst these things were in preparing, Ranse de Cere (to whom reforted daily both horsemen and footmen, carried no less by hope of pillage then for the authority of his name) began to command the ways, and trouble the whole country: Besides, losing no time to the liberty he had, he began one night to assault upon the sudden the town of Rubiero, with two thousand footmen, but his undiscrete attempt being resisted both by the valour of the defendants, and the difficulties of the place, he was repulsed, leaving as prisoner behind him, Tristram Corso one of the captains of his footmen.  
These forces assembled in these places for diverse causes, were thoccasion of greater things: for after the death of the Pope, the Duke of Ferrara being made weary with the hopes that were given him touching the restitution of Reggia and Modena, began to consider that in respect of th'absolution which he had obtained of Adrian, it would be less hard to get pardon for things taken away, than restitution of things lost: and therefore being of the universal persuasion with all men, that it would be a long time afore they would choose a new Pope, both for the ordinary tract of time used in that election, and also for the discords of the Cardinals which were by many degrees increased ever since the death of Pope Leo: he determined to devise by what means he might recover Modena & Reggia: and in that inclination he was pushed on (amongst other opportunities) with the commodity & offer to knit with him Ranse de Cere, who had already levied a strength of two hundred horsemen and more than two thousand footmen: So that after the Duke had waged three thousand footmen, and sent to Ranso three thousand ducats, he marched towards Modena, In which City was no other strength of men of war then the regiment of the Count Guido Rangon who had been retained by the league: And albeit the people bore no affection to the jurisdiction of the house of Ferrara, yet both by the weakness of the walls which were not flanked after the ancient manner, and the filling up of the ditches suffering of long time no reparation, it seemed there was need of a greater garrison: And therefore the governor and the Count dispensing with their private quarrels that had been between them, began to proceed with a joint diligence to advance the former resolution, to let into Modena the Spanish footmen, who being arrived already in Tuskane, marched slowly, and made diverse and doubtful answers when they were asked whether they would remain at Modena or pass further: Nevertheless after many entreatings, they were at last content to enter: When this matter was related to the Duke of Ferrara being then come to Finalo with two hundred men at arms, four hundred light horsemen, and three thousand footmen, it stayed him almost for passing further: And yet because the matter was not absolute, and hoping at lest that knitting with Ranse de Cere, he might haply take Reggia: And nothing despairing that by the difficulty of payments, some disorder might fall amongst the footmen of thenemies, he confirmed his first intention, and determined to pass on: Those hopes were not lightly conceived by the Duke, for that the College of Cardinals, to whom the governor had signified with great diligence the perils that were toward, were so careless to make provision, yea not vouchsafing to give answer to the letters and messages that were sent, that there was no mean to pay the soldiers, of the public purse: And where haply the day was come wherein the Spanish soldiers should receive the pay of the second month, yet if they had been all paid, there was no hope to wage a greater number: And bestowing part of them within Modena and the residue in Reggia, that separation would take away the surety from both the Cities, besides that there were no soldiers within Reggia, and the disposition of the people far other then they of Modena: Amid which difficulties, the governor and the Count Guido determining especially to preserve Modena, as a town of greatest importance both for the neighbourhood of Bolognia, and nearest affinity with thestate of the Church, bearing also the aptest opportunity to carry to it succours and other provisions: They sent to Reggia five hundred footmen under the leading of Vincent Maiato of Bolognia and one of the Count Guidoes' soldiers, charging him, that if he were not able to defend the town, to retire into the Citadel: which for that they hoped would hold out at lest for certain days, they sent money to john Baptista Smeraldo of Parma, who was captain there, to levy three hundred footmen, and made request (though in vain) to them of Reggia to contribute some proportion of money for waging of the like number, seeing there was no less question of their surety, then of the safety of the Church estate: Touching the danger of Modena, the governor having no mean to defend it for want of money, called afore him many of the citizens, declaring to them that things were drawn into that strait, that if the Spanish bands were not paid, and a rate of money raised to furnish other expenses, there would be compulsion to let the town fall into the hands of the Duke of Ferrara: He said he could yet defend it if there were provision of money, which could not otherwise be levied but by taxing and rating themselves for the present, assuring them that either the new Pope, or the College of Cardinals, would make provision for that that might happen afterwards: That there was not one amongst them who had not proved the yoke of the Duke of Ferrara, and the government of the Church, and therefore it were too superfluous to debate by arguments which of the two were most heavy or light, and no less vain to persuade by discourse of reason the thing that their own experience and memory were against: lastly he desired them not to stand much upon that trifling sum of money that was demanded by way of loan, for that both touching public interest or profit private, it was a matter of small consideration in regard to have a lord to their more liking and contentment. These words sliding easily into the minds of them that had the same inclination, did the rather induce them to fall to taxing and rating themselves, and so levied the money that was demanded: So easy were they to bear a light burden amongst them all, to th'end to avoid a heavier yoke which lay ready to be laid upon them: With this money were paid the soldiers, and other provisions accomplished for the better bearing out of the war: A comfort both for the quality and opportunity of it, which took from them all fear of the arms of the Duke of Ferrara: who presuming no further of his forces then was convenient, forsook th'enterprise of Modena and left it on the left hand, and joining with him Ranso de Cere by the way, he drew near to the town of Reggia, which did not only receive him, but the day following the captain put into his hands the Citadel, 
The taking of Reggia by the duke of Ferrara.  suffering but a small summance of the Cannon. Touching which action the captain alleged for his justification, that both Vincent Maiato being called by him, refused to enter, and the money sent to him by the governor, was taken away near Parma, whither he had sent to levy bands of footmen: This justification was accepted, though not for the equity of it, yet for the necessity of the time not serving to further examination. Assoon as the Duke had taken Reggia, Ranso de Cere being sent for by th'admiral of France, went to him: and the Duke, being followed but with a slender strength of footmen, wandered certain days along the river of Secchia, and from thence went to encamp before the town of Rubiere, to the keeping whereof the Count Guido had used in confidence the old man Coviano with two hundred footmen: And albeit the Duke had no great hope to take the town, both for his hard situation of place and good fortification of large and deep ditches, together with great rampires all along the walls: yet beginning the day following to execute the wall joining with the gate, the captain of the footmen, either by secret intelligence, or for fear of the townsmen who began to rise, leapt over the walls and presented himself before the Duke, offering to his discretion both himself and the town: An offer so much the more precious and welcome, by how much it came unexpected, holding more of fortune then of valour: But this being a line to lead the Duke into the town, and taking further courage upon that felicity, he planted his artilleries before the Castle, which so terrified the captain named Titus jaillefer of Parma, that notwithstanding the Castle was strong and fully furnished of men, munition, and all other provisions necessary, yet being made fearful by the fortune of the town, he yielded it up before night, not abiding one bullet of th'artilleries: Wherein when the Duke was possessed and established, he abode there with his army, hoping that for the long vacation of the sea Apostolic, the regiment of footmen within Modena would either dissolve or disorder: He fed himself also at the same time with hope of other things, which in their place shall be declared.  
About this time Monsr Bonnivet, who lay encamped at S. Christopher between 
The taking of Loda by the French.  the gates of Thesin and Rome, a place environed with waters and ditches, began to despair to take Milan by force: And therefore after the taking of Monce, he sent captain Bayard and Federike Bossolo with three hundred lances and eight thousand footmen, to take Loda, whither was come the Marquis of Mantua with five hundred horse and five hundred footmen, which was the regiment with the which the Church and the Florentines had entertained him into their pay: But having fear of his person, he retired to Pontuique, by which occasion the City being abandoned, received the French men. After the taking of Loda, Federike builded a bridge upon the river of Adda, and passed with his companies upon the lands of Cremona to secure the Castle of Cremona, which the defendants the same day that th'admiral approached Milan, had compounded to tender, if they were not rescued by the xxuj. of September: to which composition they were compelled both by th'extremity of hunger, and not knowing that the French army was passed into Italy: Federike drew near to the Castle without any resistance or difficulty, and after he had refreshed it with victuals and other reliefs, he determined to assault the town upon this confidence, that Prospero Colonno had left a very slender garrison, notwithstanding to help that fear, the Marquis of Mantua had sent thither an hundred men at arms, an hundred light horsemen, and four hundred footmen: But he finding the difficulties to great to enter the City on that side towards the Castle, for the fortifications which the defendants had made, the same dividing the City from the Castle: he turned on the right hand, & determined to batter the wall in places where he found it most weak: And after he had played a while with th'artilleries, he prepared his soldiers to the assault, but without effect, which was the cause that he began again the battery, to beat wider the breach, though with no better success than the first, the same driving him to retire to S. Martin's, there to tarry for Ranse de Cere, who was to come from Reggia with two hundred horsemen and two thousand footmen: And when he was come, they encamped eftsoons afore Cremona, doing great execution upon the walls for many hours to great effect, nevertheless what by the impediments of the great rains that fell, and discerning by the present difficulties how hardly they should prevail, they forbore to do any further execution: for that the same day, Mercurio with the light horsemen of the Venetians (whose bands were mustered at Pontuique) passed over the river of Oglio, and made incursions even to their tents: After the vain trial of this exploit, Federike and Ranse broke up their siege from before Cremona, as well for lack of victuals, as for the breaking away of the footmen which Ranse brought thither, picking this quarrel that they had received no other money than that which the Duke of Ferrara had given: From Cremona they marched to encamp afore Sonzin, where they found no better success in their affairs: Afterwards they fell to sacking the town of Caravagge where they abode certain days, of which lingering was bred this excuse or impediment to the Senate of Venice for not sending to Milan those proportions of men which they were bound unto: for that, taking their excuse in temporizing so long, upon the common opinion that the Imperial Captains had, that in respect of their separation with the french king, the french army would not march that year, they assured to sand them assoon as the companies that lay upon the territories of Cremona should be repassed the river of Adda.  
In this condition of affairs, both the parties distrusting not to be able to put a speedy end to the war, either party dwelled in his security, and would offer nothing to hazard: The Admiral who never looked to take Milan by force, expected, either that thenemies would dissolve for want of money, or at lest that necessity of victuals would compel them to abandon Milan: Where notwithstanding there was corn in great plenty, yet the multitude of mouths to eat it was more innumerable, besides that he had cut from them their water, and the use of their milnes: for this cause the Admiral called home those bands that lay along the river of Adda, and bestowed them between Monce and Milan, to th'end that the people of Milan from whom was stopped the traffic of uttells by the ways of Loda & Pavia, should also remain deprived of all such relief as was wont to pass from the hill of Brianso: But these experiences were not sufficient to accomplish th'effect that th'admiral desired: On the other part, albeit Prospero Colonno (as touching his body, was vehemently oppressed with a great sickness, and no less traveled with emulation in mind, as not brooking the coming of the Viceroy of Naples, for that he had desire to be the principal man: Yet, by his council was done what could be done, to stop the passage of victuals that came to the enemies from the parts beyond the river of Thesin, the rather for that the fortification of the place where they were encamped, gave no hope to drive them away by force: Therefore Prosperos care was that the Marquis of Mantua should enter into Pavya, whose coming putting the french into fear lest he would win their bridge, they builded an other at Torglien within five and twenty miles of Pavya: Besides, he solicited Vitelly to pass the river, who, with the companies of men of war which the Florentines had given him (and by them was sent to Genes in the beginning of the war,) together with three thousand footmen paid by the Genoese, had commanded all the country beyond Paw, except Alexandria: That was to give impediment to the victuals which came to the Frenchmen from the country of Lomellina: But the Duke of Genes would not consent to it for the fear he had of th'archbishop of Fregosa who lay in Alexandria near to Genes: And because the Venetians whose bands were passed Oglio, refused so long as that part of the Frenchmen which was gone from Caravage remained near Monce, to pass Adda for the peril of Bergamo, Prospero won them to send four hundred horsemen, and five hundred footmen to Tressa, to stop the course of victuals wherewith they lived.  
Whilst both parts were in the action of these matters, there was performed no exploit of war other then light skirmishes, incursions, and pillages, wherein always the French men had the worse, and so returned eftsoons with great loss and damage. It happened one day amongst others, that as john de Medicis issued out with two hundred men at arms, three hundred light horsemen, and a thousand footmen, he met with fourscore French lances, being most part of the companies of Barnaby Visconte, and offering to chase them, he suddenly fell to retire, and by that stratagem cunningly drew them upon an ambush of five hundred harquebuziers which he had laid, and there made slaughter of the most of them, and took the residue prisoners. In like sort in an other encounter Socchor Burguignon broke a troop of threescore men at arms of the company of the master of the horse: Besides, the bands of Spanish footmen, had many conflicts with the French footmen that warded at those trenches which were made to go in covert even to the rampires, where they slew many of them that guarded the trenches. And at the same time Paul Lusasquo who remained at Pisqueton with an hundred and fifty light horsemen, overran the country all about, and distressed not a little those that were in Cremona. Neither did the ambushes succeed more haply to the Admiral, than his other exploits: for having conspired secretly with one Morgant of Parma a commander under john de Medicis, that when it should fall to his turn to ward at a Bastillion of a gate which was cast out of the rampires, he should receive in his soldiers: When the night appointed came, Morgant thinking it necessary to communicate the matter with some other of his companions for the better execution, broke it with one especial soldier of his band, who making as though he consented to the treason, gave him counsel to go and command the Sentinels in the name of Prospero not to stir what brute or noise so ever they heard, as not to let him whom he would send to call the soldiers of the camp to come to the bastillion, for that th'admiral had that night drawn near to that side, five thousand footmen to be ready at the sign given, and had set in order the whole army: But such is the infirmity of treason, that it hath no further assurance than the party hath confidence: For whilst Morgant went to execute the devise, the other who could not be faithful in conspiracy, revealeth the whole practice to john de Medicis, who making speed to the Bastillion, taketh the offenders, and after judicial examination had, he maketh them to pass the pikes according to the justice of war.  
It seemed now that the affairs of the French began to decline on all sides, both for the fertility of the country about Milan, which ministered some relief to the wants of the town: and for the devise of the townsmen inventing handemilnes to supply the use of grinding, by which engine was taken away the Admirals hope that thinhabitants would fall into want of meal: It was believed also that the French had lost in those encounters more than fifteen hundred horse aswell of service as of common sort: Which brought them into that astonishment, that they forbore to issue out of their tents, but in times of need to guard the victuallers and foragers, and that always in strong troupes: The infamy whereof the Admiral converting to his special honour, he would often say, that touching the managing of the war, he would rather observe the moderation and temperance of thItalians, then be governed by the furious importunities of the French captains: and yet when so ever any encounter was given either by their footmen or horsemen, they showed more readiness to flee then to fight. So that the captains of th'emperor being now assured of the fear of hunger, and the forces of th'enemy, yea hoping to give impediments to the victuals of th'enemy, there was nothing remaining to trouble them but want of money, without the which if it were a hard matter to contain the soldiers within Milan, it could not almost but be impossible to lead them out of the town how so ever the affairs and occurrences of the war required: So hard is it to lead soldiers to service where is no assurance of money, and more dangerous to minister discipline where no pay is performed: But to remedy these difficulties, many means were sought out, and amongst others, Prospero Colonno by the privity of the Viceroy of Naples and Duke of Sesso, had immediately upon the Pope's death begun to treat with the Duke of Ferrara: who after he had refused many offers made to him by th'admiral since the action of Reggia, to go afore Cremona, covenanted at last with Prospero, that if he reconquered Modena by his means, he would pay him immediately thirty thousand ducats, and twenty thousand more within two months: That conquest seemed a matter of easy execution, since Prospero commanding to departed from Modena Guido Rangon soldier of the league, and also the regiment of Spanish footmen, what other remedy remained to that City so abandoned, then to compound with the Duke, and lay themselves down to his order: The benefit of the army was one consideration that drew Prospero to this practice, but the thing that more violently overruled him to it, was his private affection, the ancient amity he had with the Duke of Ferrara, a desire common also to all the other Barons of Rome, to embase the greatness of the Popes, and a hope that Modena and Reggia remaining no more to the Church, Parma and Plaisanca would with more facility devolve to the Duke of Milan: This matter albeit was laboured with great secrecy, yet being disclosed by the Count Guido to Guicciardin, he saw there was no other mean to stop it, but to persuade the Spanish captains who were well used and largely paid, and had good will to continued in that city, that where they were not subject to th'authority of Prospero Colonno, they should of themselves refuse to go from Modena but by the commandment of the Duke of Sesso, by whose appointment they came thither: And albeit Guicciardin was not ignorant that the whole devise was wrought by the consent of the said Duke of Sesso, yet he considered that the Duke being th'emperors Ambassador at Rome, and the College making instance to him of the contrary, would not only not give out such a commission, but also would refuse at the request of the Cardinals to give open order to the contrary: This devise drew a success according to the plot that was laid: for when Prospero sent to command Count Guido and the Spaniards to go to Milan for the necessity of the wars, the Count excused him with many reasons, and alleged that he was subject to the Church and to them of Modena: as also the Spanish captains being persuaded by him and the governor, made answer that in that case, they were to obey none but the Duke of Sesso: Which matters being signified by the governor to the college of Cardinals, they summoned forthwith into the conclave the Duke of Sesso, who, to avoid suspicion as well in himself as in th'emperor, could not refuse their demand to write to the Captains that they should not stir: And moreover, as it often happeneth that in worldly dealings things oftentimes succeed far otherwise then men think, so in this was discerned this accident, that certain letters of Prospero intercepted by the governor, were read in the college, by the which as was disclosed how all things went, so the Cardinals that were for the french king by th'impediment of whom the provisions of money were lingered which by Cardinal Medicis working was begun to be sent to Modena, knowing how dangerous it would be for the king that that matter should come to effect, began with open hand to help forward the sending of the money to Modena: wherein the Cardinal Colonno joined with them, to declare to the residue that he preferred the utility of the sea Apostolic afore all other things: But notwithstanding this show of diligence was sufficient to defer th'execution of the covenants made with the Duke of Ferrara, yet the foundation of those thoughts being removed, they retained this in devise that the Viceroy of Naples, who (though with slow removings) was come to Milan with four hundred lances & two thousand footmen, should lead away with him the regiment of spanish footmen as he passed by Modena.  
In this time at Milan did increase the plenty and abundance of victuals, for that th'admiral fearing lest the soldiers within Pavia, would occupy the bridge which he had made upon Thesin, by the which were conveyed necessary provisions to th'army, he drew from Monce the army that was there being the lesser part: And of them he sent three thousand to the guard of the bridge, called some of them to himself, and distributed the residue, part within Marignan, and part within Biagrasso, places very near neighbours to the bridge: By which mean th'imperials that recovered Monce, had a far greater commodity of victuals. The french camp stretched from the Abbay of Clerevalt until the way of Pavia, and was towards that way, within gun-shot of Milan: And at that time there was in the french army eight hundred light horsemen, six thousand Swizzers, two thousand Italian footmen and ten thousand as well french as gascoins: They had at the bridge of Thesin, a thousand lanceknights, and a thousand Italians: The like numbers at Biagress● where was Ranse de Cere: two hundred lances within Novaro: and two thousand footmen as well in Alexandria as in Loda: And within Milan were eight hundred lances, eight hundred light horsemen, five thousand spanish footmen, six thousand lanceknights, and four thousand Italians, besides the multitude of the people who were very violent against the french both in heart and action: The Marquis of Mantua was within Pavia with five hundred lances, six hundred light horsemen, two thousand footmen Spaniards, and three thousand Italians: Lastly there were in new castle in Tortonese, three thousand footmen with Vitelli, who, as certain french bands were passed into Alexandria, retired notwithstanding a little after to seravella, fearing lest the way of Genes would be shut up from him: The Venetians also had six hundred men at arms, five hundred light horsemen, and five thousand footmen, of whom they sent a thousand to Milan at the request of Prospero, who desired to serve his turn with the fame & reputation of their succours: And soon after they dispatched an other part of their forces to Cremona by reason of a suspicion of some intelligence. 
The frenchmen break up from before Milan.   
At last th'admiral, what by the difficulty of victuals which grew extreme, the compulsion of the time, which was cold, the vehemency of snows, which were violent, and the important instance of the Swizzers, whose impatiency could not suffer so many incommodities, determined to break up and go further from Milan: Notwithstanding before he published his resolution, he procured Galeas Viscounte to obtain leave to go see & to do reverence to Madam Clara, of great name for her singular beauty, but of greater fame for the love that Prospero Colonno bore to her: And being within Milan, he preferred the parley of truce, whereupon did assemble the day following upon the rampires, captain Alarcon, Paul Vettory the Florentine Commissioner, and Jerome Moron: And for the Admiral, Galeas Viscounto and the general of Normandy: They commoned of a surceasing of arms until th'end of May, and both parts to be bound to distribute their armies in the towns, and in the end they had consented to reduce all their forces beyond Thesin, had it not been for thimpediments of th'emperor's captains, who objecting matter of reproof that with the truce they went about to take from them the hope they had of the victory, made answer that they had no power to deliberate any thing without the will of the Viceroy: So that th'admiral within two days after caused his artilleries to march before day, towards Thesin, himself following with the whole army at the full appearing of the day: he marched in so good order, as though he would not (upon occasion) refuse the battle: And on the other side, th'inhabitants of the town seeing his discamping, together with the soldiers, made suit with universal voice that they might be led to the field to charge them: In this demand were also concurrant the captains and personages of greatest authority, who redoubling thinstance to Prospero Colonno, laid before him the facility of the victory, both by th'advantage of their disorder, which cast upon them an unappeasible fear, the comparison of their forces nothing inferior to theirs, and their courage & resolution far above them, & also th'opportunity of their retract wherein lurked some secret terror to the most part of the army, the same being confirmed at that instant by the relation of certain Italians that straggled from th'army: They put him in remembrance of the infinite glory & perpetual memory of his name, if he would with his last reputation confirm the renown & triumph of so many victories gotten by him: Lastly they persuaded him that a noble leader of war carried as great fame by his readiness to embrace good occasions, as by his resolution to execute when necessity called him: But Prospero in whom was fixed a settled mind to forbear as much as he could, to commit the credit of his valour to the arbitration of fortune, told them how far it was from the office of a discrete captain, to be carried with popular voices, and how unworthy the name of a general, to lead men to the fight, where was no other hope than in the force of their arms: That though many other worldly matters might be put to adventure and hazard, yet the life and honour of men required counsel, forecast, and deepest providence: That they had won glory enough in compelling th'enemy to go his way without blood: That the desire of men aught not to be infinite, and less expectation in the surety of fortune, whose mutability worketh most in matters of war: That that army is ill guided, where in the event and issue of the field the losses are greater than the benefits: That he knew by experience, that thinfamy that fell upon the general by his rashness, did make a greater wound in his name & credit, than the glory of the victory made him rich or renowned, for that as no man would have interest in the infamy but the leader, so almost every particular would communicate in the commendation: That such were the humours of men, that they would lay the loss of a field upon the general only: That as he had hitherunto with temperance guided all his enterprises to an honourable end, so now that he was upon the latest year of his age, he would not enter into new course and new councils, and deliver up to fortune so many valiant bodies as reapposed their lives on him, nor exchange those rules which from the beginning, had led him to that estate of glory, reputation, and greatness, wherein he now standeth: The French men divided themselves into two parts, the Admiral with the greatest entered Biagrasso within fourteen miles of the town of Milan, and sent the residue to Rosa which is within seven miles.  
Almost assoon as the Admiral was gone from before Milan, the Cardinals 
Cardinal Medicis is created Pope and taketh the name of Clement the seventh.  created a new Pope having already consumed in the conclave more than fifty days: At the beginning, there was in the conclave but a presence of xxxuj. Cardinals, and being afterwards increased with three more, they spent much time in sundry contentions: For they stood divided amongst themselves not only for the different wills of Themperor and French King, but also for the greatness of the Cardinal de Medicis: Who being pushed on by all such as followed the kings authority, and some others that depended of Themperor, had at his devotion, the full voices of sixteen Cardinals: They were determined either to choose him, or at lest to name no other without his consent: Besides, he was secretly assured of five other Cardinals and their voices, together with the favour of Themperor's Ambassador with all the residue that followed his authority: Of all which furtherances and foundations albeit he was assured almost at the death of Pope Leo, yet he entered now into the conclave with a more constant resolution not to abandon his hopes, neither for the tract or length of time, nor for any accident what so ever, making this his chiefest pillar and ground, that in th'election of the Pope, it was necessary that of that presence of Cardinals that was there assistant, a third part of voices should be concurrant: But so obstinate were the controversies of the Cardinals, that they could not dissolve their divisions, neither for the common danger of Italy, nor for the particular estate of the Church, but according as the affairs of the war proceeded, both the parts sought to prolong and defer th'election for the supportation they hoped in the victory of their favourers: And it had been yet longer deferred, both if there had been amongst the old Cardinals of the College (adversaries to the Cardinal Medicis) one agreement to choose an other, and also, shaking of their covetousness particular, they had stand upon this point, not to suffer the cardinal Medicis to rise to the sovereign seat: But it is a hard matter for men by concord to aspire to the end they seek for, when their concord is entangled with discord or ambition: The cardinal Colonno, an ancient enemy of the cardinal Medicis, and of a nature proud & haughty, fell into indignation against the other Cardinals that were joined with him, because they refused to elect for Pope, Cardinal jaccobaccio, a Roman, a man of the same faction & wholly at his devotion: In which despite of mind, he made a willing offer to the Cardinal Medicis to join with him in th election, & for recompense, he received of him a very secret promise of the office of Vicechauncellor which he held, & of his Palace being very sumptuous, builded by cardinal. S. George, and given to him by Pope Leo: a matter which aptly agreeing with the covetousness of Cardinal Colonno, so pushed him on, that he drew to him cardinal Cornare & two others, between whom was made a resolute consent to choose Cardinal Medicis for Pope: And as it often happeneth that in election example doth much, so assoon as their inclination was known, many others, either for want of stomach, or by too much ambition began to press on with the formest, to speak in his favour: Insomuch as the same night, he was honoured as Pope by the universal agreement of them all, & the next morning being the ninetienth of November, th'election was made perfect by solemn lot according to the custom: This dignity happened to him the same day two years that he entered victorious into Milan: It was thought that amongst other things, his great revenues of benefices and ecclesiastic offices, did much to make him Pope: For that the Cardinals, when they entered the conclave, set down this constitution, that the revenues of him that should be elected Pope, should be shared by equal distribution amongst the others: A foul custom of covetousness in a Clergy, whose hands should be no less innocent to take, than their hearts naked of fraud and guile, and in whose preferment should be most respected their sincerity of life and doctrine: He would have continued still his name of julio, but being carried with this superstitious observation of some of the Cardinals, that such as after their election refusing to change their name, died within the year, he took upon him the name of Clement the seventh, either for the nearness of that idolatrous festival, or else by allusion, that immediately after his election he had pardoned and received into grace the Cardinal Volterro and reconciled all his faction: And albeit Pope Adrian in his latter days, had declared this Cardinal to be unable to assist or enter the conclave, yet he had his place there by the permission of the College, and was even to the last hour, altogether against th'election of julio: Great was th'opinion of this new Pope throughout all the world, and as it hath not been seen of long time that the Conclave hath so long temporised and stand upon the naming of one, so yet they thought the tract and expectation well recompensed in that they had raised to that supreme seat, a person of so great authority and valour, both for that he had confounded and conjoined by his arbitrement the power of thestate of Florence with the jurisdiction of the Church, and had in the time of Pope Leo, governed many years the whole pontificacy, and was judged a man grave and constant in his deliberations, and also for that many things being by sinister imputation imposed upon him that proceeded from Leo, many affirmed that Leo was full of ambition, full of pride, full of trouble, and full of desire of innovation and new things: To which good parts that were found in him, adjoining his modesty and abstinence from pleasures, and full of care and study to attend affairs, there were few who did not expect of him very great and extraordinary matters: His election even in the beginning put the estate of the Church in great surety: For, the Duke of Ferrara, not a little astonished that such a Pope was mounted into the holy seat, and hoping no longer to get Modena for the coming of the Viceroy of Naples, and less expectation in the French, who afore, by the solicitation of Theoder Tryvulce newly come to his Campp, made him great offers so that he would join with them: Returned to Ferrara after he had left sufficient garrison within Reggia and Rubiero: In like sort all controversies were reappeased in Romagna, where john de Sassatella who had been expulsed by the power of the Gebelins during the reign of Adrian, was eftsoons re-entered with a train of guelfs under colour to oppress the contrary faction, but in truth at the incensing of the French.  
But sithence the French army was distributed to Biagrasso and Rosa, the Admiral, with whom were remeining but four thousand Swyzzers, dismissed (as unprofitable for service) all the footmen of Dauphine & languedoc: He sent also his great artilleries beyond Thesin, with intention to tarry there for the supplies which the King prepared for his succours, not fearing that th'enemy would make any invasion upon him in a place so strong, and containing such plenty of victuals: And yet because he would not entertain the time idly, he sent Ranse de Cere with seven thousand Italian footmen to take Arona, a town of great strength, and hath his situation in the confins of the Lake Maior: This town was possessed by Anchises viscount, and to the rescue of it, Prospero Colonno sent from Milan a regiment of twelve hundred footmen: But because the Castle of Arona doth so much command the town, that who holdeth not the Castle doth unprofitably possess the town, Ranse laid his plot to win the Castle, but his fortune being inferior to the difficulties he found, after he had given many assaults wherein he lost many men consuming almost a month in that enterprise, at last he levied his siege and went away, confirming the universal opinion that had been conceived of him for many years, that his actions held no comparison with the reputation he had got in the defence of Crema.  
About this time, Prospero Colonno, having lain sick eight months, began to draw 
The death of Prospero Colonno, and his qualities.  to his latest hour, not without suspicion of poison, or else some amorous potion: He was careful by his latest end, to confirm the credit he had gotten in the race of so many years past, and therefore where afore he could not well brook the coming of the Viceroy, he now solicited it with great affection, as knowing that he was no more able to manage the affairs of the war: So agreeable was the modesty and temperance of his last days, with the valour and courage of his younger time: Not less honourable was the behaviour of the Viceroy, who assoon as he came near to Milan, stayed without and would not enter for certain days, to show what reverence he bore to the virtue and reputation of such a captain: And yet when he understood he was reduced to the last action of life and had lost all sense and knowledge, he entered the town for a desire he had to see him, notwithstanding some hold that he would not enter till he was dead, which was the last day saving one of that year: He was a captain of great name & merit during the whole time of his life, and in his latest years, had won singular reputation and authority: He was a father of soldiers, a director of their councils, a framer of their dispositions, an example of virtue, and a guide to true glory and fame: He was not apt to embrace lightly all occasions that the disorders of thenemies might offer, for, this property was joined to his wit, rather to doubt too much, then believe too hastily: And so jealous was he over the safety and surety of his people, that he would not easily give any advantage to th'enemy to oppress him: He would always say that in a General, the glory was greater to fear a mischief and foresee it, then to run with occasions which can not be without their hazards: He was by nature easy & slow in his actions, and seeking always to administer wars more with councils then with the sword, he left to others this property of example, to defend estates by temporizing, and not without great necessity, to commit the event of battles to fortune: For, in our time, the managing and government of wars hath far differed, since that afore Charles the eight past into Italy. The brunt of the war being more borne out with horsemen armed at all parts, then with footmen, and no less inconvenient and troublesome the engines wherewith they were wont to take towns, notwithstanding the armies came oftentimes to the shock of battle, yet the slaughter was little, & very rare the blood that was spilled: And towns also that were besieged defended themselves with such facility, not for that they had more knowledge in defence, but through ignorance to take them, that there was not so little or weak a town, which was not able for many days to resist great armies of enemies: At that time Princes did not intrude upon th'estates of others without very great difficulties: But when King Charles made his first descending into Italy, the regions of that nation were so replenished with terror & astonishment, what through the fear of new nations, and the valour of the footmen whose fight was in another manner, but most of all through the fury of th'artilleries, by whose unacquainted roaring noise the ignorant people feared no less than if the frame of the world had fallen, that there was no hope for any Prince to be able to defend himself, that were not strong enough to keep the field: For, men that had no knowledge to defend towns yielded at the first approach of thenemies, and if haply any town stood to her defence, it was taken within few days, such was the fury of th'artilleries, and such the ignorance of men that had yet no custom nor familiarity with them: By that mean the realm of Naples and the Duchy of Milan, were no sooner invaded than they were conquered: In that sort the Venetians being vanquished in one battle only, left abandoned immediately all their jurisdiction in the firm land: And in that sort the French men having scarcely seen th'enemies, left the Duchy of Milan: But since, the wit of man comprehending better the fury of batteries, began to oppose engine and industry for their defence, and fortified towns with mounts, trenches, flanks, rampires, and Bastillions, which they made apt to bestow artilleries upon: And being planted in a place which men seek to defend, do far more hurt, then that that is braked without: So that at this day it is very hard to take a town where is any resistance made: And happy those inventions began in Italy in the days of our fathers, when the town of Ottranto was reconquered upon the Turks, wherein when Alfonso Duke of Calabria entered afterwards, he found that the Turks had made many rampires and fortifications, such as were unknown to the Italians, but yet those sorts of fortifications remeined rather as images in the minds of men, then that they were followed: Prospero either was the only man, or the first man of all other that with greatest reputation, hath twice by those means defended the Duchy of Milan: And aswell in offending as in defending, and cutting of thenemies from victuals, as also in prolonging the war with such cunning that poverty, disorders, and other extremities consumed them, he hath borne out the war and vanquished without once adventuring the battle, without breaking of a Lance, yea almost without drawing a sword: So that he standing in example to others that have come after, many wars (continued for many months,) have been overcome more with industry, with stratagem, and with temporizing, then with the force or fortune of arms.  
These things were done in Italy in the year 1523. And the year following were made beyond the mounts preparations of right great expectation and yet brought forth no effects worthy of so mighty Princes: For, where the Emperor & the King of England had contracted & promised the Duke of Bourbon to enter with a strong army, the one into Piccardy, & the other into Guienne: The moving of the King of England was to small purpose, & thenterprise of the Duke of Bourbon to invade Burgondy was turned into a mounteine of smoke: For that wanting money to pay his lanceknights, besides 
The Duke of Bourbon notable to do any thing in Burgundy cometh to Milan.  the diminution of their numbers by the practice of certain Capteins that stole away to the French king, he despaired to do any thing in France, & in that mind went to Milan: There th'emperor having no mind that he should pass into Spain, perhaps because he would not have the marriage of his sister go forward which the Duke of Bourbon desired, sent to him Monsr de Beaurain to persuade him to stay there, & gave him th'authority & title of his lieutenant general in Italy, to induce him with better will to abide there: Neither did things hap more happily to Themprour on the coast of Spain, for that albeit in a burning desire to the wars he was come to Pampeluna to pass in person into France, and had already sent his army beyond the Mounts Pireney, where he had taken Saveterra, which is not far from S. john de pied de Porc, yet drawing with him many other imperfections, he found at last that his readiness was far greater than his power, for that as for the want of money, he was not able to entertain so great forces as were necessary for so great an enterprise, so for that want also he was not able to assemble his army until the latter end of the year, when the nature of the season doubled upon him his difficulties, and took from him the liberty of the ways: These impediments compelled him to dissolve his army erected almost against the counsel of all his captains, which made the Duke of Albe a prince of great authority say in the heat of the war, that th'emperor who in many things resembled king Ferdinand his grandfather by the mother side, did in this deliberation bear most similitude and likeness with his grandfather by the father side.  
Now came on the year a thousand five hundred twenty and four, when the difficulties of the French men stirring up th'emperors captains to look to put end to the war: They called to Milan the Duke of Urbin and Peter Pesero treasurer of Venice to consult of the manner of proceeding in the war: In which counsel they were all of opinion, that assoon as the six thousand lanceknights which the Viceroy had sent to leavy, were arrived at Milan, the emperors army joining with it the Venetian forces, should affronted thenemies to th'end to chase them out of the Duchy of Milan, either by force or by famine: And albeit they thought themselves strong enough to perform it, yet there was one thing that hindered th'execution of the counsel, which was want of money, of which for that there were great sums due to the men of war for their pays passed, they thought they should not be able to get them to issue out of Milan or any other town unless their pays were first satisfied: And for that th'army was to continued in the field, it was no less necessary to set down order hereafter for the pays of the soldiers to be performed in their due time, and safely to be conveyed to the camp to answer the days of payment: But the inhabitants of Milan desirous to be discharged of the burden of the war, offered to remove these difficulties in lending to the Duke fourscore and ten thousand ducats, an action whereunto they were the more easily induced by example of the last good dealing, when the money which they had lent at such time as Monsr Lawtrech lay afore Milan, was readily repaid upon the Duke's revenues: In like sort the Pope, who by the remembrance of things past, held much suspected the victory of the French, put to his hand, notwithstanding with a wonderful cunning he made demonstration of the contrary to such as the king had sent to him: he caused to be delivered with great secrecy to th'emperor's ambassador twenty thousand ducats, and solicited also the Florentines (on whom the Viceroy required a new contribution by virtue of the league made in the time of Pope Adrian) to pay as their last rest, thirty thousand ducats: And yet the Pope had no meaning hereafter to show more property of favour to the one then to the other: But where immediately upon his election the one of them had sent to him Monsr Beaurain, and the other Monsr Saint Maixan, to draw him particularly to them, yet his intention was, assoon as the present dangers should cease, to bear between them that moderation and temperance which orderly appertaineth to th'office of Popes when Christian Princes be in discord, and laying aside all partiality and suspected inclination, to be a worker for peace and unity between them: A resolution which was so much the more agreeable to the French king, who feared lest the Pope was of the same disposition towards him that he was when he was Cardinal, by howmuch it was contrary and disagreeable to th'emperor, who held it not reasonable that he should separate himself from him, both for the last alliance that was past, and also for that by his aid he mounted to the Popedom: In which regard it brought no little grief to him to be certified from the Pope, that notwithstanding he willed him as much good as he did before, yet for that he was now no more a person private, but a father indifferent to all, he was bound by the respect and office of his place, to do nothing which were not for the common profit of all.  
But whilst the Viceroy prepared himself to go find thenemies, he sent john de Medicis before Marignan, which town yielded to him together with the Castle: And where the Marquis of Pisquairo disdaining to follow the war under Prospero Colonno, would not come to the camp but when he was advertised that he drew towards his latest hour, and hearing now that captain Bayard was within Rebecca with three hundred horse and many bands of footmen, he joined himself with john de Medicis, and marching with no less diligence than resolution of mind, he found them of Rebecca so oversleeping in their security, and so little doubting of his coming, that he took the most part of the footmen, and gave the chase to the residue, returning immediately to Milan as not to give leisure to the enemies within Biagrasse to pursue them: In this enterprise he was much esteemed for his industry and for his valour, but much more for his celerity and diligence, for that Rebecca which is not past two miles from Biagrassa, is from Milan from whence they went, more than seventeen miles.  
But as the affairs of the war were reduced to this degree, that to the French were left no other hopes then that wants of money would fall upon their enemies: And th'imperials were fed only with this expectation, that the French would suffer great skarcitie of victuals, and yet neither of them were without their hopes of succours, the one of lanceknights, and the other of Swissers: So the Admiral losing no opportunity wherein occasion was offered, set fire upon Rosa, and retired to Biagrassa those bands that were within it, disposing his forces to distress thenemies, and make incursions and burnings over all the country. But by this time were the lanceknights arrived at the emperor's camp, which contained in the whole six hundred men at arms, fifteen hundred light horsemen, seven thousand footmen Spanish, twelve thousand lanceknights, and fifteen hundred Italians, under the leading of the Duke of Milan, the Duke of Bourbon, the Viceroy of Naples, and the Marquis of Pisquaira: They left within Milan for the guard of the place, four thousand footmen, and marched with the residue to encamp at Binasqua, where not many days after the Duke of Urbin joined with them, with six hundred men at arms, six hundred light horsemen, and seven thousand footmen of the Venetians: At what time the Castle of Cremona being no more able to bear out the rage of hunger, and Federike Bossolo that was within Loda, having in vain adventured to secure it, yielded up to the imperials. Afterwards the army marched to Caesera, a town within five miles of Biagrassa, there the Admiral had distributed within Loda, Novaro, and Alexandria, two hundred lances and five thousand footmen, and kept himself encamped with eight hundred lances, and eight thousand Swizzers, to whom were joined within few days after, a regiment of three thousand others, together with four thousand Italians and two thousand lanceknights: And notwithstanding all this multitude of companies▪ he felt no necessity of victuals, having a full provision for two months as well in the army as in the places thereabouts: It was not possible to assail them in a place so strong without their manifest danger: By reason whereof, the imperials who many times had assayed to pass the river of Thesin to stop victuals from the french on that side and to get into those towns which they held beyond Thesin, and also to give impediment to the succours that were to come out of France, determined at last to pass, judging, by the confidence they had in the people of Milan, that there was no necessity to keep there a great garrison: So that the Duke, accompanied with John de Medicis, returned to Milan where was remeining a strength of six thousand footmen: Thus they passed the second day of May, the river of Thesin, upon three 
The imperials pass the river of Thesin.  bridges beneath Pavia, the battle lodging at Gambala, and the residue of th'army in the villages thereabouts: But the Admiral, when he knew they were passed Thesin, dispatched speedily Ranse de Cere to guard Vigeva, and fearing to loose that town, with other pieces in the country of Lomellina, which being taken from him, he should stand as it were besieged, he drew thither within five days with the whole army, leaving within Biagrassa, an hundred horsemen and a thousand footmen: he bestowed his vanguard about the parts of Vigeva, and sent the battle to Mortaro, a town within two miles of Gambalo where the Viceroy was: That place was full of many commodities, since besides the strength and situation, it ministered victuals at commandment, both for the surety of the ways of Mountferat of Verceill, and Novaro, and also for the continual opportunity and assistance of other places, yielding course and traffic from one town to an other as if it had been a stream of water: The Admiral offered two days together, the battle to thenemies, who refused to accept it, not that they were less in numbers, or inferior in valour and resolution of soldiers, but because they would not put in danger the hope of the victory which they held almost certain, for that by the surprising of certain letters, they had intelligence that th'enemy began to feel want of money and pay.  
After th'emperors army was passed Thesin, the Duke of Urbin leading the Venetian regiments, went to encamp before Garlasquo, a town strong by situation, and well environed with ditches and rampires: There was within it, a strength of four hundred footmen Italians: And standing between Pavia and Trumella beyond Thesin where he had an intention to bestow himself, it did not only cut the course of victuals from him, but also deprived the whole residue of th'army: he had in short space made a breach, and the same day followed on with th'assault, and being almost repulsed, many of his soldiers, holding all peril less than their valour, took the water and swam over the ditches, by whose example certain bands of footmen of john de Medicis did the like, with whom in one resolute adventure they began to assail it with such fury, that their virtue vanquishing all resistance, they entered it by force making great slaughter of such as they found within: afterwards the army approached S. George's, and drew towards the parish of Cairo to go to Sartirano, a town of good strength and hath his situation upon the hither shores of Paw in a place very apt to hinder their victuals, and for the keeping whereof, were Hugh de Popoly and john Biraguo with certain horsemen, and six hundred footmen: john of Urbin who was sent thither with th'artilleries, & a regiment of two thousand footmen Spaniards, took first the town, and then the rock, making slaughter of the most part of the men that were within, & committing the Captains' prisoners. The French men removed their camp to succour Sartirano, but being prevented by the diligence of their enemies, they stayed all their army at Monce, after they were advertised by the way what was happened.  
Neither had the affairs of the French men, better success in other places of the Duchy of Milan: for, those regiments of soldiers that were left within Milan, compelled to tender the town of Saint George which stands above Monce, whose inhabitants constrained by thextortion of the soldiers, had called home those bands of footmen that were in Loda: Pawle Lusasquo, encowntring with certain light horsemen of the French, put them to flight: And Federyk Bossolo, being departed from Loda to set upon Pisqueton, in place of the victory, brought home wounds & hurts, besides the loss of many of his men: Only there were certain light horsemen of the French who running up between Plaisanca and Tortone, surprised a treasure of fourteen thousand ducats which was sent to th'emperor's army.  
Amid these difficulties, th'admiral had two hopes, the one to have the war diverted, and the other to be succoured: for, the king had already caused to march, four hundred lances by the Mount Gevenera, to whom were to be joined ten thousand Swizzers: Besides, Ranso de Cere led to the territory of Bergama by the way of Valdesasina, five thousand Grisons, who were to pass from thence to Loda to join with Federyk Bossolo, with whom were already many bands of Italian footmen: And lastly th'admiral stood firm in this persuasion, that th'emperor would be constrained for the surety of Milan, to repass the river of Thesin: Against these companies, the Duke of Milan sent out john de Medicis with fifty men at arms, three hundred light horsemen, and three thousand footmen, And taking to him also a strength of three hundred men at arms, three hundred light horsemen, & four thousand footmen of the Venetians, he drew near the enemies who were now come to the village of Cravina between the rivers of Adda and Brembo eight miles from Bergama: he run with one part of his people even upto the places where the Grisons were encamped, who the third day after, complaining that they had not found at Cravina neither money for their pays, nor horsemen for their strength, nor other bands of footmen promised by Ranso de Cere, set themselves at liberty and returned to their country.  
The descending of the Grisons being thus turned into a mountain of smoke, john de Medicis using thoccasion of their retiring took Caravago, and afterwards passing Adds, he bet down with his artilleries the bridge which the french had made at Bufaloro upon Thesin: And those towns that are between Milan and Thesin there was but Biagrassa left in the power of the French: It was plentifully provided of victuals, and guarded with a strong garrison of a thousand footmen under jeronimo Caraciollo: But because it hath his situation upon the great channel, & by that mean stoppeth the course of victuals which that channel is wont to bring in great plenty to Milan, Francis Sforce sent for john de Medicis to come to him being followed with all the youth of Milan besides his ordinary bands of soldiers: They joined their forces together, and went to besiege it, And playing with their artilleries from Sun rising until Noon, he sent the soldiers to th'assault, whose valour being no less to enter then the artilleries were furious to make breaches, they took it the same day with a singular commendation of john de Medicis: In whom that day was not only discerned a virtue excelling all the other soldiers, but also a gravity, readiness, and government worthy of a right noble captain: so needful is the presence of a general in any action of importance, and so conducible his example to carry the minds of his soldiers to contemn all peril, and leave nothing undone that valour, or resolution can find out: captain Caraciollo was taken, and many of the footmen committed to the sword, besides certain companies which john de Medicis put to the gibbet, for that they had run from him a little before: The conquest of the town, took from the castle all hope of surety, and yielding to the fortune of the town, it was rendered, reserving the lives of them that were within: The people of Milan were universally glad for this success, but as there is no worldly bliss without his bale, & no prosperity so absolute which is not entangled with alteration, so the adversity that happened by it was far greater without comparison, than their joy, for that by transporting to Milan the spoils and booties of Biagrassa where the plague was, they brought wrapped up in the packs of their wealth & riches, the seeds of that pestilent contagion, which spread itself so universally over all complexions, that within few months, there died only in Milan, more than fifty thousand bodies.  
But the force and strength of the war was on the other side Thesin, where th'admiral after the loss of Sartirano, and discerning thenemies to approach him of new, abandonned Mortaro, and retired in two removes, to Novaro: his numbers were much diminished, for that not only many of his footmen, but also certain of his men at arms, were stolen from the camp and returned into France: By which weakness, the Admiral was driven to temporize until the supplies of the Swissers were come, who were already near to Yurea and almost eight thousand fight bodies. On the other side, th'emperors Captains studying to stop their coming, and to reduce thenemies into difficulty of victuals, made themselves Lords of the towns near to Novaro, making slaughter of those unhappy frenchmen which they found in garrison: And after they had bestowed within Verceil, certain bands of soldiers, to defend the Swizzers for entering there, they went to encamp at Biandra between Verceil and Novaro in a place environed on all parts with ditches, trees, and waters, matters of great importance to the fortification of a place.  
At last the Admiral understanding that the Swizzers that had passed Yurea, were 
The frenchmen go from before Milan.  stayed a long the river of Stesia which they could not pass over for the great abundance of waters there, and desirous to join them to his army, more to go away in surety, then to fight with th'enemy, he went from Novaro to lodge at Romagna upon the shores of the same river: where, what by the want and necessity of victuals, and the continual diminution of his men, he was driven to build a bridge between Romagna and Catinara: And on the other side, the enemies, being come from Biandra to Briona, went to encamp within two miles of Romagna: The frenchmen discerning upon what strait terms they stood, broke up and passed the river the day following, when it was believed, that if thenemies had been careful to watch their discamping, they had carried that day a most glorious and full victory: But the Captains being divided in opinion and council, some bearing a forward desire to fight, and others to let them go without charging them, their emulations would not suffer them to use thoccasion that was offered: It seemed also that the army was not governed as appertained, for that as the Marquis of Pisquara only, proceeding in all his actions with his accustomed valour, seemed worthy in whom should be reapposed the whole direction of affairs, so there were others that bore envy to his virtue, and they seeking to darken his glory by detracting his doings, were content to put to hazard the whole estate of the war, rather than to join themselves to his counsels. But albeit the army Imperial was not in sufficient time advertised of the discamping of the French men, yet after it was once known many light horsemen and many bands of footmen that passed the ford of the river without order, and without ensigns, following them with such diligence, that they overtook the rearguard and began to skirmish with it: And albeit the French men, sometimes fight, and sometimes marching, received the charge and sustained it a long time, yet in the end being not able to flee with the same valour wherewith they were followed, they were constrained to leave on the place seven pieces of their artilleries, a great proportion of their munitions, with no small quantity of victuals, & many of their horsemen & footmen put to the sword, besides the losing of many of their ensigns. The french men made as though they would encamp at Cattinaro which is within a mile of Romagna, and under that semblance, they caused secretly to pass on their artilleries & baggage: But as thenemies who believed they would encamp there, had begun to retire themselves, so they drew to Ravisingua towards Yurea which is six miles further: The imperials without any impediment, encamped the same night upon the river, which they passed immediately upon the rising of the Moon: But they were not followed of the Venetians, for that being entered upon the lands of the Duke of Savoy, they thought they had passed the bonds of confederation, by the which they were bound to no further matter than to the defence of the Duchy of Milan: The French men marched with slow pace in battle array, and had bestowed in the rearguard, the bands of Swyzzers, by whom were repulsed the first horsemen and footmen that came in disorder to charge them: And albeit the French by this time were gone from Ravisingua about two miles, yet the Marquis of Pisquaira, arriving with his light horsemen, they were eftsoons recharged, Not that they forbore notwithstanding to march, although captain Chabanes was slain, and captain Bayard made prisoner having a wound with a shot where of he died within few days after: But the Marquis looking into the good order thenemies kept, and no less careful not to follow his fortune further than good council called him, notwithstanding many bands of soldiers were come to him, yet he thought not good to pursue thenemies further, both for that he was unfurnished of artilleries, & had not with him but one part of th'army: By which mean the French were delivered of further troubles, & returned together with the Swizzers to their houses, having left at Baury beyond Yurea, fifteen pieces of artilleries in the guard of three hundred Swizzers and one of the Lords of the country: But those artilleries were no better preserved then the others, for that th'emperor's Captains having advertisement of them, sent out to take them. After this the Victors divided themselves into diverse parts: The Duke of Urbin was sent to Loda, and the Marquis of Pisquara to Alexandria, which two cities only were holden for the king, for that Novaro was rendered being fearful of the Duke of Milan and john de Medicis drawing thither with their forces: The Viceroy was appointed to go against the Marquis of Rothelin who was come over the Mounts with four hundred lances, Nevertheless assoon as he understood of the fortune of the Admiral, and that he was retired, he returned also into France, holding it vain for him to follow further th'enterprise when the principal forces were dispersed: Besides, Monsr de Boysy and julio Saint Severin to whom was committed the guard of Alexandria, made no resistance: In like sort Federyk, after he had demanded respite of a few days to know if the Admiral were passed the Mounts, compounded to yield up Loda, upon the condition that was accorded to them of Alexandria, to lead into France the bands of Italian footmen, who containing a regiment of five thousand men, did special service to the King afterwards: This was the end of the war that was managed against the Duchy of Milan under the government of the Admiral of France: By the which, neither the king's power being much weakened, nor the roots of harms removed, much less that so many calamities were clean taken away, seeing they were but deferred to an other season, and Italy in the mean while remeining discharged of troubles present, but not of suspicion of further adversities to come: And yet Themperor no less by the incitation of the Duke of Bourbon, then by the hope that the authority and name of that man might serve him to special purpose: Was of mind to transfer the war into France, to the which also the King of England showed a readiness and disposition.  
In the beginning of this year, Themperor had sent his Camp to Fontarabie, a town of very small circuit, standing upon the debatable lands that divide France from Spain: And albeit the town was very well manned, and furnished with artilleries and victuals, and leisure sufficient to them within to make it fortified, yet the fortifications being ill made through the ignorance of the French men, the town lay open to the fury of thenemies, who heaping upon the defendants one necessity after an other, constrained them at last to give it up only with the safety of their lives. He was not satisfied with the recovery of this place, but stretching his thoughts further, he made his ambition no less than his fortune, and in those conceits being raised to further enterprise, he kept no reckoning of the comforts and authority of the Pope, who having sent in the beginning of the year, to Themperor, the French King, and to the King of England to solicit a peace or a truce, he found their minds very ill disposed to give over the war: For, the French king, consenting to a truce for two years, refused to make peace for the small hope he had to obtain thereby such conditions as he desired: And the Emperor rejecting the truce, by the which was given good time to the French King to reordeine his forces to follow a new war, desired to have peace. And touching the King of England, any sort of composition that was offered to be made by the Pope's means, was displeasing to him, as in whom was always a desire that the treaty of th'accord might be wholly referred to him: To this he was induced by the ambitious counsels of the Cardinal of York, who (serving as a true example in our days of an immoderate pride) notwithstanding he was of very base condition, and no less abject for his parents and descending, yet he was risen to such an estate of authority and grace with the King, that in most of the actions of the realm, the kings will seemed nothing without thapprobation of the Cardinal: as of the contrary, what so ever the Cardinal did deliberate, was either absolute, or at lest had very great force: But both the King and his Cardinal kept dissembled with the Emperor that thought, & by appearances showed a very forward inclination to move war against the realm of France which the King of England pretended lawfully to appertain to him: He grounded his claim upon these reasons: King Edward the third, after the death of the French King Charles the fourth called the fair, who died without issue male in the year of our salvation 1328. and of whose sister the said King Edward the third was borne: Made instance to be declared King of France as next 
The claim of the Kings of England to the Crown of France.  heir male to the French king deceased: Nevertheless he was put by by the general Parliament of the realm wherein it was set down, that by virtue of the law Salyke an ancient law of that kingdom, not only the persons of women were made unable to the succession of the Crown, but also all such as descended and came of the women line were excluded: But he not satisfied with this order brought in to take away his right, armed himself soon after, and taking upon him the title of the king of France, he invaded the realm with a mighty army: And as in that action he obtained many victories both against Philip de Valois published by universal consent lawful successor to Charles the fair, and also against king john his son, who being overthrown in battle, was led prisoner into England: So after long wars he forbore further to vex the realm, and making peace with the said john, he retained many provinces and estates of the kingdom, and renounced the title of king of France: But after this composition which was neither of long continuance, nor of great effect, the quarrel was eftsoons renewed, and sometimes followed with long wars, and semetimes discontinued with tedious truces: until at last king Henry the fift entering confederacy with Philip Duke of Burgundy, who bore a mind estranged from the Crown of France for the murder done upon Duke john his father, prevailed so much against Charles the sixth somewhat simple of understanding, that he commanded almost the whole kingdom together with the town of Paris: And finding in that City the French king accompanied with his wife and the Lady Katherine his daughter, he took to wife the said Lady, and brought the king to consent (having no great use of wit) that after his death the kingdom should appertain to him and to his heirs, notwithstanding his son Charles did survive him: By virtue of which title, assoon as he was dead, his son king Henry the sixth was solemnly crowned at Paris, and proclaimed king of England and France: And albeit, after the death of Charles the sixth, his son Charles the seventh, by reason of great wars happening in England between the Lords of the blood royal, had chased thEnglishe out of all that they held in France except the town and territories of Calais, yet the kings of England did not leave for all that to continued and use the title of King of France. These causes might haply move king Henry the eight to the war, the rather also for that he stood more assured in his Realm then any of his predecessors had done: for that the kings of the house of York (that was the name of one faction) having suppressed the kings of the house of Lancaster (which was the other faction) and the partakers with the house of Lancaster seeing there was no more remaining of that house, raised to the kingdom Henrye of Richemont for his proximity and nearness with them: Who after he had subdued his adversaries, to th'end he might reign with more surety and with more authority, took to wife one of the daughters of Edward the last king but one of the house of York: by which conjunction of houses, all the rights and claims of both the one and the other houses, were absolutely and lawfully transferred into the person of king Henry the eight borne of that marriage: These houses for the ensigns and cognizanses that they bore, were called commonly the Red rose and the White rose.  
But touching the moving of the king of England to make wars in France, he was not so much carried by hope to win the Realm of France by arms, for that he was not ignorant of the innumerable difficulties that would contend against him, as he was importunately pushed on by the ambitious desire of the Cardinal of York, who laid this plot, that the long and tedious travels and infinite necessities of the war, would in the end bring his king to be the only arbitrator and appoynter of the peace: And knowing that the negotiation of it should depend much of his authority, he thought in one time both to make his name great through all the world, and also to entertain himself in the good grace and liking of the French king to whom he showed secretly to bear some good inclination: And therefore the king of England sought not to bind himself to those conditions whereunto it was necessary he should be bound if he had had a forward mind to so great a war.  
Thus Themperor was stirred up to the war by that occasion, but much more by a hope, that through the favour, authority, and popular opinion which the Duke of Bourbon carried in that kingdom, the commons of the realm would draw to commotion: And therefore notwithstanding he was advised by many of his firm and assured friends, that both for his want of money, which brings no small impediments to enterprises, and for the doubt of his confederates whose fidelity was uncertain, he would give over to begin a war so hard and intricate, and consent that the Pope might treat upon the surceasing of arms: yet he capitulated with the king of England and Duke of Bourbon in this sort: That the Duke should enter the Realm of France with that part of th'army that was in Italy: And assoon as he should be over the Mounts, the king of England to pay an hundred thousand ducats for the defraymentes of the first month of the war: That it should be in the election of the said king either to continued this contribution from month to month, or else to pass into France with a strong army to make war from the first day of julie until the end of December: And in that case the countries of Flaunders to furnish him of three thousand horse, a thousand footmen, and sufficient artilleries and munitions: That if the victory fell to them, there should be rendered to the Duke of Bourbon all those lands which the French king had taken from him: That Provence should be transferred to him, to the which he already pretended by the resignation that was made after the death of Charles the eight, by the Duke of Lorreine, to Anne Duchess of Bourbon: That he should hold it by the title of king of Provence: That first he should make an oath to the king of England as to the king of France, and do him homage, which if he did not perform, than this capitulation to be void: That the Duke of Bourbon should not treat nor practise nothing with the French king without the consent of them both: That th'emperor at the same time should make war on that side towards Spain: lastly that th'ambassadors of th'emperor and the king of England should procure the Potentates of Italy to be concurrant with their money in this enterprise, to th'end to be for ever assured against the war of the French: A matter which never sorted to effect, for that the Pope did not only refuse to contribute, but blamed expressly th'enterprise, prophesying that not only it would have an ill success in France, but also it would be the cause to return the war again upon Italy, and that with a greater puissance and peril then before.  
The Duke of Bourbon refused constantly to acknowledge the king of England for king of France: And albeit after the confederation was made, he gave counsel to march with the army towards Lion, to th'end to draw near his own lands and Countries: yet it was resolutely determined, that he should pass into Provence, both for that Themperor should with more facility send him succours out of Spain, and also to be more apt to take the service and opportunity of the army by sea which was in preparing at Genes by the commandment and with the money of Themperor. The Marquis of Pisquairo was declared captain general for Themperor in this war, for that he could not be brought to obey the Duke of Bourbon: The plot and proceedings of this expedition were, that the Duke of Bourbon and with him the Marquis, should pass to Nice, and yet with forces far less than such as were appointed, for that where, to the forces they had already with them which was five hundred men at arms, eight hundred light horsemen, four thousand footmen spaniards, three thousand Italyans, and five thousand lanceknights, there should have been joined three hundred men at arms of the army in Italy, and five thousand other lanceknights: these last companies failed to come for want of money, And the Viceroy kept retained the men at arms for the guard of the country, having no mean to wage new companies of footmen according to the resolution set down in the first councils, to th'end to make head against Michael Angeo Marquis of Salusse, who being departed from his estate, kept upon the mountains with a thousand footmen: There was added to this that th'emperor's army at sea (one of their principal hopes) being guided by Don Hugo de Mocado, A man of much malice and wickedness of life and a creature of the Duke Valentynois, appeared far inferior to the navy of the French king, which being parted from Marseilles, was stayed in the port of Villefrancho. Nevertheless th'emperors army entered into Provence where were Monsr de la Palissa, captain Fayetto, Ranso de Cere, and Pederyk Bossolo, All captains of the French king, and were now withdrawn into towns, for that they were not strong enough to make head in the field: One part of the army drew along the sea side, and took the tower that commandeth the port of Towlon, where were taken two Canons that were drawn to the army: Besides, the town of Aix, which for his authority and for that the parliament is there resident, is one of the chief towns of Provence, was rendered, whose example drew with it many other towns of the country: The Duke of Bourbon in whom was no less emulation than valour, desired that from Aix, the army might march further leaving the sea side, Wherein he persuaded that seeking to pass the river of Rhosne, there might be lost no time to enter deeper into the body and entrails of France, whilst the kings provisions were yet but weak and not confirmed: for, by reason the king was consumed of treasure and money, the men at arms of France had suffered much and were very ill paid, and also not expecting that his enemies would pass out of lombardy into France, his forces and companies of men of war were fallen into that disorder that they could not be readdressed with such speed: Besides, the king having no confidence in the valour of the footmen of his own kingdom, was constrained before he could march into the field, to tarry for the coming of certain footbands of the Swyzzers and lanceknights: during which expectation, as the Duke of Bourbon thought he should be able to do some matter of importance in passing over Rhosne, so the Marquis of Pisquairo with the other Spanish Captains were of an other advise: They desired that both for the opportunity of the sea, and to satisfy th'intention of th'emperor, Marseilles might be conquered, A haven most convenient to vex the Realm of France with sea armies, and also no less apt to pass in safety out of Spain into Italy: These captains what by thauthority of their multitude, and thefficacy of their reasons, so prevailed against the will of the Duke of Bourbon, that they pitched their camp before Marseilles, wherein was newly entered Ranse de Cere with those bands of footmen which had been led into France from Alexandria and Loda: They lay forty days before Marseilles without doing any exploit of mark or memory: And albeit they executed the walls in many places with their artilleries, and not prevailing with batteries laboured to work their entry by myning, yet they found objected many difficulties, and their great labours resisted both by the fortune and fortification of the town: they had contending against their industry, the strength of the wall bearing an ancient form and building: The valour of the defendants most resolute in the quarrel of their liberty: The disposition of the people, bearing great devotion to the name of the French king, and very hateful to the glory of the spaniards: And lastly the hope of succours aswell by sea as land, for that the French king was comen to avignon, (A city of the Popes, standing upon the river of Rhosne) where he assembled with great diligence, A mighty army: Moreover want of money began to fall upon th'emperor's Captains, and their hopes no less diminished that the French king being invaded in other places would be letted to convert to one only part, all his forces and provisions: for that the king of England notwithstanding he had sent to the Duke of Bourbon Master Richard Pase, did both refuse to pay the hundred thousand ducats for the second month, And also made slender shows to move war in Piccardye: Not, having received into England john joachin de Spetio whom the French king had sent to him, and also the Cardinal of York making strange answers to th'emperor's Ambassadors, he gave the Duke great occasion both to doubt and distrust him: And touching Spain and th'expectation there, the powers and forces did not answer the wills of men nor the promises that were made: The reason was, for that the Courts of Castillo (so are called the congregations of the Deputies assembled in the name of the whole kingdom) had refused to aid th'emperor with four hundred thousand ducats, A contribution which they are wont to make both in the great need of their king, and upon any action of importance: by which occasion there could no money be sent to the army that was in Provence, & much less any levy of men made against the french king in the frontiers of Spain, other than very weak, and not worthy to bear reckoning: So that the imperial Captains, both despairing to sack Marseilles, and also fearing to run into some greater danger when the king should approach, broke up their camp the same day that the king set from Avignon with his whole army, having also marching with him a regiment of six thousand Swissers.  
The same reasons that moved th'imperial Captains to levy their siege from before Marseilles, carried them also to turn their faces towards Italy: And as in men there is nothing more violent than the passion of fear, whose motions are swifter than the wings of the wind, so in th'imperials was seen no less diligence to hasten into Italy: then to break up their siege, showing one care to prevent the peril that might fall upon them, if either all or part of the French kings army, should encownter them in the country of th'enemy: And on the other side, the king saw a fair occasion offered to recover his Duchy of Milan, what by the puissance of the army he had levied, by the fidelity of his Captains, by the plenty of his provisions, by thintelligence he had of the weakness of his enemies, and lastly by his hope that taking the nearest way he should bring his army into italy afore those that went from Marseilles: In which estate and advantage of things, he determined to join industry to the present opportunity, and to follow the benefit that fortune presented to him: he imparted this resolution with all the Captains of th'army, to whom he declared that as he had vowed in him self an irrevocable promise to pass in person into Italy, so whosoever would rise 
The french king determineth to pass the mounts and to follow the enemy.  up to council him the contrary, much less that he would grant him audience, seeing he would not forbear to hold him in ill opinion and affection: That therefore every one should go to his charge, and show the same will to execute th'enterprise, which they had done to consult and to conclude it: That God who was a lover of justice, and th'insolency and rashness of thenemies, had at last laid open a mean to reconquer that that had been violently ravished from him against law, equity, and reason: That they had to doubt no more of the victory, then for his part, he disinherited their valours, for that God doth always accompany an innocent cause with a happy success: To these words was correspondent, both his constancy in deliberation, and his celerity in execution, for that he commanded immediately his army to march, wherein were two thousand lances and twenty thousand footmen: He took a contrary way because he would not meet with the Lady Regent his mother, who was come from avignon to debate with him not to pass the mounts in person, but to perform the war in Italy by his captains: He gave order to Ranso de Cero to furnish his galleys with those bands of footmen which he had at Marceilles: And to avoid all practices and negociations of peace, or at lest that he somewhat disinherited the Pope, he forbade to pass further thArchbishoppe of Capua that was dispatched to him and so to go to th'emperor: He sent him word to tarry for him at Avignon in the Court of his mother and negotiate with him by letters, or else to return again to the Pope: So firmly had he fixed his mind upon the war, that nothing was more hateful to him then to hear speak of peace, against the which he had closed his ears and shut up all inclination: And in that resolution he followed the enemies in the mean while with the greatest diligence he could: But they making small reckoning of the harms and damages which the peasantes did to them, marched always in good order along the sea side: At last they got to Monaco, and there they broke into pieces their artilleries, which for more facility of carriage, they laded their Mulets withal: As soon as they came to Finalo they understood with what haste the king marched after, which made them double their pace to th'end to be able in good season to defend the Duchy of Milan, wherein were not remaining forces sufficient to make resistance.  
Thus both the one and tother army drawing towards Italy, the same day that the french king came to Verceill, the Marquis of Pisquairo arrived at Albo with the horsemen and bands of Spanish footmen, being followed one days journey behind by the Duke of Bourbon and the lanceknights: The Marquis not taking leisure to pause, or scarcely to breath, went the day following from Albo to Voginero being forty miles distant, to the end he might the next day get into Pavya: And there he joined his forces with the Viceroy who was come thither from Alexandria, for the guard of which town he had left a strength of two thousand footmen: This was in a time when the french army began to draw fast upon the shores of the river Thesin, their diligence in marching being far swifter than was the opinion of thenemies: In this place they consulted with jeronimo Moron of the estate of their common affairs wherein their first devise was, that leaving sufficient garrison within Pavia, they should dispose all their forces to the defence of Milan, according to the observation and custom of the other wars: In this council, it was set down that Moron should go thither forthwith to make provision for things necessary, and the Duke of Milan to follow him whom they had sent for: And they with their companies marched the right way to Milan, after they had left within Pavia, Anthony de Leva with three hundred men at arms, five thousand footmen being all Spaniards except certain lanceknights: But such was the desolation within Milan, that being still afflicted with the great plague that had run thorough the town all the summer, the City was sore shaken and little remaining of the former appearance and countenance: The sickness had consumed infinite numbers of the people and bodies of good service, and many had abandonned the City to avoid that mortal peril of their lives: it contained such provisions of victuals as it was wont to do: The means to tax and levy money began to grow hard and desperate: And touching the fortifications, the adversity of the sickness had taken away all care and remembrance of them, yea through the negligence of that time, all the bulwarks and rampires lay reversed to the ground: Such are the damages of an universal negligence, which even amid perils that be manifest and apparent, takes away the study of things that most concern safety and defence: And yet albeit the towns men and popular inhabitants, expressed no want of readiness to say themselves down to all danger and suffer all travel whatsoever: Yet Moron judging by the present estate and desolation of the town, that to enter with an army, would be more to the ruin then to the defence of the City, took an other council, which he published in the presence of a great assembly of the townsmen in this manner of speeches: We may say now and with the same perturbation of mind, the like words which our Saviour Christ powered out in the midst of his perplexities: Truly the spirit is ready, but the flesh is weak: I know that in you wanteth not the same affection which hath always carried you to honour, obey, and defend your Lord Francis Sforce: And I am not ignorant, that in him do make right deep impressions the calamities and dangers of his dear people, for whose safety as I know he wanteth no inclination to offer up his life and all his mortal estate, so in your faces I discern an universal readiness to recompense him with the same compassion: But what availeth it to be resolute where fortune hath made greater the perils and dangers, than either reason or nature can make assured the hope, and how vainly is employed that fidelity which is not accompanied with his due respects to time, place, and property of things: I see your forces are nothing answerable to your good wills and inclinations, for that your town is made naked of people, your treasories drained of money, your store houses consumed of victuals, and your fortifications reduced to extreme ruin, matters that of themselves do offer the french men to enter without that you shall need to beat open your gates or posterns: It brings no little grief to the Duke to be constrained to leave you abandonned, but it would be more grievous to him then death, if in seeking to defend you he should lead you to your last ruin and desolation: In so great a face and multitude of evils, it is holden for good discretion to make election of the lest, & not to doubt of better seeing it is given to mortal men to hope for all things and to despair in nothing: In matters of peril it is no shame to flee, when the fleeing profiteth him that giveth place to his adversary, for this reason the Duke adviseth you to obey necessity and give place to the fortune of the french king, reserving your remedies for a better time which we can not but hope will happen for your speedy restoring: To give place to necessity and follow the law of time, is an office duly appertaining to wise men: For the present, the Duke will neither abandon himself, nor give you over in time to come: Make your sorrows no greater than is the quality of your loss, and frame your minds apt to receive this consolation, that time triumpheth over all the adversities of the world: You see your cause is just, the power of th'emperor mighty, his fortune incredible, and your enemies no other men than such against whom your valours have so oftentimes prevailed: God will behold your piety towards the Duke, and his compassion towards his country: With him are laid up the issues of wars, & in his sight is far more acceptable the innocency of your cause, than the might of your adversary: Lastly I wish you all to remain thus resolute, that suffering for a good end that which our present necessity doth constrain us unto, that mighty God whose rule goeth thorough all, will take to himself the revenge of our proud enemies, & by a glorious victory, redeem us from those afflictions which we have suffered so long in his sight.  
After these words, he dismissed the assembly, and causing victuals to be put within the Castle, he issued out of the town.  
The Duke not knowing any thing of that which Moron had done at Milan, took his way to go thither: But immediately after he was come out of Pavya, he met with Ferrand Castriot having the conduit of th'artillery, who signifying to him that part of thenemies were passed Thesin, and that they had overthrown captain Succhar a Burgougnon with his light horsemen upon the shores of the river, he returned to Pavya fearing to find ambushes and impediments in the way: And albeit the Duke and Moron had proceeded with sincerity in these causes, yet the emperor's Captains who were with the army at Binasquo, being jealous lest they had secretly contracted with the French King, sent to Milan captain Alarcon with two hundred Lances, either to follow him or to lie still according to thadvertisements that should be given: He was no sooner arrived there, than the people who were already compounded with certain exiles that negociated in the king's name, began to take heart and to publish the name of Themperor and Francis Sforce: But captain Alarcon, weighing with the little hope that remeined of defence, the nearness of the French Vaward which was then at hand, issued out of the gate called Rome gate and took the way to Loda, whether was also marched the whole army: This was at the same time that thenemies began to enter by the gates of Thesin and Verceill, who, if they had not turned towards Milan, but put upon them the chase and pursuing of Themperor's army both being weary with marching, and having lost many of their men at arms and horses, it was believed for certain that they had put the army to the shock and defeated with facility the forces which afore they feared: And moreover, if after they were approached to Milan, they had with the same diligence drawn towards Loda, either Themperor's Captains would not have dared to stay there, or at lest passing with diligence the river of Adda, they had with the same fortune and facility, put to disorder the residue of thenemies: But the king who happy supposed it a matter of great importance to establish and assure at his devotion, Milan a town which had made the most principal resistance against him, or happy being carried with some other cause, he did not only draw to the city of Milan wherein he would not enter nor suffer the army to enter, but stayed to bestow in it sufficient garrison, and to give direction for besieging the Castle wherein were seven hundred Spanish footmen: He forbade, to the great praise of his modesty and clemency, that no displeasures should be done to th'inhabitants, seeking by that insinuation to reduce a people whom he saw untractable by all other means after he had published his directions at Milan, he turned his army towards Pavia, not holding it convenient for the estate of his affairs, to leave behind his back a City wherein were so many soldiers: The king had in his army (reckoning those that remained at Milan) two thousand lances, eight thousand lanceknights, six thousand Swizzers, six thousand fore-riders or adventurers, and four thousand Italians: The number of these last increased much afterwards.  
About this time, the Marquis of Pisquaro was got within Loda with two thousand footmen: And the Viceroy having revitteled the towns of Alexandria, Coma, and Tressa, was entered into Sonzin: with him entered Francis Sforce and Charles Bourbon, who amid so many difficulties and distresses drew to them some courage by the going of the king to Pavia: They thought to readdress their companies if the defence of that City would give them liberty: and to that purpose they sent into Germany to levy six thousand footmen, with the pays of whom and other expenses necessary, there was provision made with the fifty thousand ducats which th'emperor had sent to Genes, to employ them in the wars of Provence: But the thing that gave chief impediment to their counsels, was the necessity and want of money which they suffered: For, neither had they mean to draw any out of the Duchy of Milan, and less hope to obtain of the Emperor for his disability, any other matter then a commission to offer to be sold at Naples the most of the revenues of the kingdom: And touching their ancient confederates, they expected none at all or very little relief neither of money nor men: for that as the Pope and Florentines jointly being sued unto for some contribution of money, gave them nothing but general words and hopes more hurting than curing their calamities: So the Pope alone, who after the Admiral was gone out of Italy, stood resolutely fixed not to entangle himself further in the wars between th'emperor and the French king, would never renew the confederation made with his predecessor, nor contract new leagues with any prince: And which more is, notwithstanding he declared himself inclined to th'emperor and the king of England, yet he had made a secret promise afore to the French king, not to be any impediment to him in the recovery of his duchy of Milan: Moreover when the Venetians were required by the Viceroy to furnish those bands of soldiers which they were bound unto by the capitulations of the league, albeit they did not slatly refuse them, yet their answers were but cold and contained small hope: Their intention was to accommodate their counsels according to the train and proceeding of things, wherein they were carried by one of these reasons: either for that in many of them was renewed the memory of their ancient alliance with the French king, or else they judged that he could not but remain victorious in regard of his valour, his fortune, but specially the mighty forces he brought into Italy against enemies of so slender preparation and worse provision: or lastly for that th'emperors ambition was more suspected to them then before, for that he had not invested Francis Sforce in the Duchy of Milan, A matter which the states of Italy did no less marvel at then grievously complain upon: In this manner of doing also they were much carried by the authority of the Pope, to whose counsels and example they bore no small respect in those times.  
The French king made his approach to Pavia on the lower side between the river 
The French king before Pavia.  of Thesin, and the way that leadeth to Milan: And after he had encamped his vanguard within the suburbs of S. Anthony beyond Thesin upon the way that goeth to Genes, he bestowed himself in the Abbey of S. Lanfrank which is within a mile of the walls: There he drew into consideration all the ways that could be devised for the exploit of the town, either how much the situation did help, or what might be hoped for by the industry of men, which parts were weakest for want of fortification, and how to leavy the difficulties where were shows of resistance, yea he made a counsel with his Captains of all things tending to such a service: and after resolution set down, he advanced his artilleries, with the which for two days together he battered the walls in two places, and afterwards ranging his army into array of battle, he began to give th'assault: But in the very first charge he caused eftsoons to sound the retreat, both finding the rampires within very strong and furnished, and the assurance and valour of the defendants resolute and singular, and also discerning in his own soldiers manifest signs of fear by the spectacle of their fellows slain in the charge: With this also he considered how hard it would be to take by assault, a town that had for her defence so many brave men of war, so many natural impediments, so many artificial difficulties, and lastly so plentifully prepared of all those things which either experience, industry, or counsel could provide, that there was nothing wanting which might be made for the help of their danger, nor nothing used to their help which was not hurtful to th'enemy: Therefore he devised to cast trenches and plotformes, wherein he employed the labour of a great number of pyeners, by whose working he sought to cut of the flanks, to give more surety to his soldiers when they should approach: And as to his desire to carry the town, there was wanting no will to follow thexploit with charges and expenses, so albeit the work was long and hard, yet he caused to make mines in many places, hoping to prevail by that engine, though in all other ways should fall out imperfection or error: The river there about two miles above Pavya separates itself into two arms or horns, and carrying his stream of one violence and swiftness somewhat below the town, he meeteth in one again afore he fall into Paw: The king deviseth to take the opportunity of this river, wherein using the counsel of diverse engenistes and water workmen skilful in the course of the stream, he determined to turn that arm of the river that passeth on that side to Pavia, and to make it fall into the lesser which they call Gravalone: his hope was to prevail with greater facility on that side, for that the wall by reason of his surety which the depth of the water did give, was not any way rampiered: The number of the defendants was so great above his expectation, and their minds so resolute in valour and fidelity, that he had no confidence of the victory by any other mean then this: which made him consume many days in that work, no less great for the labour employing multitudes of men, then grievous for thexpenses, drawing with it many extraordinary charges. The townsmen could not but be fearful to see such a work raised to do them harm, and yet subduing through a settled confidence those motions that made them timorous, the virtue of their minds brought them to contemn the thing that their nature and flesh made them to distrust and doubt: But such was the violent working of the water being much increased by certain great rains and landfluddes that were fallen, that it began to reverse the trenches and sluices which were made in the channel where the river was divided to force the course of the water to enter into the lesser arm: And albeit the king's hopes made him both to recontinue the work, and to think to be able to surmount the violence of the stream with the force of men and money, yet in the end experience gave him to know, that the force of a water carrying a violent course can do more than either the travel of men, or industry of engenistes: The privation of this hope, together with the difficulties that were discerned to carry the town by force, drive the king to a new counsel, wherein he determined to continued the siege, with the long tract and continuance whereof, he was not without hope to reduce the defendants into necessity of rendering.  
During these preparations and actions, the Pope hearing of the taking of Milan, was not a little moved with the fortunes and happy beginnings of the French: And therefore amid such alteration of things, he studied to assure his proper affairs, dispatching for the same occasion to the French king, Gianniatteo Giberto Bishop of Verona, who was of no less fidelity and confidence with the Pope, then gracious and acceptable to the French king: he had in charge to go first to Sonzin to induce the Viceroy and the other captains to peace, communicating with them his legation to the king for the same cause: But finding them recomforted by the resistance of Pavia, and no less assured in the hope of their proper valour, they made him a brave answer, that they had no devotion to any composition which should give to the king any one foot of land in the Duchy of Milan: He found in the king a like, or haply a more hard disposition, raising his heart into high hopes both by the greatness of his army, and also for the good means he had to continued it and increase it, A foundation whereupon he assured principally his passage into Italy, & not under a simple hope to prevent his enemies, notwithstanding he would say, that in effect it was already succeeded to him: The king nourished in himself an assured hope to carry Pavia, which he battered with a continual fury and execution of his artilleries: This hope was especially grounded upon the works which he cast about the walls, such as he was assured could not be troubled by thenemies for the want which they had of munitions, A matter easy to be discerned by the little number of shots which they made: He saw also into their penury of victuals and bread, and was not without hope also to be able in time to turn the stream of Thesin, an action specially importing th'advancement of his victory: And esteeming the conquest of Milan and Genes a recompense far unworthy thexpenses he had made, and a reward too simple for so great a glory, he raised his mind to higher thoughts, & in that ambition devised to invade the kingdom of Naples, holding nothing the hardness of th'enterprise in regard of his fortune & glory, & more contemning the peril then well examining the parts and circumstances of it: But after all this, the principal cause of the Bishop's legation was debated between them, and brought forth effect with very little difficulty: both for that the Pope bound himself not to give against the king any succours either secret or manifest, in which covenant the Florentines did also communicate: And also the king received into his protection the Pope and the Florentines, comprehending especially th'authority which the family of Medicis had within Florence: It was agreed that this accord should not be published but at such time as should seem best to the Pope: Nevertheless, albeit it came not for the present to the knowledge of th'emperor's Captains, yet they entered daily more and more into jealousy of the Pope: and therefore to be fully made assured of the certainty of his intention, they dispatched to him Martin Abbot of Nagero Commissary of the camp: his commission was to propound to the Pope at one time, both hope and fear: for of the one part they made him offer of very great▪ things, and of the other they gave him to understand, that if th'emperor and the king came to the uttermost contention, th'emperor could not but hold for enemies and against him, such as stood in show of neuter and indifferent: But the Pope answered, that nothing could be less seeming to him, his estate, and place, then to give over neutrality in a time when wars ran between Christian Princes, both for that the office of a pastor did so require it, and also standing a neuter, he might with a greater authority interpose in the action of peace: of the parts and covenants whereof, he treated at the same time with th'emperor, at whose Court since the taking of Milan, was arrived thArchbishoppe of Capua, to whom the Lady Regent had given passport to go from Lion into Spain▪ Where, after he had with the same reasons excused the Pope in that he would not renew the league, a matter wherein th'emperor did instantly require him when he understood the king drew towards Italy, he told him that in making peace or truce, he aught to lay aside arms: But that which wrought in th'emperor an inclination to accord, was the difficulties wherein he saw his army reduced, the slender means he had to make levies of money to relieve the affairs of Italy, the full felicity which followed the french king, and the suspicion that he had lest the king of England had secretly contracted with his enemy: he grounded that jealousy upon this reason, that not only he refused to send to th'army that was in Lombardye the fifty thousand ducats, for the which notwithstanding he had given order, and provided at Rome for the war of Provence: But also he demanded of th'emperor (suffering so great necessity) both restitution of the money he had lent him, and also present payment of all such sums as he was bound unto: for, th'emperor since his passing into Spain having a great desire of conjunction with the king of England, and the better to remove all difficulties that might hold him in suspense, bound himself to pay him that pension which he had yearly of the french king, and to answer twenty thousand ducats for the pensions which the french king paid to the Cardinal of York and others, together with thirty thousand ducats payable to Queen Blanch the widow of king Lewis: of all which sums he had made no payment till that day: Nevertheless th'emperor amid so many adversities, made answer that it was not a matter agreeing with his dignity, to make any convention so long as the french king lay vexing with arms and hostility the Duchy of Milan: This was his answer no less resolute than worthy such a greatness of mind, being notwithstanding no less afflicted in thought and spirit, than very ill disposed of his person and body, being fallen into a fever quartine, either for the displeasure he had conceived when the difficulties to take Marceilles began to appear, or for that his mind ill disposed to give place to th'enemy, was not naturally made tractable by any difficulties, or for that he had a firm confidence in the virtue of his army if once they came to the battle, or lastly for that he promised to himself, that hereafter the favours of fortune would follow him with as full a gale, as they had done in times past.  
The french king during these actions, had determined to invade the realm of 
The fr. king sendeth the Duke of Albany into the realm of Naples.  Naples, hoping that the importance of that kingdom would move the Viceroy either to abandon Milan, or at lest surcease arms upon ill conditions: a thing which the king began to desire for the difficulties he saw to obtain Pavia, and for that expedition it was set down, that john Stuard Duke d'Albanie, issued of the blood of the kings of Scotland, should march to the realm of Naples with two hundred lances, six hundred light horsemen, and four thousand footmen: These to be drawn out of th'army, the one half to be Italians, four hundred Swizzers, and the residue lanceknights: And for the more glory of th'expedition and surety of the victory, Ranso de Cere was appointed to join with them, and to descend at Lyvorna with those bands of footmen that were levied for the army at sea, which for the difficulty of necessary provisions, was yet within the bay of Villefranco: he had also sent directions to the same Ranso and the Vrsins, to wage four thousand footmen in the country of Rome: This deliberation the French king signified to the Pope by his Ambassador Alberto Earl of Carpy, by whom he required the Pope of sufferance to leavy bands of footmen at Rome, and to consent to passage for his army through the Church dominion: This demand brought no little grief to the Pope, to whom it could not but be intolerable that together with the Duchy of Milan, the crown of Naples should devolve to the French king: But looking into th'estate of the time, and less hardy to make open refusal of the kings demand, he advised him only by way of counsel, not to embrace as yet that enterprise, and not to drive him to that necessity not to accord to him that which for many just regards he could not consent unto: Wherein he occupied with him this wise discourse to prove the action to be against his proper weal and profit: That if in times past the desire to reconquer the Duchy of Milan had stirred up so many enemies, much more would it move in those days, and in that estate of affairs, when the world discerned that he aspired manifestly to the kingdom of Naples: That there was great peril lest such an ambition would draw the Venetians to take arms for th'emperor, and to pass the bonds of their confederation: That he had to consider, that if his affairs found any difficulty in Lombardie, the war would proceed with small reputation in the realm of Naples: That if his wars and armies suffered declination in either of these two places, it would be a material cause to bring forth diminution to both: That lastly he should remember what offices he had commended in him in putting upon him a mind requisite in a Pope, and that therefore it was not convenient to compel him now to do the contrary. But this discourse was made in vain, for that the Duke d'Albanie, not attending for other answer, and withal half assured of the Pope's consent, passed the river of Paw at the passage of Stellato which is in the duchy of Milan: And yet the fift day after, he turned back again by direction from the king, who understanding that the lanceknights began already to arrive, and that the duke of Bourbon was gone to wage more, thought best to reserve with himself his whole army until his camp were possessed of the new supply of Swizzers and Grisons which he had sent to leavy. In this mean while were made many shows and demonstrations of arms, though no action of importance was performed by neither party. The king continued the siege before Pavia working continually at the trenches, and watching to vex them within with his artilleries: And the imperials stood quiet, expecting the return of the Duke of Bourbon: Only the Marquis of Pisquairo, upon whose providence and valour depended for the most part the counsels and executions of the whole affairs, issued one night out of Loda with two hundred horsemen and two thousand footmen: with which strength he surprised the town of Melzo being negligently guarded by jeronimo and john Fermo Triwlco with two hundred horsemen, and in the action took prisoners all the capteins with the most part of their soldiers, of whom jeronimo died not many days after of a blow which he received in fight. By this were arrived in the king's camp the bands of Swizzers and Grisons, by reason of whose coming the Duke d'Albanie repassed again the river of Paw at Stradello upon the country of Plaisanca: from which inclination the Pope was not able to turn the king, not that he did what he could, but haply solicited it with very cold instance, for fear to make him enter into suspicion: And therefore he thought it now time both to manifest to th'imperials the covenants he had made with him before, and also to renew the mention of th'accord, hoping that no less the difficulty to obtain Pavia, than the danger of the kingdom of Naples would make either party less obstinate and less hard to embrace th'accord: To those ends he sent Paul Vettorio to the Viceroy to signify to him, that notwithstanding the means and mediations he had used, yet he could never divert the french king from his purpose to muade the realm of Naples: and that (as touching his own particular, lest he should pull upon himself the war which he could not resist) he had no reason to give impediment to his passage: Nevertheless albeit he was constrained by vehement compulsion to seek 
The Pope counsell●th the fr. king and th'emperor to peace.  his surety with him by new contracts, yet he would never accord to any condition which might be prejudicial to th'emperor: for whom, like as amid so many difficulties, he saw nothing more profitable nor reasonable then to embrace peace: So to th'end the negotiation of peace might be advanced afore the disorders grew greater or more immoderate, he persuaded the Viceroy to consent to a surceasing of arms, and to put into the hands of a person not suspected all those pieces in the duchy of Milan which as yet were holden in the name of th'emperor and the Duke: Upon which doings and their full accomplishments, he hoped there would be found out some convenient mean for peace, wherein he proponed this devise, that the duchy of Milan being wholly separate from the crown of France, the kings second son should be invested therein by th'emperor, to whom in recompense should be transferred some competent sum of money: That there should be ordained some reasonable estate and assignation for the Dukes of Milan and Bourbon: And lastly that the Pope, the Venetians, and the Florentines should be bound to confederate with th'emperor against the French king, in case he would not observe things promised. The emperors capteins discerned well of the difficulties and dangers wherein they stood, having at one time to support so great a war in Lombardie in such an universal want & necessity of money, and also to provide for the safety of the kingdom of Naples, being no less desperate of aid from the Pope & Florentins, then very certain that the Venetians would abandon them: who, albeit they waged new bands of footmen, and studied to entertain th'imperials in hope to observe th'articles of the league, yet they deferred th'execution with divers excuses: In so much as the Viceroy being for his particular nothing estranged from th'accord, inclined to draw with th'army to the kingdom of Naples for the surety of the same: But the council being assembled upon the matter, the reasons & authority of the Marquis of Pisquaro prevailed, who expressing an equal correspondency of wisdom and courage, proved how necessary it was to pass over the account of all other dangers, and to fix only upon the war of Lombardy, upon whose victory all other things had their expectation and depending: he said it was not the king's intention to invade the realm of Naples with those armies and forces which could not so speedily be led into the kingdom, where both were multitudes of strong towns, and an absolute resolution & certainty of resistance by those bodies whom it concerned (for their proper safety) to defend it: By which occasion as it might be sustained for certain months, So, in that respite and time, it was likely that the war of Milan would be determined, of which if they obtained the victory, there could not but follow the speedy delivering or rendering of Naples, yea though th'emperor had no other holds or pieces there, then one only tower: That holding good in Lombardy, it were easy to be victorious over Milan and Naples: where in marching to Naples were the only way to loose Milan, and yet the kingdom not the more delivered from danger, for that the whole body of the war would be transported thither: And being once reduced to a state of men vanquished, with what hopes can we return thither again? where, of the contrary the enemies would enter with such a reputation and inclination of the people, who naturally either for fear or hatred, run before the fortune of the victor, that in the kingdom of Naples would be found no more defence then in the duchy of Milan: That no other thing moved the french king standing as yet in doubt of the success of Lombardy: both to divide his army & begin a new war (the first still hanging & continuing) then the hope he had, that for the overmuch care & jealousy of the kingdom of Naples, they would at last leave unto him as a pray thestate of Milan: According to whose counsels & appetites, if the army should move that so often had triumphed in victory, it were no other thing then with eternal infamy to subject to the vanquished by compulsion of their threatenings, that honour, that reputation, and that estate of glory which so many times we have won upon them by our arms, by our valour, & by our weapons. This advise was embraced, and as a sentence set down & followed by the Viceroy, who accordingly dispatched to Naples the duke of Tracetta, with direction to make as great levies of money as was possible, and recommend over the care & defence of the kingdom to Askanio Colonno & the other barons of the realm: And albeit he had modestly given answer to thembassage presented to him from the Pope, yet he wrote to Rome letters full of severity & bitterness, such as gave manifest signification that he would not hear speak of th'accord: By reason of this, the Pope declaring how he was pushed on by necessity, for that the Duke d'Albanie advanced daily, published (not as a thing done before) that he had contracted with the french king under a simple promise' not to offend one another: This he signified by writing to th'emperor's agents, alleging the causes that induced him, but specially his necessities & perils increasing: And when the said writing was presented by john Corsi ambassador of Florence with words convenient in such a case, th'emperor, who afore could not be persuaded that the Pope would abandon him in so great a danger, fell into no little emotion & trouble of mind: he set before his eyes the sundry hopes he had given him, confirmed by many good offices and oblations, he conferred together the several demonstrations of amity, accompanied with no less tokens of constancy & firmness: lastly making a judgement between the former promises of the Pope, & his present effects, he burst out into public passion against him, accusing with exclamation his frailty & light condition: and in that heat of nature he answered th'ambassador, that neither hatred, nor ambition, nor any interest particular had stirred him up to begin war with the french king, but only the persuasions, the suggestions, and the authority of Pope Leo, who (as he said) was drawn unto it by the Pope reigning, being at that time cardinal of Medicis, and persuaded him with great vehemency of reasons, that it was a matter of great importance for the public safety & universal benefit, not to suffer the french king to possess any thing in Italy: That the same Cardinal was the author of the confederation made for that cause before the death of Pope Adrian: In which respects he pronounced with great grief how much it troubled him, to see the Pope who above all others was bound not to be separate from him in those dangers wherein by his means he was entered, had made a change no less hurtful to him, then without all necessity: That such revolt and separation for the time, the place, and the whole manner and property of it, could be attributed to no other thing, then to a certain servile fear and timorous impression, such as hath fallen upon him since they within Pavia have holden out: In this humour he forgot not to debate the means and favours he had used to increase his greatness always since the death of Pope Leo, and specially his authority in two Conclaves together with his perpetual desire to transfer upon him the sovereign election, only for this opinion that by his mean might be re-established the common liberty of Italy: And on the other side, he made collection how little the Pope might assure himself of the French king, and how far he was either to fear or to hope of his victory: lastly he stood upon this conclusion, that neither for the Pope's resolution which was against all good office and expectation, nor for any other accident or fortune of what condition soever, he would not forget nor abandon himself: Wherein he protested, and therewithal wished that no man should expect that for want of money he would change or vary from his purpose, seeing he had vowed to set up as a last rest all his Crowns and kingdoms and his life withal, desiring of God that his irrevocable deliberation in the matter might not be prejudicial to the health of his soul. To these complaints th'ambassador of Florence replied: That the Pope, since he was raised to the sovereign dignity, was bound to proceed no more as Cardinal of Medicis, but to put on the person of Pope of Rome, whose office was to be careful over the peace of Christendom: for which reason he had often debated with him the necessity of peace and quietness, and for better negotiation of it he had sent to him at two several times the Archbishop of Capua, by whom he protested that by the oath and ceremony of his office, he was bound not to be particular, but indifferent: That he had also admonished him thereof at such time as the Admiral Bonnivet departed out of Italy, having no better season and opportunity to treat of peace for him and more for his honour, whereunto nevertheless he made him no other answer then that he could conclude no peace without the consent of the king of England: He desired the Emperor to remember how often the Pope had dissuaded the passage and journey into Provence, both for that it troubled altogether the hope of the peace: and also (herein he seemed a divine prophet of things to come) the necessity wherein it would put the French king to enter into arms, might be the occasion to stir up in Italy a more dangerous combustion: That the Pope, by the negotiation of the Bishop of Verona, had declared to the French king then possessor of Milan, and also to the Viceroy, how far it concerned them to hearken to peace, but neither of them bore any inclination thereunto: That since that time he had with many reasons, and very great efficacy, refused to give passage through thestate ecclesiastic, to the bands of men of war that marched against the Realm of Naples: And yet nevertheless the king did not only deny to hear his reasons, but also made his forces to march along the country of Plaisanca, without tarrying for his answer: That for that cause he had lastly sent Pawle Vittorio to induce the Viceroy to a surceasing of arms under conditions conformable to the time, and withal to certify him by how many reasons of necessity he was to assure himself of the danger imminent, seeing withal that both the Venetians stood in suspense, and also the king of England would not be concurrante in the defence of the Duchy of Milan, if at the same time both by Themperor and by him, the war were not moved beyond the Mounts: But seeing the Viceroy made no reckoning of any offers or conditions he propounded, and that the kings men of war and armed bands advanced daily, he was constrained to take faith and surety of the king without being bound to any other thing than not to offend him. The Emperor complained of the hardness of the condition offered to the Viceroy, for that it restrained and bound him to leave that which he held, not expressing any mention that the French king should do the like: And lastly he said, that albeit the Marquis of Pisquairo in counseling him to agreement, had signified to him that in the camp were many disorders, and no less danger to his affairs, yet he could not frame his mind to peace, such was his hope that through the valour of his men he should carry the victory, if the armies came once to the trial of a battle.  
All this while continued the siege of Pavia: And yet for want of munitions 
Duke of Ferrara aids the French king during the siege of Pavia.  they had somewhat ceased to molest it with their artilleries: But to remedy that difficulty, the king having newly received into his protection the Duke of Ferrara with obligation to pay him threescore and ten thousand ducats in ready money, was content to accept twenty thousand of that sum in price and value of munitions, which he caused to be conveyed by Parma and Plaisanca, using the service of the horses and carriages of the country men: wherein the king was readily holpen by the commission and direction of the Pope, not without the complaining of the Viceroy, as though in that action he had ministered manifestly to the aid and succours of the king: Who, to th'end the munitions might arrive in surety, had sent afore john de Medicis with two hundred horse and fifteen hundred footmen: This Medicis complaining in the beginning of the war, both of the severity of the Viceroy giving him discountenance, and also of his penury of money, not having sufficient to make the soldiers to march, was passed out of th'emperors pay, to the entertainment of the French king: It seemed that these forces were sufficient to assure the munitions, the rather because the Duke of Albany was at hand, having passed at the same time the river of Paw: And albeit the Viceroy and the Marquis of Pisquairo to stop their passage, cast a bridge near to Cremona, and made their way over Paw with six hundred men at arms and eight thousand footmen, lodging the first day at Monticello: yet they gave over the enterprise, and returned again over the river, being advertised by credible espial, that the king had given charge to the Lord Thomas de Foix, to go seek them with one part of th'army. Assoon as they were retired the Duke of Albania passed thAppenine along the territories of Reggia and Garfagnana, only he marched slowly, the same confirming th'opinion that was conceived that the king embraced that enterprise, more to induce with such sear th'emperors Captains either to accord, or at lest to abandon th'affairs of Lombardie, then through hope to make any great advancement: Ranse de Cere joined with him near to Lucqua with a regiment of three thousand footmen who were come with the army at sea: This army as they passed, took by composition Savona and Varagina: And the Navy being eftsoons returned to the west river of Genes, held in fear and bridle that City.  
In the beginning of the year a thousand five hundred twenty and five, Dom Hugo 
1525.  de Moncado departing from Genes with the Navy, descended and took land with three thousand footmen at Varagina, where were left in garrison, certain bands of French footmen: But the French navy that was then at sea, being commanded by the Marquis Salusse making to the succours of that place, the other fleet retired being naked of footmen: when also the French regiments of footmen descended and left their ships, and so fiercely charged their enemies, that the whole army being broken, diverse were miserably put to the sword, and the person of Dom Hugo unfortunately taken prisoner.  
In the beginning of the same year, the Duke of Albany compelled the people of Lucqua to contribute to him twelve thousand ducats, & to lend him certain pieces of artilleries: with which munitions and provisions he marched further through the lands of the Florentines, by whom he was received in amity & friendship: And in that sort did he stay with his army near to Sienna at the Pope's request, who for that neither by authority, nor with arms, he could not meet with all things that troubled him, resorted to his natural condition, & began to manage his purposes with art & industry: It nothing displeased him that the french should get the duchy of Milan, for that he made this conjecture, that whilst th'emperor & the french king abode in Italy, both the sea apostolic & his pontificacy should stand assured from the ambition & greatness of either of them, because they would keep jealous eyes the one over the other: And yet by the same reason it was grievous to him to see the French make a conquest of the kingdom of Naples, for fear that at one time that kingdom & the duchy of Milan were not reduced under the power & commandment of one so puissant a prince: wherein to cast impediments against the doings & fortunes of the king, he sought occasions to stay the Duke of Albany, & made instance to the king, that as he passed he would readresse & reorder the government of Sienna, which the Pope (for the opportunity & seat of that city standing in the midway between Rome and Florence) desired greatly might fall into the hands of some of his friends, like as was happened not many months before by his mean & working▪ for as the cardinal Petruccio dying during the pontificacy of Adrian, his nephew Francis pretended to succeed him in the government: so by reason of his insolency, the chieftains of Montenovo being nevertheless of the same faction, opposed vehemently against him, and made solicitation to the Duke of Sesse th'emperor's Ambassador, and to Cardinal Medicis, to give them an other form of government, as either to reduce it into liberty, or else to refer the whole authority into the hands of Fabio son of Pandolffe Petruccio, notwithstanding somewhat before he was secretly stolen away to Naples: This matter was long debated, and at last when Clement was elected Pope, the common consent of him and th'emperor concurring, Fabio was eftsoons re-established in the place of his father: But both for that he had not the full authority of his father, and for the present inclination of the City bearing universally to liberty, and also because the family and faction of Montenovo, was neither firmly knit with him, nor of no assured agreement amongst themselves, the estate of things drew to other effects than answered th'expectation: for, by the debility that was discerned to be in the power of one only, both having no foundation upon the affections and good wills of the citizens, and also holding no government absolute and without regard to the course and manner of tyrants, there happened one day by the incensing of his adversaries, a popular tumult, by the which without the aid of any foreigners, he was easily driven out of the city, notwithstanding he had always in the place a guard depending upon him: The Pope making his advantage of this division, and reapposing no confidence neither in the populars, nor in any other faction, determined to put the authority into the hands of the Montenovaes', to th'end afterwards to created chief Ruler either Fabio, or any other of them that should be best agreeable to him: A matter which as when men be entered into suspicion, they are wont for the most part to take all things in the worst part, so the manner of that dealing increased this opinion in the Imperial Captains, that the capitulation made between the Pope and the french king, contained on all sides some matter of more advantage, and a greater obligation than the band of neutrality: It happened by the staying of the Duke of Albania upon the confines of Sienna, that thinhabitants there, to redeem their damages which they received of th'army, gave a most ample voice & authority touching the government, to those citizens who were most of the Pope's confidence and faction: And afterwards the Siennois scent certain quantities of munition & money to the Duke of Albania, who passed on marching notwithstanding as slowly as he was wont: He went from Mountfiasco to Rome to speak with the Pope, and afterwards passing Tiber to Fiano, he abode upon the lands of the Vrsins, where did assemble the bands of footmen that were levied at Rome by the permission of the Pope, who gave semblable sufferance to the Colonnois mustering at Marina for the defence of the realm of Naples, to wage regiments of footmen at Rome: But both for that they advanced not much, and that universally they were ill provided of money, there was no great account made of those levies or mustrings, since the eyes, the ears, th'expectation, the spirits and contemplations of all men were altogether settled upon the affairs of Lombardie: which pretending to one end and by divers accidents, increased in both parties indifferently the humour of hope & fear.  
They that were within Pavia suffered▪ not small necessity of money and munitions, 
The defendants of Pavya in necessity.  the store of wine beginning also to fail and all other sorts of victuals, except bread: By reason where of the lanceknights assembled, and almost in manner of a tumult demanded their pays, whereunto, besides their own insolent dispositions, they were pushed on by the incitation of their captain, who was feared to have made some secret contract with the French king. On the other side, the Duke of Bourbon approached and led with him from Germany 500 men at arms Burgognions', and 6000. lanceknights paid upon the treasure of the king of Romans: The Viceroy also was gone to Loda, where they meant to assemble the whole army, pretending that it should be nothing inferior to that of thenemies: But as there was no present store of money and less expectation to get so much as would make march the soldiers and entertain them: So also they were destitute of all hope to be aided by the Pope or by the Florentines: Neither had they confidence in the Venetians, who after many excuses and delays, had at last answered Caraccioll the pronotory and th'emperor's Ambassador at Venice, that they would proceed according to th'example of the Pope, by whose mean & working it was supposed that they had secretly made a contract of neutrality with the french king: yea it was thought that they privily solicited the Pope, to procure to descend into Italy at their common charges, an army of ten thousand Swizzers, to th'end they should not need to fear the victory of either of th'armies: This was well allowed by the Pope, but both for want of money, & by the custom and property of his nature, so slowly executed, that he sent to late into Swizzerlande the Bishop of Verulo to dispose the minds of the Swissers.  
The necessities & wants of Pavia were somewhat relieved by the industry of the Viceroy and other captains: for, sending certain vittelers of wine into the French camp, Antho. de Leva having a sign made, sent out certain troupes to offer the skirmish on that side, by which occasion the brute & alarm following, the vittelers breaking their greatest vessel, ran into Pavia with a little vessel enclosed in the great, and wherein were bestowed 3000. ducats: which though it did not to the full remedy their wants, yet it wrought such an operation of comfort amongst them, that the lanceknights seeing by that little sum the difficulty to sand them money, bore afterwards with more patience their other extremities, wherein also the death of their captain did conveniently concur at the same instant. It was believed that Anthony de Leva procured him to be poisoned, to th'end to take away both the matter and occasions of tumults: In this time the Marquis of Pisquaro went to encamp before Cas●iano, where were in garrison fifty horsemen and four hundred Italian footmen whom he compelled to tender themselves to discretion.  
After the Duke of Bourbon was arrived with his lanceknights, there was nothing that more retained the Captains (being very careful over the danger of Pavia) than the want of money, such as they had not only wherewith to pay the regiments of the men of war, but also there was not to defray necessarily the conduction of the munitions and artilleries: In this necessity, they were driven to have recourse to persuasions, wherein they forgot not to recommend to the bands of footmen, the glory & riches which the victory would cast upon them, And reducing to their memory the reputation of their conquests past, they laboured also to inflame their minds with the fire of envy and hatred against the French men: By which commemoration of glory and profit, they brought the spanish footmen to make promiss that they would follow the army one whole month more without receiving any money: And the lanceknights were contented with that which should suffice for the provision of their nurture and necessary victuals. But they found many difficulties to win the men at arms and light horsemen being lodged in the towns of Cremona and Guiaradada: They alleged, that having received no money of long time, it would be grievous to them to follow the army where of necessity they must be driven to buy victuals to nourish themselves, and forage to feed their horses: They brought also into complaint this injury, that their pains and service was holden less acceptable and recommended, than the infantry, to whom nevertheless had been made many distributions of money, without relieving of them with one penny of long time: In which grief they forgot not to insinuate their many merits, and making comparison of their reputation and valour, much less that they yielded to be inferior to thinfantry either in valour or fidelity, but they challenged place above them both by their nobility and for their deservings past: it was necessary for th'expedition of the service to reappease this murmur, and by some present industry to reassure the minds that began so manifestly to shake, which office the Marquis of Pisquaro took upon him, who traveling to their particular lodgings, used those means that best agreed with the state of the matter he had in hand, taking his observation of the wise Physician, who having found out the humour that offendeth, prepareth that ministration and medicine that is most apt to cure and remedy: sometimes he served his turn with excuses, which in such cases have their operation, And sometimes he whetted them on with words of comfort, which to minds wavering give no little edge and reviving: sometimes he reprehended them, which according to the persons might work some notable office, And sometimes he confessed the equity of their complaints, wherein he overcame their general grief with his proper compassion: And having thus by the singularity of his wit and industry, reduced to moderation their present murmurs and discontentments, he followed his purpose with new incoragements, that by how much more they stood to make their virtue apparent, and their valour manifest, by so much more were they bond not to suffer so noble hearts, to be overcome by an estate of infantry or footmen either in fidelity or affection to th'emperor: And as the present quarrel did not concern the glory and honour of th'emperor alone, but also the success of the condition and whole estate of Italy was concurrant, so if they expressed not their readiness and valour equal with the greatness of the occasion offered, they could hardly acquire th'expectation that was conceived of them, but sitting down with dishonour and infamy, they would leave to th'emperor an unthankful recompense for his benefits past: Lastly he told them, that seeing they had so many times offered their lives to hazard in th'emperors quarrels, and no less often had made way by their virtue thorough all perils of war and fortune for his sake, it could not but entangle with shame and infamy the memory of their merits past, if now they should refuse to go to the war for so vile a thing as a small quantity of money: What by these persuasions, and th'authority of the Marquis, they consented to receive for one month a small allowance of pay: Infomuch that the whole army being thus assembled, which was supposed to contain seven hundred men at arms, as many light horsemen, a thousand Italian footmen, & more than sixteen thousand spanish and lanceknight: They broke up from Loda the five and twenty of januarie, and marched the same day to Marignan, making as though they would draw towards Milan, either to make the king, being touched with the danger of that City, to levy his siege from before Pavia, or else to give cause to the soldiers to go from Milan that were there in garrison: Nevertheless having afterwards passed the river of Lambra near to Vidigolffo, they took manifestly the way to Pavia: The king paid in his army xiii. hundred lances, ten thousand Swissers, four thousand lanceknights, five thousand frenchmen, and seven thousand Italians: And yet what thorough the abuses and robberies of his Captains, and corruption and negligence of his officers, the numbers of the footmen were far less: Theodor Triwlso lay in garrison within Milan with three hundred lances, six thousand footmen Grisons and Valesiens', and three thousand frenchmen: But assoon as the king discerned that the imperials turned towards Pavia, he revoked to the army all the regiments of footmen, except two thousand.  
Assoon as the army of th'imperials had taken the field, the french king began to devise what was best to be done: And calling to council his Captains, Trymoville, Palissa, and Monsr de Foix with many others, advised him to retire his army from before Pavia, and to go encamp either in the monastery of Charterhouse, or at Binasquo, which are places of good strength, and likewise are found many such in the country there, for the opportunity of the channels deriving, and do serve for the watering of meadows: They told him that in taking this course, he should speedily carry the victory without blood or danger, the wants and necessities of his enemies not suffering them to hold out many days, but would constrain them either to dissolve, or disperse their companies into sever all villages: That the lanceknights that were within Pavia, to th'end to cut of all imputation that they sought to cover their fear and timorousness, with the excuse that they were not paid, were content to bear with patience the prolonging of their pays for many months: But assoon as they saw the siege removed, they would in insolency demand their pays, and not finding in their Captains any assured means to satisfy them, and less expectation to entertain them with credible hopes, it was to be feared they would draw to some dangerous tumult: That thenemies with no other thing kept themselves so orderly together but with hope to give speedily the battle, but when they should see the war drawn out into longness, and the commodity of offering the battle not presented, than their expectation would be frustrate, and the whole army replenished with difficulties & confusion: That it could not be but dangerous to remain between a town wherein were five thousand footmen of a most warlike nation, and an army that came to rescue it, which was no less mighty in numbers of men, valour and experience of Captains and soldiers, then brave and resolute by the glory of their victories obtained in times past, And who now had reapposed all their hopes in the battle: That in wars it was no shame to slay, when the fleeing profiteth him that giveth place to his adversary: That there could be no infamy in a retreat that was made by discretion and not by tymerousnes, when it is done upon this consideration not to put in doubt things that be certain, And when in the issue and success of the war is to be expressed to all the world the maturity of the council: That there is no victory more profitable, more honourable, nor more glorious, then that which is obtained without the damage, the spoil, and blood of soldiers: Lastly that the first and chief commendation of the discipline of war consisted in this, that a general should not oppose his army to dangers without necessity, and rather with industry and patience to reverse and make vain th'enterprises of his adversaries, then through valour & courage, to hazard the battle, which fortune and accidents may make doubtful: The Pope concurred in the same council and signified no less to the French king though not so much for the king's interests, yet for the necessity of his own affairs, for that the Marquis of Pisquaro being not without his fear, in so great a necessity had advertised afore hand the difficulties of th'emperor's army to be such, as they almost cut from him all hopes of happy 
The french king will ●●t 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 of his Captemes.  success: Nevertheless the king (A destiny inevitable can not be avoided) who in his deliberations followed only the councils of thAdmiral, seemed to set before his eyes rather the rumours of men and brutes varying for every light accident, than the firm and assured substance of th'effects of things: he interpreted it to a great shame and infamy, that an army royal led by his own person, should show more fear than valour, and basely give place to the coming of thenemies, wherein he was also pushed on by this vain suggestion that he was bound to follow and perform with deeds, the words that his rash tongue had vainly promised, A resolution most undiscreet and dishonourable to a captain: for, both he had under protestation assured all the world, and many times signified by Messengers into France and all the parts of Italy, that he would sooner choose to sacrifice himself to death, then to retire from before Pavya without the victory: he stood fixed upon these hopes, that in the place where he encamped, he might easily fortify himself to avoid all inconveniences by surprise: That through want of money every small delay, or the lest necessity that might drive thenemies to temporize, would put them into disorder, And having no mean to get victuals but by ravin and pillage, they could not remainelong in one lodging: Lastly he hoped to give impediment to the victuals that were to come to their camp, whereof he knew the greatest part was appointed from Cremona, wherein he was furthered by this help, that he had newly taken into his pay john Lodowyk Paluoysin, either to th'end he should impatronize himself upon Cremona where was a very slender garrison, or at lest to lie to cut of the surety of victuals that had an ordinary traffic from that city to their camp.  
For these reasons the king stood resolute not to leave the siege of Pavya, And to have the better way to impeach that thenemies should not enter, he dislodged in other manner, and gave an other form to the encamping of his army: for, the king was lodged before in thAbbay of S. Lanfrank situated about a mile and an half beyond Pavya, beyond the way that leadeth from Pavya to Milan, And upon the river of Thesin near to that place where was proved the diversion of the waters: Monsr Palissa with the vanguard & the Swyzzers lay within the suburbs near S. justynes gate, having fortified himself in the Churches of S. Peter, S. Apolyne, and S. Jerome: And john de Medicis with his horsemen and regiments of footmen, was bestowed in the Church of S. Saviour: But now, the king having information that thenemies were departed from Loda, he went & encamped within the park in the right sumptuous and stately house of Mirabell situate on this side Pavia, leving at S. Lanfranke the Grisons footmen, and yet changed not the lodging of the Vanguard: At last the person of the king was lodged in the monasteries of S. Pawle & S. james, places besides other commodities, very eminent and near Pavia, & command the champion, but are somewhat without the ring of the park: In the kings place Monsr d'Alenson with the rearguard went to encamp at Myrabell: And as for their more convenient succouring one an other, they broke down on that side the park wall, so they held and commanded between them all that space or circuit that stretcheth towards Thesin on that side below, and until the way that leadeth to Milan towards above: So that holding Pavia environed on all sides, and having also at their devotion the rivers of Grabalon, Thesin, and Touretta, which is right against Darsina, the imperials could not enter Pavia, unless they passed the river of Thesin, or else made their entry by the park. The king for the managing of the army, reapposed himself wholly upon the councils of th'admiral: he had singular confidence in his fidelity, and so absolutely referred things to his direction, that he dispensed with himself and passed the most part of his hours in idleness and vain pleasures without any study or care of his affairs or once to think upon expeditions of importance: wherein such was either his wilful negligence or willing partiality, that if at any time he sat in council amongst them, he would refer the sentence & resolution of all things to thAdmiral, without accepting the advise of other experienced Captains: By him were ordered all the kings deliberations, though at times he suffered his ears to be governed by Anne Montmerancy and Philip Chabot Lord of Bryon, personages very agreeable to him in his sports, but of slender experience touching matters of war: Moreover the estate and numbers of his army were not according to his desire and opinion, and much less answering to the brute that went: for, one part of his horsemen being gone with the Duke of Albany, and an other part left for the guard of Milan with Theodor Triuulce, and many also being dispersed into several villages and borrows thereabouts, there was not found in the camp above eight hundred lances, and touching the footmen, the numbers were far less than was supposed as well by the negligence of the king's osficers, as through the deceit of the Captains: of whom the greatest abusers were the Italians, who notwithstanding they received pays for great numbers of footmen, yet their bands were far from their full cooplements: many of the french Captains took counsel also by their corruptions: And lastly the regiment of two thousand Valesiens' that were bestowed at S. Saviour between S. Lanfranke & Pavia being suddenly assaulted by those that were within, were dispersed and broken.  
In this estate of affairs, the Captains Imperial having passed Lambray, made 
The imperials take the castle S. Angeo.  their approaches to the Castle S. Angeo, which having his situation between Loda and Pavia, would have given great impediments to the course of victuals that were brought from Loda to their camp, if it had not been at their devotion and in their power: Pyrrhus, the brother of Federike de Bossolo lay there in garrison with two hundred horse, and eight hundred footmen, and the king not many days before, to th'end he would not rashly commit his people to danger, had sent to visit and consider the place the same Federike & james Chabanes, who brought reapport that that strength and garrison sufficed for the defence of the place: But experience made it known immediately after, how far they were deceived in their reckoning, for, assoon as Ferdinand d Aualo made his approaches with the regiments of spanish footmen, and had cut of with his arulleries, certain defences and resistances, the fear of the defendants become greater than their valour, and in those humours of umerous cowardice, they retired the same day into the castle: And not many hours after (fear hath a vehement operation in the minds it possesseth) they compounded that Pyrrhus, Emylio Coriano, and the three sons of Phoebus Gonsanguo, should remein prisoners, and all the residue departed the place, without armour and horse, And being sworn not to bear arms for one month against th'emperor: In this time the king sent for from Savona a regiment of two thousand Italian footmen, parcel of those companies that had been at the siege of Marseilles: But being come upon the territories of Alexandria near the river of Vrba: Gaspar Maine lying there in garrison with a regiment of seven hundred footmen, issued out of Alexandria with a very slender strength and set upon them: he found them very weary with the long way they had made, and without guard, for that they doubted no danger by reason of which advantages he disordered and broke them easily, and in their fear being fled within the castle, they rendered themselves immediately with seventeen ensigns: There happened no better success to th'enterprise that was committed to the charge of john Lowys Paluoisin: who, after he was entered with four hundred horse & two thousand footmen within Casal-Maior, where was no wall, but ramparts which he had made, And having afterwards won S. john in Croce, he began from that place to make incursions into the country, labouring with all the means he could to cut of their victuals: By reason of which violences, Francis Sforce lying then within Cremona, levied with great celerity fourteen hundred footmen, and sent them to Casal-Maior with certain troupes of horsemen of the band of Rodolffo Camerino and the horsemen of his guard, under the leading of Alexander Bentyvole: As they were drawn near to that place, Paluoysin reapposing confidence in the advantage of his numbers without tarrying for certain succours of Francis Rangon, issued out the eighteen of February and occupied skirmish with them: But he paid a dear price of his rashness, and fell by equity into the punishment of his hasty rashness, for that in labouring to sustain his troupes that fought and began to draw to retreat, he was stricken from his horse and made prisoner, & all his soldiers broken and dispersed: There was also added to th'affairs of the French king, this further difficulty of great consequence: john I●. Medicis of Milan captain of the castle of Mus whether the Duke of Milan had sent him for the murder he had done of the person of Monsr viscount, having placed by night an ambush on the side of the rock of Chiavenna standing upon a hill side at the head of the lake, and somewhat distant from the houses of the borough: took the captain prisoner as he walked without his castle & led him presently before the gate of the rock, where threatening to kill him if he put not the rock into his hands, his wife in whose presence his life was threatened to death, delivered up the rock: After this first fortune, he caused to discover an other ambush with three hundred footmen with whom he took the town making his entry by the castle: Whereupon it happened that the Cantons of the Grisons, taking suspicion upon that accident, revoked a little before the battle, the regiment of six thousand Grisons that were in the king's army.  
About this time, arrived in th'imperial army, the knight Casalo, whom the king of England sent thither with great promises: That king beginning to be jealous over the prosperity of the French king, and pushed on also with a certain despite that in the Skottishe seas the French had taken certain vessels of thEnglishe, threatened manifestly to make war upon France, and in that humour desired the well advancing of th'imperial army: In which forwardness of disposition, he sent to his Ambassador Pace remaining at Trent, to go to Venice and protest in his name th'observation of the League, to the which his Majesty hoped they would be so much the more easily induced, by howmuch th'emperor had sent to the Viceroy th'investiture of Francis Sforce, with authority to dispose of it by his discretion and according to the necessity and respect of his affairs: The king of England also solicited the Pope by his Ambassador, to minister aid to th'emperor in his affairs: But the Pope excused him upon the capitulation made with the French king for his own surety, and not offending th'emperor, whereunto he added this complaint, that since the army was returned from Provence, he was not able in the space of twenty days to understand their purposes, nor whether they pretended to defend or abandon thestate of Milan.  
But now, little availed the trayties and intelligences of Princes, and of less service 
Thimperials draw near to Pavia.  were the negotiations and labours of Ambassadors, for that by the affronting and approaching of the armies, the whole estate of the war together with the difficulties and dangers sustained for many months, were reduced to the fortune and hazard of a very few hours: for the army imperial passing further since the taking of S. Angeo, marched and lodged the first day of February at Vistarino, and the second day at Lardiragno and S. Alexis beyond the little river of Lolono: a lodging distant from Pavia four miles, and from the French camp three miles: The third of February they marched towards the gate of S. justine, the place of their encamping being stretched out between Prati, Trelevero, la Motto, and a wood on the side of S. Lazarus, places within two miles and an half of Pavia, within half a mile of the French vanguard, and not half a mile from the rampires and trenches of their camp: By reason they were so near affronted one to the other, they escaped not without their several damages by the artilleries: The imperials commanded Belioyense, with all the villages and country that lay upon their backs, except Saint Colombin where lay a garrison of French, but so straightly besieged as no person could issue out. They found within Saint Angeo and Saint Belioyense great quantities of victuals, and to have more plenty and abundance, they laboured to command Thesin as they did Paw, by the commodity of which they gave impediment to the french victuals: They held S. Croce, and albeit the french king at that time when▪ he went to encamp at Mirabell had abandoned the Charterhouse, yet they forbore to go thither, lest their market of victuals should be cut off: The french men kept S. Lazarus, but the fury of th'artilleries of thenemies put them in fear to abide there: There was between the two camps a little brook or river of running water called Vernacula: his head or spring was within the park, and from thence making his course in the midst between S. Lazarus and S. Peter in Verge, hath his fall afterwards into the river of Thesin. This brook the imperials to th'end they might come on with less difficulty, laboured to pass as a matter of great importance: But they found a valiant defence made by the frenchmen, having both the aid of the channel which was very deep, and the commodity of the shores or banks that were very high: By which impediments there was no possibility of passage without great difficulty: every one with that art and care that the peril required, fortified their lodging & quarter: The king's lodging had in front, in back, and in the least flank, thick & huge ramparts, environed with ditches & fortified with bastillions: and on the right flank was the wall of the park of Pavia which was supposed to make the lodging very strong: The lodgings of th'imperials carried the same form of fortification, having also the liberty of the whole country from S. Lazarus drawing towards Belioycuso, even until the river of Paw, which ministered to them great abundance of victuals. Between the ramparts of both the one and other lodging, was no more distance than xl. passes, and the bastillions so near neighbours, that the small shot played in great liberty. These two armies were thus lodged and encamped the eight day of February: and albeit they lost no time in skirmishing, yet every one kept himself within his fort, not willing to do any thing to his disadvantage: The imperial captains made their reckoning, that they had gained much till that day being approached so near Pavia, that if it came to a day of battle, they might be aided with the garrisons that were within the town: And because the soldiers within Pavia suffered want of munitions, the imperials ventured to sand in fifty horsemen, every one carrying in croupe or behind him, a little bag full of powder: who taking by night the way of Milan, & observing the instant wherein their camp by a token given should give thalarme to the french men, they got safely into Pavia, their fortune being nothing inferior to their valour. Anth. de Leva made many fallyes out of the town, bringing with him in divers manners many harms and damages to thenemies, in one of which sallies he charged those that had the guard of the borrow of S. Lanfrank, whom he did not only defeat & break, but also with the same felicity took from them three pieces of artilleries, and four wagons laden with munitions. In this condition it was wonderful to behold what was the study, the industry, and perpetual toil of body & mind of the Marquis of Pisquaro, who omitted no opportunity wherein occasion was given to vex th'enemy, sometimes provoking them with skirmishes, sometimes traveling them with alarms; and never ceasing to keep them awaked either with undermining, entrenching, or raising of Mounts to annoyed them: They caused to erect a cavallier or mount upon the chamnel: and for that the frenchmen with ij. pieces of artilleries planted upon S. Lazarus, made dangerous execution of those that wrought upon it, they planted there certain pieces which reversed the said place of S. Lazarus & compelled the french to abandon it: And as the artilleries of this cavallier annoyed them much, so also they were no less beaten by an other mount or Cavalier which they had made within Pavia: Besides, the Spaniards had so fortified themselves with bastillions & ramparts, & other preparatives defensive, that they had great mean to grieve the french camp, without receiving much offence themselves: for which cause the frenchmen removed their artilleries to beat them in the flank, the Spaniards not ceasing for all that to advance and come on, & to win advantage by footmeale: and in this estate of proceedings, in such a near neyborhood & affronting of th'armies, the skirmishes were very rife, wherein the frenchmen for the most part carried the worse: and yet the practices and negotiations of truce did nothing cease, being continually solicited by the Pope's Nuncioes resident in both the armies: To whom were adjoined many of straight familiarity & favour with the king, who ceased not to admonish him, the Pope's counsel also concurring, that to avoid so great a peril it were his best to retire his army from before Pavia, by which mean the victory could not but fall upon him with facility, & without effusion of blood, the rather by the necessities of thenemies suffering great want of money. The xvij. day of February the soldiers within Pavia made a sally, & charged the regiment of john de Medicis, who gave them a brave repulse, & with no less valour compelled them to retire: But immediately afterwards as he returned to show to the Admiral the place of thencounter, with relation of things as they passed, certain lose shot lurking in a house, gave him a wound with the bullet a little above the heel which broke the bone, for the curing of which hurt he was constrained to be carried to Plaisanca: This was an unfortunate hurt or else unhappily chanced on that man, for that like as immediately after his wounding, the fury of the French camp in skirmishing and assaulting, began to diminish and abate, so it seemed to give to them of Pavia a greater and more ready resolution, for that their sallies were more familiar and furious, in which vehement inclination they burned the Abbey of Saint Lanfranke, and ceased not fiercely to execute the French men, taking advantage of the diminution of their courage and fortune: In so much that the night between the xix. and xx. day of Februarye, the Marquis of Pisquairo issuing out with a regiment of three thousand Spanish footmen, assaulted the French bastillions, and winning the ramparts, he slew more than five hundred footmen, and cloyed three pieces of artilleries.  
It was now not possible to thimperial Captains any longer to maintain their army in that place, for want of money: They considered also that if they should break up and retire, the estate of Pavia would not only remain desperate, but also there would be left little hope to be able to defend their other pieces which they possessed in the Duchy of Milan: There was also in them all a wonderful confidence to obtain the victory, both for the resolution and valour of their soldiers, and also through the infinite disorders in the French army, and the insolent departing away of diverse of their footmen, in so much as the bodies to fight did not by far answer the numbers that were enrolled in their paybookes: Therefore partly to determine these difficulties, and partly to follow the humour of their hopes, the night before the five and twenty of February, a day dedicated 
The battle of Pavia wherein the fr●king is take prisoner.  by the Christians to th'apostle Saint Matthew, and also the day of the nativity of th'emperor, they determined ro march to Mirabell, where lay encamped certain companies of horsemen and footmen: In this march they stood upon this intention, that if the French men moved, than they had set at liberty the siege of Pavia: and if they moved not, then to adventure the fortune of the battle: Therefore the better to advance this determination, all the beginning of the night they gave many Alarms, the more to keep traveled and weary the French men, making semblance as though they would charge them on that side towards Paw, Thesin, and Saint Lazarus, and about midnight every soldier, by the commandment of the captains, put on a white cassakin over his armour to be known from the French men: They were cast into two squadrons of horsemen, and four of footmen: In the first were six thousand footmen equally compounded of lanceknights, Spaniards, and Italians: This squadron was led by the Marquis of Guast: the second stood only upon certain bands of Spanish footmen under the charge of the Marquis of Pisquairo: the third and fourth squadron were of lanceknights commanded by the Viceroy and the duke of Bourbon: They arrived at the park walls certain hours before day, and by the working of their Masons & ready wills of their soldiers, they cast down to the earth threescore fathom of wall: by which breach being entered within the park, the first squadron drew towards Mirabell, & the residue of the army took the way to the camp. Assoon as the king understood that they were entered the park, thinking they would draw to Mirabell, he issued out of his lodging to fight in plain and open field, desiring to draw the battle rather to that place then to any other for thadvantages which it gave to the horsemen: he commanded to turn the artilleries towards thenemies, which beating them in flank, brought great damage to the rearguard: But in the mean while, the battle of the imperials gave a furious charge upon the king's squadron which ordinarily was the battle, but as the Spaniards went, it was the rearguard: The king fought valiantly and sustained with great courage the violence of his enemies, who with the fury of their harquebuziers constrained his men to give ground, until the rescue of the Swyzzers came, when the Spaniards were repulsed aswell by them as by the horsemen that charged them in flank: But the Viceroy being called in by the Marquis of Pisquairo, who brought to the fight his lanceknights, they were easily broken, not without great slaughter of the Swyzzers, who that day did nothing answer the opinion of valour which afforetymes they had wont so honourably to express in battles: The king kept always the middle of the battle, being environed with a great guard of men at arms, And albeit he did what he could to contain & confirm his people, yet after he had fought long with his own hands, his horse beingslayne under him, himself lightly hurt in the face and in the hand, he was stricken down to the earth and taken prisoner by five soldiers that knew not what he was: In which misfortune the Viceroy pressing into the throng, his majesty disclosed himself to him, who, with great reverence kissed his hand and received him prisoner in th'emperor's name. At the same time the Marquis of Guast with the first squadron, had defeated the horsemen that were at Mirabell: And Antho de Leva, who as was said, had to that end cast down to the earth so great a quantity and space of wall, as an hundred and fifty horsemen might sally forth in front, issued out of Pavya, and so charged the French men behind, that he put them wholly to flight: And in that fear they were almost all stripped and trussed except the rearguard of the horsemen, which being led by Monsr d'Alenson from the beginning of the battle, retired almost whole: It is holden for certain, that in this battle were slain more than eight thousand men of the French camp, part by the sword, and part of bodies drowned in the river of Thesin seeking their safety by swimming: of this general number were about twenty of the most noble and apparent Lords of France, as the Admiral, the L. james Chabanes, the L. Palissa and Trimoville, the Master of the horse, Monsr d'Aubigny, Monsr de Boyssy, and Monsr de l'Escud, who being taken grievously wounded by his enemies, gave to them his life in steed of a ransom: The prisoners that were taken were the king of Navarre, the bastard of Savoy, the L. Montmerancy, Saint Pawle, Bryon, Aual, Monsr de Chandion, Monsr d'Imbercourt, Galeas Visconte, Federyk Bossolo, Bernabye Visconte, Guidanes, with many gentlemen and almost all the Captains that escaped the slaughter of the sword: There was also taken prisoner Jerome Leandro Bishop of Brunduso the Pope's Nuncio, but by commandment of the Viceroy, he was eftsoons set at liberty: as also Monsr Saint Pawle & Federyk Bossole committed to the castle of Pavya, broke prison a little after by the corruption of the Spaniards that had them in charge: Of th'imperials side the universal slaughter exceeded not seven hundred bodies, and not one captain of name except Ferrand Castriot Marquis of Saint Angeo: The Marquis of Pisquaro was wounded in two places, and Antho de Leva lightly hurt in the leg: The pray and spoil of this battle was so great, as there had not been seen in Italy more rich soldiers: Of so great an army, there was preserved but the rearguard of four hundred lances commanded by Monsr d'Alenson, they never came to the fight, never suffered charge, nor never were followed, but leaving behind them their baggage, they retired whole to Pyemont, their fear making them more hasty to flee, then careful of their honour: And as one calamity followeth an other, so the loss of the battle was no sooner reapported at Milan, than Theoder  who lay there in garrison with four hundred lances, departed and took his way to Musocquo all the soldiers following him by troupes, Insomuch as the same day that the king lost the battle, all the Duchy of Milan was made free from the jurisdiction of the French.  
The day after the victory, the king was led prisoner to the Rock of Pisqueton, for that the Duke of Milan in regard of his proper surety, consented hardly that the person of the king should be kept within the castle of Milan: he was guarded with great jealousy and watch, but in all other things except his liberty, he was used and honoured as appertained to the state and majesty of a king.  
The end of the fifteenth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE sixteenth BOOK.  
THe Pope is accorded with th'emperor: Many practices are made for the kings delivery: jerom Morono conspireth against th'emperor: The king is delivered out of prison and returneth into France.  
THE SYXTEENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
IN the book before, you have seen set down the overthrow of the French army in the battle of Pavia, A wretched success where was so great expectation of victory: you have seen a mighty king delivered up prisoner into the hands of him with whom he contended for glory & empery, A spectacle most tragical amongst all the calamities that fortune bringeth upon man's mortality: you have seen the most part of the nobility and honourable Captains of France slain in the service and presence of their king, A matter that made more lamentable his own condition and adversity: you have seen the residue of that army, so universally perplexed with fear and confusion, that the same thing that should have retained them in so great affliction, made them the less assured and further of from confidence: Lastly, you have seen the lowsse hearts and pusillanimity of the Swyzzers, A nation which in the wars past, had fought in Italy with so great name and glory: But the thing that most wonderfully increased the reputation of the Victors, was the general fear and astonishment 
The potentates of Italy in great fear for the imprisonment of the French king.  of all the potentates in Italy, who looking into the felicity of the imperials carrying so honourable a victory with so little loss to themselves, could not but make a desperate reckoning of their own saveties: In which astonishment, they set before their eyes all those dangers which either doubt or despair could stir up: Their fear would not let them hope for the things that reasonably might comfort them: And whatsoever their amazed minds suspected, the same did they fear would assuredly happen unto them: Lastly when they saw themselves disarmed on all sides, And th'emperor's forces most mighty in the field without impediment of enemies, they could not but give a grievous sentence against their own estate & condition: And in this confusion they could not be so much assured & comforted by the opinion which many had of the good intention of th'emperor, of his honourable inclination to peace, & of his virtuous mind not to usurp th'estates of others, as their passions were redoubled by the consideration of their great dangers, most manifest to the eye, and no less fearful to their minds, in which lay suppressed all that resolution and constancy which reasonable men should express chief in times of adversities: They doubted lest th'emperor, pushed on either by ambition, (natural almost to all earthly Princes) or by insolency (which commonly accompanieth victories) or carried by the importunate covetousness of those that governed his affairs in Italy, or lastly set on by the universal persuasions of his council and court: They doubted I say, lest in these vehement respects, and in an occasion so sufficient to set an edge upon the dullest spirit that was, he would not dispose his thoughts to make himself absolute Lord over all Italy: Wherein they were not ignorant how easy it is to every great Prince, but much more to an Emperor of Rome, to justify his enterprises with titles appearing comely and reasonable. This fear and astonishment did not only occupy those potentates that were of mean force and authority, but also even the Pope and the Venetians were no less traveled than the others: The Venetians began to call into remorse and conscience, the fault they had committed against th'emperor without just cause, in not following the capitulations of the confederation: And also the memory of ancient hatreds and injuries between them and the house of Ostrich, together with the great wars they had had, not many years before with his grandfather Maximilian: By which they feared would be revived in th'estates which they possessed in the firm land, the name and memory of the rights of thEmpire which were almost buried and forgotten: as also they cast this conjecture, that whosoever had any purpose to make himself great in Italy, would have his first recourse to lay plots to embase and pull down their too much puissance and greatness: And for the Pope, his passion was this, that except the majesty of the Popedom which even in the times of the ancient reverence that the world bore to the sea Apostolic was oftentimes ill assured of the greatness of thEmperours, he was in all other regards very easy to be endamaged, as being disarmed of forces, deprived of money, the Church in an universal weakness for want of strong towns, the minds of the people not united nor sirme in devotion to their Prince, all the free holds and dependences of the Church full of divisions and factions, the one part being guelfs, and the other part Gebelins, and the Gebelins by an ancient and natural impression, inclined to the name of thEmperours, and lastly the City of Rome more than all other places, defiled and weakened with these seeds and roots of divisions: The Pope also called into care and reckoning the estate of Florence, which depending upon him, and being the very peculiar and ancient greatness of his house, it was happily no less dear to his heart then the estate of the Church, and assuredly no less easy to be innovated and changed: for as that City, since the passage of king Charles, having chased out the family of Medicis, and under the name of liberty, was diuolued to a government popular for eighteen years space, stood so ill contented with the return of the Medicis, that there were very few to whom in deed was agreeable their puissance & greatness: so also the Pope feared vehemently least to so mighty occasions, were not added a forward will and desire to offend that state: Wherein also he had reason to doubt that that same desire and envy was not less, not so much for the regard of ambition in the most mighty from which who is least puissant, is never wholly assured, as for fear that for many reasons, his name in that time were not odious to th'emperor: And albeit he made discourses in himself how much, both in the life of Pope Leo, and afterwards since he was Cardinal; he had traveled for the greatness of th'emperor, so far forth as Pope Leo and he with their great expenses and dangers, had opened him the way in Italy to so great a puissance, and that for his own particular, since his election to the Popedom, he had given money to his captains, and made the Florentines to contribute during the admirals being in Italy, without revoking from his army the regiments of the Church and the bands of Florence: yet, either in consideration of his office wherein he is a father and pastor indifferent between Princes Christian, and rather the author of peace than the nourrisher of wars: or else for that he had begun very lately to suspect and fear such a greatness, he was retired, and so given over to run the same fortune, that neither he would renew the confederation made by his predecessor for the defence of Italy, neither aid him with money when the year before, the Duke of Bourbon entered with his army into Provence: And albeit these matters had not given to th'emperor's Captains any just cause to complain, seeing he was not as yet bound by the league of Adrian to be concurrant against the frenchmen in the wars of Italy: Yet they were beginnings to make him not esteemed the same man with th'emperor, but diminished much of the faith that till that day they had in him, as men who carried only either by their appetites or by necessity, thought themselves offended, if, to their particular enterprises dressed to occupy France, others did not as it were lay to their hands according to th'examples before of others begun, under title to assure Italy against the power of the french: The complaints and displeasures began to discover themselves at such times as the french king passed the mounts to recover the Duchy of Milan: for, albeit the Pope according to the complaint he made afterwards to th'emperor by a letter which he wrote to him, had secretly distributed certain quantities of money to the frenchmen at their return from Marseilles, yet afterwards he had no strait familiarity or intelligence with them: but assoon as the king had made a conquest of the City of Milan, he entered into capitulations with him, taking his reason upon the good event and train of his affairs: Of which he excused himself to th'emperor with this allegation, that in that time, his Captains forbearing to communicate with him any part of their plots or purposes by the space of twenty days, and despairing afterwards of the preservation of that state, not without some fear of the kingdom of Naples for that the Duke of Albania drew with his regiments towards Tuskane: he was constrained to look to his surety, and yet nevertheless the regard of his proper danger did not so much carry him, but that he did accord with conditions no less favourable and providing for th'emperors affairs then his own, and did refuse very great offers which the french king tendered, to th'end to make him enter into the alliance jointly with him: And yet nevertheless these excuses had not such operation, but that th'emperor and his Captains were much troubled, not so much for that they saw themselves wholly deprived of hope to have any more succours of him, as for the doubt they had that the capitulation contained not some further matter than th'obligation of neutrality: Besides, they construed that in all sorts he had given too great reputation to th'enterprise of the frenchmen, & had this further fear also, lest the Pope were the mean that the Venetians were not brought to follow his example, a matter which afterwards was discerned to be true by certain letters and bills found in the kings tent after the victory: Lastly the Pope had kindled these suspicions and discontentmentes when he consented that the munitions lent by the Duke of Ferrara to the French king when he lay afore Pavia, should not only pass through his lands, but also he gave aid to the conduction of them: But much more were these quarrels broached at such time as the Duke of Albany went to the enterprise of the realm of Naples, not only for that he was received and honoured as a friend along all the estates of the Church and the Florentines, but also he stayed certain days about Sienna to reform at his instance the government of that city: which albeit was the cause to prolong the Duke's voyage into the realm of Naples, and that it was a matter solicited principally by him to that end, as being a thing troublesome to him that upon one man should be laid the jurisdiction of Naples and Milan: yet th'imperials in that respect had made an interpretation, that between the French king and him was a further bond, than a simple promise' not to offend one an other. So that it was not without good reason that the Pope did not only fear together with the other Potentates, to be invaded by the imperials upon every concurrence of time and occasion: But also he had his fear particular, that without expecting an opportunity more great, they would bring on their fortune presently even to set upon the estate of the Church, or to execute some action against the common weal of Florence: But the thing which more redoubled his fear, was, that the Duke of Albany assoon as he was advertised of the king's calamity, retired from the Mount Rotondo towards Bracciano for his safety: And having also sent thither a cornet of an hundred and fifty horsemen that were within Rome, whom the Pope caused to accompany him thither for his guard, fearing the preparations which the Duke of Sesso and the Imperials made to defeat the regiments of the Duke of Albany: And coming from Sermonete about four hundred horse and twelve hundred footmen of the bands of the Vrsins, being followed by julio Colonno with many troupes of horsemen and footmen, it happened that he overthrew them at the Abbey of three fountains, who fleeing for their safety into the city of Rome, where they entered at the gates of saint Paul and saint Sebastian, the bands of julio entered with them pelmell, and in their rage killed diverse of them in the field of Flora and other places of the City: Upon which occasion the whole City drawing into tumult took arms, first with a great fear, and afterwards with no little indignation of the Pope, for the slender regard and reverence that was given to his authority: But in such a doubt and general travel of mind, he had occurrant the counsels and offers of the Venetians, who being of themselves entered 
The Venetians solicit the Pope to confederate with them.  into the like fear, laboured to persuade him with no small instance, that by their common aid and means there might be procured to descend into Italy with all speed, a regiment of ten thousand Swizzers, and calling also into their pay an other colony of Italians, they might join in gross to oppose against so manifest and huge dangers: Wherein they promised for their parts (which is their ordinary custom) far greater things than they are wont to observe: They alleged that it was many months since the lanceknights within Pavia had been paid, who seeing since the victory the same difficulties of payment to continued, were become mutinous, and seizing upon the artilleries, were drawn into a settled strength within Pavia: That because the Captains had no mean to make good their payment, all the residue of the army was drawn into tumult, and murmured every day more and more: In so much as both he and they falling speedily into arms, both their common estates were assured, and the occasion was entertained by the which they would of themselves fall into disorder, being no less embarked into those difficulties, then constrained to keep continually great forces for the guard of the king that was prisoner: To this they added that there was no doubt that the Lady Regent through whose hands passed the government of France, and in whom was no small desire to further that union, would not only make march at their instance the Duke of Albany with his regiments, and the four hundred Lances of the arearegarde reserved of the battle: but also would induce the universal consent of the kingdom of France to be concurrant for the safety of Italy, with a great sum of money, as knowing that thereupon depended the greatest part of their hope to recover the king: lastly they urged this deliberation to be good and necessary, if it were with the same speed put in execution: but to defer and temporize, were to give mean to th'imperials to reduce their condition and reorder themselves, the rather for that who so ever took not a resolution to enter into arms, stood in case of constraint to compound with them and to give them money: which was no other thing then to become an instrument & mean to deliver them from all their difficulties, and submit themselves wilfully under a yoke of perpetual subjection: Moreover they put him in hope, that the Duke of Ferrara would follow them, who like as both for his ancient dependency of the French, and for the aid which in that war he had administered to the king, was not without his fear: so also his conjunction seemed of no little importance, no less for the commodity of his estate in the wars of Lombardie (Ferrara being a very strong town) then for his great store of munitions and artilleries, and (as the brute went) for his right huge wealth of gold and silver. But neither the hope to overcome an enterprise so hard and dangerous, which with wise men aught to carry no little care and impression: nor the consideration of perils furthest off and removed, to the which time is wont to bring those remedies which the wit of man could not find out: nor any other thing of what property or operation soever, could not incline the Pope to open his ears to such speeches and persuasions, had not a fear to be invaded presently, induced him to say himself down rather to the danger lest certain, then to the peril that seemed most assured and most present: And therefore the practices were so far advanced between them, and they staying upon nothing but to set down the capitulations by writing, there was expectation from hour to hour to contract and accord: In so much as the Pope, who persuaded himself of the conclusion, dispatched in post to the king of England, jeronimo Ghinuccio a Siennois and Auditor of thapostolic chamber, whose commission was to labour to dispose the king to oppose his forces against such a greatness of th'emperor. In the very instant of this expedition arrived with good opportunity the Archbishop of Capua his ancient fecretorie and counsellor, and for many years of great authority with him: he assoon as he was advertised of the victory of th'imperials, departed from Plaisance, and went to the camp of Don Charles de Lavoy Viceroy of Naples, and being resolved of his intention, he took post horse to go to the Pope, to whom he carried an assured hope of accord: for at that time the Viceroy and the other Captains were occupied with two thoughts and perplexities: the one to provide money to content the army, which for want of pay they saw began to decline into manifest confusion: the other, to carry the person of the French king into such a place as the difficulty to guard him should not keep them in continual care and fear: Which two things being established, they judged them to stand in degree 
Thimperials determine to accord with the Pope.  and condition always able to execute and put to effect their purposes: In which respect they desired accord with the Pope, pretending thereby to draw from him a great quantity of money: whereunto seeking to dispose him the rather by fear, and also in relieving thestate of Milan, which was almost wasted with the burden of soldiers, they sent to lie upon the country of Plaisanca four hundred men at arms and eight thousand lanceknights, not as enemies, but alleging sometimes the poverty of the Duchy of Milan to be far unable to nourish so great an army: and sometimes threatening to make them march up to the territories of Rome to seek out the Duke of Albany if the regiments of men of war that had been levied by the Vrsins were not retired and dissolved: But these industries and diligences were superfluous, for that assoon as the Pope was assured to avoid the dangers present, he left there all his other thoughts, and disposed his mind wholly to thaccord: In which inclination concurring also the reasons and counsel of th'archbishop, he sent after thauditor of the Chamber, to countermand him back again: And to take away all occasions that might hinder th'accord, he wrought so that the Duke of Albany dispersed his whole army, except those bands of footmen and horsemen that were of beyond the Mounts: he lodged the Duke within Corneto, after he had on tother side received promise of th'emperors commanders, to give leave also to their soldiers that lay upon the passages of Rome, and cause to stay Askanius Colonno with the other companies that came from the kingdom: He also was an interposer with the Colonnois, beginning to molest the lands of the Vrsins, to desist and depose arms.  
The Pope both desired and did all he could to bring the Venetians comprehended within th'accord which he solicited with the Viceroy, but the only difficulty that resisted was, that they refused to pay so much money as the Viceroy demanded of them: for he required of them so much money as had been spent in the war, to the which they aught to contribute, and that hereafter they should make their contribution not with men but with money: The like demand did he also make to all those that were comprehended in the confederation made with Adrian: But it made well for the Pope that the Venctians showed themselves hard & strait, because they put the Viceroy in suspicion that they laid for new stirs and commotions: And whilst these matters were negociated with a very assured hope of conclusion, the Florentines, by the Pope's ordinance, sent xxv. thousand ducketts to the Marquis of Pisquairo for thentertainment of th'army, having first received promise from john Bart. de Gattinaro who negociated with the Pope for the Viceroy, that that sum should be parcel of the principal sum which was to be paid to him by virtue of the new capitulation: And not many days afore the resolution and conclusion of the said capitulation, the duke of Albany, who for his returning into France had tarried for the navy at sea, which being now come, & also the galleys that were sent him, he embarked himself in them together with the galleys of the Pope which were sent to him by consent of the Viceroy, and had nevertheless no saseconduit neither for the one nor for the other: Ranse de Cere was embarked with him, together with thartillenes which he had had from Sienna and Lucquay, and four hundred horse, a thousand lanceknights, with a very small troop of Italians, the residue of the regiments being retired and gone away by troupes: The residue of the horses were partly sold, and partly left there. It was discerned clearly by the dealing and proceeding of the Duke of Albany, that the purpose of his sending thither, was either to divert th'imperials from the Duchy of Milan for fear of the kingdom of Naples: or else through that fear to induce them to accord, and aswell for that cause he had marched slowly, as for that the forces which the king had given him, were not sufficient for such an enterprise.  
But at last leaving out the Venetians, the confederation was concluded within Rome the first day of April, between the Pope and Florentins on the one part, and th'emperor of tother, for whom the Viceroy undertook being his lieutenant general in Italy, and for the Viceroy, john Bart. de Gattinaro nephew to th'emperors chief Chancellor being in Rome with full and ample commission. Theffect of the Capitulations 
Confederation between the Pope and the Emperor.  most importing was this: That between the Pope and th'emperor should be a perpetual amity and confederation, by the which both the one and the other should be bound to defend with a certain proportion of men, the Duchy of Milan, being then possessed under the name of th'emperor, by Francis Sforce, who was named as principal in this capitulation: That th'emperor should take into his protection, all the estates which the Church held, together with those which the Florentines possessed, and particularly the house of Medicis with all the authority and pre-eminences which that famulie held in that City: That the Florentines should pay presently an hundred thousand ducats, for recompense of their part of contribution in the last wars, by virtue of the league made by Pope Adrian, which th'emperor pretended not to be dissolved by his death, for that it was manifestly expressed upon the capitulations to endure one year after the several death of the confederates: That th'imperials should retire their forces from of the church estates, and not to send afterwards any bands of soldiers to harbour or lodge there without the Pope's consent. There was place left for the Venetians to enter into this confederation within the term of twenty days under reasonable conditions which were to be declared by the Pope and th'emperor. Moreover it was accorded that the Viceroy should be bound to bring in within four months themperors ratification to all these capitulations: And those that were delegates and deputies for the Viceroy, were bound severally to a capitulation confirmed by oath, that if th'emperor within the said time did not ratify the said capitulations, the Viceroy should repay over again the said hundred thousand ducats: And yet so long as they were not repaid, the league should have his full observation, to the which were added these three articles, not being any of the text of the capitulation, but set down in articles apart, and confirmed also by oath: That in all causes and actions of benefices of the realm of Naples, it should be permitted to the Popes to use the same authority and jurisdiction as was disposed by the investitures of the kingdom: That hereafter the Duchy of Milan should make all their provision of salt from Ceruia, according to the price and order which had been aforetime covenanted between Pope Leo and the French king now reigning, and confirmed in the capitulation which the said Pope Leo made with th'emperor in the year a thousand five hundred twenty and one: That the Viceroy should so work and labour, as the Duke of Ferrara should immediately tender to the Church, Reggia, Rubiera, with such other towns as he had taken during the vacation of the sea by the death of Adrian: And that in consideration thereof, the Pope assoon as he should be repossessed of them, should pay to th'emperor an hundred thousand ducats, and at the first request to be made to him, to absolve the Duke of Ferrara of the Censures and privations which he had incurred, but not of the penalty of an hundred thousand ducats which he had promised in case of breaking the bond made with Adrian: And yet nevertheless after the Pope had recovered possession, there should be search and examination made in law, whether those towns, together with Modena, appertained to the Church or to the Empire: And if they were found to be the rights of th'empire, than they should stand holden and recognised in chief of th'emperor, and otherwise to remain free to the sea Apostolic.  
This deliberation of the Pope was diversly interpreted, according to the diversity of men's passions and judgements: but especially did vary the construction of the popular sort, to whom such counsels as carry the fairest shows seem commonly more acceptable and pleasing, than those that are digested with good maturity of reasons: The common people also according to their lightness and credulity, do for the most part esteem for wise and noble, such men as measure things not by discretion and experience, but by affection and light relation: There were also some that professed to desire the liberty of Italy, who blamed the Pope's dealing, as though through pucillanimitie and infirmity of courage he had let slip thoccasion to unite it against th'emperor, and to deliver himself from all disorders: But most men of deeper judgement and insight in matters of state, were of an other opinion: They saw how far it had been from wise counsel to oppose resistance with new companies against so glorious and victorious an army: They considered by how many reasons the coming of the Swizzers might be long and dilatory, and with what difficulties they should pass notwithstanding they were ready to descend: And yet weighing with their custom and inconstancle of their nature, the fresh wound which they had so lately received, there was no assurance of their coming: These wise men saw also that there was no better hope or expectation on the French side, either for that by reason of so great an overthrow they stood deprived both of courage and counsel, or else there remained no provision of money, nor any supply of men of war to refurnish the bands (those few that escaped the lamentable slaughter of the battle being so spoiled of their furniture and baggage, that they stood need both of time and money to readresse them): So that this union carried no other foundation apparent or probable, than a naked hope that th'army of thenemies would not come on nor move for want of money: A matter which though it came so to pass, yet they remained not for all that deprived of the Duchy of Milan, which so long as it stood at the devotion of th'emperor, the Pope could not be without a perpetual occasion of fear: And yet that hope was not without his uncertainties, for that it drew with it this fear, that the Captains, either by their authority, or by their policy, or lastly by propounding to the soldiers the sack of some rich town of the Church or of Tuskane, would dispose the army to march: And of this inclination was discerned this manifest token, that one part of the lanceknights to seek a place of harbour of more benefit and conveniency, were passed the river of Paw, and come upon the lands of Parma and Plaisanca: In so much as if they had any intention to pass further, it could not be but all remedies would come to late, and also so great a deliberation was grounded with too great a danger, upon a bore hope of the disorders of thenemies, who nevertheless had it in their power and will to rid themselves out of their disorders. Then the counsel of the Pope seemed discreet and well considered according to the time that then ran, but it had haply been more commendable, if in all the articles of the capitulation he had used the same discretion, and disposed his wit rather to close up and make whole all the wounds of Italy, then to open and make sharp any one of consequence: Wherein he had wisely imitated the order of the skilful Physicians, who when the remedies they prepare to cure thindisposition of thinferior members, augment the malady of the head or the heart, they throw away all care of griefs and infirmities most light, and with the favour of time they proceed carefully to the cure of that which most importeth and carrieth most necessity of remedy for the safety and good health of the patient: But the better to explain and signify such a matter, it is necessary we descend more deeply into the discourse of one part of those things which we have set down severally hear and there, and reduce them into one place and order.  
They of the family and house of Est, besides that they have been possessed of long 
The rights & pretensions of the family of Est.  time under the title of the vicars of the Church, of the jurisdiction of Ferrara: were Lords also for many years of Reggia and Modena by virtue of investiture from the Emperors, for that in those times there was none that called into doubt why those two Cities were not subject to the Empire: They were enjoyed peaceably until Pope julio the second (he whose custom was to uncover the ancient titles and rights of the Church long buried with tract of time, & under shadow of piety, was the author of many ills) began the war with Duke Alfonso, to reduce wholly Ferrara under the obedience of the Church: By the occasion and accidents of this war, the Pope took from him Modena, and at the beginning retained it for himself, as though, together with all the other towns even to the river of Paw, it had appertained to the sea Apostolic, as being part of the partage or division of Ravenna: But a little after he gave it to th'emperor Maximilian for fear of the frenchmen, and yet he ceased not for all that the war against Alfonso, but took from him afterwards Reggia: yea it was believed that (in that humour of authority & ambition) if he had lived longer, he would have deprived him also of Ferrara: Not that he accompanied his action with equity, but for the hatred and envy he bore to Alfonso, wherein he not only sought to cover his ambition with piety, pretending under that pretext to recover to the Church all that he could found had been holden by her in any time: but also under such a shadow, he pushed on the disdain he had to Alfonso, for that he followed rather the amity of France, than depended of him: yea in this malicious disposition was happily concurrant the unappeasible hatred which he boar to the memory and relics of Alexander the sixth his predecessor, whose daughter called Lucrece had been married to the Duke Alfonso, of which marriage were procreated many children: The said Pope julio left by his death to his successors not only the succession of Reggia, but also the same thirst & desire to get Ferrara, whereunto they seemed to be inclined for the glorious memory he had left of himself to posterity: for which reason that ambition was more mighty in Leon his successor, than the regard to the greatness which the house of Medicis had in Florence, on whose behalf it seemed more profitable that the puissance of the church should diminish, then to have it made more redoubted to all her neighbours, by annexing of Ferrara to it: And indeed after he had bought Modena, he disposed his spirits and study wholly to the getting of Ferrara, and that more by practice and ambushes, then with force open and disclosed, for that it would have been an enterprise of too great difficulties, since Alfonso by the consideration of his own dangers, fortified himself on all sides, and made plentiful provision of artilleries and munitions, and as the brute went, had confirmed his strength with huge proportions of wealth and treasure: it may be his hatreds were greater than the hatreds of julio, even so were they managed with more secrecy and subtlety: wherein besides many plots which he laid to take Ferrara, either by surprise or by fraud, he passed such manner of obligations with those Princes that he made alliance withal, that at lest they were restrained to hinder him in this enterprise: That held him, not only during the life of julian his brother and Laurence his nephew, for whose greatness and exaltation it was thought he was carried with that ambition, but also even after their death: Yea he was so overruled with that burning desire, that many were persuaded that thereupon proceeded his last deliberation (more rash than discrete) to knit with th'emperor against the French king: In so much that by necessity Alfonso was constrained to satisfy the French king (being his only founder and hope) in making war upon them of Modena, at such time as the armies of Pope Leo and th'emperor held Pavia besieged: In which war albeit he had received a very ill success, yet he had been reduced into far greater difficulties, if Pope Leo even amid the course and days of his victories, had not been called into the other life by sudden death: An accident which assuredly chanced no less aptly and conveniently to him and to his affairs, than the death of julio: And it may be doubted, whether at last Adrian that was successor to Leo, was not infected with that property of covetousness, although both for his new creation, and want of training in th'affairs of Italy, he gave him absolution of the Censures in the very first times of his coming to Rome: He granted him also of new th'investiture of the Duchy, with permission to retain all that he had possessed during the vacation of the sea: He brought him also into a general hope to make restitution of Modena & Reggia, though afterwards upon better information of thestate and condition of things, he well expressed how far his will was estranged from his promise: But by the creation of Pope Clement, Alfonso entered into a great fear to return eftsoons into the same dangers wherein he was entangled before: He took his reason of this fear, for that if things had happily succeeded with Clement, the same property of disposition would have been found in him, which had always followed julio and Leo: But as thoccasion was not yet ripe for Ferrara, so he made his next practice and preparation to have again Reggia and Rubiera, as an enterprise of more facility and better to be justified by the late possession which the Church had of them, and as though in that regard he could not but bear dishonour and infamy, to leave them unrecovered: Upon which self suggestions and reasons, he took occasion both in many other sorts afore, and lastly in the capitulation with the Viceroy, to occupy his memory with that devise more often then many desired: who as they looked into the dangers hanging over every man's head by the greatness of th'emperor, and to break the same saw no better remedy than a ready and general union of all the states of Italy together, that the time might cut out occasions and necessities every day to take arms: So they judged it a better course for the Pope not to stir and kindle the Duke of Ferrara, and much less to put him into necessity to seek his rescue between the arms of th'emperor, against whose forces, whose fortune, and whose felicities, the time gave them no power to oppose: And for the particular of the Duke, he was a Prince rich, which in conference of actions and enterprises, is not of the lest consideration, and for his training and experience well able to foresee and avoid, a virtue most commendable in a Prince whether his case be to defend or offend: Besides, aswell for the congruency of his estate, as for his other conditions, the present divisions and conspiracies of the time, required rather to call him into affection and assurance, then to leave him perplexed with hatred or fear: And yet it may be doubted whether to do benefit and pleasure to one persuaded that he hath received injuries, be sufficient to wipe out of a mind ill disposed and full of jealousy, the memory of wrongs and offences, specially when the pleasure is done at a time when it seems it proceeds more by necessity then of good william.  
After this capitulation was resolved, the Pope not to omit any convenient office to so great a Prince as the French king, by permission of the Viceroy, sent the 
The Pope sends to visit the french king being prisoner.  Bishop of Pistoya to visit and comfort him in his name: There past between the king and him but general speeches, and that in the presence and hearing of Capteyne Alarcon, wherein he chief besought the Pope to make some good solicitation for him to th'emperor: He asked him also, in such secrecy as the licence of a prisoner would suffer, what was become of the Duke of Albany, and was answered to his great grief, that one part of his army being broken and retired, he was returned with the residue into France. In these times they of Lucquay accorded with the Viceroy, who received them into the protection of th'emperor, under condition of ten thousand ducats: By whose example also thinhabitants of Syena contracted with him for fifteen thousand ducats without binding him to maintain more the one form of government than the other: for that of the one side, the family of Motenovo who at the instance of the Pope and by the mean of the Duke of Albany, had resumed th'authority, which nevertheless was not as yet well confirmed: & on the other part, those who by the profession they made to desire liberty were commonly called libertines, took heart by reason of the battle of Pavia, and would not endure the polity and government introduced by the forces of the French king: Both parts sent messengers to the Viceroy to incline him, and to work him favourable to their several doings, and receiving from him no certain resolution touching the form of government, they joined both together and solicited readily composition: which being established and set down, and the men arrived whom the Viceroy sent to receive the money, it happened both in their presence and in the very action of counting the money, that Jerome Severino a citizen of Sienna, who had been sometime with the Viceroy, slew Alexander Dichio both chief of the new government, and also to whom the Pope had assigned at that time the whole reputation: The residue of the citizens of faction and conspiracy with him, upon that alarm took arms, concurring with them the commotion and consociation of the populars, being ill contented that the policy should eftsoons return under the yoke of tyranny: In which universal emotion and rising they chased out the chieftains of the family of Montonovo, and reducing the City to a reformation, they readdressed eftsoons the government popular, being both enemy to the Pope and adherent to th'emperor: It was believed that this alteration of policy was either done directly with the privity of the Viceroy, or at lest not without his great allowing and approbation, seeing it brought no little commodity to th'affairs of th'emperor to have at his devotion that City, which for her forces is very mighty and puissant, for the opportunity of her ports and havens, of great regard for marine enterprises, for her fertility of countries very rich and plentiful, for her neighborhoode to the realm of Naples, very congruent and apt, and for her situation between Rome and Florence not of lest respect and reason to favour his affairs: And yet both the Viceroy and Duke of Sesso had given hope to the Pope not to altar the government introduced with his favour. There were many other towns in Italy who taking example of th'inclination of them of Lucquay and Sienna, followed the fortune of the victors: Amongst these was the Marquis of Montferat, who compounded for fifteen thousand ducats: And the duke of Ferrara made a loan to the Viceroy of fifty thousand ducats, under promise to have them repaid if they did not capitulate together: he took his reason of that loan upon the present condition of his affairs which could not be established so speedily, both for the respects they bore to the capitulation made with the Pope, and also for the necessity to understand first the will of the Emperor: But with the money of that loan, together with a hundred thousand ducats which were promised from the Duchy of Milan, and the imposition of Sienna and Lucquay, together with some proportion of treasure sent to Genes by Themperor for the supportation of the war (which nevertheless came after the victory) the Captains set down the pays of the army according to the rate and quantity of the money that came, meaning to pay the soldiers for all that was passed, and to send back from hand to hand the Almains into Germany: So that no tokens appearing that there was any intention at that time to follow the course of the victory against any man, since the Viceroy both had ratified the capitulation made with the Pope according to his request, and also had put in negotiation at the same time a new appointment with the Venetians which he greatly desired. The eyes of every man were set to behold with what property of affection th'emperor would receive his gladsome news, and to what ends his thoughts were disposed: who so far as exterior 
The moderation and temperance of th● Emperor ●pon the ne●es of the victory.  demonstrations made show of, expressed great tokens of a mind much moderated, and very apt to resist easily the prosperity of fortune: yea the signs and inclinations appearing seemed so much the more incredible, by howmuch he was a Prince mighty and young, and as yet had never tasted but of felicity: For after he was informed truly of so great a victory, whereof he had the reapporte the tenth of March together with letters of the French kings own hand, written rather in the spirit and condition of a prisoner, then with the courage of a king: he went forthwith to the Church to make his holy oblations to God with many solemnities, and the morning following he received with signs of right great devotion the Sacrament of the eucharist, and so went in procession to our Lady's Church out of Madrill where was his Court at that time: His temperance and moderation was above th'expectation of his estate, and far contrary to the custom of the time in matters of that nature: for he would not suffer any bells to be rung, nor bonfyres to be made, nor any other manner of public demonstrations, such as are used for glory or gladness, alleging with a mind more virtuous than insolent, that such property of feasting and rejoicing was due to victories obtained against Infidels, but ought to have no show where one Christian overcame an other: Neither were the actions and gestures of his person and speeches differing from so great a temperance and continency of mind, which he well expressed in the answers he made to the congratulationss of th'ambassadors and great men that were about him: to whom he said he was not glad of th'accident according to the glorious operation of flesh and blood, but his rejoicing was in that God had so manifestly aided him, which he interpreted to an assured sign that he stood in his grace and favour, though not through his own merit, yet by his celestial election: Both for that he hoped now to have occasion to reduce Christendom to peace, and to prepare war against thinfidels, and also to have mean to do good to his friends and to pardon his enemies: he said that albeit he might justly appropriate to himself the whole victory, for that the help of none of his friends did concur in the action, yet he was contented so great a prosperity should run common to them all without any separation of glory: Wherein after he had heard th'ambassador of Venice, who justified afore him the services done by his common weal, he said to such as stood about him, that though his reasons and justifications were not true, yet he would both accept them and repute them for true: And after he had continued certain days in these speeches and demonstrations full of wisdom and moderation, he called his Counsel together, to th'end that according to his observation and custom, nothing were proceeded in, which were not well measured with maturity of reasons and counsel: He required them by a manner of proposition, to advise him in what sort he was to deal with the French king, and to what ends he was to address and dispose his victory, commanding them all to deliver freely in his presence their several opinions: Amongst them the first place of speaking was referred to the Bishop of Osimo his Confessor, who reasoned in this manner.  
It is not unknown to your excellent Majesty, that God hath authority to dispose 
The Oration of the Bishop of Osimo touching the taking of the fr. king.  all things, by the same power wherewith he hath created them of nothing: And albeit all accidents and mortal events what so ever falling in this inferior world, take their proceedings and daily movings of the providence of th'eternal God, yet we find it oftentimes more especially declared in some nature of things then in others, as manifestly hath appeared upon the success of your present victory: for, both for the greatness of the glory gotten, which is the most honourable end and reward of war, and for the facility of the victory, which justifieth the innocency and goodness of your cause, and also for your happiness to have subdued enemies most puissant and better prepared for the war than you, by which your valour and felicity shineth with a clearer light, I think it can not be denied that in the action hath not been expressed an especial will of God drawing almost to a miracle: Therefore by how much the eternal God hath laid this great blessing upon you both manifestly and publicly, by so much more stand you tied in obligation and office both to acknowledge it with humility and submission, and by demonstration to declare how thankful you are for it. This is the sacrifice that God requireth at your hands, and to this calleth you the consideration of the benefit, and your christian piety: The action whereof consisteth principally that you address your victory to thexaltation of the service of God, which is the end for the which you aught to believe that he hath thrown it upon you. And for my part, when I look into what terms and degrees the estate of Christendom is reduced, I see no way more holy, more necessary, nor more agreeable to God, then to work an universal peace between the Princes of the empery and regiment of Christendom: Wherein I am so much the more touched in conscience, in office, and in calling, by howmuch I discern by the general face and show of things, that without peace, both religion and all her laws and rules, and faith which mortal men reappose in it, together with all observation of the commandments of God, which is the foundation of our Christianity, are sliding into manifest ruin. Your Majesty is not ignorant, how on the one side we have the nation of the Turks, who beside they have won great things upon the Christians by our own discords and divisions, do now manifestly threaten the kingdom of Hungary which appertaineth to the husband of your sister: Their ambition goeth on increasing by the degrees of our separations and disagreements: And if God for our punishment suffer them to take Hungary, which assuredly they will take if the Christian Princes do not draw into one unity and amity together, the way is made open to them to carry the whole Monarchy of Germany and Italy: A loss irreparable and no less tied to a perpetual infamy to the name of Christian Princes, than the servitude and yoke of barbarism will be always intolerable to the general posterity of all Christian souls. On the other side we have the infection of Lutheranisme, so slanderous to those that have power to oppress it, and so dangerous for the spreading it makes in all parts, that if it be not restrained, the world is in hazard to be replenished with Heretics: There is no other remedy for that evil then by your authority and puissance, which yet you can not advance for the cure of this malady, so long as you stand embarked in other wars. But be it, that for the present there were neither fear of the Turks, nor danger of Heretics, yet to a Prince professing piety and charity, what can be more fowl, more sinful, or more to be abhorred, then for our passions, and emulation of ambition, to live in the effusion of so much Christian blood, which either with greater glory might be spent in the quarrel of the faith of Christ, or at lest with better opportunity be reserved for times more necessary. The wars that you now prosecute, draw after them a bottomless gulf of violations and whoredoms, an infinity of sacrileges and blasphemies, and a world of other impious and execrable deeds: Such as who so ever is a voluntary author of them can not but stand in a weak estate of grace or hope of pardon at God's hand, seeing that if necessity lead him into them, he is without merit of excuse, if at the lest he proceed not to the remedy of so great evils so speedily as he hath the mean: It is not good to be the author of evil, but we are especially bidden to beware to continued in those evils which our conscience doth assure us to offend God: So that this aught to be the end of your majesties thoughts and counsels, and the especial mark whereat you have to shoot, to reduce the Princes and Potentates of Christendom to an universal peace, as a matter most honourable, most holy, and most necessary: for the manner and real effecting whereof, your Majesty may take three deliberations touching the French king: The first to keep him a perpetual prisoner: The second to deliver him friendly and brotherly without other conditions than such as may induce between you a perpetual peace and amity, and tend to cure and readdress the harms of Christendom: The third, to exact by his liberty as great a profit as you can: Of these, two of them in my opinion do augment and prolong the wars: but the third which is his absolute liberty in amity and brotherhood, is the only remedy to remove the war, and resist for ever all motions and occasions to renew it: For it is not to be doubted that the French king for so singular a liberality as the free benefit of his liberty, will not remain more assured to you in mind and affection, than he stands now fast bound to you in body. Greater is the bond of liberality and friendship, than the law of kindred and blood, for that election and judgement make a friend, but fortune brings parentage: And if between your sacred Majesty and him shall run a league of true union and concord, all other Christian Princes will embrace reconciliation and agreement, and by your virtuous example, will labour ro reclaim to the body of Christendom, such members as live now in separation: But if you make a resolution to detain him always in prison, besides the apparent cruelty in the act, which is contrary to the piety of a Christian Prince, and besides the imputation of ignorance touching the mutability of fortune, which in matters of victory draweth deep consideration, you shall nourish the seeds of mutual wars between you, which no doubt will grow increasing and multiplying to thindifferent ruin of you both: for in so doing you will make the world clamorous against your vehement thirst after the Crown of France, or some member thereof, and drive him in reason and equity to rise into new wars, to resist so great an ambition: And to choose the way to deliver him under capitulations for your most profit and advantage, can not be but the worse way and an election more dangerous than both the others: for, make what alliance you will, what capitulations you can, and what obligations you think good, yet by how much you seek to tie his liberty to such conditions, by so much will he take occasion to be more and more your enemy, wherein he shall never want the assistance and company of all those Princes whom he can induce to be jealous over your grearnesse. In cases of jealousy and emulation for empery and estate, it is hard to contain the courage of man, though in all other occasions nature hath assigned him an ordinary bridle and restraynte: And such is man's infirmity, that when the heart is possessed of the injury, the whole body is carried with a violent motion to the passion of revenge. I am not ignorant how far this opinion differeth from the taste of ordinary men, neither how new it is to their ears, nor how little confirmed with examples: But I know again how much it agreeth with the majesty of th'emperor to dispose his mind to deliberations extraordinary and singular, such as the conceptions and capacity of other men can not reach unto, whom if your Majesty exceed in dignity, you aught by so many degrees to surmount in magnanimity, which will not only lead you to the merit and effect of true glory, but also it will open your sacred eyes to discern what greater comeliness it brings to you to pardon and use liberality, then to punish and be covetous in getting: By this your Majesty shall know that God hath not given you in vain, yea almost miraculously, the power to reduce the world to a peace: And that it appertaineth unto you, after so many victories, after so many graces and blessings thrown upon you by the goodness of God, and after you have brought so many Princes prostrate at your feet, to proceed no more in the person of an enemy to any man, but to provide in the affection of a common father, for the safety of all men. That glory is unjust that is purchased with the injury of an other, and nature hath sown in man aswell seeds of equity and clemency, as of injury and fury. The magnanimity which Alexander the great and julius Caesar have showed in pardoning their enemies, and restoring kingdoms to those they had vanquished, hath made their names more glorious, than their infinite victories and many triumphs: Whose example it importeth most those men to follow, who not making glory their only end (though it be a right great reward) do desire principally to do that which is the true and proper office of every Christian prince. But to th'end to convince such as measure humane things only with humane ends, let us consider further if there remain yet any other deliberation more conformable than this: For my part I believe, that in all the greatness and sovereign estate of your Majesty, there is no part more wonderful nor more worthy, than this recommendation and glory, that you have stand till this day invincible, and have guided all your enterprises to a most happy end, drawing with it both felicity and reputation: which as you can not but interpret to be the most precious jewel, and most singular treasure that God hath endued you withal, so he hath left to your Majesty no better way to establish it, nor fit mean to assure and conserve it, then in leaving the wars with an end so honourable and worthy, to take out of the hands and power of fortune the subversion of your glory gotten, and to reduce from the midst of the sea to the port of safety, this vessel loaden with merchandise of value inestimable: It belongs to wise men not to refer eftsoons to the arbitrement of fortune, the things which they have once achieved by their valour and wisdom: And this hath been always an observation with wise men, that the greater their fortune was, the less did they trust it: But let us pass further, there is no man doubteth that that greatness which is preserved willingly is not more agreeable, then that which is meinteyned by violence, for that it is so much the more stable, so much the more easy, so much the more agreeable, and so much the more honourable: If your majesty bind the French king to you by so great a liberality, and by so great a benefit, will it not be the proper degree to put upon you the absolute authority & jurisdiction both of himself and his kingdom? If you give to the Pope and other Princes so manifest a certainty, that you are contented with the states which you have, and that you live in a special care and watching over the universal safety of Christendom: Will not they remain without suspicion? yea having no more to fear you, nor nothing to quarrel with you, they will not only love you, but they will honour in your person so great a bounty: By this mean you shall draw to you the hearts of men, which are not to be subdued by fierceness, you shall give laws to all nations for that they see you divided from ambition, And by this mean shall you dispose more Christians with good will and authority, then with forces and subjection: By this mean being followed and aided of all men, you shall have good opportunity to turn your arms against the Lutherans & Infidels, with greater glory & with more occasion of greater conquests: Which I know not why they should not be also desired in Afrika, in Greece, or in Levant, seeing that as you have had so great facility to amplify your dominion amongst the Christians, And the puissance of your majesty so augmented that it is almost become terrible to them all, So when they shall see your purposes extended further, and your ambition break out of limit, all the world will conspire by necessity against you whom they found armed with a mind so prejudicial to their liberty. In all times, in all climates, and to all natures, servitude hath been hateful, and liberty sweet and acceptable: the Pope feareth your power, the Venetians tremble under your puissant hand, your forces have put all Italy into astonishment, and by the tokens that are discerned, it is credible that the king of England envieth your felicity: you may for certain months entertain the French men with fair hopes and vain practices, but in the end, either the king must be delivered, or they must be sent back desperate: if they reap despair, they have reason to conspire against you with all the confederates they can procure: And if you deliver the king with conditions of little profit to your majesty, what shall you win, to loose thoccasion to use so great a magnanimity? which if you express not at this beginning, when afterwards you would show it, it will have neither praise, glory, nor the like grace: if you tie to his delivery covenants that bind him to your profit and commodity, he will not observe them, for that no surety that he shall give you can so much import him, but that it will import him much more not to have his enemy to become so great as afterwards he shall not be able to oppress him: And so shall we have either a peace unprofitable, which aught to be far from the deliberation of your majesty, or else wars very dangerous, whose end is as uncertain as the action is jealous: Besides, the change of fortune is to be feared of him to whom she hath given so long a fruition of felicity, And much more grief and heaviness by the ill success of things, is to be doubted of him who hath had power to assure them. Thus have I satisfied the commandment of your Majesty, though not with gravity and wit that was expected, yet with affection and fidelity according to a subject, beseeching God to inspire you with the election of that deliberation, which may be most acceptable to his will and agreeable to your glory, and also be most conducible to the benefit of the common weal of Christendom, of the which both for your supreme dignity, and correspondency of the divine will of God, there is necessarily transferred to your person the name of patron and protector.  
This Oration was heard of th'emperor with great attention, and yet he made no declaration by any sign or gesture, whether he allowed or condemned it: But giving the sign to the residue to speak, Federike duke of Alba, a man of great authority with th'emperor, rose up and reasoned in this sort:  
There be in the soul of man two principal powers necessarily concurring to 
The opinion of the duke of Alba touching the king's imprisonment.  every good action, the understanding and the will, of both which, wisdom is the full perfection: The one we need not doubt to be the free gift of God, and the other we may assure to be bred in nature: the one an inspiration to lead us to the knowledge of things, and the other a disposition carrying us to the operation and action of the same, and they both no other thing then the effect of that perfection which is referred to wisdom: And as this wisdom descendeth by grace, and is not given by nature, so yet in th'administration of worldly things, we see it both much holpen and well confirmed by learning and industry. In which respect (right sovereign Emperor) I pray to be excused, if my judgement differ not from the common judgement of others, & if by the faculty of my spirit I be not capable to pierce so deep as the understanding of others can not reach unto: yea I hope to deserve more commendation, if in my counsels I persuade you to follow the same way which your fathers and elders have always taken: for albeit counsels new and without use, at the first sight may haply bring with them glorious shows and appearances, yet no doubt in the end they are found to draw with them more danger and deceit, than such as being measured by reason, example and experience, have been in all times approved by general sentence of all men: yea all things are put to adventure, that are done by rashness and not by reason. Your Majesty hath received principally by the will and working of God, and secondly through the valour of your Captains and army, the greatest victory that in many ages hath been transferred to any Christian Prince: But the chief fruit to vanquish consisteth in the well using of your victory, and who ordereth not his felicity so, incurreth a far greater infamy, then if he knew not how to vanquish. Greater is the fault of that man who suffereth himself to be deceived by those things which he holdeth in his own power, then by such as depend upon the arbitration of fortune: Since for the most part whom fortune doth bring to believe in her, she maketh them more desirous of glory, then apt to receive it or able to govern it. Your Majesty hath to take heed to enter into any deliberation which in the end may bring shame to others, and repentance to yourself: And by how much th'importance of this negotiation is great, by so much doth it call your Majesty to proceed with great advise in your resolutions, in which the faults that are once committed, can not be corrected. If you once deliver the French king, you can no more retain him, but so long as he remaineth your prisoner, it is always in your power to give him liberty. In cases of captivity he that hastily enfreeth his enemy, worketh to himself the occasion of his own harm: And therefore it can not but be an injury to object your slowness to set him at liberty, since the king knoweth in his own conscience how he would use th'emperor if he were his prisoner: Truly it was a great felicity to take the french king, but in conference and comparison of things, it would prove a far greater infelicity to let him go: I hope your majesty is not ignorant that folly and rashness have no society with wisdom, nor fortune no community with good council, and therefore touching the deliberation of his delivery, it aught to be debated with gravity of council, calling to you a long assistance and course of time: I might happily change this opinion, if I saw any reason to persuade me, that the king being presently delivered, would reasonably acknowledge the benefit according to the consequence of it, and that the Pope and the other potentates of Italy, would be brought to lay away together with their suspicions, all their covetousness and ambition: But who knoweth not how dangerous it is to ground & establish a resolution of so great importance upon a supposition both untrue and uncertain: The consideration of the condition & manner of mortal men induceth the contrary, for that ordinarily there is nothing endureth so little a season as the remembrance of benefits received, and the more greater they be, the more commonly are they recompensed with ingratitude, for that he that either can not or will not make them good with recompense, seeketh oftentimes to deface them with forgetfulness, or at lest to make them less, by persuading that they were not so great: And as to some men it is a more shame to confess a fault then to do it, so, we have seen many who being reduced to such necessity as they have stand need of a benefit, do yet receive it with minds grudging and not contented: in whom commonly hatred beareth more rule for the remembrance of the necessity wherein they were fallen, than the obligation and thankfulness which aught to follow the favour and benefit that was done unto them: Moreover there is no nation under the cover of the sky to whom insolency is more natural, and lightness more familiar, then to the frenchmen: And where is insolency, there is inconsideration: And where is lightness, there is no knowledge of virtue, there is no judgement to discern of the actions of others, nor gravity to measure that which concerneth themselves: Then what other thing may we hope for in the french king, for his custom so insolent, and for his greatness so proud and haughty, then that he burneth with rage and disdain to be prisoner to th'emperor, at a time when he looked to triumph over him: he will keep always before his eyes, the remembrance of this infamy, and being delivered, he will never believe that the mean to quench it, is to be thankful and acknowledge, but in striving to be superior, he will persuade himself that you let him go for the difficulties to hold & retain him, and not through your bounty & magnanimity: Such is for the most part the nature of men, and such hath been always the condition of the frenchmen, from whom who looketh for a constancy or magnanimity, expecteth a renovation & new rule in human things: So that in place to have peace, and to reorder the regions of Christendom, we shall see rise up, wars, both more doubtful and more dangerous than those that are passed, such as for their confederacies will be intolerable, and for their calamities horrible: The reason of these is, for that your reputation will be lessened, and your army, which now expecteth the fruit due upon so great a victory being deceived of their hopes, will have no more the same virtue, nor your affairs followed with the same fortune: Who if she be hardly holden by him that retaineth her, much less will she tarry with such as chase her and drive her away: she hath a free-will to come and go when she list, and is not stayed by the power of mortal Princes, whom with other earthly creatures nature hath made subject to the law of revolution and change: neither have you reason to reappose any thing in the bounty of the Pope, or the modesty of the Venetians, for that repenting themselves to have suffered you to go away with the victory past, they will seek to cast blocks in your way for going any further, wherein will be concurrant the present fear they have of you, which will compel them to oppose against your new fortunes and victories to come: yea where you have now in your power to hold all men bound and astonished, yourself with a dissolute bounty will be he that will unbind them and give them heart: I know not what is the will and resolution of God, neither do I think others can reach to the knowledge of it, for that we are made assured by the Scriptures that his judgements are secret, and deep: But if it be lawful to interpret matters by conjecture, which is the only way to comprehend things to come, I see many tokens that God favoureth your greatness: neither can I believe that he extendeth his graces upon you in so great abundance to th'end you should dissipat and dissolve them of yourself, but thereby to raise you and make you superior over others aswell in effect, as you are in title and right: And truly to loose so rare an occasion which God doth send you, would be no other thing then to tempt him & make you unworthy of his grace: In cases of conquest and victory, Princes are hardly contented with that which occasion doth offer, for that the things which they win first do not satisfy them, so long as they hope to get better. Reason hath always taught, and experience doth well confirm it, that seldom do those things draw good success which depend upon the councils of many: By which argument I doubt whether he measure rightly the nature of the world, who believeth that he is able to root out the Heretics, or suppress the Infidels, with the union of many Princes: They be enterprises that have need of a Prince so mighty and great, as to be able to give laws and rules to others: If that be not observed and considered, they will have their passage hereafter with the same success, where with they have passed in times before: for this cause do I believe that God hath cast on you so great victories, and for the same reason hath opened you the way to the whole Monarchy, which only may make you able to bring to pass so great and holy effects: To the which it is not amiss that you be slow to give the first beginnings, to th'end to accomplish them with more better and more certain foundations: Let not the fear of so many puissant leagues and confederations as are contracted against you, estrange you from this deliberation, for that both thoccasion which you retain in your hand is sufficient to advance it, And also if things be well negociated, the king's mother, for her affection to her son, and for the necessity to recover his liberty, will never cast of her hopes to redeem him of you by accord. Besides, the Princes of Italy will never enter unity with the government of France, knowing that it remaineth always in your hand, setting the king at liberty, not only to separate him but also to turn him against them: A matter which as for the time it will keep them in astonishment & suspense, so in the end it must needs come to pass that they must be the first to receive laws of you, And then it can not be but an action full of glory, to use towards them clemency and magnanimity, even when matters shall be reduced to that estate and degree as they can not choose but acknowledge you for superior: Such was the manner of dealing of Alexander and Caesar, who were forward and liberal to pardon injuries, and not slow and inconsiderate to readdress their estate of themselves, A mid those difficulties and dangers which they had already surmounted: he that doth so, deserveth praise, for that he doth an act which hath very few examples, but that man can not but bear notes of imprudency and indiscretion, who doth that which hath no law of example nor rule of time: By these reasons I am bold to induce your majesty to draw of your victory, as great a profit as you can, and always using towards the king those offices and oblations that appertain to him, either to send for him into Spain, or at lest to have him conveyed to Naples: And for answer of his letter sent to your majesty, it were good to return to him some special man to visit him with words full of grace and hope, and with all to propownd unto him conditions of his deliverance, such as (upon more particular consultation) may be worthy recompenses and rewards of so great a victory: In this sort your foundations being laid, and your thoughts extended to these ends, the time and the operations and accidents thereof, will make either more quick or more slow, the delivery of the king, and will also beget occasions of peace or war with thItalians, whom for the present you may entertain with good hopes: So shall you with art and industry augument the favour and reputation of arms, and avoiding to tempt every day a new fortune, we shall be prepared and ready to accord either with this Prince or with that common weal, either with all together or with one in particular as occasions & accidents shall induce us: These be the ways which wise Princes have always followed, and particularly those who have left to you the foundations of such a greatness: They were never curious to reject occasions that made to raise them higher, nor slow to push on the favour of fortune when they saw her well disposed: To you belongeth the interest of their example, as of right appertaineth unto you that which in any of them might seem to be ambition: Your majesty must remember that you are a Prince, and that it is one office in your calling to follow the trace of Princes: Much less that any reason either divine or human persuadeth you to leave thoccasion to relieve and readdress th'authority of the Empire usurped and defaced, seeing all laws of God and nations bind you by strait obligation, to arm your courage and intentions to recover it rightfully: occasions are precious if they be executed in the ripeness of time, but being foreslowed, they turn to the prejudice of those that hoped in them: Your majesty must be jealous over them, knowing how easily they are lost, and with what difficulty they are recovered: you must not be curious to make your profit of them, nor doubtful to advance them when you see they draw with them a correspondency of time, of place, and all other circumstances helping to your enterprises: You are not to make your foundation upon the bounty or wisdom of those that be vanquished, seeing all mortal men draw with them their corruptions, and the whole world is full of infirmity and error: dignities and greatness are the effects and rewards of valour, and where is a resolute mind to execute, there never wanteth a good fortune to establish and confirm: Lastly seeing the estate of Christendom can not be defended by any other mean then by your greatness, it is a just office in your majesty to lay to your hand, though not for the interest of your own authority and glory, yet for the service of God, and zeal of the universal benefit.  
This oration was hard with a wondered favour & inclination of the whole council, in whom, for the authority of the man, and for the spirit and efficacy of his reasons, might be discerned an universal impression of ambition almost to the whole Empire of Christendom: There was not one amongst them, who without reply, did not confirm his opinion, which th'emperor also approved, though more for colour not to seem to serve from the council of his friends, then in disclosing what was the property of his inclination: Monsr Beauruin, by office his great Chamberlain, and by favour very gracious with him, was dispatched both to impart with the Captains of the army, th'emperor's deliberation, and also to visit in his name the French king, and to propownd to him the conditions by the which he might obtain his deliverance: he took his way by land, for that the kings mother had made free and open all passages for Messengers and corryers' to come and go to th'emperor's Court, for the more easy and safe negotiation of her sons affairs: And so together with the Duke of Bourbon & the Viceroy, he went to Pisqueton, where the king remained as yet: There he offered him his liberty, but with so unequal & heavy conditions, that the very hearing of them was intolerable to the king: for, besides the resigning of all his titles and rights which he pretended in Italy, th'emperor demanded to have rendered unto him the Duchy of Burgonguie as appertaining to him in proper, And to give to the Duke of Bourbon, Provence with all the dependencies thereof: And he required beside, aswell for himself as for the king of England, other conditions of very great moment: It seemed the virtue of the king had overcome the adversities of his imprisonment, for, to th'emperor's demands he answered constantly, that he had rather offer up his life in prison then to deprive his children of any part of the Realm of France, And though he should consent to a composition so prejudicial, yet it was not in his power to execute it: for that the ancient traditions and constitutions of France did not suffer alienation of any member or appertenancie to the crown without the consent of the parliaments, & others in whose hands rested the authority of the whole kingdom, and who in like cases had been always wont to prefer the universal safety of the main body of the Realm, afore the particular interest, of the persons of their kings: That if they would demand conditions which were in his power to perform, they should find him most ready to join with th'emperor, and to favour his greatness: But such was his desire of liberty, that here he ceased not to offer conditions divers, making no difficulty to grant large parts of other men's estates, without promising any thing of his own. This was in effect the sum of the things he accorded: he offered to take to wife th'emperor's sister, a late widow by the death of the king of Portugal: he made confession that he would hold Burgonguie as in dowry, and that it should appertain to the children issuing of that marriage: That he would restore to the Duke of Bourbon, the Duchy that had been confisked from him enlarging it with some other estate: That in recompense of th'emperor's sister who had been promised to the Duke, the king would give him in marriage, his sister a late widow by the decease of Monsr d'Alenson: That he would satisfy the king of England with money, and pay to th'emperor a great treasure for his ransom: That he would resign unto him his interests and rights in the kingdom of Naples and Duchy of Milan: That he would sand to accompany him both with a navy by sea and an army by land, at such time as he would go to Rome to take the crown Imperial, which was as much as if he had promised to give him in pray, the whole Monarchy of Italy. Beaurayn returned with these capitulations to th'emperor, to whom went with him also Monsr Montmorancy a parsonage then very agreeable to the king, and afterwards great master of France, and at last by the king's liberality, endued with the dignity of high Constable of France.  
But now let us say some what of the sorrows & fears of France: After they were 
The sorrows and fears of France for the imprisonment of the king.  possessed of the news of the overthrow of th'army, & taking of the king, there ran thorough the whole kingdom an universal astonishment and confusion: for, besides the incredible sorrow which th'accident of the kings imprisonment brought to that nation, naturally very devout and loving to their kings, there appeared on all sides infinite mournings and heaviness aswell public as private: Private men lamented and made their sorrows apart, for that aswell of the Court as of the Nobility, there were very sew who had not lost in the battle, their children, their brethren, or other their parents and friends of mark: They wept and could not be comforted, because they judged their sorrow could not be greater than the quality of their loss: And in the public and generally body of the realm might be discerned nothing but an universal face of desolation and despair, every one crying out of so great a diminution of the authority & glory of so flourishing a realm: A perplexity so much the more grievous & intolerable to them, by howmuch naturally they are haughty and presuming of themselves: In this estate of adversity they set before their eyes all that fear and despair could imagine: They doubted lest so great a calamity were not the beginning of a further and subversion: They saw their king prisoner, and with him either taken or slain in the battle, the chieftains of the kingdom, which in the imagination of their sorrows they held a loss irreparable: They beheld their capteins discomforted, and their soldiers discouraged: A calamity which stopped in them all hope to be readdressed or reassured: They saw the realm made naked of money & treasure, and environed with most mighty enemies, an affliction which most of all carried their thoughts into the last cogitations of desperate ruin: for the king of England, notwithstanding he had holden many parleys and treaties, and showed in many things a variation of mind, yet not many days before the battle, he had cut off all the negotiations which he had entertained with the king, & had published that he would descend into France if the things of Italy took any good success: So that the frenchmen feared lest in so great an opportunity themprour & he would not levy war against France, either for that there was no other head or governor then a woman and the little children of the king, of whom the eldest had not yet run eight years accomplished: or else because thenemies had with them the duke of Bourbon, for his own particular a puissant prince, and for his authority in the realm of France very popular & strong in opinion, a mighty instrument to stir up most dangerous emotions. Besides, the Lady Regent, aswell for the love she bore to the king, as for the dangers of the realm, was not without her passions both proper and particular: for being full of ambition and most greedy of the government, she feared that if the kings delivery drew any long tract of time, or that any new difficulty happened in France, she should be constrained to yield up th'administration of the Crown to such as should be delegate and assigned by the voices of the kingdom: Nevertheless amid so many astonishmentes & confusions she drew her spirits to her, & by her example were recomforted the nobles that were of counsel with her, who taking speedy order to man the frontiers of the realm, and with diligence to levy a good provision of money: The Lady Regent in whose name all expeditions & dispatches went out, wrote to th'emperor letters full of humility and compassion, wherein she forgot not by degrees vehement and inducing to solicit a negotiation of accord, by virtue whereof, having a little after delivered Don Hugo de Moncado, she sent him to th'emperor, to offer him, that her son should renounce & disclaim from all rights of the kingdom of Naples and thestate of Milan, with contentment to refer to the censure & arbitration of the law, the titles & rights of Burgundy, which if it appertained to themprour, he should acknowledge it for the dowry of his sister: That he should tender to Monsr Bourbon his estate together with his movables & goods which were of great valour, and also the fruits & revenues which had been levied by the commissioners deputed out of the regal chamber: That he should give to him his sister in marriage, & deliver up to him Pronence, if judgement of the interest & right were made of his side: And for the more facility and speedy passage of this negotiation, rather than for any desire she had to nourish her inclination to the war, she dispatched immediately Ambassadors into Italy, to recommend to the Pope & the Venetians the safety of her son: To whom she offered, that if for their proper security they would contract with her, and raise arms against th'emperor, she would for her particular advance five hundred lances, together with a great contribution of money. But amid these travels and astonishmentes, the principal desire aswell of her as of the whole Realm of France, was, to appease and assure the mind of the king of England, judging truly that if they could reduce him to amity and reconcilement, the Crown of France should remain without quarrel or molestation: Where, if he on the one side, and th'emperor on the other, should rise in one joint force, having concurrant with them the person of the duke of Bourbon, and many other opportunities and occasions, it could not be but all things would be full of difficulties and dangers: Of this the Lady Regent began to discern many tokens and appearances of good hope: for notwithstanding the king of England immediately after the first reports of the victory, had not only expressed great tokens of gladness & rejoicing, but also published that he would in person pass into France: and withal had sent Ambassadors to th'emperor to solicit & treat of the moving of war jointly together: yet proceeding in deed with more mildness than was expected of so furious shows & tokens, he dispatched a messenger to the Lady Regent, to send to him an express Ambassador: which accordingly was accomplished, & that with fullness of authority & commission, such as brought with it also all sorts of submissions & implorations which she thought apt to reduce to appeasement the mind of that king so highly displeased: he reapposed himself altogether upon the will and counsel of the cardinal of York, who seemed to restrain the king & his thoughts to this principal end, that bearing such a hand upon the controversies & quarrels that ran between other princes, all the world might acknowledge to depend upon him and his authority the resolution and expectation of all affairs: And for this cause he offered to th'emperor at the same time to descend into France with a puissant army, both to give perfection to the alliance concluded between them before, and also to remove all scruple and jealousy, he offered presently to consign unto him his daughter who was not as yet in an age and disposition able for marriage: But in these matters were very great difficulties, partly depending upon himself, and partly deriving from th'emperor, who now showed nothing of that readiness to contract with him which he had used before: for the king of England demanded almost all the rewards of the victory, as Normandy, Guienne, & Gascoign, with the title of king of France: And that th'emperor, notwithstanding thinequality of the conditions, should pass likewise into France, and communicate equally in thexpenses & dangers: Thinequality of these demands troubled not a little th'emperor, to whom they were by so much the more grievous, by howmuch he remembered that in the years next before, he had always deferred to make war even in the greatest dangers of the french king: So that he persuaded himself that he should not be able to make any foundation upon that confederation: And standing in a state no less impoverished for money & tresor, than made weary with labours & perils, he hoped to draw more commodities from the french king by the mean of peace, then by the violence of arms & war, specially joining with the king of England: Besides, he made not that account which he was wont to do of the marriage of his daughter, both for her minority in age, & also for the dowry for the which he should stand accountable for so much as th'emperor had received by way of loan of the king of England: he seemed by many tokens in nature to nourish a wondered desire to have children, and by the necessity of his condition, he was carried with great covetousness of money: upon which two reasons he took a great desire to mary the sister of the house of Portugal, which was both in an age able for marriage, and with whom he hoped to receive a plentiful portion in gold and treasure, besides the liberalities of his own peoples offered by way of benevolence in case the marriage went forward: such was their desire to have a Queen of the same nation and language, and of hope to procreate children: for these causes the negotiation become every day more hard and desperate between both those Princes, wherein was also concurrant the ordinary inclination of the Cardinal of York towards the French king, together with the open complaints he made of th'emperor, aswell for thinterests and respects of his king, as for the small reputation th'emperor began to hold of him: He considered that afore the battle of Pavya, th'emperor never sent letters unto him which were not written with his own hand, and subscribed, your son and Cousin Charles: But after the battle, he used the service of Secretories in all the letters he wrote to him, infixing nothing of his own hand but the subscription, not with titles of so great reverence and submission, but only with this bore word Charles: In this alteration of affection of the Cardinal, the king of England took occasion to receive with gracious words and demonstrations, th'ambassador sent by the Lady regent, to whom he gave comfort to hope well in things to come: And a little afterwards, estranging his mind wholly from th'affairs which were in negotiation between him and th'emperor, he made a confederation with the Lady regent contracting in the name of her son, wherein he would have inserted this express condition, that for the king's ransom and delivery, should not be delivered to th'emperor any thing that at that time should be under the power or possession of the crown of France.  
This was the first hope which fell upon the Realm of France, And this was the first consolation in so many adversities, which afterwards went on increasing by the disorders of th'imperials in Italy: They were become so insolent for so great a victory, that persuading themselves that all men and all difficulties should yield and give place to their will, their glory made them loose thoccasion to accord with the Venetians, and gainsay things which they had promised to the Pope, and lastly brought them to fill full of suspicions both the Duchy of Milan and all the other regions of Italy: And so going on to sow seeds of new innovations and troubles, they reduced th'emperor to this necessity, to make a rash deliberation, dangerous for his estate in Italy if his ancient felicity and the hard fortune and destiny of the Pope, had not been of greater force: Matters assuredly moste worthy of a knowledge particular, to th'end that of accidents and things so memorable may be understanded the foundations and councils, which being oftentimes hid, are for the most part revealed and published after a manner most far from the truth.  
But scarcely had the Pope capitulated with the Viceroy, when were presented unto him the great offers of France, to stir him up to the war: wherein albeit he wanted not the persuasions of many to induce him to the same effect, and less diminution of the distrust which he had before of th'imperials, yet he determined to take such a course and proceeding in all things, as he would leave no cause to either of them to suspect him for his actions: Therefore he had no sooner understand that the Viceroy had accepted and pronounced the contract made at Rome, than he caused publication to be made within S. john de Latran, And as he tarried not for the ratification of th'emperor which was promised to be sent first, so the better to demonstrate his intention, he honoured with his presence and with the same solemnity he was wont to use at his coronation, the publication which was made the first day of may: he solicited also the Florentines to make payment of the money promised, and interposed as much as he could, to draw the Venetians to enter appointment with the imperials: But on tother side, were presented to him by them, many just causes of complaint, since in the payment of the money promised, they would not accept the xxv. thousand ducats paid by the Florentines according to his ordinance during the negotiation of th'accord, for that the Viceroy alleged impudently that if other promise were passed, it was made without his commission: Besides, much less that they retired their soldiers from of the lands of the Church, seeing they replenished the towns of Plaisanca with garrisons: To these things which some way might haply be excused both for their want of money, and necessity of harbour and lodging, was added also, that not only in the mutation of the state of Sienna, they gave suspicion to bear a mind estranged from the Pope, but also they suffered afterwards the Citizens of Montenovo to be ill handled and spoiled of their goods by the Libertyns, notwithstanding upon the Popes often complaints, they gave him hope to remedy those disorders: But that which vexed him most of all, was the dealing of the Viceroy, who did not only incline suddeinlye to the solicitations of the Duke of Ferrara, but also put him in hope not to force him to leave Reggia and Rubiera: he promised him also to induce th'emperor to take his estates into protection, notwithstanding he made daily promises to the Pope, that when the Florentines had performed to pay that which they aught, he would make him eftsoons repossessed of those towns: And to th'end the Pope should the better solicit th'effects of these promises and hopes, and also to obtain to have the companies of men of war to retire from the territories of the Church, he sent unto him the Cardinal Saluiatio, his Legate in Lombardye and deputy Legate with th'emperor, to whom the Viceroy made believe that he was determined to procure restitution of Reggia by arms, if the Duke refused to tender it by good will: But the effect of things answered nothing the promises and words: A matter and manner of dealing which could not be excused by the necessity of money, for that upon the rendering of those towns, there grew to them a greater quantity: And there was taken good reason and matter to interpret the likelihood of that matter to proceed of a desire they had either to have him embased and pulled lower, or else to win the Duke of Ferrara, or lastly, to go on still with better degrees and preparations for the oppressing of Italy: These matters brought to the Pope a suspicion and grief of mind almost incredible, But much more was he perplexed to see and consider that th'emperor's intention was nothing different: who having dispatched to the Pope letters of ratification of the confederation made in his name to the Viceroy, deferred to confirm the three articles accorded apart & separate from the capitulation: he alleged that touching the restoring of the towns holden by the Duke of Ferrara, he had no power to do an act prejudicial to the rights of thEmpire, nor to force the Duke who protested to hold them in chief of thEmpire, In which respect th'emperor offered to refer that controversy to the trial of law and justice, or else to be resolved by some friendly composition: It was easily comprehended that he could have been contented they should still have remeined to the Duke, but under his investiture and to pay him an hundred thousand ducats, and as much to the Pope for the investiture of Ferrara and for the penalty imposed upon the contract which he had made with Adrian: he alleged that it was a thing impertinent to accord with his ministers touching the trade & provision of salt from the Duchy of Milan, because the sovereign profit of that Dukedom by the composition of th'investiture though not as yet consigned, appertained to Francis Sforce: And that therefore the Viceroy was not simply bound by th'article to compel him to take it, but to do what he could to induce him to consent: which promise for that it was extended to the action of a third person, was notoriously of no force touching the effect to bind either himself or an other: Nevertheless for desire he had to gratify the Pope he would have practised to induce the Duke to consent, if the matter had not become no more his own interest but th'interest of an other, seeing the Duke of Milan in recompense of the succours which th'archduke had sent him, had covenanted to take salt of him: and yet notwithstanding, he said he would interpose and do all he could to induce his brother (receiving recompense of money) to accord & consent to it, not for ever as the article expressed, but during the Pope's life which was most agreeable to reason: he would not admit also the article of benefits & benefices, unless, together with that which was expressed in the investitures, were joined such things as had been observed by his predecessors kings of Naples: In regard of these difficulties, the Pope refused to accept the letters of ratification, nor would not sand his to th'emperor, but insisted this demand that seeing th'emperor had not ratified within the term of four months according to the promise of the Viceroy, that the hundred thousand ducats might be restored to the Florentines: which demand was answered with subtleties & rather cavillations, then with firm & good foundations: that the condition of restitution of the hundred thousand ducats was not affixed to the instrument, but promised in an article separate & apart by the Viceroys Agentes by oath, and that it was not referred to the ratification of the league which th'emperor had not only ratified within the term of four months, but also had sent out letters of it in due form: Moreover the Pope had advertisement that th'emperors court was universally ill disposed to the things of Italy, & he was not ignorant that the captains of his army rose up to persuade him, that for the more absolute assuring of his enterprises in Italy, it were good to cause Modena to be rendered to the Duke of Ferrara, to repossess the family of Bentivoleis of Bolognia, & to take the jurisdiction of Florence, of Sienna, and of Lucqua, as towns appertaining to thEmpire: yea, so full was he of doubt & suspicion, & so far from stay and resolution, & knowing withal that the frenchmen offered as a pray to th'emperor the regions of Italy, that by necessity he went temporizing, having not whereupon to fix his foundation.  
In this time th'accord between the Viceroy & the Venetians was solicited continually, wherein besides the Viceroy sought to bind of new the Venetians to the defence of 
A treatise of of accord between the Viceroy and the Venetians  the Duchy of Milan, he demanded great sums of money to satisfy their fault of inobseruation of the confederation passed: The Venetians had many reasons to incline them to give place to necessity, but of the contrary, they were carried with more reasonable persuasions to remain in suspense amid which incerteinty of estate, their counsels were full of variety & irresolution: Nevertheless after many conferences & meetings, their astonishment being no less than their neighbours for so great a victory of th'emperor, & their estate only being abandoned & reduced to privation on all sides, they addressed new commissions to P. Pesero their Ambassador resident with the Viceroy, to confirm the league in the same manner it had been made afore, paying over to th'emperor four score thousand ducats for satisfaction of penalties past: But the Viceroy being made so much the more obstinate, by how much they seemed fearful, answered them resolutely, that he would not renew the confederation, unless they paid in the hundred thousand ducats: which obstinacy drew with it this ill accident as oftentimes is seen to happen in matters deliberated with longness of time and no readiness of will: for, so long a tract was taken in the disputing and debating of this little sum, that the Venetians had advertisement how the king of England bore no more so ill a mind to the adversities of France as was feared in the beginning, and beside, the Imperial army had both paid and dismissed many regiments of lanceknights: Matters which the Venetians interpreting to their advantage, and better surety from vexation, they determined to devil as yet in suspense and to reserve in themselves (as much as they could) power & election to take those deliberations which by the train & event of general things, they knew were best for them.  
The Viceroy and the other Captains Imperial were not a little stirred up by these 
The person of the french king led prisoner into Spain.  variations to transport the person of the french king into a place of surety, judging that for the ill disposition of others, they could not without peril, keep him guarded in the Duchy of Milan: In which fear joined to their continual desire so to do, they resolved to convey him to Genes, and from thence by sea to Naples, where his lodging was prepared within the newcastle: This determination brought no little grief to the king, who from the beginning of his captivity, had vehemently desired to be carried into Spain: perhaps he had opinion (measuring happily an other man by his own nature, or else running with the common error of mortal men being easily beguiled in things they desire) that if once he were brought to the presence of th'emperor, he doubted not of some easy passage for his liberty, either through th'emperors benignity, or by the conditions he meant to offer: The Viceroy was of the same desire for the augmentation of his own glory, but being retained for fear of the french army by sea, they dispatched by common consent Monsr Montmerancy to the Lady Regent: she granted to him six light galleys of those that lay in the port of Marseilles upon promise to have them restored assoon as the king was arrived in Spain: With these galleys he returned to Portofino where the kings person was already arrived, and joining them to sixteen galleys of th'emperor which was the navy appointed at first to conduct him to Naples, he reduced them all into one fleet and armed them all with footmen of the Spanish: The captains imperials & the Duke of Bourbon, were persuaded that the kings person should be led to Naples, but of the contrary, setting sail the seventh of june, they took such course, that the eight day they arrived with a happy voyage at Rosa a haven of Catalognia: Their coming brought no small joy to the Emperor, who till that day had understand nothing of that resolution: And assoon as he was made assured of the kings being there, he dispatched commandments to all places where he should pass, to receive him with great honours, only till it should be otherwise determined, he gave order to keep him in the castle of Sciativa near to Valence, a castle anciently used by the kings of Arragon for the guarding of great personages, & wherein had been kept prisoner for many years, the Duke of Calabria: But the deliberation to keep him in that place, seeming far too rigorous to the Viceroy, and nothing agreeable to the promises he had made to the king in Italy, he won so much of th'emperor, that till he had taken an other council, the kings person might remain near Valence in a place apt for hunting & other delights of the field: There he left him lodged with sufficient guard under the charge of captain Alarcon, in whose custody he had always remained since his unfortunate day: And from thence the Viceroy together with Montmerancie, went to th'emperor to make reapport of thestate of Italy, and the discourse of things which till that day had been debated with the king, with whom he persuaded th'emperor with many reasons to draw to accord, for that he could not have a faithful amity and conjunction with the Italians: Themperor after he had heard the Viceroy and Montmerancy, determined to convey the king into Castillo to the castle of Madrill, a place far removed from the sea and the confines of France, where being honoured with ceremonies & reverences agreeable to so great a prince, he should nevertheless be kept under careful and strait guard, with liberty to take the air abroad certain times of the day, mounted only upon a moil. Themperor could never be brought to admit the king to his presence, if first th'accord were not either established, or at lest in an assured hope of resolution: And to th'end there might be interposed in the negotiation a parsonage honourable, and almost equal with the king, Montmerancie was sent in great diligence into France, to bring the Duchess of Alenson the king's sister and a widow, with fullness of authority to debate and contract: And to th'end this negotiation of accord were not hindered by new difficulties, there was made a little afterwards a truce until the end of December, between th'emperor and such as administered the government of France. Moreover th'emperor gave order that one part of those galleys which were come with the Viceroy, should return into Italy to bring the Duke of Bourbon into Spain, without whose presence and privity he gave out that he would make no convention: and yet the galleys what for want of money, and other impediments were prepared but with slow diligence. Themperor showing himself vehemently disposed to establish an universal peace between the Princes of Christendom, and also at one time to give some reasonable form to th'affairs of Italy, solicited instantly the Pope to hasten away the Cardinal Saluiatio or some others, with sufficient authority: He sent also to be excused to the king of England, taking the reasons of his excuse upon this, that he could not resist the general will and universal inclination of his peoples: and sent withal to the Pope Lopes Vtrado, for a dispensation to marry the infant of Portugal his cousin german, and by that mean conjoined to him in second degree: He sent also by the same Lopes, who departed upon the end of julie, the investiture of the Duchy of Milan, to Francis Sforce, but under this condition, to pay presently an hundred thousand Ducats, with obligation to pay five hundred thousand more at diverse terms, and to take the trade of salts of the Archduke his brother: The same Lopes carried also commission to dispose of his men of war in this sort, that except the regiments of Spanish footmen who were to remain in the Marquildome of Salusso, all the others should be dismissed: That six hundred men at arms should return to the realm of Naples, and the residue remain in the Duchy of Milan: And lastly that the Marquis of Pisquairo should be captain general of his army: The Emperor added to this commission, that those moneys which he had sent to Genes to defray four Carackes' with the which he intended speedily to pass in person into Spain, should be converted to the necessities and usage of th'army, for that he was now determined not to depart out of Spain: The Commission bore also to send in th'emperors name the Protonotary Carracciolo to Venice, to induce that Senate to a new confederation, or at lest to insinuate his disposition, and leave them satisfied that all his actions tended to an universal peace amongst Princes Christian.  
But the going of the French king into Spain brought no little perplexity to the Pope and the Venetians, who seeing th'emperor's army was much diminished, considered that into what part of Italy the king's person should be transported, th'imperials could not but find many impediments by the necessity to have him well guarded: so that by that mean either there might easily arise some occasion to deliver him, or at lest the difficulty to carry him into Spain, and the little surety to keep him in Italy, would constrain th'emperor to give some good form to the general affairs: But when by transporting his person into Spain, both his own hopes were disappointed, and mean given to his enemies to lead him into sure prison, they discerned that all treatises and negotiations were wholly in the hands of th'emperor, and that there could be established no foundation upon the practices and offers of the French: In so much as the reputation of th'emperor rising into augmentation by daily degrees, all men began to expect from his Court and from his hand, laws and rules to dispose all affairs. In these discontentmentes were concurrant also (but for divers causes) the displeasures of the Duke of Bourbon, and the Marquis of Pisquairo, for that the Viceroy took upon him without their privity to lead the French king into Spain: Such is the emulation of men in the case of glory or reputation, which more than all other worldly passions hath a natural property to carry their minds headlong into ambition of other men's merit: The Duke of Bourbon took the reason of his discontentment upon this, that being expulsed France for th'alliance he had made with th'emperor, he challenged a more interest than any others to be called and to communicate in all the practices of accord: In regard whereof he determined to pass also into Spain, and yet he was driven to stand longer upon his going then willingly he would, for that he tarried for the return of the galleys that carried the Viceroy: The Marquis took displeasure with the Viceroy for the small estimation he made of him: and was no less ill contented with th'emperor, for that he was not thankful as appertained to his merits and many services done in the last wars, and lately in the battle of Pavia, touching which victory albeit he had deserved more praise and glory then all the captains of th'army, yet th'emperor, contrary to the law of equity and reason, had transferred the whole reputation to the Viceroy, with many high honours and demonstrations: This the Marquis could not digest with sufferance, but in the passion of his wrong as he thought, he wrote letters to th'emperor full of detraction against the Viceroy, tempered with complaints, to be so much disfavoured of him as not to be thought worthy at least to be made privy to such a resolution: and that if in the war and dangers thereof, the deliberation of things had been referred to his counsel and proper arbitration, the French king had not only not been taken, but also assoon as the loss of the duchy of Milan had followed, th'imperial army being driven to abandon the defence of Lombardie, would necessarily have retired to Naples: lastly he charged the Viceroy to be gone to triumph of a victory, wherein it was manifestly known to the whole army he had no part at all: yea for proof that in the heat and most fury of the battle, he was both without courage and without counsel, there were many that heard him cry many times, We are lost and vanquished: and that if he would deny this challenge, he offered to justify it upon his body by the execution of arms, according to the laws and rules of war: The Marquis also was further incensed upon this, that sending immediately after the victory to take possession of Carpy, thinking th'emperor would deliver it to him, he was not satisfied in that desire, The reason was, that th'emperor having granted it two years before to Prospero Colonno, assured that notwithstanding he never had th'investiture, yet in memory of him that was dead, he would, to the profit of Vespasian his son, leave to his house the same recompense which in his life time he had intended in recordation of his valour and actions: Which reason albeit was just, and that such examples of gratitude aught to be acceptable to the Marquis, though not so much for thexcellency of them, yet for the hope they brought that his great services should be brought into liberal consideration by th'emperor: yet it was not embraced of him, not for that it was not just & equal, but because for the opinion he bore of himself, he held it convenient that that peculiar humour & appetite of his, proceeding of a covetousness & irreconcilable hatred which he bore to the name of Prospero, should be preferred before all other interests how just soever they were: In this intemperancy of passion, he cried out of th'emperor and the whole counsel, sending his complaints through all the Regions of Italy, and that with 
Occasions given to th'emperor of new emotions.  such detestation of th'emperor's ingratitude, that by his exclaiming others took courage to build new plots: Of which, if th'emperor thought to proceed no further in the matters of Italy, did rise a just occasion, yea almost a necessity to take other resolutions: but if he stood upon ends and purposes ambitious, he had means to cover them with the most honest occasion and fairest cooler he could desire: And seeing from thence was derived the very beginning and cause of right great stirs and alterations, it is necessary we reduce it to some particular rehearsal.  
The war which in the life of the late Pope Leo, was begun aswell by him as by th'emperor, for the chasing of the French king out of Italy, was leanyed under cooler to re-establish Francis Sforce in the Duchy of Milan: And albeit for th'execution hereof, after the victory was obtained, promise was made to transfer to him the obedience of that state, together with the castle of Milan and the other places of strength, when they should be recovered: Yet such was the magnificency and opportunity of that Duchy, that the former fear ceased not which men had of th'emperors ambition to aspire to it: They interpreted the impediments which he received by the french king, to be the cause that he kept cloaked as yet so great a thirst, for that he had altered those people's desiring vehemently to have Francis Sforce for lord, and had stirred up all Italy against him, being not content to suffer the French to rise to such a greatness: So that Francis Sforce held that Duchy, but with a hard yoke and subjection, and tributes and charges intolerable: for all the stay and foundation of his defence against the French, consisting in th'emperor and in his army, he was constrained not only to respect him as his prince, but also to live subjecteth to the will of his captains: By whom he was miserably compelled to entertain his regiments of men of war not paid by th'emperor, sometimes with money which he levied upon his subjects with grievous impostes and great difficulties, and sometimes in suffiring them licentiously to live upon his people by diseression, and that in all the several parts of his estate, except the City of Milan: Oppressions which albeit of themselves were heavy and grievous, yet the nature of the Spaniarde being greedy, and when he hath the mean to discover his inclination very insolent, made them intolerable: Nevertheless the danger which was had of the French men to whom thinhabitants were enemies, and the hope that those vexations would one day draw to end, wrought in the hearts of men a greater sufferance than their forces or faculties could well bear. But after the victory of Pavia the people could no more endure, seeing the same necessities no more continuing for that the king was prisoner, yet their calamities continued notwithstanding: and therefore they required to be somewhat eased of their burdens, by withdrawing from the Duchy, either all or the most part of the army: The like instance was also made by the Duke, having enjoyed of the Dukedom no other thing till that day, than the bore name and title: he feared lest th'emperor, being now assured of the French king, would occupy and retain the Duchy to himself, or at lest bestow it in donation upon some of his followers and dependanciers: In which fear and suspicion, derived of the very nature of th'affairs occurrant, he was specially nourished by the insolent words spoken by the Viceroy afore he conveyed the king into Spain, together with the demonstrations expressed by the other captains, wherein much less that they published any reputation to be holden of the Duke, seeing they desired openly that th'emperor would oppress him: Besides, th'emperor, after many delays and deferring, having sent to the Viceroy the expedition and privileges of the investiture, the Viceroy when he presented them to the Duke, demanded for recompense of charges for conquering and descending that state, to pay to th'emperor within a certain term, the sum of twelve hundred thousand ducats: A demand so excessive and intolerable, that the Duke was driven to have recourse to the Emperor to moderate and abate the sum. But these difficulties drew a doubt lest the demands so immoderate were not interposed to make the matter always deferred: Moreover such as sought to excuse the necessity of Francis Sforce, alleged many other general causes of his just suspicion, and particularly the knowledge he had that th'imperial Captains were resolved to restrain or retain him: In so much as being summoned by the Viceroy to a certain council or Diet, he refused to go feigning to be sick, covering himself with the like excuses in all places where they had power to do him violence: He nourished this suspicion whether it were true or false, and joined withal this consideration, that the state of Milan was well disburdened of the regiments of men of war, part of the Spanish footmen being gone into Spain at several times with the Viceroy and the Duke of Bourbon, and also diverse bands being made rich with pillage and pray, were retired by troupes into sundry places: And considering also the great indignation that was showed to the Marquis of Pisquairo, he devised by these advantages to assure himself of the present danger, and entered into hope that th'army might be easily defeated using the consent and valour of the 
Conspiracy against the Emperor.  Marquis: The author of this devise was Jerome Moron his Chancellor, a man of high authority and place with him, and for the faculty of his spirit, facility of invention, flowing eloquence, familiar readiness, and great experience, and lastly for his resolution and magnanimity, having oftentimes made singular resistance against adversities, was in our age a parsonage of right worthy memory: Which parts or gifts had tied upon his name a perpetual fame and honour, if they had gone accompanied with such sincerity of mind, such care and zeal to integrity, and with such maturity of judgement, as his counsels for the most part had not been discerned to hold more of precipitation and impudency, then of circumspection or honesty: This man sounding the intention of the Marquis, made such insinuation into his mind already deeply grieved, that they began to common to cut in pieces the remainder of the regiments remaining within the Duchy of Milan, and to make the Marquis king of Naples: An enterprise which they held of easy action, if the Pope and Venetians would be concurrant with them: And touching the Pope, whose mind was drawn with suspicion and doubt, after he was sounded by the advise of Moron, he showed himself no whit disagreeing to that counsel, and yet he advertised th'emperor under cooler of friendship to entertain his captains in devotion and well contented, not that he meant to disclose the practice, but to prepare to himself a refuge if the matter declined to some ill event: But the Venetians embraced the devise with resolution and sincere affection, persuading themselves that no less readiness of mind and will would be found in the Lady Regent, who began to perceive, that since her son was arrived in Spain, the negotiations of his delivery were not continued with that facility that was looked for. There is no doubt that these counsels had not easily succeeded, if the Marquis of Pisquairo had proceeded sincerely in that confederation against th'emperor: But whether at the first he entertained the practice or not, there was diversity of opinions aswell amongst the Spaniards as in the very Court of th'emperor: Many that were observers of times and events of affairs, believed that at the beginning he was simply concurrant with the residue, but afterwards he disclaimed from th'enterprise, and made new deliberations both for the consideration of many difficulties that might happen with the time, and also fearing the continual solicitations of the French with th'emperor, with the resolution that the Duchess of Alencon should go to him: yea some do assure that he deferred so long to advertise th'emperor of these conspiracies pretended in Italy, that having received knowledge of them by Antho. de Leva and Marino Abbot of Nagero Commissary in th'emperors army, all the whole Court marveled at the silence of the Marquis: But how soever his dealing was then, it is certain that a little after he sent to th'emperor john Baptista Castaldo, who imparted the real discourse of the conspiracy: and with the privity of th'emperor did not only entertain the practice, but also the better to decipher the thoughts of every man, and to take from them all, the mean to deny that they had consented, he commoned by mouth with the duke of Milan, and persuaded Moron to induce the Pope (who a little before had endued him with the perpetual government of the City of Benevent) to send Dominike Sawlo with a letter of credence to confer with him of the matter. The conclusions of the treatise 
Capitulations between the confederates against the Emperor.  were these: That between the Pope, the realm of France, and the governments of Italy, should be a league, over the which the Marquis of Pisquairo should be captain general: That for the first action he should bestow the infantry or footbands of the Spanish severally in sundry places of the Duchy of Milan, and so drawing to himself so many as would follow him, the others should be spoiled and put to the sword together with Antho. de Leva, who next to himself was the chief commander of the army: And then joining to him the forces of all the confederates, he should execute th'enterprise of the kingdom of Naples, whereof the Pope was to endue him with the investiture. The Marquis seemed to find no other difficulty in these actions, saving that afore he put any thing to trial, he desired to be satisfied whether without blemishing his honour and fidelity, he might embrace such an enterprise in case the Pope put it upon him by his authority: Whereupon was brought into question and consideration, to whom, he being a Baron and subject of the Realm of Naples, aught to obey, either to th'emperor to whom the profitable jurisdiction of the Realm appertained by th'investiture he had received of the Church, or to the Pope in whom was the direct sovereignty, being absolute and sovereign thereof: Upon which article, both at Milan by the ordinance of Francis Sforce, and at Rome by th'appointment of the Pope, were called very secret consultations of excellent doctors with suppression of their true names. These hopes against th'emperor were augmented by the offers of the Lady Regent, who judging that either the necessity or the fear of th'emperor, would advance much the matters that were treated with him for the delivery of her son, solicited earnestly to take arms, promising to sand into Lombardy a strength of 500 lances, and to be concurrant in thexpenses of the war with great contributions of money. Moron for his part ceased not to confirm the minds of the residue in that opinion: for, besides the persuasions he made how easy it would be even without the aid of the Marquis of Pisquairo, to defeat that army so much diminished in numbers, he promised in the Duke's name, that if the Marquis should not stand constant but serve from the resolution of the treatise, immediately after order given to the other business, there should be apprehended prisoners within the Castle of Milan aswell he as the other Captains having daily access thither to consult. But albeit these occasions seemed great and no less importing the circumstances and dependences which they drew, yet they had not been sufficient to carry the Pope into arms without the Marquis of Pisquairo, if at the same time he had not heard of provision sent to Genes to arm four Carakes, and withal had not had some token and intelligence from Spain of th'emperors inclination to pass into Italy: A matter which did not a little afflict him aswell in regard of the conditions of the time present, as also for the ancient observation and disposition of the Popes of Rome, to whom nothing hath wont to bring more terror and astonishment, than the coming of Emperors with armed hand into Italy: In so much as desiring in his fear to meet with this danger, he took the consent and privity of the Venetians, and dispatched secretly into France to conclude the matters negociated with the Lady Regent, Sigismond secretory to Albert Carpy, a man experienced in affairs of estate, and of singular confidence with the Pope: but as he ran post towards France, he was set upon by night by thieves and robbers and slain near the lake of Isea upon the territory of Bressia, which accident for the secret keeping of it many days, brought to the Pope great suspicion that he was secretly taken and stayed in some place by th'imperial Captains, and happily by the Marquis himself, whom they began to distrust much for his manner of proceeding, but more for the delays he used.  
In this estate and condition of affairs, arrived the dispatch of Lopus Vtrado, who remaining sick in Savoy, sent his expedition away to Milan by a man express: He brought the letters patents by the which the Marquis of Pisquairo was declared captain general, who to continued with others in the same semblance, made as though such a charge was not very agreeable to him, and yet he accepted it immediately. The same Lopus sent also to the Protonotorie Carraccioll, the commission to go to Venice in th'emperors name, to induce that Senate to a new confederation, or at lest to insinuate into them what desire th'emperor had to live in peace with all men. In this time Francis Sforce was fallen into a disease very dangerous for his life, and accepted th'investiture of the Duchy, paying for it fifty thousand ducats, and ceased not for all that to continued the practices begun with the Marquis. The opinions were diverse touching this dispatch of th'emperor: Some believed that he had simply determined to assure th'italians: But others judged that for fear of new innovations and stirs, he sought to hold men in suspense with diverse hopes, and going on still winning of time, to agreed to th'investiture, and in appearance grant a commission so agreeable to all Italy to make tetyre his army, though on the other side he had given directions to his captains not to stir nor remove: yea there were some that had this opinion that he had intelligence from the Marquis of the practices entertained with Moron, and therefore he sent out such a Commission, not to be obeyed, but to get some justification, and with his hopes to keep lulled asleep the minds of men, until he saw apt time to advance and execute his purposes: In which diversity of humours and opinions albeit it was very hard to sound out the simple truth, seeing withal it was not known whether Lopus Vtrado was dispatched at the same time that arrived at the Court john Baptista Castaldo sent by the Marquis to advertise th'emperor of the negotiation: Yet considering by many accidents and events sithence, what course th'emperor hath taken, it is without doubt that it is less fallible to hold for true the better and the more easy interpretation. But in this mean while the Marquis omitted no opportunity wherein occasion was given to entertain Moron and the others with the same hopes, deferring notwithstanding with many excuses th'execution of things: Wherein he took one occasion of the sickness of the Duke of Milan, which increased on him by such dangerous degrees, that every one held almost for certain, that it would lead him to his last time: for all the Captains pretending that in case of the Duke's death, the estate of that Duchy should return to th'emperor as sovereign lord in chief, it was not only not convenient for him to retire his army, but also it was necessary to call in a new strength of two thousand lanceknights, and prepare a greater number to be in readiness: So that the soldiers for their numbers and valours being puissant in the Duchy of Milan, there was no mean either to dissolve them, or at lest to offend them: He gave also hope to execute the counsels of the conspiracy assoon as there was apt concurrancie of time and mean: in expectation whereof he said he proceeded with a great respect to the Pope, and for gratification of him, he levied from of the estates of the Church his garrisons of men of war, who gave him occasion of right great complaints.  
But about this time almost all things were changed by a new accident which 
The 〈…〉 ing 〈…〉 s 〈…〉 in the cas 〈…〉 of Madrill.  happened in Spain: for the french king falling sick in the castle of Madrill, and having in vain desired the presence of th'emperor, was carried by his discontentment and melancholy into such extremity & danger of his life, that the Physicians appointed for his cure, told th'emperor that they stood desperate of his recovery, if himself in person came not to comfort him with some hope of his delivery: Themperor obeying more compassion than the reason of things, was not curious to condescend to perform so good an office, And as he prepared to visit him accordingly, his high Chancellor seeking to turn him from the journey, told him with many strong reasons, that he could not go to him in honour, but with intention to deliver him presently and without any covenant: Otherwise as it would be a humanity not royal but marcenory, so it would disclose a desire to recover him, not moved of charity, but pushed on by his proper interest, as not to lose by his death thoccasion of the profit hoped for by the victory: A counsel assuredly both grave and honourable touching the man that gave it, and no less worthy to be followed by so great a prince as th'emperor: and yet being more carried by the reasons of others, he took post to go to him: But for the danger of the king being almost at the extremity, the visitation was short, & yet for the time accompanied with gracious words full of hope that he would deliver him immediately upon his returning to health: In so much that whether it was by the comfort that he breathed into him (in the sickness of captivity the promise of liberty exceeds all medicines) or by the benefit of his youth, which with the favour of nature was stronger than the malady, he began after this visitation to resume so good disposition, that within few days he was out of danger, notwithstanding he could not recover his former health but with very slow time.  
And now neither the difficulties that were showed on th'emperors side, nor the hopes which were given by th'italians, nor any other nature of impediments whatso ever, could stay the voyage of the Lady Alencon into Spain: for that as nothing was more hard or heavy to the French men then to leave off the practices and negotiations of accord begun with those that had power to restore their king: so nothing was more easy to th'emperor then feeding the French with hopes, to draw their minds from taking arms, and by that mean so to keep th'italians in suspense, as not to dare to enter into new deliberations: And in that cunning manner, sometimes using delays, and sometimes pressing forward th'affairs, he thought to keep the minds of all men confused and entangled. The Lady Alencon was received by th'emperor with very gracious demonstrations and 
The Lady Alencon treateth with themprour for the kings delivery.  hopes, but th'effects fell out both hard and heavy: for when she ministered speech to him for the marriage of his sister the widow with the king, he made answer that it was a matter which could not be done without the consent of the Duke of Bourbon: The other particularities were debated by deputies of both parts, wherein as the Emperor insisted obstinately to have the Duchy of Burgonguy restored as appertaining to him: so the French refused to consent, unless he would accept it for dowry, or else to refer it to the sentence of the law and justice to decide the true title: And albeit they could easily have condescended to the residue, yet for that they were so far off for the demand of Burgonguy, the Lady Alencon returned at last into France, without winning any other grace then a favour to see the king her brother: who growing more and more into distrust of his delivery, desired her at her departing, to admonish his mother and all the counsel from him, to look carefully to the profit of the Crown of France without having any consideration of him, as if he lived not: But notwithstanding the departing of the Lady Alencon, the solicitations for the king's delivery did not cease, for that there remained behind the Precedent of Paris and the Bishops of Ambrum and Tarbe, who had till then followed the negotiation but with very little hope, since th'emperor would not hearken to any condition, if first Burgonguy were not rendered, which the king could not be brought to restore, but in a last necessity.  
About this time the Cardinal Saluatio the Popes Legate arrived at the Court, 
Cardinal Saluiatio the Pope's Legate, in the Court of th'emperor.  where being received of th'emperor with great honour and favours, he debated upon his commissions which principally contained the ratification of the Articles promised by the Viceroy, and secondly a demand to transfer th'investiture to the Duke of Milan for the common surety of Italy: But the Viceroy notwithstanding his promises, dissuaded the restitution of Reggia and Rubiera: and by his counsel and through the hopes he had in him, the Duke of Ferrara, desiring to solicit his own cause before th'emperor, and having the Popes promise' not to execute any enterprise upon his estate, for six months, took his way to the frontyer of the realm of France, with intention to pass further, but being denied passage and safeconduit by the Lady Regent, he returned back again to Ferrara. The Legate and th'emperor conferred together touching a dispensation to take to wife the king of Portugals sister, A marriage which th'emperor was determined to contract notwithstanding he had promised the king of England by oath to take no other wife than his daughter: But the Pope temporised this demand, & stood long to accord to the dispensation, for that many persuaded him that the desire to obtain such a grace, would reduce the Emperor, and make him the more easy to his desires touching the matters in negotiation: And at lest wise, in case he would make war upon him, it were far from policy and discretion, to give him mean to heap together so great a mass of money as would grow to him by that marriage, for that the king of Portugal offered him for a portion, nine hundred thousand ducketts: Of which, deducting so much as was set down to defray the debts contracted between them, it was thought there would come to his hands at lest a sum of five hundred thousand ducats: Besides, the subjects of Spain consented to raise a contribution of four hundred thousand, under the title of a benevolence or service, which taking his beginning in times passed of the proper wills and motion of the people to relieve the necessities of their kings, was reduced by custom and working of times, into a loan or rather an ordinary subsidy: yea they offered him moreover to enrich him with a further sum of four hundred thousand ducats, if he went through with the marriage. On the other side, the Pope had no power to resist th'importunities of the Duke of Sesso th'emperors Ambassador, for that by the property of his inclination, there appeared for the most part in him a repugnancy between that he purposed, and things which he executed: for being by nature very far of to accord any grace that was demanded of him, he was not apt to use difficulties, nor easy to make denial: only by the facility of his nature, he suffered oftentimes his will to be won and overruled by thimportunity of such as sued to him, and in that disposition seemed to accord to things more through fear then by grace, wherein he proceeded not neither with that constancy of mind, nor with that majesty of title and place, which was required of the greatness of his dignity, and was agreeable to th'importance of th'affairs that stood upon negotiation: And in that manner did he deal touching the dispensation required by th'emperor, for as on the one side he was carried by his proper profit, and on the other side overruled by his ordinary facility and softness, so according to his custom, he discharged upon the back of an other the thing which himself was not sufficient to sustain, neither with his body nor with his mind: he dispatched by a writ the dispensation in the same form th'emperor demanded it, and sending it to the Cardinal Saluiatio, he tied to it this commission, that if his affairs with th'emperor soarted to a resolution according to the hope he had given assoon as the said Cardinal should come to the Court, he should deliver the writ, otherwise to retain it to himself: A commission wherein the minister or servant (as shall be said in his place) showed himself no more firm nor more constant, than the master.  
But whilst the Cardinal disputed the Pope's Commissions with th'emperor, and was always entertained with hope to have th'expedition he desired, there fell out in Lombardie very diverse effects: for the Duke of Milan being so well recovered of his sickness, that at the lest he was holden out of danger of sudden death, the Marquis of Pisquairo having received by Castaldo themperors Commission to provide for those dangers as he thought good, determined to enter upon the Duchy of Milan under this cooler, that the Duke by reason of the conspiracies and practices holden by Moron, was fallen from the rights of investiture, and the chief or sovereign freehold reverted upon the Emperor as supreme Lord: And to give a beginning to this resolution, the Marquis lying at Novaro very sick, notwithstanding he had bestowed one part of the army within Pavia, and lodged the lanceknights near Loda, which two cities he had fortified: yet under cooler to dispose the army through all the state of Milan, he revoked to Novaro when was lest doubt of such a matter, the residue of the bands dispersed in Pyedmont and the Marquisdome of Salusse, which state the Imperial captains had occupied almost immediately after the victory: He called also to Novaro, Moron, in whose person rested almost the importance of all things: And as it was certain that Moron being made prisoner, the Duke of Milan would be made deprived both of men and counsel: So the Marquis by that mean thought to take away all impediments and resistance, where, if he should suffer him to live in liberty, it could not be but that Moron, with his spirit, with his experience, and with his reputation, would entangle the estate of his affairs, and give many impediments to his plots and purposes: Besides, it was necessary for th'emperor to have the person of Moron in his power and possession, for that being the author and special instrument of all the conspiracies, he thought to draw from him by his proper confession all those treasons and intelligences which were charged upon the Duke of Milan. There is nothing more hard then to avoid destiny, nor no remedy available against the evils determined to fall upon us: And as it is easy to suffer a mischief when we are sure of the remedy, So, for that adversity is of his own nature quarrelous, there is no ill that happeneth which is not so much the more grievous and troublesome, by how much it happeneth on a sudden, shaking so much the more vehemently the resolution and constancy of the mind. Moron might now discern that the practice he had with so great secrecy entertained with the Marquis, was a matter vain and dissembled: He knew himself to be followed with an universal hatred of all the Spanish soldiers, amongst whom ran already many rumours of his infidelity: Antho. de Leva gave out public threats that he would kill him: It is not credible that he did not consider th'importance of his person, and discerned to what estate was reduced the Duke of Milan at that time unprofitable, and as a body dead: Between them many days before, all things were suspended and full of suspicion: every one counseled him not to go thither: himself wavered between fear and assurance: And yet either for that he suffered himself to be flattered with the fair semblances of the Marquis, or making a foundation upon the great amity running between them, or reapposing confidence in his faith assured by a letter subsigned with his hand: or lastly being pushed on by that fatal necessity which violently draweth on men that will not be led, he resolved to go as it were to a manifest prison: A matter so much the more wonderful, by how much he hath been often heard say in the time of Pope Leo, that in all Italy there was not a more impious and disloyal man then the Marquis of Pisquairo: The Marquis received him with gracious demonstrations, and leading him into a chamber apart, they began to renew between them the discourse of the former conspiracies, both how to kill the Spaniards and to murder Antho. de Leva, whom the Marquis had secretly conveyed behind a hanging of tapestry, to hear what paste between them: But assoon as the Marquis was parted from him, which was the fourteenth day of October, Antho. de Leva entered the chamber and apprehended him prisoner, sending him in that fortune to the Castle 
Jerome Moron prisoner.  of Pavia: Thither the Marquis went in person to examine him upon the matters they had debated together, which Moron confessed from one end to the other together with the whole conspiracy, charging the Duke of Milan both as guilty and consenting to all that had been paste, which was the matter that principally was sought. Thus the Marquis having Moron under guard and keeping, proceeded by other degrees to reverse utterly the Duke: And being already possessed of Loda and Pavia, he required the Duke for the surety of th'emperor's estate, to deliver up Cremona and the Castles of Bressia, Lecqua, and Pisqueton, places supposed to be the keys of the Duchy of Milan, for that they have their situation upon the passage of Adda: And as he promised to introduce no alteration nor innovation, so the Duke both abandoned of counsel, and deprived of hope, made present delivery according to the demand, departing willingly with the things which his destiny denied him to detain: Being possessed of these places, of no less importance for the surety of the Marquis and his drifts, then most apt to pull on the extreme reversement of the Duke, he passed to further insolences, requiring to be received into Milan to have conference with the Duke as he alleged: which being granted to him with the same facility, he demanded eftsoons to be possessed of the castle of Cremona: and albeit he forbore to require the castle of Milan as being a demand not reasonable, for that his person was lodged within it, yet he insisted vehemently that for the surety of th'emperors army he would consent the Castle might be environed with trenches: He required also to have delivered into his hands john Angeo Riccio, his Secretary, and Politian Secretary to Moron, to th'end examinations might be imposed upon them for the conspiracies against the Emperor. To these demands the Duke answered: That touching the castles of Milan and Cremona, as he held them in the name and at the instance of th'emperor, to whom he had always been a most devout and faithful vassal, so he could not but judge it prejudicial to his fidelity, to deliver them up to the hands of any without his privity and will: Wherein for his more full understanding and satisfying, he said he would dispatch forthwith a messenger express, so farforth as the Marquis would give him surety of passage: That in the mean while he held it neither comely nor convenient to consent to be enclosed or entrenched within the Castle, A violence which he would defend with all his power: That he could not depart with john Angeo, being the only man that was instructed in all his affairs of importance, and at that time the only officer about him: And that as touching the Secretary of Moron, he had a greater care to detain him, to th'end to present him to th'emperor, and to prove by that mean, that during the Duke's sickness, his Master had embraced and dispatched in his name and without his privity many expeditions, which sinisterly might be charged upon him, if by that mean he justified not his innocency, and showed that the practices of Moron were far different and separate from his operations: But theffect was, that after many offers and protestations passed by writing aswell by the one as tother party, the Marquis compelled the peoples of Milan to pass an oath of fidelity to th'emperor, in whose name he bestowed officers through all the estate of the Dukedom, to the great displeasure and discontenting of thinhabitants: And in that authority he began with trenches to encompass the castles of Cremona and Milan, in the which the Duke was resolved to remain with eight hundred choice footmen and such reasonable store of victuals as by the shortness of the time he could provide: He gave himself over to that besieging, partly through the necessity of the time, and partly for the comforts and hopes of succours given him by the Pope and the Venetians, not failing withal with the use of his Artilleries to hinder as much as he could the working of the trenches which were drawn on that side without, and of more distance from the Castle than those which Prospero Colonno caused to be cast.  
All the Regions of Italy were reduced to a great astonishment for the usurpation of the Dukedom of Milan, which they saw could not but fall into many fist servitude when so ever an Emperor of nature ambitious and stirring, and for his forces mighty and warlike, should be Lord over Milan and Naples: But above all others the Pope was especially afflicted, seeing in that action his practices were disclosed, with the which he had pretended not only to assure Milan, but also to confound th'emperor's army, and take from him the kingdom of Naples. Touching the Marquis of Pisquairo, it may be that by these operations he won great favour with th'emperor, but with all other sorts of men he purchased perpetual infamy, not only for th'opinion that most conceived of him, that in the beginning he extended his intentions to double with th'emperor and to bandy against him, but also notwithstanding he intended fidelity to th'emperor, yet he ran a course of infamy in this, to set on men, and with so great art and infidelity to draw them into conspiracy with him, to th'end to have occasion to detect them, and to make himself great of the tranfgressions of others, solicited with words dissembled and artificial: This alteration made hard the hope of accord that was negociated with the Senate of Venice by the Protenotorie Caraccioll: who hoped that (for the terms wherein things stood) the Senate would speedily draw to a conclusion to renew the former confederation with the same conditions: and to pay to th'emperor fourscore thousand ducats in recompense that in times paste he had withdrawn his aid, leaving there wholly all demands to contribute hereafter with money: But the accident of Milan reduced the Senate to no little perplexity: for on the one side they stood grieved to be the only people in Italy that with so great danger contended against th'emperor, seeing they were threatened by the Marquis of Pisquairo to transport the whole war upon their estate, whereof they discerned already certain preparations: And on the other side, they were not ignorant that in case th'accord went throw, th'emperor should with greater facility make himself absolute lord of that Duchy, which being joined to so many estates, and so many other opportunities, they saw was the only line to lead him to subdue them together with the residue of Italy: A matter which was continually declared to them by the Bishop of Bayeux, whom the Lady Regent had sent to solicit an union with th'italians against th'emperor: for which purpose, in so great a doubt, and in so dangerous appearances, they made many assemblies, but without any resolution for the diversity of opinions: And albeit to accept th'accord, was a thing more conformable to their custom and manner of proceeding, for that it so took them out of dangers present, as they might hope in the tract of times and benefit of occasions which common weals may attend (who in comparison of Princes are immortal:) yet it seemed to them a matter of too great importance, to suffer th'emperor confirmed in thestate of Milan, and to see the French remain excluded from all hope of alliance in Italy: Therefore after they had at last resolved to be bound to no thing, they made this answer to the Protenotary Carraccioll: That the form of their actions paste gave faith to all the world, and he himself being present at the conclusion of the confederation, could well testify, with what great affection they had always desired thamity of th'emperor: with whom as they contracted a consederation in a time when if they had hearkened to the French, it had been (as all the world knew) anoperation of right great consequence, so they had persevered and would for ever continued in the same disposition towards him: Only the necessity of things kept them in suspense, both for that they saw in Lombardie many changes and innovations of great importance, and also for that they remembered that their confederation with th'emperor, together with so many movings and stirs, happened that year in Italy, drew no other end or meaning then to transfer Francis Sforce to the Duchy of Milan as the principal foundation of the liberty and surety of Italy: In which regard they besought his Majesty, that maintaining in that case himself and deducing afore all the world his bounty, he would remove and make cease so great an innovation, and establish the tranquillity of Italy: which as it was in his power to do being now the star that guided the whole firmament, so for their parts, he should found them always disposed and prepared both with their authority and with their forces, to follow so holy an inclination, and honour him beside with all other sorts of office and humility whether he would extend them generally, or apply them to his particular interests: This answer albeit it contained no hope of conclusion, yet it bred not for all that any overture or beginning of war: for that both the sickness of the Marquis of Pisquairo which aggravated daily in worse degrees, & the desire to impatronise himself first of the whole estate of Milan, and to establish and assure that conquest, together with th'inclination of th'emperor extending to put end and resolution to so many other affairs which he had in hand, would not suffer him to give beginning to an enterprise of so great consequence.  
About this time the Duke of Bourbon was arrived in Spain, and came to th'emperors Court the fifteen day of November: concerning whom it is not reasonable 
The Duke of Bourbon in Spain.  I omit here to touch by the way, that albeit th'emperor received him with all honours and demonstrations of Court, embracing him with the title and grace of his brother in law, yet all the Lords and Nobles of the Court accustomed in all other things to follow th'example of their Prince, abhorred him as a person infamous, and called him traitor to his king: such was their hatred against him, that one of them being required in th'emperors name to suffer his house to be made ready for the Duke of Bourbon, answered in the courage & stoutness of a Spaniard, that as he would not deny th'emperor any thing he would demand of him, so his Majesty should well understand that assoon as Bourbon was gone out of his house he would burn it as a palace infected with the infamy of Bourbon and unworthy afterwards for the dwelling of men of honour. The graces and honours which the th'emperor showed to the Duke of Bourbon, augmented greatly the distrust of the frenchmen, who, somewhat by that mean, but more for the returning of the Lady Regent without effect, began to have cold hopes in th'accord, notwithstanding it was continually negociated by men express remeining with th'emperor: In respect whereof, they laboured as much as they could to advance the league with the Pope: wherein did concur the persuasions and authority of the king of England, and the redoubled and vehement instances of the Venetians, together with this opportunity not of the lest consequence. The death of the Marquis of Pisquairo, who about that time, which was 
The death of the Marquis of Pisquairo.  the beginning of December, made his last end happily by the just sentence of God, who would not suffer him to enjoy the fruit of that seed which he had sown with so great malignity: He was of the house of Abalos originally derived from Catalignia, and his predecessor came into Italy with king Alfonso of Arragon, he who the first of that house made conquest of the kingdom of Naples: He began to follow arms at the battle of Ravenna, where, being very young he was taken prisoner: And afterwards aspiring to a reputation of a captain, he followed all the wars which the Spaniards had in Italy: Insomuch as though he had not passed the age of xxxuj. years, yet for experience he was old, for invention subtle, in council grave, in execution resolute, wise to foresee a danger, and quick to avoid a mischief: he bore great authority and credit with the infantry of Spain, over whom as he had been of long, captain general: so both the victory of Pavia and all other actions of merit executed by that army since certain years, were principally succeeded by his council and by his virtue: he was assuredly a captain of great valour, but one that with art and dissimulation, knew how to draw favour and grace to his doings, being beside, proud of mind, of wit deceitful, of nature malicious, of council and action without sincerity, and so singular in his own weening, that oftentimes he hath been heard say, that he was more worthy to have Spain for his country then Italy: His death as it kindled a great confusion in the whole army with whom he stood inno little grace and reputation, so also by his death the contrary side took occasion to hope that easily they might be able to bring all the soldiers to ruin and oppression since there was taken from them a captain of so great authority and valour. And by this occasion like as with the Pope were more vehement and importunate the instances of such as solicited the proceeding of the league, so also the doubts which detained him in suspense were nothing less, and that with good right, since on all parts he was touched with motions of right weighty reasons, such as might suffice to hold confused and suspenced any man of right good action and council, and much more a Pope Clement to whom it was familiar to proceed always in his affairs with slowness and doubt.  
There was no further expectation of th'emperor for any way or devise to assure the regions of Italy, And he was manifestly discerned to solicit vehemently the taking of the castle of Milan: In which action was laid a foundation to convert many other patrimonies into apparent pray or spoil, but specially the states of the Pope, who being reduced to a general weakness, had his being planted between Lombardye and the Realm of Naples: And if it were in th'emperor's power to oppress the Pope, there was no doubt that he would not execute it, either for ambition which is almost naturally invested in emperors against the Popes, or for his own surety which wise men preserre afore all other regards, or lastly for revenge, being drawn both to disdain and distrust for the conspiracies which he entertained with the Marquis of Pisquairo: And if the necessity to provide for this danger, was great, the foundations and hopes to do it seemed not light, for that if the remedy were not to succeed by the mean of so mighty a league and union, it was to be 
devices of Princes against the power of th'emperor.  thought desperate for ever: The Regent of France made promiss of five hundred lances, and to contribute for every month so long as the war should endure, forty thousand ducats, with the which it was intended to wage ten thousand Swyzzers. The Pope and the Venetians in one joint aid, were to leavy xviij. hundred men at arms, twenty thousand footmen, and two thousand light horsemen: The French men and the Venetians promised to take the sea, and with a great navy to do invasion upon Genes, or the Realm of Naples: Lastly the Lady Regent of France was bound to begin the war immediately with a strong army upon the frontiers of Spain, to th'end to stop th'emperor for sending of men and money to relieve the war in Italy.  
Themperor's army that remained in Lombardye was not great, neither for the numbers & quality of soldiers being much diminished, nor for the presence of Captains of conduct and authority, seeing both the Marquis was dead, and the Duke of Bourbon & the Viceroy of Naples abode as yet in Spain: They were without mean to recover money for their pays, and had no plenty of victuals to serve them for food: The general inhabitants there, were enemies to them for the quarrel and desire of their Duke, and no less for th'intolerable exactions imposed by the soldiers both in the City of Milan and elsewhere: The castles of Milan and Cremona held good as yet for the Duke: And lastly the Venetians gave hope that the Duke of Ferrara would also enter into this confederation, if the Pope would accord to him Reggia, which by one means or other he had always possessed: These were the hopes of the confederates, which reduced to good manner of proceeding, carried their manifest reasons of happy issue: These were the foundations they laid against the ambition and puissance of th'emperor, shadowed nevertheless under the cloak and livery to assure their proper liberties: But on tother side, the difficulties which they discerned rested in the subtlety and virtue of thenemies, who had this by custom and property of condition, to temporize a long time with little money, and endure many necessities with much patience: They saw the towns which thenemies held, were well fortified, and no less facility to reduce them to better strength with ramparts & other sort of fortification, for that they were towns whose situation was in the plain or champion: By which opportunity they were able to entertain themselves together until there came from Germany a sufficient succour to draw and drive the whole war to the fortune of a battle. Moreover they saw that touching the soldiers of the league, they could not be but bodies raw & untrained, in comparison of the others resolute and nourished in so many victories: Besides they wanted the conduct and presence of a captain general, for that in the Marquis of Mantua then captain of the Church, they reapposed not sufficient ability to manage and bear out such a charge, neither could they with any surety commit themselves to the fidelity of the Duke of Ferrara nor the Duke of Urbin whom they had so much offended, & much less would they rest contented with the greatness of the Pope whom they envied with no little murmur and grudge of mind: Lastly they were not ignorant that naturally the arms and weapons of the Church had but dull edges and cutslowly, and no less inferior was the valour of the Venetians, of whom if either of them apart and severally were weak and feeble, what opinion or expectation of their forces being accompanied and conjoined? This was also brought into consideration, that in the armies of leagues and confederates, was seldom seen a concurrancie of provisions at convenient time, and much less a correspondency of wills and minds, for that amongst such a diversity of humours which draw with them diversities of interests and ends, are easily kindled disorders, disdains, and distrusts, at the lest there is seldom an universal readiness to follow resolutely the favour of fortune when it is offered, nor a joint disposition to resist with constancy those storms and adversities with either the disfavour of the time or malicious instrument, many stir up in an army. But the matter that in this council or deliberation drew with it a great fear and difficulty was a suspicion conceived of the frenchmen, that whensoever th'emperor should be constrained by the necessities of this war to offer the delivery of their king, that nation would not only abandon the league, but also join in aid with the Emperor 'gainst the confederates: And albeit the king of England gave for them his faith and word of a Prince that they should not accord to such a renunciation, and that there was devise to give assurance in Rome, in Florence, or in Venice for three months pay, yet all this sufficed not to assure such a suspicion: For, as the French men had no other end nor intention then to recover their king, and did manifestly profess to bear no inclination to the war but when they saw no hope to effect the accord: so it was a thing very congruent and likely, that whensoever th'emperor should be disposed, they would prefer afore all other regards and interests, to compound and accord with him: And like as they were notignorant that by how much were great and mighty the preparations and forces of the league, by so much more readily would th'emperor be inclined to compound with the French king: even so it seemed a matter full of peril, to enter a confederation to make a war in the which the strong provisions of the confederates might do as much haurt as help. With these reasons did th'ambassadors and agents of Princes labour the Pope on all sides, and no less was he solicited by his own officers and Ministers, for that both the multitude of his Court, and the people peculiar of his council, were divided: of whom every one in particular favoured his proper inclination with so much less regard, by how much greater was th'authority they had gotten upon him, who till that time was accustomed to suffer himself to be carried for the most part by the will of such as in reason aught to have obeyed the twinkling of his eye, and to serve no other office then as ministers and executors of the direction and ordinance of their master: for the better information whereof and of many other occurrences, it is necessary to set down a more large and particular discourse.  
Leo was the first of the family of Medicis that bore any Ecclesiastical dignity, 
Qualities of Pope Leo and Clement.  who in the state and authority of Cardinal, did so well support both himself and his house fallen from a wonderful greatness into much declination, that it was reduced to respire and reexspect the return of a good fortune: he was a man of great liberality, if such a name do worthily become him being of so excessive expenses as they passed all rate and measure: At such time as he was raised to the Popedom, he boar a presence of such magnificence and majesty joined to a poart and show royal, that the representation he made might be thought wonderful even in one that by long succession had descended of kings and emperors: he was not only prodigal of money and treasure, but also of all other graces and distributions belonging to the prerogative and power of a Pope: These he disposed in such immoderate liberality, that he made vile and base the authority spiritual, disordered the style and course of the Court, and through his prodigal expenses, reduced himself to necessity to seek money always by means extraordinary: This great facility was accompanied with a most deep dissimulation, with the which he beguiled all the world in the beginning of his pontificacy: The thing that made him seem a good Prince, (I speak not of the goodness Apostolic, for that in those corrupted times, then is praised the bounty or goodness of the Pope, when it exceeds not the malignity of other men) was th'opinion that was conceived of his clemency, having a desire to do good to all men, and far estranged from inclination to offend any: Amongst his other felicities which were many and great, it was no little happiness to him to have about him julio de Medicis, his Cousin, whom notwithstanding he was not borne in lawful marriage, yet he raised him to the estate of Cardinal, being before, Knight of the order of Rhodes: for, julio being by nature, grave to sound deeply into things, diligent in office and service, watchful over affairs, not delighted in security and pleasure, but ordered and regulated in all things, and for his modesty having under his hands th'administration of all th'affairs of importance of the Pop●● doom, did bear out and moderate many disorders which proceeded of his prodigal facility: yea such was his temperance and virtue working with a perpetual care over the pope, that forsaking the custom of all other cousins and brethren of Popes, he preferred always the honour and greatness of Leo, afore all friendships and foundations which he might apply to his own stability after the Pope's death: And being withal no less obedient to him then faithful, he seemed in all his behaviours to be a second himself to him by whom he had received so high confidence: for this cause the Pope raised him every day, and pushed on by gratifications and benefits the mind that served him with so great study and fidelity: he reapposed himself more and more upon him touching affairs of greatest consequence, which being managed by two natures so different, showed how well oftentimes doth agreed together the mixture of two contraries, straightness with facility, watchfulness with security, measure with prodigality, gravity of manners with pleasures and idleness: Which things and the government of them made many believe that Leo was carried by julio, being not able of himself to rule so great a charge and no disposition to hurt any one, together with a vehement desire to enjoy the fruits and delights of the Popedom: But of the contrary, they interpreted julio to be of a spirit ambitious, stirring, and addicted to innovations: So that all the rigours, all the actions, and all the enterprises of Leos time, were by imputation heaped upon julio, whom they reputed a man malicious, though he carried a mind of magnanimity and courage: which opinion of his valour was confirmed and increased after the death of Leo, for that amid infinite contradictions & difficulties objected against him, he supported the estate and countenance of his affairs with such a dignity as resembled the person and place of a Pope: yea he so conserved his authority with the Cardinals, that making his entry into two Conclaves absolute commander of sixteen voices, he was at last made Pope within two years after the death of Leo, notwithstanding the many obtrusions and emulations of the most ancient Cardinals: And he entered into his Popedom with such an expectation, that it was thought he would become the greatest Pope, and bring to pass greater matters than ever did any that till that day had sit in that supreme seat: But it was found out afterwards how far men were abused in their judgements both concerning Leo and him, since in Clement were discerned many conditions far different from that which men believed of him before: for, there was not in him neither that ambition nor thirst after innovations and changes, not that greatness of courage and inclination of mind to noble and high enterprises which was supposed before, yea he was interpreted to be about Leo, rather an executer and minister of his plots and purposes, than a framer and introducer of his counsels and wills: And albeit he was of wit very apt and capable, and had a deep science and insight in all the affairs of the world, yet when it came to points of resolution and execution, that property of gift was not correspondent to himself, for that it was not only hindered by a certain tymerousnes of spirit which was not little in him, together with a desire of nygardnesse and sparing, an humour hurtful in a mind raised to high things: but also he was followed with a certain irresolution & perplexity, which was so natural in him, that for the most part it kept him contained in suspense and doubt even when he was at point to establish things which he had aforetime with great foresight considered, measured, and almost resolved: by which it happened, that aswell in his deliberations, as in th'execution of his councils, every trisling regard rising of new in his conceit, and every light impediment that appeared, seemed sufficient to lead him into the same confusion wherein he was afore he deliberated, being always persuaded that after he had consulted, that council was the best which he had rejected: for, in that case, calling only into reckoning & representation those reasons which he had not esteemed before, he forbore to reduce into discourse the arguments which had moved him to make such election, which being conformed and compared with the contraries, would have made weaker the force and strength of the others, neither did he take experience by the memory of his natural timorousness, to beware to slide into the passion and humour of vain fear: In which disposition entangled, and manner of dealing confused, he suffered himself oftentimes to be transported and governed by his officers, in which case he seemed rather carried the 〈…〉 counseled by them, Of whom, these bore most authority with him, Nicolas Scombergh a German, and Mathiew Gibert a Genua: the one almost reverenced and seared of the Pope, and the other loved and favoured with a singular affection: Scombergh was a disciple of Jerome Savonarola, and of the order of freare preachers whilst he studied the laws, but afterwards leaving his religion and profession, he retained only the habit & the name, and followed the vocation of secular affairs: Gibert had been bestowed very young in the function of religion, but afterwards he left that vocation by the privity of his father, and notwithstanding he was not borne in lawful marriage, yet he disclaimed both the habit and the name of his profession: They two were of one society and agreement together whilst he was Cardinal, and also in the beginning and entry to his Popedom, bearing such a hand on him as they governed his thoughts and drew his will to their ways: but as amongst mortal men, there can be no perfect concord, where is no conformity of conditions, so beginning afterwards to disagree either through ambition, or by the diversity of their natures, they brought ruin upon him whom they had before supported, and led his affairs into great confusion: for, freare Nicolas either for that he was a German of nation, which catied him to favour immoderately th'affairs of his country, or for some other regard moving, bore great affection to the name of th'emperor, by which occasion, concurring also his obstinacy in his opinions which oftentimes were different from others, the Pope stood many ways suspicious that he preferred more the profit of an other, than was studious over the advancements of his affairs: And touching the other, both by nature and all other respects of office, he was very devout to the person of the Pope, whom he acknowledged alone for his Lord and master, and simply carried very careful & studious impressions over his affairs: And albeit in the time of Leo, he had been a great enemy to the French, and favoured highly the affairs of th'emperor, yet after the death of that Pope, he was converted into an other humour and habit.  
Thus these two principal ministers of the Pope being in manifest discord bewene them selves, neither proceeded in his affairs with soundness of council nor for the honour of his person, with reverence and regards agreeable, by which division, every one knowing how irresolute and weak the Pope was of his own condition, he was made contemnible & scorned to the world by those men who aught with better modesty to have covered his imperfections: insomuch, as being privy to his own weakness, and by the property of his nature always irresolute, he knew not what course to take in a deliberation so slippery and full of difficulties, seeing that those to whom it appertained to stay and resolve him, were the men that carried him into greatest confusion: so dangerous is it for Princes to have faction and division in their councils, which of all others have the greatest facility to lead their persons and estates into peril of ruin and subversion. Nevertheless at the last, more by necessity to deliberate something, then by resolution or firm judgement, and standing chief in these terms, that to deliberate nothing was in a kind, to deliberate, he inclined to go through with the league, and in company of the residue, to begin the war against th'emperor: Wherein they fell to accord, and drew 
Pope Clement the 〈…〉 makes a l●agee against th'emperor.  the capitulations into particulars, wanting no other thing then to give his full perfection at such time as he received news that the Commandador Erraro whom th'emperor sent to him, was arrived at Rome: He was thought to be sent in diligence with some good and gracious dispatch, In which respect the Pope determined to attend his coming, which drove th'ambassadors to complain, whom he had assured to pass the same day the confederation. The cause of his coming was, that th'emperor after he had sent such a commission to the Marquis of Pisquaro to retain at the lest in his power to impatronize himself upon the state of Milan, and fearing lest by that occasion there were not incensed some new stirs in Italy: did begin to debate more straightly and sincerely of th'accord with the Legate Salutatio, so that there passed between them one capitulation (reserving nevertheless the condition of the ratification by the Pope) wherein both he was satisfied touching the restitution of Reggia and Rubiera, and also the defence and conferuation of the Duke of Milan was comprehended in it, Matters which the Pope did principally desire: Moreover it was expressly set down, that if the Duke should die, th'emperor neither should retain that dukedom, nor give it to th'archduke his brother, but should inucst it in the Duke of Bourbon, which the Pope very undiscreetly by the setting on of th'archbishop of Capua, had accorded unto, together with George of Ausntria brother to th'emperor Maximilian, at such time as the life of Francis Sforce was almost holden desperate. Assoon as the capitulation was made, the Legate not tarrying for Pope Clement to give it perfection, either could not or would not refuse to present th'emperor with the writ of dispensation for his marriage so much desired: Which for that it was made before, only with mention of stop and impediment to the second degree without naming the king of Portugall's daughter for offending the king of England, or because there was between them a double bond of affinity, there was no mention made but of the bond that was most strong: it was thought necessary to make an other, which with express mention of the persons, contained all the impediments. The Commandador Erraro departed from th'emperor's Court with the dispatch of this confederation, about a day or two after th'emperor was advertised of thimprisoning of Moron: and coming to the Pope's court the sixth of December, he was brought to his presence, where after he had presented to him many offers, with the like information of the good will of th'emperor, he delivered him the capitulations, in which albeit the Articles touching the salt and matters of benefice within the realm of Naples, were contrary to that which had been solicited and resolved by the Viceroy: yet for that his principal end was to be assured of suspicions, he had allowed and accepted them, if he had found a sincere proceeding touching the Duchy of Milan: But seeing in th'article concerning Francis Sforce, was contained no mention of thimputation made against him, neither promising to tender thestate that was taken from him, nor to pardon his faults committed, their art and subtleties were easily discerned, the rather for that themperor in the conclusion made with the Legate and in the instructions given to his Agent, seemed to take no knowledge of such things: for the confederation made to defend and preserve Francis Sforce in the Dukedom of Milan, deprived not th'emperor of power to proceed against him as against his vassal, and to declare the freehold to be confisqued for the conspiracy supposed upon him against his Majesty: And Bourbon suborned to be Duke in case of his death, was also to succeed in case of his privation, for that by the laws is considered the death natural and the death civil, by which they judge that man to die who is condemned for such a crime. for this cause the Pope answered with very grave speeches, that as he had no particular matter of discord with th'emperor, so touching all differences and contentions that might happen between them, he would for his part choose no other arbitrator or judge then his Majesty: Only he held it necessary to establish so good an order for the public affairs, as Italy might remain assured, which could not be done unless he restored to Francis Sforce the Duchy of Milan: lastly he laid afore him reasons, proving why a Capitulation so general was not sufficient, concluding that it would bring no small grief to him to be driven to that necessity, to enter into new deliberations and counsels, and to be made estranged from th'emperor, with whom he had always been most firmly conjoined. To these the Duke of Sesso replied with reasons iustificatorie, that as th'emperor had always a sincere and upright intention: So he assured that his Majesty was well contented that notwithstanding thaccidents happened and past, the Duchy of Milan should remain to Francis Sforce: Only if th'article especial of that clause (through mistaking) were not set down in sufficient and ample form, it was referred to the Pope to reform it according to his will and discretion, promising for th'emperor to present to him within two months the ratification, so farforth also as he would give his word not to conclude during that time the League which was negociated with the government of France and the Venetians. It was clearly discerned that this offer had no other foundation than a desire to temporaise and win a respite or time of two months, to th'end to give unto th'emperor a better leisure to take good counsels and levy convenient remedies against so strong a League: Nevertheless, after many contentions and disputations, the discontentment of them bassadors concurring, the Pope consented to that demand, aswell by desire and reason to enter as slowly as he could into expenses and troubles, as also for this policy, that so long as the french king continued in the condition of a prisoner, all contracts & confederations made with the Regent of France would be jealous and dangerous, for that th'emperor would always retain a power to dissolve and break them as often as he list: Also he judged that by this respite or delay interposed, th'emperor might with more facility obtain his purpose, notwithstanding there was no great appearance of hope: And if by that were wrought th'accord between the two kings, he made this deep consideration (though many judged against it) that it were better to pass in a time when th'emperor stood in lest necessity, for that by how much his affairs were advanced or stood in good train, by so much more rude would be the conditions he would offer to the French king, which being severe and rigorous, he supposed the king would not observe them after he were possessed of his liberty: There was also added to that treatise, that during the said time, there should be no new enterprise embraced, nor no action executed against the Castle of Milan, so farforth as Francis Sforce would be bound not to do any molestation upon those that lay without, which condition he would not accept.  
The year of the nativity of the son of God a thousand five hundred twenty five being run out in these actions more disposed to war then to peace, there followed successively the year 1526 which being replenished with great accidents, brought a face of wonderful troubles: In the beginning of this year the commandator Erraro returned to th'emperor with letters subsigned and written with the Popes own hand, by the which he neither denied nor confessed the conspiracies practised against him, but laying the fault upon the Marquis of Pisquairo, he laboured to excuse Francis Sforce, whom he alleged (if he had offended at all) to be abused by the counsels of Jerome Moron, beseeching him with terms of great affection, that for the benefit and quiet of all Christendom, he would prefer his clemency afore his justice: At this time th'emperor expecting the answer of the Pope, held in suspense the negociacious and practices of all Princes, & albeit he had exercised great grace, favour, and honour upon the Duke of Bourbon, promising with speed to advance the consummation of the marriage between his sister & him, yet when Bourbon urged the accomplishing of his word and promise, he was answered with evasions and delays, such as made the matter doubtful & the Duke discontented: Nevertheless to satisfy him with some reasonable or apparent excuse, he was carried over with this, that th'emperor would first give perfection to his own marriage with the infant of Portugal, who was expected from one day to an other, but in true meaning that excuse drew this draft, to leave always in the power & will of the Emperor (notwithstanding his promise to the Duke of Bourbon) to give her to wife to the french 
Themperor married to the daughter of Portugal.  king if the accord went on: such is the ordinary humour of some Princes to be carried rather with considerations of profit, then with care of honesty: Now after th'emperors marriage was consummated at Sevill in Spain, the commaundator Erraro arrived at the Court with the breviat of th'article concerning Francis Sforce, which article the Pope had deduced at large in his favour: So that th'emperor, being also assured that the Legate Saluiatio had no commission to conclude any thing but according to that article, and his whole council thinking it necessary to stop and hinder the league that was in hand, and no less dangerous to have to do at one time, with so great a number of enemies: He saw himself reduced to these terms, either to content the Pope and the Venetians by restoring Francis Sforce to the Duchy of Milan, or else to compound with the French king: Who for his part, after long arguing and disputation for the country of Burgongnie, and finding that without the price of it, he could not hope for his delivery by th'emperor, offered to tender it with all thappurtenances and dependencies, and to renounce all titles and rights which he had to the kingdom of Naples and Duchy of Milan, and to assure the observation of his promise by the hostage of two of his sons: The disputations were great upon the election of the one or the other way, wherein the Viceroy insisted more vehemently than ever, both for that he had the conduct of the French king into Spain, and had nourrished him with many brave hopes of his delivery under easy conditions: His authority was great with th'emperor and his reputation nothing inferior, both for that th'emperor reapposed much in his fidelity, and trusted him because he knew he loved him: But there opposed against him Mercurio Gattinaro a man of base descending in the country of Piedmont, and by his virtue raised to the place of high Chancellor to th'emperor, & for his experience & credit, had managed of long time all the affairs of the Court of most importance: One day th'emperor sitting really in council to resolve absolutely the matters that had been discoursed so many months, these two were also present, of whom the chancellor took occasion to reason in this fort.  
I have always feared lest our too great greediness concurring with the immoderate 
Oration of the Chancellor.  ends we aspire unto, would not be the cause, that of so singular and honourable a victory, we reaped in the end neither glory nor profit: But I could never be induced by any argument or reason, that by your victory (o gracious Emperor) either your estate or your reputation should fall into danger: A matter which now appeareth manifestly, since there is question to conclude an accord, by the which all the regions of Italy shall be reduced to a condition desperate, which can not but bring infamy to your name, & the french king delivered up to his liberty, but under so unequal conditions that he will continued a greater enemy to you then before, though not of will which happily he may restrain and temper, yet by necessity which is always a mighty motion to move men to revenge: for my part, I could wish with as great show of affection as others, that at one time & by one mean, your Majesty might recover Bourgongny & also establish foundations of your empery in Italy: But vain is the wit that aspireth to hold the thing which the hand is not able to gripe, and in the property of worldly things, there is nothing more full of error, than that ambition which goeth on working in the humour of weening only, & looks not back to order and reason, which are the assured lines that lay out the infallible success of every mortal action: I have always seen that that Prince who suddenly hath embraced many things, hath gone on with peril to effect nothing, for that all those things are put to adventure that are guided by will & not by reason: That fire that is mightily kindled hath much a do to be quenched, but when upon one fire riseth many flames whose property is to fly with the wind into many places, it can not be that the burning will not be great, yea oftentimes extended to the consuming of him that first kindled it: I see no reason to induce us to think that the french king being delivered, will observe the articles of so great importance, since he is not ignorant that in making you Lord of Burgangny, he layeth open such a gap to lead you into the bowels of France, that it will be always in your election to run up even to the gates of Paris: And he knoweth well enough that when he hath once put into your hand the power to vex France in so many places, he hath left to himself no possibility to make resistance against you: doth not he know & all the world see, that to consent that you go to Rome with an army, is no other thing, then to give you a rain with whose bridle you may check all Italy, & authority to dispose according to your liking, of thestate spiritual and temporal of the Church, and by that mean your puissance being redoubled, you shall for always after never want money nor forces to offend him? And who doubteth that of this greatness he maketh this conclusion, that he shall be constrained to accept all such laws as it shall please you to impose upon him: Is it then reasonable to believe that he will observe an accord by the which he is made your slave and you his Lord? Where is feruitude hateful, if not in the mind whom nature hath borne to sovereignty: And how can it be thought that he will live under the yoke of subjection, whose ambition could not hitherunto be contained within the large limits of France: But be it, that in the king will be found no want of conscience to obferue the conditions of the contract, yet he may be overcarried by a natural compassion by the complaints and lamentations of his kingdom, and by the persuasions of the king of England accompanied with th'incitation of all Italy: It may be that by the law of amity that is between you two, he will reappose confidence in you, or at lest look into the power you are of: But was there ever two Princes between whom have been greater causes of hatred and contention? There is not only between you a reciprocal jealousy of greatness, A matter apt to stir up one brother against an other, but also your common emulation is pushed on by many ancient and great quarrels begun in the times of your fathers and great grandfathers, many long wars between those two houses, many pieces and accords not observed, many harms done, and many injuries received: There is no quarrel more mortal than that which taketh his nurture in tract and prescription of time, nor any hatred so dangerous as that which lieth smothered like fire covered with hot ymbers by whom the heat is preserved to a greater power of burning: To the mind that is injuried, there is nothing so sweet as the passion of revenge, And by how much th'offence is ancient and inveterat, by so much more incurable is the humour of revenge, and more heavy the stroke where it lighteth: We may believe that the kings mind burneth with disdain, when he remembreth how many months he hath been your prisoner, with what severity he hath been kept under strait and sure guard, and never was favoured so much as to speak to you or see you: Besides, in this calamity of imprisonment he hath passed so many perplexities and perils as had almost brought him to the end of his mortal life, causes not little material to make him highly incensed, besides the despite of his other injuries sufficient to draw on his desire to be revenged: And now he seeth we go about to deliver him, not through magnanimity or amity, but by necessity and fear of so great a confederation conspired against us: Do we think that parentage made by necessity, is more mighty, then so many vehement incitations: Do not we know how much Princes esteem of such bonds: And who can yield a better testimony than ourselves, of the estimation and reckoning of parentages: But it may haply seem to some that we shall be greatly assured by the faith he will give to return again into prison: O weak foundations and full of frailty, o hopes unperfect and drawing more peril than surety, o council undiscreet which hath no society with wisdom and forecast: The grief I have to see us disposed to take a course so hurtful and dangerous, makes me burst out into this liberty of plain speech: This board is not ignorant, what reckoning is made of faith and word given, when there is question of interests of estate, neither are we to learn of what force are the promises of the French men, who though they be open and plain in all other things, yet in this regard let us think them Schoolmasters most perfect in deceiving and abusing: And for the king, he hath naturally a ready tongue to promiss, and aslowe hand to perform, and by custom is so much the more hard and sparing in effects, by how much he is plentiful and prodigal in words and speeches: Upon which I gather this reasonable conclusion, that neither the respect of good will between two Princes who have for an ancient inheritance, injuries and offences, nor the memory of benefits, which never was any, nor the consideration of faith & promises, which in controversy of matters of estate importeth nothing with the frenchmen, will have any force to induce him to follow an accord, which lifteth up his enemy into heaven, & throweth his own person & his kingdom into manifest subjection: where it may be objected that for fear of these things, & the better to assure your majesty, you demand two of his children (of whom one to be th'elder) whose love will contain him more than the price of Burgongny: I answer that the love of those children will rather 'cause the contrary, specially when the memory of them shall move in the cogitations of his mind, & consideration that to observe th'accord, would be the beginning to make them your slaves: it is doubtful that such a pawn will not be sufficient, if he should be altogether desperate to recover it in other sort: for that as it is a thing that much importeth to put his Realm in danger, which being once lost is hard to be recovered: So nevertheless he may have many hopes to redeem his children either with the favour of time, or by the benefit of accord, or by th'opportunity of some other occasion, and yet in respect of their base age th'expectation will not be grievous to him: Besides, standing in terms to draw into unity against you almost all the Princes of Christendom, who doubteth not but he will confederate with them: who seeth not that he will seek to moderate that accord by the way of war and arms: And who knoweth not that in that case, the gain and profit which we shall reap by this victory, will bring upon us a most strong and dangerous war stirred up by the desperate hatred of the French king, by the burning jealousy of the king of England, and by the general necessity of all the potentates in Italy: Against whom how shall we be able to defend ourselves, unless God continued daily to work the same miracles for us which he hath so often done till this time, or unless fortune for our sakes, change her nature, and reduce her inconstancy and lightness to an example of constancy and firmness contrary to all experience past: how many months have we concluded in our councils, to do all that we could to let th'italians for uniting with the house of France: And now we throw ourselves rashly into a deliberation which takes away all difficulties that till this hour have kept them in suspense: A matter which multiplieth our dangers, & increaseth the forces of our enemies, since it is not to be doubted that that league will be more strong and mighty which shall have for a head, the French king standing in his freedom and in his kingdom, then that which should be contracted with the house of France and the king remeine your prisoner: There is no other thing which till this day hath detained the Pope from entering confederation against you, than the fear he had that you would always separate the French from the residue, in offering to them the liberty of their king: but less will be their fear of such a matter, when you shall have the children who import not much, and dismiss the father upon whose person resteth the balancing of all things: So that by this mean, the medicine which we have sought to apply to prevent our danger, will become without all comparison the chief poison and instrument of our peril, And in place to break this union we shall be the mean to enforce it and make it more firm and puissant. But me thinks I see some ready to ask my advise, and whether I will council your Majesty to draw no profit of so great a victory, and to suffer you to devil always upon these doubts and perplexities, to whom I answer and confirm eftsoons the similitude I have spoken many times, that it is a matter too hurtful to receive so much meat at one time as the stomach can not bear: And that it is necessary, either by returning into amity with Italy which demands nothing of us but to be assured, to get of the French king both Burgonguye and as much else as we can: or else to make a composition with him (by the which Italy may remain at our discretion) but so easy touching his interests, as he may have cause to observe the conditions of it: In th'election of the one of these two ways it appertaineth to your majesty in policy & forecast to prefer that which in deed is most stable and just, afore that which at the first show may haply seem most great and most profitable: I confess the Duchy of Milan is an estate more rich and more commodious for many regards, then Burgonguie, and that there can no amity pass with Italy, unless Milan be transferred either to Francis Sforce, or to some other of the Pope's liking: And yet I rather allow to do this, then to accord with the French men, for that Burgonguy appertaineth to you with better equity and justice than Milan, and beareth more facility to be maintained then a country where is no person that willeth you good. To seek to get Burgonguy your ancient inheritance, is an action of great worthiness and praise: but to aspire after Milan either to your own use, or for any other that dependeth wholly upon you, can not be without manifest notes of ambition: The one calleth you to it by the honourable memory of so many your predecessors, whose bones lying buried in captivity, call upon you to be delivered and redeemed by your virtue, whose compassion accompanied with their just, pitiful, and holy desires, may haply move God to be more favourable to th'action. Your Majesty must consider that it is a more discrete and easy counsel, to establish an amity with him that unwillingly becomes your enemy, then with one who in no time can be your friend: for there will never be in the French king but a perpetual hate and desire to oppose against your doings: where the Pope and the other potentates of Italy being once assured of all suspicion by the revoking of your army that is in Lombardy, will have no occasion of controversy with you, neither through jealousy wherein they will be satisfied, nor by fear which then will be resolved into assurance, and remaining your friends, you shall draw from them both now and always a greater commodity and profit: So that there are to lead your majesties inclination to this amity, not only the consideration of honour, which aught to be most familiar with great princes, not only the regard of profit, which fashioneth haughty minds to reason and facility, not only the respect of surety, which to princes and peoples is the sweetest end and reward of their wars and contentions, but also the operation of necessity, which above all other motions in the minds of men, carrieth them violently to resolution and accord: For, be it that you compound with the king, and bind him to no other thing then to aid you in th'enterprises of Italy, yet it is not likely he will observe it, since this will be his opinion, that in leaving you Italy for a pray, he should so much the more embark his own Realm in peril and desperate danger: Where on the other side, his hopes and opportunities will be great that by the compulsion of so mighty an union he shall be able to vex and travel you, and in the end to reduce you to accord under easy conditions: So that of a king whom we hold prisoner, we shall not only give him liberty, but also prepare him to be our enemy, and send home to the Realm of France a sovereign chieftain or leader, to th'end that joining with the residue, he might raise war against us both with greater forces and with more profit. How much better were it to confederate with th'italians, who have the same conformity of reasons with us? How much more necessary to contract a firm and true alliance with the Pope, who hath continually desired it? And how much assured to remove from the French all hope to join with thItalians, seeing that in that case not only necessity or fear of new leagues, but also even your own will and quality of the conditions, will draw you to accord with the French. Then shall you see that their universal necessity and despair of their common condition, will constrain them not only to deliver up Burgonguy into your hands, and to follow you with greater offers, but also to assure them with such obligations and hostages, that you shall not need to doubt the observation: For the which his children are no sufficient pawns so long as they hope to effect so great an union: And scarcely will suffice the towns of Bayon and Narbona, if they put them into your hands, nor an army at sea. This is the way to draw of your victory a fruit plentiful, honourable, comely and sure: And otherwise (if I have any insight in the matters of the world) by this accord you shall embark your estate into so great dangers, that I see no way to deliver you, unless the indiscretion of the French king may haply be greater than ours.  
This oration, what with theloquence and good disposition of the matter, joined with the reputation and wisdom of the man, wrought much in the minds of the greatest part of the counsel: But the Viceroy being of an other humour, pronounced a contrary opinion in this sort:  
If it be a fault blamable in such men as through the motion of worldly appetite 
Oration of the Viceroy.  and ambition, seek to embrace more than they are able to hold, the offence is no less in mine opinion, in others who either by too many suspicions or too much incredulity, do willingly deprive themselves of great occasions gotten with many difficulties and dangers: But if there be property of error in both, observing the quality of the persons in whom they reign, that which proceedeth of fear and abjection of mind, is more to be reprehended and condemned in a great prince, then that which moveth of an inclination heroical and true greatness of spirit and courage: And seeing it is to great things that the thoughts of great princes aught to be raised and dressed, it can not but be more agreeable to their merit and virtue, to seek to win much with hazard and danger, then by avoiding of peril which is but casual, to loose or corrupt such occasions as very rarely happen to mortal men. This is the very course laid out to your Majesty by the Lord Chancellor, who doubting that by this accord Burgongny and Milan may not be obtained, (we must not think he is pushed on either with the love of Italy which is his country, or with the benefit or good turn that he wisheth to the duke of Milan) hath made a resolution of away by the which as he saith, we shall get Burgongny and loose Milan, an estate without comparison of greater importance. But I fear that in following that devise, as we shall not only loose Milan and not win Burgongny, so also, where your Majesty hath with great glory opened you a way to the empery and jurisdiction of all Christendom, there will remain no other fruit of it if you take your direction by his counsel, then great damage accompanied with perpetual infamy: Effects which in all reasonable sort your Majesty is to avoid, lest through indiscretion and sinister counsel of one private man, you blemish the reputation and valour of so many princes and brave Captains, who under the felicity and fortune of your name fought for the victory which now you have: So will the world think you more apt to get then able to hold, and less worthy of glory then meet to manage it. For my part much less that I can discern any surety in the counsel he hath given, seeing of the contrary it brings lurking under it many tokens of manifest danger, and some appearances of a little profit and yet easy to slide out of our hands, not without our shame and your indignity: Where of the contrary, in compounding with the French king, your Majesty shall reap glory, which especially followeth the name of Emperors, it will bring you profit which is a sweet reward of victories, and it will give you a sufficient assurance of your estates, which is the happiest end and conclusion of war and controversies between Princes. I ask this question of the lord Chancellor, under what reason, under what surety, and under what fidelity he doth warrant or promise that the Italians after we have left them the Duchy of Milan, will observe the accord, and will not intermeddle with the affairs that shall pass between the French king and us? Yea rather after they have embased our reputation, after they have corrupted the army that now holdeth them in bridle, and after they shall be assured that no new companies of lanceknights can come into Italy because there is no place of retreat for them, I ask again with what humour the Lord Chancellor can answer for th'italians that they will not recontinue their practices, and threatening the kingdom of Naples which will almost remain at their discretion, they will not rise and force us to deliver the French king. If it be good to provide that a mischief happen not, it is better not to loose th'opportunity of the remedy that is proper for it, since there can be no great danger to defend the harm that stands in fear of a remedy to resist it. It is far from reason for my Lord Chancellor to reappose confidence in Francis Sforce to acknowledge the benefits that your Majesty shall do to him, seeing he hath already so ill observed your honourable liberalities, & with treasons hath recompensed the favours you have used to him? But what expectation of conspiracy & worse dealing, when he seeth a desire to call him to justice, and to punish by sentence of the law, the unthankfulness he hath pretended with so great iniquity? And what fear will he have of your punishment, when he expecteth his safety by the deliverance of your enemies? He will not care to offend you, that feareth not your punishment: and that punishment will he not hold grievous, which either he supposeth to suffer for innocency, or is assured of his mean of delivery. And less reason is there to induce you to have confidence in the Venetians, for that being by nature enemies ancient to the Crown of th'empire and the house of Austria, can not yet but tremble under the memory of Maximilian your grandfather, who took from them many of those towns which they possess at this day. The mind possessed with injury & wrong, can never be made assured: and where the remembrance of the harms done remaineth without recompense or reconciliation, there is nothing less certain than fidelity, and nothing more frail than the friendships they profess. Touching Pope Clement, there is no reason of confidence either in his virtue, or in his inclination to th'emperor, since the first alliance that Pope Leo made with him after he had attempted many things against us, was, for desire either to be revenged, or to be assured against the French men, and for ambition to occupy Ferrara: And after him, the Pope reigning being hated of the one moiety of the world, continued by necessity (after the death of Leo) in your amity, but being become Pope, he returned immediately to the nature of Popes, which is both to fear & hate themperors, and for his part he hath nothing in more horror than the name of th'emperor. I confess these reasons may be answered with excuses, and it may be alleged that their complotts and enterprises took no proceeding of hatred or ambition, but only of suspicion and jealousy of your greatness, which being ceased, all their conspirations will take end: But it may be answered, that either this is not true, or if at the beginning it hath been true, it hath now by necessity taken other root, and become an other humour, for that it is a thing natural that hatred followeth suspicion, and offences and vexations come after hatred, and after offences men draw to alliance and amity with thenemies of him whom they have offended, labouring to raise practices not only for their proper surety, but also to make their profit of him whom they have offended. Nature hath sown in man seeds of hatred and revenge, and though the laws hold it more just to revenge an injury then to do it, yet kind and nature showeth that both the one and the other proceed of one imbecility: Besides, the remembrance of wrongs is far greater and more stirring in the mind of him that doth them, then in him that receiveth them: So that where in the beginning suspicion only would set them up and make them to move, the same would be also the cause to make them become our enemies, to carry them both in inclination and in hope to the French part, and then to begin to cantonize and make a divident of the Realm of Naples, as they have done in all contracts passed: And now let us give them what surety we will, and infer what accord we can, we shall find kindled in their stomachs the same hatred and fear that before, with minds not disposed to reappose confidence in that, which to their seeming we shall do through necessity: In so much as under an opinion they may have the more easily to range us to their wills, and fearing lest in the end there run between the French king and us a new appointment semblable to that which was made at Cambray, and lastly desiring according to their own phrases to deliver Italy of strangers, they will not stick to presume to rise up to give you laws, and to demand at your hands the delivery of the French king: A matter which if your Majesty refuse, I see not how you can defend against them the kingdom of Naples: And in according that, you loose all the fruits of your victory, besides a manifest dishonour and rejection that will stand upon your name for ever. But let us say the case that Italy will perform and observe th'accord, and necessity constrain you either to leave Milan or not to recover Burgongnie, yet in just comparison there is great difference between the one and the other: Burgongnie is a country of little circuit, of small revenue, and nothing answering the commodities that are persuaded to be there: Where the Duchy of Milan, both for the riches and reputation of so many Cities, for the number and nobleness of subjects, for the liberal and plentiful revenues, and for the opportunity and sufficiency to nourish all the armies of the world, carrieth more value & price then many kingdoms: And yet besides the amplitude and puissance of it, you have to make a greater reckoning of the commodities that may revert to you by conquering it, then of the simple account and valuation of itself: for Milan and Naples being at your devotion, it followeth by congruent necessity that the Popes, as anciently they are wont, must depend upon th'authority of emperors: That all the region of Tuskane, the Duke of Ferrara, and the Marquis of Mantua must be your subjects: And the Venetians being environed with Lombardy and Germany, stand in case to accept laws at your hand: And so not with force and arms displayed, but with a glorious reputation of your name, with the only summons of a Herald, and with the ensigns of the Empire, you shall command absolutely over all Italy. Lift but up your majesties mind to the consideration of Italy, and you shall find it with great right esteemed the supreme seat of all other provinces, both for the opportunity of situation, for temperature of air and Climate, for thexcellency of wits inclined to all honourable enterprises, for the fertility of all things necessary to the life of man, for the stately representation of so many noble Cities, for the sovereign seat of religion, and for the ancient glory of th'empire: To which praises as I may aptly adjoin the commodity of empery which it brings, extending so far in your person, that if you command over it, the sound of your name and authority runneth fearful in the ears of other Princes: So it can not but belong to your greatness and to your glory, to raise your thoughts to this, which is an action more agreeable to the bones of your elders (seeing they are brought into counsel) who for their bounty and piety, we are not to believe do desire any other thing then what is most convenient and agreeable to the glory of your name: So that, according to the counsel of the Lord Chancellor, we shall lose a matter of great price and value, for a thing of right small conquest, and yet wrapped in many uncerteinties, wherein we aught to stand warned by that which was like to happen certain months passed: Do we not remember the great grief that cell amongst us when the French king lay in danger of death, which grief proceeded of no other humour then a knowledge we had that with his life we should loose the fruit we hoped for by the victory: And who can now assure us that the like accident will no more revert upon him? yea who feareth not the relapse with more facility, both for that the relics of his malady do yet possess him, and also the hope which till now hath supported him, being taken away, who doubteth not but his grieved mind will heap upon him greater fits of sorrow and discontentment, the only cause of his sickness, especially new conditions and assurances being interposed, it can not be that for their hardness, they make not the negotiation long and tedious, A matter subject to the former accident and haply to others both more great and dangerous: We are not ignorant, that nothing hath so long retained the government and council of France, as an opinion they have had of the speedy delivery of their king, In which humour of expectation the Nobles and Chieftains of that Realm, have remained peaceable and conformable to the Lady Regent: But when they find the foundations of this hope to fail, who doubteth not that the Barons of that Realm will not easily enter into minds of despite and revenge, and with an universal conformity, change the course of the government: strong is the operation of ambition, and no less violent the passion and thirst after empery and sovereignty, specially where is seen no mean to make resistance against so mighty motions: which I allude to the disposition of France, where, if the greatness of the kingdom get once the bridle in their hand, much less that they will be careful over the delivery of their king, seeing of the contrary, their ambition will carry them to meinteyne an estate of liberty, and aspiring to establish supremacy in themselves, what will it offend them to suffer the captivity of their king: And so in place to get Burgongnie and so many other great conquests, what other thing do we retain, than a desperate hope both by his imprisonment, and by his delivery: But this further question may be asked of the Lord Chancellor, whether th'emperor in this resolution aught to regard the reckoning and reputation of his dignity and his majesty: Then what greater infamy, or what more diminution of his honour, can he receive then to have his clemency forced, and constrained to pardon Francis Sforce, he who lately being half dead, detected of manifest rebellion, and a singular example of ingratitude, not coming to humility nor imploring your mercy, but running between the arms of your enemies to seek to force you to tender to him the estate which so justly hath been taken from him, and compel you to take laws of him, who by equity of condemnation aught to bear subjection to your imperial name: It were better for your majesty, more agreeable to the dignity of thEmpire, and more worthy your greatness and puissance to say out yourself to a new fortune, and to refer eftsoons all things to hazard and danger, then in blemishing th'authority of the Prince sovereign over all Princes, and the name of th'emperor, and having so oftentimes vanquished so mighty a king: To receive at the hands of Preestes and Merchants, such conditions, as if you had been overthrown there could not have been offered to you either more unjust or more unworthy: honour and dignity are the gifts of God, which by how much they are basely esteemed of those to whom they are transferred, by so much more is highly offended the eternal goodness that gave them who will eftsoons revoke them with no small indignation: That man can not be accounted worthy of honour, that declareth himself not able to use it, since honour is a reward or effect of virtue, who enhableth to honour and dignity those persons to whom herself is conjoined. So that, most gracious Emperor, calling eftsoons into consideration all these reasons, both how little profit may resort to you by th'accord with thItalians, and by how many accidents it may easily slide out of your hands, how little assurance or show of fidelity is in them, and how unworthy a thing it is to leave thestate of Milan: And lastly that it is necessary for us to soart at last to a resolution, and that the imprisonment of the king profiteth us not but in regard of the fruits that may be drawn of his delivery. I stand firm and conclude upon this advise, that we compound rather with the king then accord with thItalians, A matter which can not be denied to be more glorious, more reasonable, and more profitable, so farforth as we may be assured of th'observation: Wherein I discern some good foundation in this, that for a more thankful acknowledging of your benefit, he offereth to take to wife your sister, a Lady for her virtue and stayed condition very well able and convenient to entertain you in amity: Besides thoblation of two of his sons, of whom one to be th'elder, which is such a property of pawn and hostage, as amongst worldly men and to assure worldly things, there can not be offered nor received a more worthy nor more important: And seeing our necessity driveth us to determine some thing, it is more reasonable we reappose confidence in a French king under such nature of hostages, then in a nation of Italians of no less infidelity then without gage: and rather to trust the word and faith of so great a king, then to be carried with the immoderate covetousness of priests and suspicious baseness and bartering of Merchants: And lastly, according to th'example of our ancestors, we may with more facility keep amity for a time with the Crown of France, honourable for his proper dignity, then with a confused people of Italians our natural and perpetual enemies. Taking this course, I do not only discern a greater hope of observancy and due keeping of faith, but also a less estate of danger in case of promise breaking: seeing if the king refuse to tender to us Burgongnie, at lest he will not dare (his children remaining hostages) to rise up to offend us again, but will labour by solicitation and suit to moderate the rigour of th'accord: and being but as it were yesterday vanquished by you, he will retain a working fear of your forces and arms, and being likewise this day delivered out of prison, he will not be so hardy to make a new proof of your fortune: And if he take no arms against you, you need not doubt of the moving of others, since upon his example dependeth ordinarily the valour of the residue: By which mean you shall have good opportunity to conquer the Castle of Milan, and so to establish your surety in that estate, that hereafter you shall not need to fear the malice of any man. But if you come now to accord with thItalians, and they in their infidelity come to double with you, I see remaining no bridle able to retain them, and as their power increaseth to vex you, so look that their will will likewise rise greater to conspire, and their hands more free to execute: So that I can not but interpret it to tymerousnesse and want of counsel, that for an humour of too great suspicion and incredulity, we should lose the benefit of an accord so full of glory and many advantages, and no less accompanied with sufficient surety, following in place of it a resolution no less dangerous in the effect and substance, then jealous in all his parts and circumstances.  
This Oration of the Viceroy drew the residue of the counsel into diversity of opinion: It seemed to such as were of judgement sound and upright, that to accord with the French king according to the manner declared, could not be but full of danger: And yet such was the partiality of the Flemings desiring to recover again Burgongnie the ancient patrimony and title of their Princes, that their affection would not suffer them to discern the truth: beside, it was said that the gifts and great promises made by the French men, wrought not a little to corrupt and carry many: But th'emperor above all the residue, either for that such was his first inclination, or for that th'authority of the Viceroy could do much with him having concurrancy with th'opinion of the Count Nausan, or haply because he held it too great indignity to pardon by compulsion Francis Sforce, who had offended him by so great malice, seemed to hear with ready and willing ears all such as counseled him to compound with the French king: So that after he had caused to be sounded again the Legate Saluiatio to know if he would consent that thestate of Milan should be transported to the person of the Duke of Bourbon, And that the Legate had certified him that he had no commission to allow that drift, and therewithal had made offer to him of the Pope's amity: he determined to go on with th'accord with the French king, with whom things having already past many disputations and acts, he grew in very few days to conclusion, not respecting at all the community or interposing of the Pope's Legate: And for the better perfection and stability of the accord, th'emperor had obtained before the Duke of Bourbon's consent to give in marriage to the French king, his sister whom he had promised to him: The Duke was driven to pass this consent, not so much for a desire he had to carry the Duchy of Milan, which was promised him contrary to the authority of the Chancellor and Viceroy, under obligation notwithstanding to pay a great sum of money: as for the necessity of his affairs which were reduced to those terms, that neither having nor could not have any other pillar or stay then th'emperor, he was constrained to accommodate his condition to th'emperors will: And assoon as he had in all things accomplished this consent, to take him out of the presence of the Court in a time so unconvenient, he departed forthwith by th'emperor's order, taking his way by Barselonia, whither was appointed to be sent to him necessary provisions to pass into Italy, which for want of money and lack of vessels, had slow proceeding, for that in Spain were but three galleys at that tyme.  
The solicitation of the peace which was resolved the fourteenth of February 1526. 
The treaty of Madrill touching the delivery of the fr. king.  contained these covenants: That between th'emperor and the french king should be a peace perpetual, in which should be comprehended all such as should be named by their common consent: That the French king by the sixth day of the next month of March, should be set at liberty upon the marches in the coast of Fontarabie: That within six weeks after he should consign to th'emperor the Duchy of Burgongnie, the County of Charrolois, the jurisdiction of Noyers', the Castle Chaynro dependencies of the said Duchy, the Vicountie of Flussona, the resort of S. Laurence de la Roche a dependent of Franche County, together with all the appurtenances aswell of the said Duchy as Vicountie, all which for hereafter should be separate and exempted from the sovereignty of the Realm of France: That at the same and very instant that the king should be delivered, there should be put into th'emperor's hands the Dauphin of France, & with him either the Duke of Orleans the king's second son, or else xii. principal Lords of France, whom th'emperor did name: It was left to th'election of the Lady Regent, either to deliver the kings second son, or the xii. barons, & they to remain as hostages until restitution were made of the lands and places aforesaid, and the peace sworn and ratified together with all the articles by th'estates general of France, and enregistered in all the Courts of Parliament of the kingdom with form and solemnities necessary: for thaccomplishing whereof there was set down a term of four months: at which time returning the hostages, there should be put into th'emperor's hands, the Duke d'Angoulesme the kings third son, to th'end to train him up with th'emperor the better to entertain and assure the peace: That the French king should renounce and give up to th'emperor all his rights to the Realm of Naples, together with all such titles and pre-eminences as were to come to him by th'investiture of the Church: That he should do the like touching his interest in thestate of Milan, of Genes, of Ast, and likewise of Arras, Tourney, of the isle, and of Douai: That he should tender up the town and castle of Hedin as a member of the county of Artois, with all the munitions, artilleries, and movables that were in it when it was last taken: That he should disclaim and yield up all sovereignty in Flaunders and Artois, and all other places or pieces which th'emperor possessed: and that on the other side, th'emperor should resign and give up to him all the right, title and quarrel which he pretended to any place possessed by the French men, and especially the towns and Casteldomes' of Perone, Mondidier, Roye, the Counties of Bolleyne, Guynes, and Ponthiew, with other towns standing upon the one & other shore of the river of Somme: That there should be between them a league and confederation perpetual for the defence of their estates, with obligation to aid one another when need required, with five hundred men at arms, and ten thousand footmen: That th'emperor should promise' to give in marriage to the king the Lady Eleoner his sister, whom assoon as the dispensation should be obtained from the Pope, he should contract or handfast with words obligatory for the present, and afterwards she should be led into France to consummate the marriage at the same time that according to the capitulations the hostages were to be delivered: That she should have for her portion two hundred thousand crowns, with jewels according to her estate, the one moiety of the money to be paid within sixteen months, and the other half in one year after: That a marriage should be made between the Dauphin and the daughter of the king of Portugal, daughter to the Lady Eleoner, at such time as their age would suffer: That the French king should do all that he could to induce the ancient king of Navarre to give up to th'emperor the rights of that kingdom, which in case he would not perform, than the king not to aid him with any succours: That the Duke of Gueldres and the Count of Zulff and the principal towns of those estates, should promise' with sufficient security, to give themselves to the Emperor, after his death: That the king should give no succours to the Duke of Wittenberg, nor likewise to Robert de la March: That he should furnish and rig for th'emperor, both when he should pass into Italy, and two months after being so required, twelve galleys, four ships, and four galleons, all well municioned and appointed, except men of war, and the said vessels to be rendered three months after accounting from the day of his embarking: That in place of th'army by land which the king offered for Italy, he should pay him two hundred thousand crowns in money, the one half within sixteen months, and the other half within a year after: And that at the time when tanguishes should be delivered, he should be bound to give bills of exchange for the pay of six thousand footmen for six months immediately after th'emperor's arrival in Italy: That he should also furnish for his service five hundred lances paid, with a band of artillery: That he should save harmless th'emperor of his promise made to the king of England by pensions which the French king should pay to him, the arrearages whereof amounted to five hundred thousand crowns, or else to deliver so much in ready money to th'emperor: That they should both join to beseech the Pope to call a general council with all speed to th'end to consult upon an universal peace amongst Christians, to advance an enterprise against the infidels and heretics, and to grant to all the Crusade for three years: That within six weeks the king should restore the Duke of Bourbon in most ample form, into all his estates, goods movable and unmovable, and fruits and revenues received: not to molest him for any thing past, nor constrain him to devil or go to the Realm of France: That it should be lawful to the said Duke of Bourbon to demand by the way of law and justice, the Earldom of Provence: That in like sort all those that had followed him should re-enter in safety into their goods and states, and namely the Bishop of Autun and Monsr de saint Valier: That the prisoners taken in the war should be delivered on both parts within fifteen days: That there should be restitution made to the Lady Margaret of Ostrich of all that she possessed afore the war: That the Prince of Orange should be set at liberty with restoration to the principality of Orange, and all that he possessed by the death of his father which had been taken from him for following the faction of th'emperor: That the like should be done to other Barons: That there should be made restitution to the Marquis of Salusse of his estate: That the king assoon as he arrived in the first town of his Realm, should ratify this capitulation, & be bound to procure the Dauphin to ratify it when he should come to the age of fourteen years: Many were named by common consent, & chief the Swizzers: Only there was not one of the Potentates of Italy, except the Pope whom they named as conseruator of the accord, and that more for manersake and ceremony, then in effect and true meaning: Lastly it was expressed in the said capitulation, that in case the king for any occasion, would not accomplish these matters promised, he should return true prisoner.  
This accord, for the parts it contained, brought no small astonishment to all Christendom: for when it was understanded that the first execution thereof consisted in the delivery of the king, all men's opinions was, that being in his liberty, he would not deliver up Burgongny as being a member of too great importance for the realm of France: And except a few who had counseled th'emperor to it, all his Court had the same judgement, and namely the Chancellor, who reprehended and detested the matter with so great vehemency, that notwithstanding he was coommaunded to sign the capitulation according to th'office of chief chancellors, yet he refused to do it, alleging that in such matters dangerous & hurtful as that was, he aught not to use th'authority that was given him: neither could he be altered from this opinion notwithstanding the emperor was angry with him: who seeing him so resolute in his opinion, signed it himself, & within few days after went to Madrill to confirm th'alliance & make a foundation of amity & goodwill with the king, whom he entertained in familiar and private sort. Great were the ceremonies and demonstrations of amity between them: oftentimes they showed themselves together in places public: and as often did they pass in secret familiar discourses: They went together in one coach to a castle not half a days journey from thence, where was queen Eleoner 
The fr. king marrieth th'emperor's sister.  whom the king married: And yet in all these great signs of peace and amity, he was observed with as careful and straight guard as before, without any advantage of liberty: So that he was embraced as a brother, and guarded as a prisoner, A matter which made manifest to the world, that it was an accord full of discord, an alliance without amity, and that upon every occasion their ancient jealousies and passions would be stronger in them, than the regard of that alliance made more by force then friendship.  
Many days were spent in these offices & ceremonies of amity, when was brought from the Lady Regent the ratification, together with the declaration, that with the Dauphin of France, they would rather give in hostage the kings second son, than the twelve Barons: Then the king departed from Madrill, taking his way to the frontier of his Realm, where was to be exchanged his person for his sons who boar very small age: There was sent to accompany him the Viceroy the worker & author of his delivery, to whom th'emperor had given the City of Ast, with other estates in Flaunders & in the kingdom of Naples. At this time th'emperor wrote to the Pope 
Themperor writeth to the Pope touching the fr. king's delivery.  a letter of Court, wherein he certified him that in regard to have peace, and for the common benefit of Christendom, he had subdued all passions of injuries & emulation, & restoring the French king to liberty, he had confirmed the league of amity between them with the marriage of his sister, and seeking to continued always his obedient son, he had chosen him for conserver of the peace. Not many days after he wrote to him an other letter of his own hand, which he sent by the same Commandador Erraro, who brought him the Pope's letter written with his own hand: This was a letter responsive indifferently tempered with words mild and gracious, and matter hard and rigorous, wherein he concluded that if Francis Sforce were not found guilty of the action of his accusation, he will tender to him the Duchy of Milan, and touching the trial of the cause, he referred it to the arbitration of the laws under such judges as himself would appoint as his superior: But in case his innocency were found insufficient, he could do no less then in that state to invest the Duke of Bourbon, to whom the Pope was the cause that he had promised it, advising him thereunto whilst Francis Sforce lay sick: He added further in this letter to the Pope, that aswell to satisfy him, as to assure all Italy, he would neither retain that Dukedom for himself, nor pass it by donation to his own brother, under which testimony he assured the Pope upon his faith that such was his simple intention the which he desired him to allow and approve, offering to him always his authority and his forces as a son obedient to the sea Apostolic. By the same Erraro was sent also the answer to the particulars of the Article which had been set down at length by the Pope in favour of Francis Sforce, which th'emperor continuing in his first resolution, would not allow. Themperor sent also by him to the Duke of Sesse the form of th'accord as he was determined to do the last time, with authority and power to contract if the Pope would accept it: In which was expressed that Francis Sforce should be comprehended in the confederation so farforth as he were not found guilty in the crime of treason: But in case of his death or deprivation, the Duke of Bourbon should take place in the confederation, and receive of him th'investiture for the duchy of Millian: The obligation was confirmed which the Viceroy had made for restitution of the towns holden by the Duke of Ferrara, but under condition that the Pope should be bound to pass to him th'investiture of Ferrara, and forgive him the penalty of contravenion: A matter contrary to the Pope's drifts, who had determined to exact a pain of an hundred thousand ducats, to make payment of the fine of an hundred thousand which he had promised to th'emperor, in case that restitution went on: He did not admit thestate of Milan to make provision of salt of the Church, and touching the collation of benefices in the realm of Naples, he would not be referred to the tenor of thinvestitures, but to the custom and usage of the kings afore, who in many cases had contemned the rights and authority of the sea Apostolic: And because a treaty had been made with the Legate, that to remove the army out of Lombardie which was a great charge to all Italy, the Pope and he as king of Naples and the other potentates of Italy, should pay an hundred and fifty thousand ducats, and then the said army to retire to Naples, or into some such place out of Italy as should seem good to th'emperor, who said he would transport it into Barbary: yea it was added that because there was more due to th'army then at that time, there should be exacted a pay of two hundred thousand ducats: A copy of these Articles was presented to the Pope by the Duke of Sesso and the Commandator Erraro, with protestation that it was not in their power to altar or change one syllable: And yet all other difficulties had easily taken form, if the Duchy of Milan had been so disposed as the Pope with the residue had had no cause to enter into suspicion: But in the consideration of the Duke of Bourbon and the mind he bore, they made this judgement of him, that he was so implacable an enemy to the French king, that either for his surety or for a desire to enter France, he would be always most devout and subject to th'emperor, and retain in himself nothing less than humours of ambition and desire to be great: They thought that Article to remove the army out of Lombardy (so greatly desired of all, and for the which they would have been brought to have advanced any sums of money) would be to little purpose, so long as there remained at Milan a Duke, who not only upon every gracious offer or motion of th'emperor, would be ready to accept the gift of it, but also for his particular interest, would ambitiously aspire and thirst after it. In these regards, the Pope, who for that in th'accord which the Emperor had made with the French king, was made no particular mention of him, nor of the surety of th'estates of italy, stood more and more confirmed in his former opinion, that the ambition and greatness of th'emperor would in the end be his servitude and thraldom: And therefore he determined not to accept th'accord in the manner it was offered to him, but to reserve himself free until he were assured what course the French would take touching the observation of the peace: In which resolution he stood so much the more firm, by how much besides thappearance and likelihoods of it, he had heard by the relation of certain speeches delivered by the king afore his liberty, and spread abroad by some that were familiar in counsel with him, that the king had a mind altogether estranged from performing the things he had promised to th'emperor: And the better to confirm the king in that deliberation (his own surety also depending upon it) he sent in post into France, Pawle Vittorio a Florentin and captain of his Galleys: his charge was to be at the Court at the same time the king should arrive, using that diligence not only to know his intention assoon as might be, but also the king having a ready hope to be able to draw into league against th'emperor the Pope and the Venetians, he might take occasion the sooner to resolve himself: It was enjoined also to the expedition of Pawle, to congratulate in the Pope's name the king's delivery, and to discourse with him at large what he had done to that end, and how much did induce th'emperors inclination to his liberty, the practices of confederation that were entertained with the Lady Regent: lastly that he should impart with the king the Pope's vehement desire to have an universal peace in Christendom, and that th'emperor and he would perform together th'enterprise against the Turk, who was reapported to make mighty preparations to invade that year the Realm of Hungary. These were his Commissions apparent and known, but this was his direction most substantial and secret, that above all things he should sound thoroughly the kings inclination, whom if he found resolute to observe the resolution of Madrill, then to pass no further, least vainly he should make his case more desperate with th'emperor then before, but if he found him to have other thoughts, and to hung in doubt, that he should labour to confirm him in that disposition, and serving his turn of all occasions, he should specially compel him to take that course, giving him knowledge of the Pope's desire to join with him for the common benefit: He dispatched in like sort into England the pronotorie Gambaro, to manage the like office with that king, and to the same end: Besides, he procured the Venetians to send into France their secretory Andrew Rosse, with semblable commissions. As Paul passed by Florence upon his voyage, he fell sick and died, by reason of which accident the Pope sent to perform the legation in his place, Capui de Mantua, taking it to an ill prediction, that now the second time the Ministers which he had sent into France to advance those practices, were in the way intercepted by death. In the mean while making no omission of time nor opportunities, he together with the Venetians, did all that they could to keep in courage the Duke of Milan, and to entertain him in hopes, lest the peace of Madrill led him not both with fear and rashness to make some accord with th'emperor.  
By this time the french king was comen upon the confives of Fontaraby, a town 
The manner of the delivery of the french king.  appertaining to th'emperor, standing upon the Ocean sea, and is a frontyer between Biskay and the Duchy of Guienne: And on the other side, the Lady Regent was arrived with the children of France, at Bayonne not many leagues from Fontaraby: The torments of the gout took her by the way, which was the cause that she had lingered some time longer than the day appointed of permutation: But at last, the xviij. day of March, the French king accompanied with the Viceroy and captain Alarcon with fifty horse, was presented upon the shore of the river that divideth the realm of France from the kingdom of Spain: And on the other side, upon the shore opposite appeared Monsr Lawtrech with the king's children and like number of horse: There was in the midst of the river a great bark made fast with anchors, in which was no person: The king was rowed near to this bark, in a little boat wherein he was accompanied with the Viceroy, captain Alarcon, and eight others, all armed with short weapons: And on the other side of the bark were likewise brought in a little boat, Monsr Lawtrech with the hostages and eight others weaponed according to the others: After this the Viceroy went into the bark with the person of the king, and all his company: and also Monsr Lawtrech with his eight that accompanied him, so that they were within the bark a like number of both parts, Alarcon and his eight being with the Viceroy, and Lawtrech & the others, with the person of the king: And when they were all thus within the bark, Lawtrech fetched out of the boat into the bark, the Dauphin, who being given to the Viceroy and by him committed to captain Alarcon, was forthwith bestowed in their boat, and after him followed the little duke of Orleans, who was no sooner entered the bark, than the French king leapt out of the bark into his boat, which he did with such quickness and celerity, that thexchange or permutation was thought to be done at one self instant. Assoon as the king was on the other side of the shore, his new liberty making him fearful of ambush, he mounted upon a Turkish horse of a wonderful swiftness, which was prepared for the purpose: and running between fear and gladness upon the spur, he never stayed till he came to S. john de Lus, a town of his obedience four leagues from the place: And being there readily relieved with a fresh horse, he ran with the same swiftness to Bayonne, where, after he had passed over the offices of Court done to him by his people, he dispatched with great diligence a gentleman, to the king of England, to whom he wrote with his own hand letters of his delivery, charging the messenger under very loving commissions, to tell the king of England, that as he acknowledged th'effect of his liberty to be wrought wholly by him and his operations, so, in recompense, he offered to remain to him a perpetual and assured friend, and to be guided in all his affairs by his council: And afterwards he sent an other solemn Embassage into England to ratify the peace which his mother had made with him as one that reapposed a very great foundation in thamity of that king.  
The end of the sixteenth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE SEVENTENTH BOOK.  
The Pope, the french king, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan, draw into league against th'emperor: The Duke of Bourbon comes to Milan: The army of the league breaks up from before Milan: The castle of Milan is rendered to th'imperials: Many enterprises are dressed against the Pope: The confederates sand their armies by sea to Genes: Rome is surprised by the Colonnois, the Pope makes truce with th'imperials which hurteth the devices of Lombardie: The Duke of Ferrara confederates with the Emperor.  
THE SEVENTEENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
NOtwithstanding, the pledge of the two children of France (of whom the eldest being heir apparent to so great a succession, was one) was added to the oath and faith that passed between the Emperor and the french king for confirmation of the accord solemnly made at Madrill, and notwithstanding for the full perfection of th'assurance, the king had contracted th'emperors sister in his own person: Yet, by his delivery, both strange for the manner, and severe for the assurance and pawns that were enforced, all the Princes of Christendom, drew into no small expectation what would be the issue of things: And as during his captivity, the eyes of men stood fixed upon th'emperor, to behold under what ransom he would restore him to liberty, so being delivered they began now to turn all their thoughts and contemplations upon the king, for that they discerned sundry and great effects, depending upon his deliberation either to observe or not observe, the capitulation of Madrill: for, as in observing the contract they saw a destiny of present servitude to hung over the regions of Italy, both for the authority and greatness of th'emperor, which went increasing, and for the imbecility of the provinces to whom was left neither fortune nor virtue, to make head against so great a course of victory: So in not performing the articles of th'accord, they saw the Emperor would be driven, either to put up in forgetfulness the conspiracies and enterprises dressed against him by the Duke of Milan, and to restore to him that Duchy, lest the Pope and Venetians took occasion to conjoin with the French king, by which mean he should stand in hazard to loose the great profits he hoped to reap by his victory: or else (making his indignation against the Duke of Milan, more mighty, together with his desire to have no impediment of the French in Italy) he should be compelled to assure the accord made with the king, converting into certain payments of money, all his obligations and promises to restore Burgonie: or lastly, neither yielding to the one nor the other, he would be driven to suffer to be brought against him by so many enemies a war very grievous almost by his own confession, since to avoid it, he was reduced to this strait, to let the king go with so great a danger.  
But the world stood not long in doubt of the will and intention of the French king: for that assoon as he was got into Bayonne, being required by a gentleman of the Viceroys, to ratify th'accord according to th'obligation of his word being come into a place free and assured, he deferred it from one day to an other interposing reasons and excuses general: wherein to th'end to hold still the Emperor in hope, he sent to advertise him by a man especial, that he forbore for the present, to accomplish the ratification, not by omission or willing negligence, but upon this necessity, that before he proceeded really to such an act, he was to labour to reappease and reduce the minds of his subjects ill contented with the obligations he had made, tending to the diminution of the crown of France: Nevertheless, he would in his time, resolve all difficulties and observe with fidelity all that he had promised to him, both in substance and circumstance: By this dealing, no less doubtful for the manner, then dangerous in meaning, might easily be comprehended, what were his intentions, the same being more manifestly detected at the arrival of the Messengers sent to him not many days after, by the Pope and Venetians, In whom was no 
The fr. king complaineth upon th'emperor.  great need of industry or labour, to sound out the plain course of his inclination: for, after he had received them with many demonstrations and offices of Court, he entertained them severally and a part with sundry speeches of compassion, such as tended to manifest complaints against the inhumanity of th'emperor: who he said did never administer to him during his captivity, any one office appertaining to the rank of a Prince, Nor at any time, showed himself touched with that affection and commiseration which one Prince aught to express upon the calamities of an other, And much less would use any course of common comfort, either to relieve the heaviness of his condition with any property of apt consolation, or once to enter into consideration, that the same accident that had fallen upon him, might also be as heavily heaped upon his own head. In this complaint, he alleged the example of Edward king of England called of some Edward Long shank, To whom when was presented as prisoner john king of the French men, taken by the Prince of Wales his son in the battle of Poitiers, he did not only receive him with great comfort & compassion of his afflicted case, but also, all the time of his imprisonment, within the Realm of England, he let him go at liberty under a free guard, he had daily familiar conversation with him, he would oftentimes have him to accompany him on hunting to communicate in the open air and solace of the field, and was not curious to call him to eat with him at his table: And by these humanity's much less that he lost his prisoner, or ranged him to an accord less favourable, but of the contrary, by the operation of those graces and good offices, there grew between them such a familiarity and confidence, that the French king, after he had continued many years in France, made a voluntary voyage into England, to honour and gratify under that property of office, the liberality and frankness of the king: He alleged that as there was only remembrance of two kings of France that had been taken prisoners in battle, king john and himself: So the diversity of th'examples was also worthy of singular memory, seeing upon the one was exercised all facility and mildues of the victor, and to the other were ministered all those rigours and severities, which tyrants in the height and pride of their fortune are wont to use: That much less that he boar towards others a disposition either more peaceable or better qualified, seeing he gathered by the construction of his speeches used at Madrill, that following the humour of his ambition, he employed his thoughts most how to subdue under servitude the empery of the Church, the potentacies of Italy, & all other Princes of Christendom: In which regard he wished the Pope and Venetians to provide for their proper safety, wherein he offered himself with great affection to be concurrant with them in the quarrel of their common safety, and to establish against th'emperor a strait alliance, not that he intended to reconquer to himself the estate of Milan, or otherwise to increase his puissance, but only that by the mean of war he might make recovery of his children, and reassure the liberty of Italy, seeing the too great covetousness of th'emperor had taken from him all cooler and reason of bonds to observe th'articles of the capitulation: A liberty which he insisted the rather for that at the first whilst he was in the Castle of Pisqueton, and afterwards in Madrill, he had oftentimes protested to th'emperor for the iniquity of his demands, that if through necessity he were driven to compound under conditions unequal or such as were not in his power to perform: that much less that he would observe them, but of the contrary, taking th'advantage of the injury in constraining him to make promises unreasonable and unpossible, he would omit no occasion wherein opportunity were offered, to be revenged: And that he had not forborn to tell him that which of themselves they might know, and which he believed was observed in other Realms, that it was not in the power of a king of France, to bind himself to the alienation of any thing depending upon the Crown, without the consent of the estates general of the Realm: That the laws of Christians did not bear, that a Prince made prisoner by the accident of war, should be detained in perpetual prison, A punishment proper for malefactors, but not rigorously executed against such as had been persecuted with the cruelty of fortune: That no man doubted, that all obligations made by constraint in prison, were of no value, and that as such capitulations were of no force, so likewise the faith which was but the accidents, and the confirmation of the same, could not be bound: That the oaths which he had made at Rheines, where the kings of France are consecrated with so great ceremony and with the sacred oil, were first, by the which he was bound according to the precedent and custom of all other kings of France, not to make alienation of the patrimony of the Crown: That for these reasons he was no less free than ready to moderate th'insolency of th'emperor, and rise up against his ambition: Wherein the kings mother made appearance the same desire, together with his sister, who taking upon her in vain a long journey to go into Spain, complained grievously against the rigour of th'emperor, and the severity of his Court, and namely such as were most familiar with him in council: for end, the king affirmed that if commissions and directions were once addressed from the Pope and Venetians, it should not belong ere the league were accomplished, which he said were best to be negociated in France, to th'end to draw in with more facility, the king of England, in whom they showed to have a great hope.  
This was the discourse of the speeches which the king held with them, being in like sort assured and confirmed by the universal inclination of those that governed him: but in secret, his thoughts were far others: for, albeit he had no disposition to deliver up Burgongnie to th'emperor, yet he bore a mind far estranged to move war against him, unless he were compelled by great necessity: Only he hoped that in labouring to be confederate with th'italians, th'emperor, to avoid so great a gulf of difficulties, would be induced to convert into obligation of money, the article of the restitution of Burgonie: In which case, not one regard touching the matters of Italy, should stay him from covenanting with him, for the desire he had to retire and revoke his children.  
These Agents of the Pope and Venetians, made speedy relation of the hopes and good inclination which they found in the french king, and that at a time, when were much increased in Italy, both the necessity and occasion to confederate against the Emperor: This was the necessity: The Duke of Milan in the beginning of the siege, partly by the fault of his officers, and partly for the shortness of time, had bestowed within the castle, a very small proportion of victuals, and yet the store he had provided was more immoderately expended, than men reduced to so hard terms, are wont to do, for which cause (having notwithstanding the straightness of the siege, good mean to write out of the castle) he gave knowledge of his wants, which if they were not remedied by the next month of june, he should be constrained to give himself up to the discretion of the Emperor: And albeit it was believed that (according to the custom of such as are besieged) the Duke set down a greater want and scarcity of victuals then in deed there was, yet there were many reasons to persuade that the store could not be sufficient for any long time: And to suffer the castle to fall into the hands of th'emperor, was a matter that made more hard the recovering of that state, besides that it would increase not a little the reputation of th'emperor: But it seemed not that thoccasion was the less increased, seeing the people were reduced to the last despair: for, as the Emperor sent no money to the army, to the which many pays were due, and less mean to levy any in any other place: So the Captains to stop as well as they could all course of mutiny amongst the soldiers, had bestowed all the regiments of the men at arms and light horsemen, in several places of the country, taxing every town rate-like with bands & numbers, & compelled the towns to compound for money with the Captains and with the soldiers: A taxation executed with such excess, that it was assured by the credible information of many that had privity with the affairs of that state, that the Duchy of Milan paid every day to th'emperors soldiers, five thousand ducats, of which came to the private purse of Anthony de Leva, thirty ducats daily: By th'example of the horsemen, the bands of footmen, that were dispersed in several lodgings within Milan & other towns, were insolent upon the owners of the houses wherein the lay, whom they constrained not only to make provision of all things which they thought meet for their feeding & clothing, but also many of them being lodged in one house enforced the service of the good man for the provision of them all: And such houses as had not mean to feed them, were compelled to compound with them for money at their own rate: And as it often fell out that one only soldier had to himself a whole house with absolute commandment of all, so, he taxed to furnish him of money, all the residue, except him whom he used in the provision of his dyot: This miserable condition exercised with so great cruelty, made desperate the whole inhabitants of that Duchy, and namely the townsmen of the city of Milan, to whom had been neither custom nor precedent, before the entry of the Marquis of Pisquairo, to be charged either with victuals or contribution for the lodging of soldiers: Their custom in times of war before, ronning in a course of greater humanity and facility, made the yoke of this innovation more heavy to them, In which respect, looking into their own estate, both to be mighty in numbers and arms, and remembering the law and obligation of their freedom and liberty, they began to murmur as men not able any longer to endure so great insolency and most grievous exactions: And therefore to make some honest way to be delivered, or at lest to reduce them to some comely moderation, the town of Milan sent Ambassadors to th'emperor, who brought from him no other expedition than words general, and that without any remedy to their afflictions: The town of Milan principally and over and beside all the other towns of the Duchy, being charged according to his proportion with a greater number of soldiers than the other towns, was also taxed to provide money for expenses public such as were set down by the Captains for the conservation of th'emperor's things: the Ministers of which exaction proceeded with no less rigour and severity than the others: for remedy of which aggrevances, since by solicitation they could neither be easied nor pitied, the people pushed on with the impressions of men in a desperate state, determined to resist with their weapons in hand those fore exactions which the iniquity of the war had laid upon them to eat them up: They gave order that whosoever were oppressed by the cruelty of the exactors, 
The inhabitants of Milan rise up against the imperials.  should call upon his neighbours to come to his defence, who, together with the universal multitude of all the residue, should run at the commandment of certain chieftains assigned in many parts of the city, to resist the fury of the Officers and repress the insolency of the soldiers that should rise in their favour: After this order and direction was established amongst them, the first experience cell upon a Merchant of retail, who being vexed by the Collectors of the exactions, stirred up for his defence, his neighbours, who calling to the alarm a great part of the populars, the whole town was forthwith in a tumult: which, by the diligence of Antho de Leva, and the good office of the Marquis of Guast, and other of the principal gentlemen of Milan, was eftsoons reappeased: But under this condition and promiss, that the Captains had assured the people to rest contented with the public revenues, and would not say upon them other impositions, nor bring into the town other bands of soldiers: This was an accord but for a very short time, since it endured no longer then till the day following: for, the people having advertisement that new regiments of soldiers approached near the town, they fell again into arms, but both in a greater tumult, and better governed, and with a greater assistance of the people, than the day before: yea, what with the rage of the populars, which in their fury is dangerous, and what with their well ordering of the uproar being taught by th'example of the day before, The Captains fearing not to be able to resist so great a fury, were upon the point to go out of the town with their bands: A matter which in deed the humour of their fear had drawn them to do, if the people with a settled resolution had marched on to be revenged of them and their soldiers: But as in tumults and popular uproars there is always something of imperfection, and that aswell by the property of the action which holdeth of disobedience and rebellion, as by the ignorance of the leaders, who for the most part have more passion than reason: So first of all they went without all order or skill to sack the old Court, a place where lay the captain of Criminal justice with certain bands of footmen, making their beginning with that which should have been the last act of their execution: A matter which gave no little life and advantage to th'imperial Captains, who in that opportunity omitted not to fortify their straits and places of access, and revoking from the siege the most part of the footmen that kept the castle environed, they assembled all into one strength, to make head against the people if they offered to invade them: By that occasion the besieged within the Castle made a sally out to set upon the ramparts cast on that side within: But when they saw the people made not on to their succours, they retired eftsoons into the Castle, leaving unperfect the enterprise which with due execution would have done much to have established their liberty: The people, partly for want of experience in actions of war, and partly for the care of the pillage they had made at the old Court, did not only omit to do that which appertained, but also began to break and separate themselves, every one being more mindful to preserve the pray he had made, then to follow further the victory which their fortune offered to them: By which occasion the Captains of the army, concurring the aid of certain gentlemen of the town, reappeased eftsoons this tumult, with promise to lead out of the town and country of Milan, all the soldiers except those bands of lanceknights which held the Castle besieged: In this sort the Captains and men of war, by their policy and industry, quenched a dangerous fire which the fury of the people had kindled in their rashness, and rightly scorned their disorders and ignorance to manage arms and weapons, errors which familiarly do follow a commonalty drawn into mutiny, having no leaders of experience and valour: But by these appeasementes and accords, all intelligences were not broken, and much less laid down the arms of the people, but retaining still many tokens of a disposition to stir up a greater emotion, it seemed that who so ever would take upon him to trouble th'affairs of th'emperor, need not want a fit occasion, considering principally both the small forces and other great difficulties which th'imperials had, and also that in the last wars, the wonderful valour of the people of Milan, and of other towns expressed in their favour, had been a great foundation for the defence of that estate.  
These were the terms and estate of the affairs of Italy, when were brought out of France the reapports of the ready disposition and offers of the king, together with his request for the sending of Commissions: And at the same time th'ambassadors of the king of England resident with the Pope, laboured to induce him by reasons and persuasions to devise how to moderate the greatness of th'emperor, and to encourage the French king not to observe the capitulation: By reason of which inducementes accompanied with th'authority and inclinations of their princes, not only the Venetians, who in all times and in far lesser occasions had given counsel to take arms, but also the Pope, notwithstanding his hard disposition to enter into that travel, judged now that by necessity he was to reduce and gather together the sum of all those discourses, and no more defer to take some deliberation: The reasons which in the months before had made him inclined to the war, were not only the self same in nature & property, but also were more mighty and of greater consideration: for as th'emperor for his part, by how much the practices and treatises had been holden out in tract & lungs of time, was apt and able to discover what intentions the Pope bore against his greatness: So the Pope took occasion by the contents of the accord which the emperor had made with the french king, to enter into a just suspicion not to be able to obtain of him any reasonable conditions, & that he had a secret resolution to proceed to oppress the residue of Italy: Wherein the danger was more apparent than ever, for that the castle of Milan being not able to hold out any long time, stood almost upon the point of rendering: He was also provoked with the consideration of new injuries redoubled by the Imperial captains, who since the capitulation of Madrill had sent to be forried upon the territories of Plaisanca and Parma, certain ensigns of Italian footmen, such as executed upon the places many insolences and damages: And when the Pope complained of their oppressions, they made him answer, that they were drawn thither of their proper authority, for that there was no pay distributed in the army: He was likewise incensed with matters haply more light and frail, but taken in the worse part, as often cometh to pass in suspicions & quarrels which have this in property, to take nothing in good that is not agreeable to the humour of their will and liking, and to turn all things to blame that hath no corespondency with their own intentions & meanings: For as th'emperor had published in Spain, certain Edicts pragmatike against the authority of the sea Apostolic, by virtue whereof his subjects were forbidden to treat of causes of benefices within his realms: So under that warrant a Spanish Notary took boldness even in the court of Rome and in the Chamber of audience, to command certain men in th'emperor's name, to desist to plead any more in that Auditory: And also it did not only seem that by the delivery of the french king, the knot was unfastned which had bound every man in doubt that the French men, to have again their king, would not stick to abandon the league: And withal it was well discerned that the society and presence of the king's person was of far greater importance for the enterprise, than the fellowship of his mother and the general government: But also there were seen other far greater occasions: for as the commotion of the commons of Milan seemed to draw with it a matter of great consequence, so by the penury of victuals that passed generally over all that estate, it was thought it could not be but a great advantage to set upon th'imperials, before they fell into the opportunity of the harvest to revittell and refurnish their strong places: and before necessity compelled the castle of Milan to yield: and before th'emperor had time to send into Italy new supplies of men, or relieve them with provisions of money. Moreover there fell into consideration, that the French king, in whom for the memory of things past, was great likelihood of distrust against the Pope, and now finding not in him a zeal and forwardness to make war, would eftsoons resolve to observe th'accord made at Madrill, or else to reconfirme it of new: And it was not doubted, that so great forces both by sea & land being conjoined in one, together with sufficient means to continued for long time thexpenses of the war, that the conditions of th'emperor standing both abandoned of all other princes, & made naked of all store of money, would be far inferior in the war: Only there was one scruple to the contrary, caused by a fear that the french king to redeem his childré, would not leave abandoned the other confederates, according to the doubt that was had of the government of France at such time as the king was prisoner: And yet there was esteemed great difference, for that in taking arms against th'emperor with so many good occasions, there was so great hope to recover them by force, and the action to succeed with so great a reputation of the king, that he would have no reason to open his ears to any accord particular, which would not only bring infamy to him, but also would be prejudicial to his affairs, though not for the present, at lest in time to come: for that it could not but be a matter most dangerous for the realm of France, to suffer th'emperor to dispose of Italy according to his own arbitration: of which reason did likewise follow, that he would not fail to make sharp war upon him, since it could not be but a naked Counsel, in confederating against th'emperor, to deprive himself of the recovering of his children by th'observation of the accord: And yet on the other side, to lay apart all things by the which he might hope to redeem them gloriously by arms: Such as made their discourses in this sort, considered haply more that which reasonably he aught to do, than they looked with judgement into the nature and discretion of the French men: A fault wherein men do oftentimes fall, in matters of deliberations and judgements that are made of the disposition and will of others: Perhaps also they did not sufficiently consider, how much Princes that are culpable, who of their proper inclination do oftentimes prefer utility afore fidelity, are easily persuaded the semblable of other princes: And that therefore the French king suspecting lest the Pope and Venetians would become negligent and careless of his interests, when by the conquest of the duchy of Milan they should stand assured of the power of th'emperor: would judge that the longness of the war would be more profitable to him then the victory, as a mean more easy to induce th'emperor to restore his children upon some new composition, being already made weary of the long traveles and expenses of wars. So that partly by the reasons afore rehearsed making deep impression in the mind of the Pope, but more for repentance that he had stand an idle beholder of the issue of the battle of Pavia, and somewhat for that he was reproached by every one of tymerousnes, and lastly for the common murmur of all his Court and of all Italy, who cast in his teeth, that by his fault the sea Apostolic together with the whole estate of Italy were reduced into so great dangers: He determined in the end, not only to enter confederation with the French king and the residue, against th'emperor, but also by his labour and solicitation, to advance and pursue it to speedy conclusion: In which good inclination, he was pushed on partly for the other regards, but principally for this, that in time might be advanced the provisions for the relief of the Castle of Milan, before the extremity of famine compelled them to reappose more in the mercy of thenemies, then in the remedy of their friends: That necessity was the cause of all the adversities which followed: for that otherwise the Pope proceeding more slowly (upon whose authority the Venetians depended much in this action) had expected if th'emperor being moved with thinobservation of the French king, would not propound for a common surety, those conditions which had been set down before, specially when he should see himself constrained to take arms: And being not compelled to show to the french king so great a necessity, he had easily obtained of him aswell for himself as for the Venetians better conditions: And it had been without doubt that thereby th'articles of the confederation had been better set down & particulated, together with more assurance of thobseruation, & that the war had not begun but that the Swissers had stirred, and all the provisions necessary had been ready: and lastly the king of England might haply have been drawn into the confederation, with whom for the distance of places, there was no leisure to negotiate. But for that by the danger of the Castle of Milan, the Pope and the Venetians saw that celerity was of great importance, they dispatched with speed (but secretly) commissions to their several Agentes, to go thorough with the confederation, wherein they were enjoined to follow almost all those Articles which had been debated before with the Lady Regent of France, the more to hasten th'expedition: There were sent daily advertisements of the necessity of the Castle, which made the Pope enter into consideration, That where as it was necessary for that the high way from Rome to the Court of France was stopped, to sand his messenger & corriers by a long circuit of way through Switzerland, and where he thought that in the action of capitulation might fall out some difficulty which necessarily might draw some intermission and tract of time, it might happen that they might stand so long upon the conclusion of the confederation, that if till then the Castle were deferred to be rescued, there were danger lest the succours would come to late: for which consideration importing almost the effect and substance of the whole, he called to consult of the present peril, the Venetians, by whose counsel together with thimportunate solicitation of the Agentes of the Duke of Milan resident at Rome and at Venice, and concurring also the counsel of many others of his faction, they resolved to prepare a sufficient force to give rescue to the Castle, to th'end to be ready to employ them assoon as the conclusion of the league were come out of France, and in the mean while to give hope to the people of Milan, and to nourish many practices which they entertained in the towns of that state: They made then a resolute conclusion that the Venetians should send the Duke of Urbin to their frontiers towards the river of Adda, accompanied with their men at arms, and six thousand footmen Italians, and the Pope to send to Plaisanca, the Count Guido Rangon with six thousand footmen: And for that it was necessary to so great a war, to have many numbers of the Swizzers, of which nation the Duke of Urbin counseled to leavy twelve thousand for the assured obtaining of the victory, who also advised the Pope and the Venetians, that not to disclose themselves so much against th'emperor so long as they were not assured that the league was made, it were not good to send out their Agentes to leavy the Swizzers, they gave care to john ja. de Meditis of Milan, who of a captain of the rock of Mus, had made himself lord of the place, partly by a knowledge he had of the situation and fortress, and partly by the occasion and favour of the time running: he told them that many months before, he had practised to that effect with many of the Swisser Captains, and did offer under an impressed of six thousand ducats, to make descend an army of six thousand Swizzers, which should not be levied by the decree of the Cantons, but particularly, and then to proceed to furnish their pay, assoon as they were descended into the duchy of Milan: So that as it often happeneth in enterprises which of the one side are esteemed easy, and on the other side are pressed with the shortness of time, the offer of this man was accepted by the Pope and the Venetians, being also approved by the Agentes of the Duke of Milan, and by Ennia Bishop of Verula in whom the Pope reapposed wholly for matters of the Swizzers, for that he had long time followed the solicitation of those affairs in the name of the Church, and in that action had lain many months at Bressia by his direction, & was at that time with the Agent of the Venetians, where he treated continually with many of that nation: In like sort they hearkened at Venice to Octavian Fregosa Bishop of Loda, who offering to make an easy levy of many numbers of that nation, had immediately his expedition (without communicating with the Pope) for Switzerland to wage six thousand, in the same sort and at the same rate of pays: Of which devices, both ill understanded and worse ordered, was bred (as shall be recited in his place) a beginning to put to confusion the enterprise, which was dressed with so great hope.  
Whilst these preparations were in hand in Italy, th'emperor beginning to enter into suspicion for the delays that were interposed to the ratification, dispatched into France the Viceroy of Naples and captain Alarcon, to be fully informed of the kings intention, who was now gone from Bayonne to Congnac: The Viceroy had stayed all that while in the town of Victoria, having with him the hostages and the Queen Eleoner, to th'end to present them to the king assoon as he had accomplished the contents of the capitulation: And albeit the Viceroy was received with very great honour, both for that he was Ambassador from th'emperor, and also the king acknowledged in him and his working, a great part of his delivery, yet he found the king wholly estranged and far of to leave Burgongnie, sometimes taking his excuse upon the obstinacy of th'estates of the Realm whose consent he could not obtain: and sometimes alleging that willingly he never passed a promise, which for that it was very prejudicial to the Crown of France, it was impossible for him to observe: Only in respect of his great desire to entertain the league of amity begun with th'emperor, and to give perfection to the marriage promised, he said he was contented, observing all other covenants between them, to pay unto him two millions of Crowns, in place of the resignation of Burgongnie: To which excuses he added, that no other thing induced him to confirm with this moderation the accord made at Madrill, than an inclination he had to continued in good intelligence and correspondency with th'emperor, the rather for that he wanted not the working of offers and motions from the Pope, the king of England, and the Venetians, to incense him to the war: Which answer comprehending his last resolution, the Viceroy signified to th'emperor the message, being accompanied with one of the king's secretories, to confirm the same: By this it happened that notwithstanding the commissions from the Pope & Venetians so much desired before, were now come to the Court, yet the king bearing a more inclination to have agreement with the Emperor, and in that regard had determined to expect his answer upon the new offer wherein the Viceroy had given him some hope, began openly to defer the conclusion of the confederation, not altogether dissembling (since it was impossible to hide it) that he solicited a new accord with th'emperor, which being propounded by the Viceroy, it was a matter which could no way do hurt to be understanded: Besides, he assured them (notwithstanding he had other intentions) that he would never make any conclusion which should not contain the restoring of his children, the release of the duchy of Milan, & unfeigned provision for the surety of all Italy: An alteration of itself sufficient to consume the Pope, if for his impressions of suspicion & fear, he had not judged that the only remedy for his affairs, was to confederate himself with the French king. But it is not to be doubted with 
Themperor ill contented.  what discontentment and perturbation of mind, the Emperor received the news of the Viceroy's advertisements, confirmed by the relation of the secretory of the french king: for, as it brought no little grief to him to fall from the hope he had to recover Burgongnie, a matter which he vehemently desired aswell for thaugmentation of his glory, as for th'opportunity of that province: So his indignation seemed redoubled, for that the french king by finding evasions to shifted off his promises and faith given, made manifest declaration to all the world that he rejected & despised to perform the thing he had promised: But the thing that bred most torment in his mind, was a certain shame & reproving of himself, for that both contrary to the counsel of all his Nobles, and against the universal judgement of all his Court, and also contrary to the prediction or foreshowing of the country of Flaunders related to him by the Lady Margaret his Aunt, and by all his Agentes and officers in italy, he did not measure with better reasons and more maturity of counsel, the importance and condition of affairs, but lulled simply in the humour of affection, persuaded himself that the French king would observe th'accord: And as amid these impressions and variety of thoughts, he had diligently cast always that concerned his dignity, and foreseen in what terms of danger and difficulties his affairs would stand at all assays: he determined to altar no one ioate of that article or chapter which spoke of the restoring of Burgongnie: not he rather resolved to accord with the Pope, and to consent to the reintegration of Francis Sforce, as though it had been more agreeable or comely for him, to pardon a prince less than himself, then by yielding to the will of a king ambitious and puissant, and envious of his greatness, to make as it were a voluntary confession of fear: wherein his passion carried him into this resolution, to have rather a most dangerous war with every one, then to remit the injury received of the French king: for he feared lest the Pope seeing his amity contemned, was not wholly estranged in mind from him, wherein his suspicion was augmented by the advertisement he received, that besides the Pope had sent into France a particular messenger to congratulate with the king, he had also sent publicly an Ambassador: But much more did he suspect, for that he had newly taken into his pay, under cooler to assure against the Moors the sea shores of the Church, Andrea Door with eight galleys under the pay of thirty thousand ducats for entertainment, and pensions for every year: A matter which, both for the quality of the man, and for that never heretofore the Pope had any thought to make himself strong upon the sea, and also because Andrea Door had been many years in the pay of the French king: made him enter into suspicion lest that practice were suborned of intention to trouble thestate of Genes: For these reasons he prepared himself to endure all accidents, and levied at the same time many provisions of war, both to offend and defend: He solicited the passing of the Duke of Bourbon into italy, who made but slow preparation to that expedition, before he gave order to that end, that the seven galleys which lay at Monaco in italy, should be brought about to Barcelonia to be joined with the residue, and that there should be sent to relieve the necessities of Italy, an hundred thousand ducats, for that without them the going of the Duke of Bourbon would serve to nothing: He dispatched to the Pope Don Hugo de Moncado, with commission (as he said) to satisfy him: But his directions were to pass first by the Court of France, to th'end that learning of the Viceroy if there were any hope that the king would observe, that either he should pass no further, or if he did, that he should change his instructions & commissions according to the state and necessity of affairs: But to every good counsel that was given to the Pope, was opposed the danger of the Castle of Milan, which being almost consumed with want of victuals, he had great fear lest it would be rendered to th'enemy: he was also timorous that by some mean were not contracted a new accord between the French king and th'emperor: he was uncertain of that which might be wrought by the coming of Don Hugo, whose legation was made so much the more suspicious, by how much he was to pass first by the Court of France: And he was jealous of the dissimulations and conninges that would be used when he should be passed into Italy: In which regard the Pope together with the Venetians, soliciting with great instance the conclusion of the confederation, the king at last began to hearken with better inclination to the resolution of the League: Whereunto he was induced partly for that he did understand by the coming of Don Hugo, that th'emperor would altar nothing of th'articles of the capitulation, and partly through fear that if he should defer further the action of confederation, the Pope would be carried into new counsels: he judged also that by this confederation his affairs should stand in better estate of reputation with th'emperor, in whom fear might haply ply or moderate the rigour of his mind: And lastly he wanted not thincitations of the king of England, who more with persuasions and reasons then with effects and sound meanings, seemed to favour that conclusion. This league was concluded the tenth day of May in the year a thousand 
The Pope, the fr. king, and Venetians make league together.  five hundred and six, at Congnac, between the king's Counsel deputies for the king on the one part, and the Agents of the Pope and Venetians on the other part: That between the Pope, the french king, the Venetians, and the Duke of Milan (for whom the Pope and the Venetians assured the ratification) should be a league and confederation perpetual, to th'end to repossess Francis Sforce freely of the Duchy of Milan, and restore to liberty the French kings children: That the League should be signified to the Emperor, to whom was granted power to enter into it within three months, upon condition to redeliver the king's children, receiving a competent ransom, such as should be arbitrated by the king of England: which condition also was extended to leave wholly the duchy of Milan to Francis Sforce, and the other potentates and estates of Italy, as they were afore the last war began: That for the delivery of Francis Sforce now besieged within the Castle of Milan, and for the recovery of that estate, a present war should be made with eight hundred men at arms, seven hundred light horsemen, and eight thousand footmen for the Pope's part: and for the Venetians, the war to be furnished with eight hundred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, and eight thousand footmen: for the Duke of Milan four hundred men at arms, three hundred light horsemen, and four thousand footmen: this proportion to be furnished assoon as he should be able, and in the mean time the Pope and Venetians to accomplish for him: The French king to send immediately into Italy five hundred lances, and so long as the war should endure, to pay to the Pope and to the Venetians forty thousand crowns monthly, which money was to be employed in the levy of bands of Swizzers: That the French king should immediately open the war against th'emperor beyond the Mounts on what side he should think most convenient, and that with an army of two thousand lances, and ten thousand footmen, with sufficient numbers of artilleries: That the French king should arm xii. light galleys, and the Venetians thirteen, at their proper expenses: That the Pope should join to those galleys, that proportion of Navy with the which he had entertained into his pay Andrea Dore: That the charges should run in common touching necessary ships for the said army by sea, with the which they should address their course to Genes: That after th'emperor's army in Lombardie were either vanquished or weakened, they should mightily invade the kingdom of Naples aswell by land as sea, which being once conquered, the possession and investiture should be transferred to which of the confederates it pleased the Pope: And yet in an article separate was set down that the Pope could not dispose of it without the consent of the confederates, only there was reservation made of the tributes & contributions which anciently were used to be paid to the sea Apostolic, together with one singular estate of forty thousand ducats of revenue, to gratify whom it pleased the Pope: That to th'end the French king were certain, that by the victory to be obtained in Italy and the conquest of Naples, might be made easy the delivery of his children: that if the Emperor in that case would within four months after the loss of that kingdom, enter into the confederation under the conditions aforesaid, the kingdom should be rendered to him: but if he would not accept that power to re-enter into the league, than the french king should take and enjoy the yearly and perpetual rent of that realm: That the french king should not at any time, nor for any cause, molest Francis Sforce for the duchy of Milan, but should be bound together with the others, to defend him against all men, and to do what he could to introduce between him & the Swizzers a new confederation: Only the king should receive of him yearly and perpetual tribute, such as should be set down by the arbitration of the Pope and Venetians, and that not to be less than fifty thousand ducats: That Francis Sforce should take to wise such a Lady of the blood of France, as it should please the king to provide for him, and should be bound to entertain as appertained, his brother Maximilian, in place of the yearly pension which he received of the king: That the king should re-enter into the Earldom of Ast: That if Genes were recovered, the king to retain the same estate of superiority which he was wont to do in times past: and that if anth. Adorn who then was duke there, would compound with the league, he should be received so farforth as he would acknowledge the French king for superior, in the same sort and manner as Octavian Fregosa had done a few years before: That all the confederates should demand of th'emperor the delivery of the children of France, and if he refused to restore them, that it should be denounced to him in the name of them all, that the League would do all that they could to have them again: That assoon as the wars of Italy were finished, or at lest the Realm of Naples taken, and th'emperors army so weakened as there was no fear of it, all the confederates should be bound to aid the French king against th'emperor beyond the Mounts with a thousand men at arms, a thousand five hundred light horsemen, and ten thousand footmen, or else with money in place of men, at the kings choice: That not one of the confederates without the consent of the others, might not contract with the Emperor, to whom it should be permitted in case he would enter into the confederation, to go to Rome to take th'imperial Crown with such a train of men as should not be feared, the same to be rated by the Pope and Venetians: That though any one of the confederates were taken away by death, yet the league should stand good and absolute: That the king of England should be protector and defender of the league, to whom was left power to enter into it: And in case he would enter, there should be given to him in the Realm of Naples, an estate of thirty thousand ducats of revenue, and an other of ten thousand to the Cardinal of York, and that to be levied either in the same Realm or in some other part of Italy: The Pope would not suffer the Duke of Ferrara to be comprehended within the confederation, notwithstanding the french king and the Venetians did greatly solicit it: yea he procured that the confederation should bear (though under general words) that the confederates should be bound to aid him to recover those places, for the which the said Duke was in contention with the Church: Touching the Florentines, there was no doubt that they were not effectually comprehended in the confederation, for that the Pope made his reckoning not only to serve his turn with their men at arms and their forces, but also to reduce them concurrant with him, yea even to make them sustain the greatest burden of the expenses of the war: But, not to hinder the traffic and intercourse which that nation had with the subjects of th'emperor, as also not to put in danger their Merchants and factors, they were not named under the title of confederates: Only it was set down that they should enjoy all the exemptions, privileges, and benefits of the confederation, as if they had been expressly comprehended, the Pope assuring for them that they should be in no sort against the league: There was no provision nor nomination of the captain general of this army and war, for that by the shortness of the time they had no leisure to bring into counsel and election upon whose shoulders they should say so great a burden, both for the authority and quality of the man, and the confidence that every one had in him: Neither was it easy to find out such a man, in whose person were concurrant so worthy conditions.  
The League being thus contracted, the French king who had not as yet altogether withdrawn his mind from the practices which he entertained with the Viceroy of Naples, both deferred to ratify it, and to begin to make to march his companies of men at arms, and also to send the forty thousand ducketts for the first month, until the ratification of the Pope and the Venetians were accomplished: And albeit such an intermission was not a little troublesome to them, yet being pressed by their necessities to pursue their purpose, they dispatched the ratification, and entered immediately to give beginning to the war under the title that they would rescue the Castle of Milan: In which action the Pope, who had before sent to Plaisanca, Guido Rangon general of the Church army with his companies of men at arms, and a strength of five thousand footmen: sent thither of new with other regiments of footmen and the men at arms of Florence, Vitello Vitelli their captain and governor, together with john de Medicis commander over the Italian infantry: He created Francis Guicciardin at that time precedent of Romagna, his lieutenant general over the army and over the whole jurisdiction, enduing him with most ample and almost absolute power: The Venetians on their side increased their army which remained at Chiara in the country of Bressia, over the which was constituted captain general the duke of Urbin, and for their treasurer was appointed Peter Pezero: Both the one & other army had one direction, which was to endamage the imperials, and to invade them without deferring or suffering for any respect. In this mean while was arrived at Milan Don Hugo de Moncado, who albeit the league was still kept from the knowledge of the Viceroy and him, yet distrusting by the king's answers, that matters could not be reduced to the contentment of th'emperor, he had followed his way into Italy: and there carrying with him into the Castle of Milan the pronotorie Carraccioll, he laboured to assure the Duke of the facility and clemency of th'emperor, seeking to persuade him to refer himself to his will: But the Duke made answer, that in regard of the injuries which th'emperors Captains had done to him, he was driven to have recourse to the Pope and Venetians, without whose privity and participation he could not dispose of himself: Don Hugo put him in hope that th'emperor's intention was, that the crimes that were charged against him, should be summarily viewed & examined by the pronotorie Caraccioll, who was a prelate of great confidence with the Duke: A course which he said th'emperor took, rather to restore unto him his estate with a better conservation of th'emperor's reputation, then for any other occasion: and yet he would not consent that the siege might be first levied, nor promise' to innovate any thing according to the instance of the Duke. It was believed that the authority and power which th'emperor gave to Don Hugo was very ample & large, the same extending not only to enable him to contract with the Pope according to the reintegration of the duke of Milan, but also his commission bore to compound with the duke alone, taking assurance that being restored to his estate, he should do no act prejudicial to th'affairs of th'emperor: Only this commission was under limitation according to the train of times and necessity, So that Don Hugo considering into what extremity was reduced the castle, & that to compound with the duke profited nothing the affairs of th'emperor, but instrumentally or as a mean to establish th'accord with the Pope and the Venetians, judged it would be a matter unprofitable to contract with him alone. Afterwards Don Hugo & the Pronotory caused to be brought from Monce, Moron, kept prisoner within the rock of Trezzo, the same being for this cause that the Pronotorie who was to be judge of the cause, should take his information of him. Immediatyle after this, Don Hugo took his way from Milan to Rome, having first written to Venice, that they should sand sufficient authority to their Ambassador at Rome to negotiate & debate of th'affairs occurrant: Being come to Rome he was brought to the presence of the Pope together with the duke of Sesso, to whom he declared with brave words, that it was in his election to accept either peace or war, for that themprour, notwithstanding by his good intention & inclination was not estranged from peace, yet he was nevertheless both in courage & in preparation ready disposed both to the one and to the other. Whereunto the Pope answered generally, and complained that what for the hard terms which the emperor's officers had used to him, and the very late arrival of Don Hugo, he stood now bound to others, where afore he was in his own liberty: They returned to him the next day, signifying that th'emperor's intention was to leave wholly the duchy of Milan to Francis Sforce, so farforth as the castle might be consigned into the hands of the pronotorie Carraccioll, until for th'emperor's honour there were examination made of the cause, though not to the bottom & substance, yet in appearance & by ceremony: That also th'emperor's intention was to put end to the quarrels between him and the Venetians by some reasonable and comely mean, & to withdraw his army out of Lombardy with the pays which had been treated upon at other times: And that in counterchange and recompense of all these, he demanded no other thing of the Pope, then that he would forbear to interpose between him & the French king. To these propositions the Pope answered, that he doubted not that all the world had not taken sufficient knowledge, how carefully he had always desired to keep amity with th'emperor, & that he had never demanded greater things, than those which th'emperor himself did willingly offer him: Matters which could not be more to his contentment, for that his desire was always greater to the common benefit, then for his profit: That still he continued in the same inclination, though there were given to him many occasions to fall from it: Nevertheless that he heard now with a greater grief of mind the matters which were offered to him by accord, than he had heard them at such time as they were denied him, An alteration which had not proceeded of his fault, but of the slowness of th'emperor deferring so long to resolve: By which occasion, joining also that there was never brought unto him any hope of the assurance of the common affairs of Italy, and seeing in the mean while the peril of the castle of Milan, he had been constrained for his own safety, and for the common interest of others, to join confederation with the french king, without whom he had no power to determine any thing. This was the constancy of the Pope verified with many other replications & circumstances tending to assure his faith given: Against the which after Don Hugo had in vain objected his reasons and inducements, he departed from Rome ill contented with the Pope's answers: By whose example also all the imperial captains fell to murmur, for that the hopes of peace being cut of, they saw things tend to a manifest war, which both for the might and power of the league, and for their own extremities and disorders, they supposed it would be very heavy for them to sustain.  
About this time the Pope's lieutenant surprised a packet of letters written by Ant. de Leva to the Duke of Sesso, by the which he gave him advertisement of the ill disposition of the people of Milan, and touching their affairs, there was no other remedy then the grace of God: He also intercepted letters written from him & the Marquis of Guast, to Don Hugo after he was gone from Milan, wherein making earnest solicitation to advance the peace, they insisted greatly to know forthwith what would ensue of the negotiation, not failing with words of great compassion to recommend unto them the danger wherein their lives stood, and the perilous condition of th'emperor's army: But there was not so great assurance in the minds of those that were to dispose of the forces of the league, as the fear was great joined with incertainty of resolution amongst the imperial captains: for the Duke of Urbin, who for the title he had of captain general over the Venetian army, & also for his singularity of estate, authority, and reputation above the others, managed in effect the absolute government of the whole army: he esteemed haply more than was convenient, of the valour of the Spaniards & lanceknights, and doubted no less of the virtue of the Italian soldiers: In which distrust he had resolved in his mind, not to pass the river of Adda, if he had not at the lest in the army a strength of 5000. Swizzers: And fearing also lest the Imperials would pass Adda and set upon him, if only with the companies of the Venetians he passed the river of Oglio, he made instance that the army of the Church which was then at Plaisanca, passing over the river of Paw beneath Cremona, might march to join with the Venetians, and so in one main strength to draw near the river of Adda, and upon the shores of the same in some place of strength, to attend the coming of the Swizzers: who contrary to their custom and nature were slow to descend, being let with many impediments & difficulties, the rather for that the charge to levy them was undiscreetly committed to captain Mus and the Bishop of Loda: of whom as the Bishop being a man full of humours of vanity & lightness, was not apt to manage that business as appertained, So captain Mus according to his covetousness sought chief to possess himself of one part of the money that was sent to distribute in impressed to the soldiers: And for other respects neither of them both carried such authority with that nation, as under so small a quantity of money, to make levy of so great a number, and that with that speed which the necessity of the service required: Besides, th'expedition was corrupted by the imperfection of the parties, the one being carried with ambition, and the other with vanity, and they both more disposed to respect their interests particular, then to observe the general cause of the service: Against this action also the French Agents that lay in the country of Swizzerlande opposed some difficulties, for that they neither knew what will and inclination their king bore to it, nor whether it was contrary or conformable to his intentions: for not by omission or forgetfulness, but willingly and expressly they had failed to advertise the king of that expedition, following haply those counsels which oftentimes seeming very discrete and well ranged, are found in the end very subtle and fallible: for Albert Pio the king's Ambassador resident with the Pope, had signified to them, that if the king understood before the conclusion of the league, of the direction given to make a levy of Swizzers, there would be danger lest he would defer longer to conclude, for that it seemed to him every way that the war against th'emperor had been begun without him, by the Pope & Venetians. Thus for the long tarrying of the Swizzers, was forslowed one of the most principal and most mighty foundations laid for the rescue of the castle of Milan, notwithstanding both the Bishop and captain Mus gave daily most certain and present hopes that they would be speedily at the camp. But when the captains Imperial saw that the war was prepared openly, and that their former doubts & secret conjectures were now resolved & turned to manifest assurance, they determined, lest at one time they were traveled with enemies both within & without, to stand assured of the people of Milan, who rising every day more insolent, did not only deny to answer all those provisions that were demanded upon them, but also accompanying their disobedience with fierceness & blood, they failed not to make slaughter of the soldiers in the city, when they found any single or separate from his fellows: So that the captains Imperial taking occasion of the disorders that were done in the town, required that certain heads & chieftains of the populars should departed the city of Milan: which demand could not so easily be digested, but that the commons beginning to draw into tumult, there was a new slaughter made of certain Spaniards going alone in the streets: And to meet with that mischief before it proceeded to greater degrees, Anth. de Leva & the Marquis of Guast, after they had secretly drawn near to Milan their forces, & denounced to the people that they were now no more bound to th'accord made certain days before, they gave the alarm to the tumult by kill in their presence four of the commons who would do no reverence to them in passing by them: and then issuing out of their lodgings with a troop of lanceknights, they gave occasion to the commons to sound their alarm: But as in all popular commotions there are many errors, & the people for the most part more rude and obstinate, then skilful to order a fight, run in their ignorance to their own destructions with cries & shouts: So notwithstanding in their first fury they had forced the old court & the gross tower of the Bishopric guarded by many Italians: yet partly by their own disorders, & partly by the importunity of certain shot bestowed in places of advantage which the Spaniards had furnished before, many of them fight in their wilful humour of liberty, found wretchedly at one instant the privation of their life & liberty together: In so much as their disorders & fear increasing by equal degrees, and their latest perils hastening with a desperate swiftness, for that the lanceknights were upon point to put fire into the next houses, besides the calling into the city the regiments of Spaniards attending the token or sign to be given by the capteins: the commons in their last fears offered to parley with th'imperials, wherein they agreed that their leaders & many other persons of suspect, should go out of Milan, and that the popular multitude should depose arms & submit themselves to the obedience of the capteins imperial: who for their parts receiving the conditions, made haste to reappease & cease the tumult before the regiments of Spanish footmen entered within the town, fearing lest both parts being in arms, it would be hard for them to govern or bridle the fury of war, or to restrain the soldiers in that readiness, from sacking the town: A matter which they doubted, & yet were loath it should happen, aswell for fear lest the army being made rich with so great a booty, would not grow into corruption and great diminution, as also considering what want of money and other difficulties they might suffer in the war, they judged it a policy more profitable to preserve the city in which they might long nourish the army, then in one day & in one fury, to consume the force and lively spirit which it had. Thus it seemed that the affairs of the league proceeded not with that prosperity which men in their imaginations had promised in the beginning, both for that there were many difficulties in the descending of the Swizzers, and also the foundation of the people of Milan was shaked and quailed: But as there is no estate or condition of worldly things, which is not full of uncertainties and casualties, so by a new accident that happened, both their reputation was eftsoons restored, & the facility of victory made both more great and more apparent, then before. In so great a discontentment or rather a last despair of the duchy of Milan, there was entertained for certain months by the working of many persons, sundry intelligences and practices of innovation, almost with all the towns of the Duchy: Among the which, one succeeded to good effect in the city of Loda, being managed by the Duke of Urbin and treasurer of Venice, with Lodowick Vistarin a gentleman of the same City: who what with the impression that he had been an ancient servant to the house of the Sforceis, and with the inducement of compassion over the calamities of his country, being no less rudely dealt withal by Fabricio Maramo Colonel of xv. hundred footmen Neapolitains, than Milan was by the Spaniards & lanceknights, determined to help into the town the Venetian regiments notwithstanding he was in the pay of th'imperials: But he assured and the Duke confirmed it, that he had before, both demanded and obtained his leave to go away, taking his excuse upon this reason, that he was no longer able to entertain without money the bands of soldiers which were committed to his charge. This was the order & direction of 
Loda surprised by the Venetians.  the enterprise: That upon the xxiv. day of june by night, Malatesta Baillon with three or four thousand footmen of the Venetians, should about the vanishing of the day, approach the walls of the city on that side where was a certain bastillion, to th'end to be received in by Vistarin: who a little before, with two others that accompanied him, being come near the bastillion which six soldiers guarded, as it were to search, & being followed with some others of his faction whom he had hidden within certain houses thereby, he leapt upon the bastillion, and began to fight with the soldiers that guarded it: for albeit he had pronounced before the watchword according to the custom of war, yet the soldiers being doubtful of treason, were come to handstrokes with him, when others running by the brute of thalarme that was made, the bastillion was in great danger to be recovered by the fury of the fray wherein Lodowick was hurt: But as he was almost reduced to the last necessity, Malatesta arrived with his bands, & scaling the bastillion by the help of their ladders, they entered the town which they had so long desired: by which entry both by force & intelligence, the alarm running through the town, Fabricio Maramo prepared himself to go to the walls with a great part of his soldiers, but coming to late to the rescue of that which was already lost, he was constrained for his safety to retire into the Castle. Thus the town was surprised, and the most part of the soldiers that were lodged in sundry places of the city, were stripped & made prisoners. A little after the Duke of Urbin arrived with one part of his regiments, who to make his approaches the better, was marched the day before, to lodge at Oragno upon the river of Oglio, which he passed the same night by the favour of a bridge made in haste, & understanding of the entry of Malatesta within Loda, he passed also upon a like bridge, the river of Adda: and after he had bestowed a greater garrison within Loda for the better defence in case succours should be ministered by the mean of the castle, he returned immediately to the army: But assoon as the knowledge of this accident was come to Milan, the Marquis of Guast with certain troops of light horsemen, & a strength of three thousand spanish footmen amongst whom was john of Urbin, made with great celerity to Loda, & having without impediment, bestowed his bands of footmen within the castle, by the benefit of whose situation, he might enter with safety by a way naturally covered & defended, without danger to be annoyed with shot coming from the flanks of the city: he made a sudden irruption into the city by the castle, & got to the market place, where the forces that Malatesta brought with him and the succours that came afterwards, had made their strength or place of defence, & put diverse houses under guard, together with the street that led to the gate by the which they were entered, to th'end they might be able to retire and issue with safety, if it happened that th'imperials become masters: The fight was valiantly performed for the beginning, which valour if it had continued in the Spaniards, the judgement ran that they had recovered Loda, for that the Venetian soldiers declined no less to cowardice than to weariness: But as in surprises, when th'enterprise cometh to an execution, distrust is for the most part greater than confidence, & fear far above resolution & assurance, so the Marquis of Guast, either for that he found a greater number of soldiers than he had esteemed in the beginning, or for that he had a conceit that the Venetian army was at hand, retired presently from the fight, & returned to Milan after he had furnished the castle with a garrison: Immediately after this skirmish the Duke of Urbin came again to Loda, making no little glory that without staying, he had passed his army over two great rivers by the benefit of bridges: and the better to assure the victory, he resupplied the regiments that were within Loda, to th'end to make the better resistance in case thenemies would return to recover the thing from the which they had been repulsed: he caused artilleries to be planted round about the castle, the better to assure the siege & cut of the rescues that might be sent, nevertheless the defendants both for their small expectation of succours, the means of their relief being cut of, and less ability to defend the castle which for his small circuit was not capable of many men, left the castle abandoned the night following, being received by certain horsemen sent from Milan for that purpose. This conquest of Loda happened very conveniently & gave great reputation to the affairs of the league, both for that the city was well fortified, and bore a name to be one of those which it was thought th'imperials would defend to the last: from Loda the victors might march without impediment, even to the gates of Milan & Pavia, for that those cities bearing a situation in triangle, are twenty miles one from an other, for which cause the imperials dispatched with great expedition xv. hundred lanceknights to Pavia: Moreover the league had won the passage of Adda, which before was supposed to be very troublesome, all impediments were removed that might hinder all the armies of the league to join together, all means taken away to succour Cremona, in which city lay in garrison, captain Couradin with xv. hundred lanceknights, and the enemies deprived of place apt to travel and vex the state of the Church & the Venetians: Insomuch as the common opinion of the whole army was, that if they advanced with speed according to their fortune, the imperials could not but be reduced into great perplexity & confusion: But the Duke of Urbin was of an other iudgemenr, holding it an enterprise of great peril to draw near to Milan without a great strength of Swissers: & yet for that he would not discover to others that which he retained in his secret opinion, he was contented to seem to do the thing he intended not, & in that resolution marching slowly, & reapposing always one day at the lest in every lodging, he determined nevertheless to give time to the descending of the Swizzers, hoping that within few days they would be with the army: yea he had so great expectation of their coming (notwithstanding by th'experience of their long tract & deferring, there was great doubt) & reapposed such assurance in their valour, that unless they came, he contemned all motions & inducements to action & enterprise what reason or property of likelihood soever they bore. After the conquest of Loda, the church army marching to S. Martin within iij. miles of Loda, it was resolved there by common council, that after the ij. armies, that is to say thEcclesiastikes & the Venetias had sojourned there one day, they should draw the next day towards old Loda, about u miles from Loda, where it is written that Pompey builded Loda, & so taking the high way that leadeth to Pavia, they pretended under that marching, to threaten Milan & Pavia, a devise to hold th'imperials in greater fear & suspense: the same day the armies ecclesiastic & Venetian joined together in the field as they marched, being almost equal in numbers of footmen & containing in all, few less than xx. thousand: only the Venetians exceeded them in numbers of men at arms & light horsemen, & in provisions of artilleries, munitions with all other necessary habiliments of war: The day following they reapposed at old Loda, where the Captains taking council for the disposing of their marching, determined that hereafter the armies should keep along the high way, the better to avoid the incommodities of the country, which out of the high way is full of ditches & risings & other impediments to marching: One reason also of following that way, was the facility to give succours to the castle by the opportunity of the way that leadeth towards the gate of Coma, rather than by the way of Landriano which turneth to the gate of Verceill by the which was greater difficulty to lead the army in regard of the quality & disposition of the country: & lastly, by the benefit of that way, there was a more safe recourse & traffic for victuals to follow the armies, & more easy for the descending & receiving of the Swizzers who were always to second them & back them: with this resolution the army being gathered into one main strength, arrived the last day of june at Marignan: where being drawn into council touching the further direction & disposing of the war, the Duke of Urbin persuaded vehemently to abide the coming of the Swizzers, of whose descending he had happily some more assured information than before: he considered that without such a strength and firm back, it could not but be dangerous to draw near Milan with regiments of soldiers untrained and levied in haste, notwithstanding there was within the town of enemies but a very slender strength of horsemen, three thousand lanceknights, and but five or six thousand Spaniards footmen, to whose small numbers of bodies were adjoined many discommodities & wants, as lack of money which maketh the soldiers unwilling, & very little provision of victuals which weakeneth him for the fight, with other impediments much hindering the action expected in soldiers: But the other captains were not of his opinion, for that they judged that marching in order, and always using good skoutes to discover their camping places for the day before, there could be no danger to approach Milan, the rather for that the parts of the country were every way so strong and desensible, that without difficulties the army might always encamp in places of surety: They reasoned that it was not likely, that th'imperials would issue out into the field to invade them, for that leving necessarily the castle besieged, & by that occasion, being not to lead their whole forces out of the town for suspicion of the commons of Milan, their numbers would be too few to set upon so great an army, which albeit was dressed & compounded of bodies new & raw, yet was governed by the best experienced Captains in Italy, having withal dispersed in several bands of the army, many troops of footmen well disciplined & of good train●ur in war: Besides, albeit they could not make their approaches to Milan without danger, yet to draw near it, was not without hope to carry the victory, for that the suburbs of Milan being not fortified, but by negligence left open in many parts, it seemed not credible that th'imperials would stand to defend so great a circuit of place: Of this were discerned already many manifest tokens, for that th'imperials using small care to reinforce their suburbs, had turned all their industry to the fortification of the town: Insomuch that if they once abandoned the suburbs & gave place to the army to lodge there, it could not be reasonable that the town could long hold out: Not so much for the wants of victuals & money which afflicted their whole army, as for that Prospero Colonno with the other Captains of knowledge and judgement, had been always of this opinion, that with great difficulty could the town of Milan be kept against an army that was Lord of the suburbs, both for that the City is very weak in walls (the houses of certain particulars serving for want of wall in many places) as for that the suburbs have a great advantage & commandment over the City: To these reasons lastly was added, that they had the castle at devotion. But not only the estate of this direction or deliberation, but also the absolute resolution of the whole body of the war, depended chief upon the Duke of Urbin: for that albeit he was but only captain over the Venetians, yet the Eccleisastics to avoid contentions, had determined to refer themselves over to him as to the captain general of the army. Nevertheless notwithstanding these reasons had no power to stir him to advance & pass further, nor the vehement instanced▪ which (by order from their superiors) the Pope's Lieutenant & the Treasurer of Venice urged, with whom did concur many other Captains: yet in the end, he considered that if he made any long abode in that place without a better certainty of the coming of the Swizzers, it would not be but to his great infamy & challenge▪ therefore after the army had rested two days at Marignan, he removed it the third of june to S. Donato within five miles of Milan, from whence he determined to pass further, though more to satisfy the desire and judgement of others, then of his proper inclination or councils, and he reserved to himself this order and intention, to put always one day between the removing of the cainpe, to th'end to give time to the coming of the Swizzers, of whom a thousand descending by Bergama, were arrived at th'army, and for the others (according to their custom) they sent every day messengers to entertain th'expectation of their coming, and to signify that their absence should not be long.  
In this sort the fift of july▪ the army passing from S. Martin which is out of the high way on the right hand, marched on to encamp within iij. miles of Milan, in a place of good strength and surety: where the same day was executed some light action of war against certain harquebuziers of the Spaniards who were fortified within a house, & the day following, the camp being at the same place executed some other small exploit of war, & immediately after arrived at the camp five hundred Swizzers led by Caesar Gaulois: hear the Captains fell again to council of the manner of passing further, & albeit the first intention was to march directly to succour the castle of Milan, whose trenches that were cut round about without were not so strong, but that there was great hope to win them: yet, by the authority of the Duke of Urbin whose advise was at last approved of all the others, not altogether for the sufficiency & soundness, but partly for the privilege and prerogative of his place, which carried him to express his opinion in council, & either not to attend the answers of others, or at lest in their answers the Captains durst not impugn his reasons: The armies took the way that leadeth directly to the suburbs of Milan, and he alleged, that for the making plain of the ways which of necessity must be done by reason of the natural impediments of the country, it would be a labour long & not without danger of some disorder, to lead the army out of the high way to the rescue of the castle: Both for that they were to show themselves too near in flank to thenemies, & also it was to give th'enemy mean to make a greater resistance, because they would range all their forces on that side towards the castle: where otherwise they should be constrained to remain divided for the better resistance of thenemies, & not to abandon the guard of the castle, & drawing to the gate of Rome, it would be always in the power of the Captains of the league, to turn easily on what side they would according as occasions called them: According to this council it was resolved, that the seventh day the camp should lodge at Vnfaletto and Pillastrello which are crokings or turnings along the high way within shot of cannon, & there to take that course which occasion and proceeding of thenemies should minister: Many were of opinion that thenemies when they should see the camp so near them, would not (specially in the night) embrace the hazard to defend the suburbs, both for that the ditches were filled up in many places, & the rampartes cast down & made plain & in some places so open & discovered, that very hardly could they preserve their bodies which they brought to defend the place: But the night before the day wherein the army was to advance, the Duke of Bourbon, being arrived a few days before at Genes with six galleys & bringing bills of exchange for an hundred thousand ducats, entered into Milan accompanied with viii. hundred spanish footmen whom he had brought with him: his coming in such a time of peril, & after so long expectation for succour, gave a new courage to the soldiers that so desperately lay exposed to the danger of their lives: By his coming, being vehemently solicited by the Marquis of Guast & Anth. de Leva, may be easily comprehended the affected negligence or rather cold disposition, which the french king had to the war: for, where the Pope in the beginning when he entertained into his pay Andrea Dore, had consulted with him, with what forces & preparations th'enterprise of Genes should be executed: he told him it would be an action very easy so far forth as it were put to execution at the time that the war should be begun in the Duchy of Milan, & that to his eight galleys should be joined the kings galleys riding in the port of Marceilles, or at lest that they might be employed to stop the coming of the galleys of the Duke of Bourbon: wherein his reason was, that remeining in that sort Lord of the sea with his eight galleys, the City of Genes, having the sea shut up, could not menteine itself long, both for the restraint of merchandise, for th'impediment of exercises, and for the cutting of access of victuals: And notwithstanding the french king protested to stop the coming of the Duke of Bourbon, yet it was a promise vain and ill assured, both for that his vessels were not in order, which hindered th'expedition, and also the Captains of his galleys, partly for want of money and partly through negligence, and happily of purpose, were very slowly furnished to accomplish the service: The same fault or negligence was also used in advancing the men at arms appointed to his portion.  
But the arrival of the Duke of Bourbon being unknown to the army of the league that was without the resolution that had been set down to advance forward, was 
The army of the l●●gue before Milan.  perverted by the Duke of Urbin, & that either by some advertisements which he had received from Milan, or by the reapport of some spy: for, leaving the distrust which he had retained till that day, he assured the Pope's Lieutenant in the presence of the Venetian treasurer, That he made an assured reckoning that the day following would be a day of prosperity & happy success: seeing saith he, if thenemies issue out to fight (which he could not believe) they could not but be overthrown & broken: & in case they did not issue out, he was certain that either they would abandon Milan the same day & retire into Pavia, or at lest abandoning the defence of the suburbs, they would gather themselves into the City, which they had no mean to defend after the suburbs were lost: insomuch as he warranted that any of these three accidents was sufficient to make them remeine victors & masters of the war: Therefore joining diligence to the opportunity that offered, the day following being the seventh of july, they left the lodging appointed for the day before hoping to win the suburbs without resistance, wherein rising in a glory to surprise them by assault in marching, certain troops of their soldiers ran in their insolency, to give a charge upon the gates of Rome & Tosa: where, notwithstanding the advertisements they had the day before & redoubled the same day, that the Spaniards would break up and go away, yet they found vain those relations, for that the Spaniards affronted them & made head orderly against their disordered charge, not that they meant to make a continual resistance, but like men of war showing their faces to thenemies, to retire in order to Milan, rather than to leave to th'enemy that advantage to say that they found the suburbs cowardly abandoned: Moreover by making that resistance, they did not only preserve the reputation of their army retaining still in their power to make their retreat always into the City without disorder: But also in the action might happen some occasion to take heart and persevere in the defence of the suburbs, a matter of right great importance: for that, to make their retire into the town, was an election to be followed rather by necessity then of will, seeing that besides many other reasons if they should restrain themselves into a circuit of place so straight & little, it would be so much the more easy to the armies of the league to stop the entry of victuals into Milan, without which kind of relief they could not long hold out, for that the provisions of new corn were not yet come in. Thus certain bands of harquebuziers being presented to the defence of the two gates, where also the other spaniards ceased not to labour & fortify continually. The Duke whose opinion was beguiled in that resistance, caused three cannons of battery to be drawn within a crossbow shot of Rome gate, and having planted them bravely, he began to execute upon the gate: In which battery he laboured to levy or dismount a falconnet, and so made descend certain bands of soldiers to give th'assault, and gave direction to bring on the scaling ladders: But altering immediately his purpose to give th'assault, the matter was turned into light skirmishes of shot between those that were without, and the defendants that were upon the rampartes, who fight at great advantage, slew about forty of the confederates, and hurt many: In this mean while the gate had felt many blows of the cannon, though with very small damage, for that the cannons being planted far of, the bullet lost much of his force by the far distance, of the place, insomuch as no benefit rising by the executions of the cannons, and no advantage gotten by the skirmish of the shot, the Duke considering it would be very late to lodge the camp, would not suffer the assault to be performed, but gave order to bestow and forrie the camp in that place, which was not done not without confusion, for the shortness of the time: There was left a reasonable guard for the three Cannons, and the residue of the camp were bestowed almost full upon the right hand of the way, every one having great hope of the victory, both for that by many advertisements and by the relation of prisoners taken, they had certain information that th'imperials trussed baggage & prepared rather to departed, then to defend the place: To this hope was joined also this good hap, that in good time the same evening, there came to the camp six Cannons of the Venetians, a relief much helping on the comfort and hope of the victory: But as in worldly things there is no assurance till the end be known, and all mortal men and their actions are put under an estate of incerteinty and error according to their constitution being full of frailty and imperfection, so, not long after, that hope and the glorious imagination of the victory, did not only change, but also the whole estate of the affairs varied & altered, for that certain bands of spanish footmen issuing out almost upon the beginning of the night to set upon th'artillery, were repulsed & beaten in by the footmen that had the guard of the same notwithstanding the Duke of Urbin said that they were driven in in disorder: Insomuch as after two or three hours of the night were passed, he determined without council to dislodge and retire the army, taking his reason for so sudden alteration upon the matter of his hope which he saw abused, for that he found resistance at the gates, and defendants upon therampartes of the suburbs, and also the fear he had conceived before of the infantry of thenemies, was in this rashness of some consideration with him: And proceeding in his sudden passion to execute the matter he had resolved without council or consent of others, he gave order to the artilleries and munitions to march away, and commanded the regiments of the Venetians, to prepare to departed: Lastly he sent to the Treasurer and Lieutenant, and other Captains of the Church, to signify more in speed then with reason, the resolution he had set down, persuading them to do the like without tract or deferring: A matter of such astonishment and confusion to either of them, both for the suddenness being against all order and course of war, and for the newness seeming to contain some mystery for that it was contrary to th'expectation of all men, they went to him to understand more particularly his inductions and reasons of this alteration, and to labour with words and arguments to bring him back again to his former resolution: But he insisted still upon the removing of the camp, wherein with speeches clear & resolute, he complained manifestly that contrary to his advise & only to satisfy the humours of others, he was compelled to approach so near Milan: which since it was an offence, he told them it belonged to wisdom and good council rather to correct the fault in time, then by suffering, to let it run out of all cure and remedy: he knew that both for that the army the day before for the shortness of the time, had been lodged confusedlie, and for the cowardice of thItalian footmen in the same evening that the artilleries were assailed, if the camp lay there till the day following, it would not only be the destruction of th'enterprise, but the ruin of all the state of the league: for, he stood so assured that they would be defeated and broken, that he held it not reasonable to stand to dispute with any man, seeing that the imperials the same evening had planted a Sacre between Rome gate and the gate of Foso which executed in flank upon that quarter where lay the Venetian footmen: That the same night they would go on in that opportunity to plant other pieces of artilleries and the day following would sound thalarome, for which cause the army being constrained to fall into order, should be so annoyed in the flank by the artilleries, that they would be driven into disorder, and so upon the sally of thImpetialls our of the town, the whole camp full of passions of fear and disorder would be easily overthrown: That he was sorry that both by the shortness of the time, and th'impediments of the munitions and artilleries which were far greater in his army then in the army ecclesiastic, he was compelled to levy and break up afore he had communicated with them: But he told them that in elections done by necessity, it was a labour superfluous to allege excuses: That he had adventured a greater matter, than ever had done any captain, offering as it were in marching to give an assault to Mylian, And that now he would take up and use discretion, and despair nothing of the victory of the enterprise for the retreat: That Prospero Colonno, haply with less just causes, levied his siege from before Parma when it was half taken, & yet not long after he gloriously conquered the whole Duchy of Milan: he advised them for end to believe his councelland follow it, and not in other weenings to deserre their departings, since ●e eftsoons assured them with a new vehemency of words, that if they stayed there till the rising of the Sun, their destruction was more certain than the remedy, and therefore to th'end to flee from the storm before the cloud broke, he willed them always with one constancy to return to their lodgings at Saint Martin: These speeches borne up more by th'authority of the man then by any reason they brought, were not a little grievous to the residue of the Captains that haply bore an other courage to the war, and reasonably saw further into the facility of the victory, and therefore were of a contrary opinion: Amongst whom the Pope's Lieutenant assaying by words and reasons to make him constant whom fear carried into so many variations, made him answer, That albeit there was none amongst them who thought not that his resolutions were made with great forecast and wisdom, yet the Captains in their experience & traditions of war, saw no manifest cause to constrain him to break up so suddenly: he reduced to his memory the despair of the Duke of Milan, beholding in his calamity the going away of such as he hoped would have succoured him, and despairing to be rescued, what could stay him from doing the thing from the which the hope to be succoured by them, had holden him: how much it would discourage the Pope and Venetians, and what impressions are wont to stir and move in the minds of Princes when enterprises begin to succeed ill, especially in their beginnings: Lastly that if the place of their camp, and the ill disposing of it, was the cause of so great a danger as he pretended, it was easy without depriving the army of so great a reputation, toremedie it both in bestowing it in some other place with better order, & also in removing it with such advantage, that the sakers planted by the enemies should have no mean to annoy them: But the Duke confirmed of new his first conclusion, and added with vehement terms that according to the reason of war, they could not take any other deliberation: And lastly he knit up that he would take upon himself all the fault, and to lay himself down to all opinions and imputations that the world would heap against him for being the Author of the action: And so advising them not to consume vainly in words and reasons, the time which they should employ for their safety, he told them that if they were not dislodged before the end of the night, it would be too late to apply the medicine when the ill was past cure. With this conclusion he dismissed every one, who returning to their several quarters, every one prepared to dislodge and make to departed their charge and companies: Amongst whom such bands as say before, broke up with such astonishment, that many going almost with demonstration to be broken and defeated, many bands of footmen and horsemen of the Venetians, disbanded themselves, some of them not looking behind them till they came to Loda: And the artilleries of the Venetians passed beyond Marignan, but being revoked, they were stayed there: The residue of the bands but principally the rearguard marched away in order: And john de Medicis, who with the footmen of the Church was in the last part of the army, would not stir till it was high day, esteeming it not agreeable to his honour, in place of the victory so much hoped for, to carry away infamy and imputation of fleeing away by night: A matter which his experience induced him, that he had no need to do, because he saw none of th'imperials issue out of their ramparts to charge upon the tail of the army: Only when they within the town saw by the benefit of the sun & clearness of the day, how the camp was dislodged in manner of a tumult, they stood wondering at the going away of those, whom if they had tarried they could not but have stand in fear of: And yet in the interpretation of soldiers and martial doings, they could not imagine the cause of so sudden alteration: The infamy of this retrayt was also augmented by this, that notwithstanding the Duke had given order that the camp should stay at S. Martin, yet he sent out a new direction without communicating it, that the campemaisters of the Venetians should lead their men to Marignan, wherein he feared that either the enemies would issue out to assail him in his lodging at S. Martin, or at lest that the castle of Milan, seeing to retire the forces that were comen, to rescue it, (A matter more than all other that terrifieth those that are besieged) would sue for composition, and resign by that vile compulsion the hold they had kept so long with their valour: In which case because he durst not abide at S. Martin he judged it less dishonourable to retire once for all, then to make two retraits in so little time: And in that humour, he caused the artilleries, the baggage, & the foremost regiment of the Venetian army to hold onto Marignan without staying at S. Martin: of which alteration when the Pope's Lieutenant demanded the cause, the Duke answered that touching their surety he put no difference between the one and the other place, esteeming S. Martin as tenable and defensable against thenemies, as Marignan, But the cause why he marched further was, for that the bands of soldiers being made weary with the actions of the days before, might with good commodity reappose and refresh themselves without receiving any impediments or vexations of thenemies: And as the Lieutenant replied touching the equal surety of the one and other place, that if the camp retired as far as Marignan, the hope of succours would be more desperate to those that were besieged in the castle of Milan, then if the armies stayed at S. Martin: So the Duke returned upon him with words vehement that so long as he carried in his hands the staff of commandment over the Venetians, he would not suffer any other to intermeddle with his authority: In which obstinacy both the one and other army with the great dishonour and clamour of all the soldiers, went to encamp at Marignan, exclaiming contrary to the saying of Caesar, veni, vidi, fugi, we are come, we have seen, and we are run away: The Duke determined to remain at Marignan, until not only the camp were possessed of the number of five thousand Swyzzers whereunto were restrained the promises of captain Mus and the Bishop of Loda, who at the same time that the camp broke up came thither with five hundred, but also till he were furnished of so many other of that nation as would make up the full number of twelve thousand strong of those regions: And that for an opinion he had, that because there could be made no more foundation of the castle of Milan, it would be impossible to force the town, or to reduce it to a necessity to yield for want of victuals and other reliefs necessary, without the action of two armies, and either of them so mighty that of itself it might suffice to defend itself against all the forces of thenemies united together.  
Thus the eight day of july, did retire from the walls of Milan, the two armies of 
The army of the league broken up from before Milan.  the league, A matter of no small astonishment to many men, and no less concurring the infelicity of the prediction, for that the same day, with the common consent of the whole confederates, the league was published at Rome, at Venice, and in France with ceremonies and solemnities accustomed. In the judgement of all men of observation or skill, it seemed to hold so little of necessity to take a course so infamous, that many doubted lest the Duke of Urbin were not carried into that deliberation by some secret order and direction from the Senate of Venice, who for some end unknown to others might desire to have the war protracted: And others were of opinion that the Duke, by the memory of injuries received of Leo, together with the wrongs which the Pope reigning had done to him when he was Cardinal, and fearing withal lest the greatness of the Pope would put his estate in danger, could not brook so sudden a victory of the war, being indifferently carried both with the passion of hatred which is much, and the humour of jealousy which is more: Wherein one thing that gave him so just a cause to doubt and fear the Pope, was that the Florentines held Saint Leo with all the country of Montfeltro, and that the only Daughter of Laurence de Medicis being as yet very young, retained always the 
Katherine de Medicis.  name of Duchess of Urbin: Nevertheless the Pope's Lieutenant was advertised by very especial Messengers that the Venetians were not a little discontented with that manner of retiring, and that they had always solicited that the army might approach to Milan in hope that the town might be easily carried: And withal, seeing it was not likely that the Duke, if he had hoped to take Milan would have deprived himself of a glory, by so much more great above the merit of any other general in times past, by how much was greater the reputation and renown of th'imperial army above all others which had been in Italy many years before, of which glory followed almost by necessity the surety of his estate, seeing the Pope, either to avoid so great an infamy, or not to offend so much the Venetians, would not dare to invade him: And considering also with diligence the action of all those days there: The Lieutenant judged it more likely (wherein many others were concurrant with him in that opinion) that the Duke fallen from the hope which two days before had nourished him, that th'imperials at lest would abandon the suburbs, was returned in that vehemency to his first opinion, wherein he showed himself to have a greater fear of the Spaniards and distrust of the Italian footmen, than any of the other Captains had: And by that mean entering into impressions of deeper fear, he embraced rashly and confusedly that deliberation.  
This retreat astonished not a little the Pope and Venetians and made them so much 
The Pope in great astonishment.  the more altered and confused, by how much they were entered into hope and expectation to hear news every day of the taking of Milan: But principally the perplexity of this accident touched the Pope, who neither with money which was far from him, nor with constancy of mind which was suppressed by his frailty, was not prepared to endure the traite and longness of the war: Besides that aswell at Rome, as in other quarters of his estate, many emotions and difficulties were disclosed: for, a regiment of three hundred footmen and certain cornets of horsemen lying in garrison within Carpy, began to make incursions and very hurtful actions upon all the consynes that appertained to the Church, objecting by that mean many impediments to the passage of corriers and money sent to th'army from Rome & Florence: An adversity which could not be met withal but by bestowing strong garrisons within the towns: And the Pope, who was entered into the war with very little store of money, and deeply embarked into great expenses, could hardly, both with the money of his own store, and with the contributions brought to him continually from Florence to furnish the charges of the war, make sufficient provisions to stop them, Being withal troubled with a new enterprise in Tuskane, and constrained to stand upon his guard about Rome: for, after Don Hugo and the Duke of Sesso had taken leave of the Pope and had deposed themselves from the action of their embassage, Askanius and Vespasian Colonno being then reduced within the small borrows of the Colonnoys which are near to Rome, made many demonstrations to stir up some emotion on that side, Many of their factioners and adherents being drawn to a strength within Alagno: And the Pope was driven to keep a diligent eye upon their doings and stirs, aswell for the regard of the Gebelin faction in Rome, as for that not many days before, were discovered against him many signs of the ill disposition of the Commons: The reason was, for that when he took into his pay Andrea Dore, and for the better furnishing of that charge, had raised and improved certain impostes under collar to assure the seas of Rome against the foists of the Moares by whom the traffic and wealth of the city was greatly hindered, the Butchers refused to pay their part of the taxation, assembling in manner of a tumult afore the lodging of the Duke of Sesso not as yet departed from Rome, And by their example all the Spaniards that were within the town, ran thither in arms: Nevertheless this tumult was easily appeased. About this time, the Pope stood in doubt if he should enforce th'enterprise to altar the state of Syenna, for that the councils of such as were about him, differed and were of divers humours: for, some reapposing confidence no less in the great number of the exiles then in the confusion of the government popular, persuaded by many reasons that thinnovation and change of the state would be an action of great facility, wherein they led him on in this property of well liking, that in that time it would be a matter of great importance to assure himself of that estate: for that in all accidents that might happen, the entry which the enemies might make that way, might be very dangerous for the affairs of Rome and Florence: But others induced him, that it were far better for him to address all his forces into one place only, then to entangle himself with so many enterprises with a very little or none at all alteration or diversion of the principal effects: for that in the end such as remained masters in Lombardy, would become Commanders in every place: Lastly they told him he was not to lay such a foundation of confidence upon the forces and train of the exiles whose hopes in the end would be found vain, as to set upon the mutation of that state without making of mighty and strong provisions, such as was very hard for him to accomplish, aswell for the greatness of thexpenses which in enterprises draweth the deepest care, as for the want of principal Captains, whom he had already sent to the war of Lombardye. It may be these last persuasions had prevailed more with him if those that governed within Sienna, had proceeded with that moderation which in affairs of small importance the inferiors aught to use towards their superiors, having more regard to necessity then to a just discontentment: for, thus it happened, There was one john Baptista Palmier captain within Sienna of an hundred footmen for the city, who having of long time before, given hope to the Pope that in sending his bands of soldiers to the town, he would put them within by a sluice or gutter that passed underneath the wall near to a bastillion: And by his direction the Pope having sent to him two footmen men of assurance and credit, to one of the which john Baptista gave his ensign to bear: The Magistrates of the city with whose privity he entertained this practice and abused the Pope, caused these two footmen to be apprehended, against whom after they had proceeded by way of accusation and judicially condemned them with publication of the conspiracy, they passed them to the execution of manifest death to th'end to slander the Pope as much as they could: Moreover they sent certain bands of their soldiers to besiege john Martynozze one of the exiles dwelling in the country about Syenna: all which things done as it were in despite of the Pope, incensed him with the fury of a mind injuried, to adventure to restore all the exiles within Sienna with his own forces & the strength of the Florentines: But as the general provisions were more weak than appertained to the action of such an enterprise, & especially the numbers of footmen: So also the valour & authority of the Captains recompensed nothing the weakness of the army, over the which he instituted as chief commanders Virginio Vrsin Count of Languillaro, Lodowyk Count of Petillane & john Fran. his son, gentle Baillon & john Sassatello: who making their muster at Centyna & drawing along the river of Arbyra so much renowned for the worthy victory of the Gebelins against the guelfs of Florence, approached the walls of Sienna about the xvij of july with nine pieces of artilleries, twelve hundred horse & more than eight thousand footmen, almost all levied in the state of the Church & Florentines, or at lest all sent without money to the exiles by their friends, from Perousa & other places: And at the same time Andrea Door with his galleys & a thousand footmen sent to him in supply, made invasion upon the haven of the Siennoys: But in this, their hope was deceived, that when the forces approached near the walls of Sienna, they within made no sign of tumult, by which disappointment they were constrained to settle in camp & besiege the town, in which was a strength of six hundred horsemen & three hundred footmen foreigners: And as the enemies made their approaches to the gate of Camollia, and began on that side to batter the wall with their artilleries: So, the city being strong by situation, & well fortified with ramparts, & for the circuit so great that the army environed but the less part of it, They found the inhabitants disposed with firm resolution to defend the government that then ran, wherein their hatred against the Pope & Florentines carried them more vehemently, than the affection they bore to the exiles: And of the contrary in the army that besieged them, the soldiers having no pay made to them, were little profitable to the service, And the Captains having no reputation in arms, were also in civil division amongst themselves together with the exiles, who varied notonely upon the provisions & daily counsels, but also contended for the form of the future government, seeking to impart and divide being without, the thing which could not be established but by such as were within: for which conditions after they had made a vain battery upon the wall and had no hearts to go to the assault, they began under those signs of dissolute dealing, to have a very slender hope of the victory.  
In these times the difficulties of the confederates increased in Lombardy: for, notwithstanding the regiment of five thousand Swizzers levied by captain Mius & the Bishop of Loda, were at last come to the army: yet for that the Duke of Urbin held them not a number sufficient to execute the enterprise of Milan, there was expectation of an other proportion of that nation which they had sent to require of the Cantons in the name of the French king: They hoped the Cantons would not be hard to accord those levies though not for other hope, at lest to deface the ignominy of the battle of Pavya, And that for the same reasons the bands of soldiers would agreed to go to the war with a ready courage, specially in so great a hope of the victory: But as in that nation who not many years before for their valour & for the authority they had won, had no small opportunities to get a very large dominion or jurisdiction, There was now no more neither the same desire of glory, nor any care of the interests of the common weal: So, of the contrary, having their minds overcarried with incredible covetousness and appetites of gain, they gave themselves over as to the chiefest end & honour of the exercise of war, to return to their houses laden with money & booty: In which humours, the general Cantons hearkening to the solicitations of war, as merchants do in bargains & marting, either publicly serving their turns of the necessity of others for their own profit, or else having amongst them many men whose minds were vendible & corrupted, They did either accord or refuse to departed with soldiers according to the working of those ends: And by their example the chief & special Captains, being laboured to be entertained into pay, did rise so much the higher & made their demands so much the more intolerable, by how much they saw that Princes & common weals had need of their service: In regard of these reasons, the french king summoning the Cantons according to the articles of the contract, to aid him with men, who by common consent were to be paid with the forty thousand ducats which the king delivered out of his treasure: The general Cantons after many counsels & deliberations, made him answer according to their custom, that they would not agreed to any levies or mooster of soldiers, unless the king made them first contented of all the arrearages of their pensions which he was bound to pay by yearly revenue: which sums being great, & hard to be satisfied in a little time, the king's agents were constrained to entertain captains particular & yet not without leave & authority of the Cantons, who granted such power not without great difficulty: A course which besides the long tract & consuming of time which could not be but dangerous for the present estate of affairs, did nevertheless not succeed neither with that effect nor that reputation, which it would have done if the consent & authority of the Lords of the Cantons, had concurred. Under this occasion no less slanderous to the Duke of Urbin, then hurtful to the general proceeding of the war, the Imperials who in this mean while were dispensed with from all vexation of thenemies lying idly at Marignan, turned all their diligence to fortify Milan, Not the body of the city as they did in the beginning of the war, but the ramparts & bastillions of the suburbs, which they did no more distrust to be able to defend: for that by how much the reputation of thenemies was diminished, by so much was their hope reconfirmed & their courage redoubled: And because they had taken from all the inhabitants of Milan their arms & weapons, & had thrust out of the town all persons suspected, much less that the Captains had now so great a fear or jealousy as before, seeing they established their own assurance by reducing the town to so cruel a servitude, that they stood careless to make pays to the soldiers: And lodging the bands by their tyranny in the houses of the inhabitants, they did not only compel the masters & owners of houses to minister 
The inhabitants of Milan ill handled by the Spaniards.  daily food to the soldiers both plentifully & delicately, but also to furnish them with money for all other things which in their vanities & fancies they would desire, not forgetting to impose upon them as much as the rigour of tyranny could devise: which dealings were so intolerable to the citizens, that they had no other remedy then by stealth and secret ways to flee from the place where were laid up the monuments of their nativities, the effect of their delights, and the rewards of all the pleasures and solace of their life: Neither durst they seek this miserable safety openly or manifestly, for that the eyes of those that oppressed them kept a severe espial upon them: And the better to assure the soldiers of those rates and taxations imposed upon every householder, but especially the Spaniards, for in the lanceknights was a greater modesty and favour, the Captains kept bound and in chains in their own houses, certain principal householders with their wives and little children, not omitting to expose every sex and age to their abominable lust: By reason of this tyranny all the shops of Milan were shut in, and every man sought to hide as secretly as he could, his goods and jewels of most value, making also the same conveyance and bestowing of the riches and ornaments of Churches, which for all that were not altogether in surety: for that the soldiers under cooler to search for armour and weapons, took liberty to ransack all the corners of the town, and in that insolent authority, forced the servants to disclose the goods of their masters, which when they found, they imparted to the owner's portions not according to equity or conscience, but such as in their licentiousness they thought good: The face & universal appearance of that City was made miserable, to behold the ancient inhabitants and glory of the same reduced to an estate of extreme oppression: A matter worthy of great commiseration, and an incredible example of the mutation of fortune to such as had seen it few years before, most populous and rich in citizens, plentiful in Merchants and Artificers, proud in pomps, and very sumptuous in ornaments for men and women, naturally addicted to feastings & pleasures, and not only full of rejoicing & solace, but also most happy in all other nature of comfort & contentment for the life of man: Where now it stood lamentably deprived of inhabitants, what by the stroke of the plague that raged there, and for the continual evasions of such as fled from the violation of tyrants: Miserable was the appearance of men & women being most wretched in poverty and nakedness: No intercourse of merchants or trade which before was wont to enrich the city: And the cheerfulness and spirits of men were wholly converted into a state of languishing dolour and fear: Not, not other thing remained of the glorious appearance of that city, than the foundations of houses & Churches, and yet even in them was discerned a lamentable spectacle, in regard of the former memory of them. Nevertheless as there is no sorrow without his comfort, nor no mischief without his remedy, so their afflictions and heaviness took some consolation for the coming of the Duke of Bourbon, for that the brute went he brought some relief to the army: and also in their misery they made this last persuasion, that for the retreat of the camp of the confederates, their necessities and dangers would somewhat diminish: And they hoped that the Duke to whom it was said th'emperor had given the Duchy of Milan, would for his own interests, and the better to preserve the revenues and estate of the city, take order against so licentious oppressions of the Spaniards: This was a naked hope without any stay or foundation, for that they knew by relation of their ambassadors whom they had sent to th'emperor, that there was no further expectation of remedy from him, either for that by his far distance he could not apply necessary provisions for their safety, or else (which they judged by many experiences) the compassion of the oppressions and miseries of the people was far colder in him, than his desire for thinterests of his estate to minister to that my and maintain it: To the which because payments were not made in times due, neither his authority which was far of, nor the laws of his captains joined to their presence, could not contain the soldiers from insolences and injuries: Neither did the captains, to insinuate & win the hearts of the soldiers, & sharing also in the profit of so universal a spoil, labour much to restrain this licence of war, the rather for that under their complaints & excuses of want of pays, they cloaked what so ever was done in insolency & oppression. In so much as the chiefest within Milan above the residue, assembling in one great number, & expressing in their face, their attire, and whole appearance, the miserable estate of their country, including also their own wretched condition: went with many tears & complaints to seek the duke of Bourbon, afore whose feet that pitiful spectacle of citizens fell prostrate, and one of them delivered the complaints of their grief in this sort:  
Were it not that the heavy oppressions of this City, for their nature more bitter, 
The inhabitants of Milan implore the compassion of the Duke of Bourbon.  and for their time more intolerable than ever raged over any city or country within the age or memory of men, did not hinder the due offices and humilities which in so general inclination of the whole country to have a prince proper and peculiar, our affections would offer & prefer, your coming (o gracious Duke) had been embraced with ceremonies & appearances agreeable to the gladness & comfort we receive in the aspect of your gracious & honourable presence: For as to men living under a cloud of obscurity & darkness, nothing is so sweet as the desire of light, and nothing more acceptable than the use & benefit of the same: So to the city of Milan so long restrained under the yoke of servitude and oppression, no worldly thing could be offered of more felicity or comfort, than to behold in your face the effect of our long expectation, & to receive of the hand of th'emperor, a prince of right noble descending, & in whom, in many actions & at sundry times, we have experienced your wisdom, your justice, your valour, your clemency, & your liberality: But our severe & bitter fortune under whose laws we are without all moderation subdued, constraineth us (expecting our remedy of none other than of you) to pour out afore you our miseries, being greater without comparison than those that any towns taken by assault, did ever endure by the fury, by the ambition, or by the lust of any tyrants that conquered them: Which things of themselves intolerable, are yet made more grievous to us by the continual reproaches heaped against us, that they are inflicted upon us for punishment of our infidelity to th'emperor: As though the late tumults proceeded by public consent, & not by the incitation of certain youngmen seditious, who in their rashness drew to their faction the commons, who by their poverty were assured to loose nothing, & by their nature live always desirous of innovation & change: and therefore are a kind & an estate of people that with so much the more facility are alured to commotion, by how much they are compounded of humours replenished with errors & vain persuasions stirring at the appetite of every thing that moveth them, even as the waves of the sea are carried with every light vapour or wind that bloweth. And touching the accusations that are heaped against us, we seek not either for our excuse, or to make less the quality of the crime, to reduce into reckoning the merits of the people of Milan from the greatest to the highest for the service of th'emperor in the years before: first when the whole city under the memory of their ancient devotion to the name of th'emperor, rose against the governors & against the french king: an experience reasonably inducing with what property of affection we sought to introduce the authority & supremacy of th'empire: Secondly when with so great constancy we bore out two most strait & hard besieging, submitting willingly our victuals, houses and our money to the commodity of the soldiers, & with them cheerfully exposed our persons to every watch and ward to all dangers, and to all actions of war: An example of sufficient credit to justify our faith & loyalty to the sacred name of th'emperor: And thirdly when at the battle of Bicocque the inhabitants of our town defended with so brave resolution, the bridge, the only passage by the which the French were to pierce even into the bowels of the imperial army, A confirmation without resistance, that we preferred the defence of th'emperor's cause before the safety of our own lives: Then was our faith recommended, then was our valour reputed to us for good, & then was our constancy lifted up to the third heaven both by Prospero Colonno, the Marquis of Pisquairo, & by the other captains: And in these actions we may truly call upon the testimony of your excellency, since being present in the war which th'admiral Bonnyvet made, your eyes saw, your tongue commended, & your heart did often marvel at so great fidelity, & so assured disposition: But it agreeth not with our condition to insist upon the memory of these things, nor to counterpoise merits with offences, since our misery present offereth to stand against all operations of merits or services passed: And if now there can be found in the people of Milan, any humour, any vain, or any inclination of ill affection against th'emperor, we lay ourselves down to what penalties shall be determined upon us, yea much less that we will speak in our justification, seeing we will no less willingly submit our necks to the block, than we will hold for just the sentence that condemneth us: Only we loved not a little Francis Sforce, as a prince given unto us by the Emperor, and as one in whose father, grandfather, & brother had been invested a commandment & government over us: And we could do no less than honour him for the peculiar expectation that every one had of his virtue: For which causes it brought no little grief unto us to see him so suddenly devested & despoiled without information of the cause, yea we were not certified that he had conspired any thing against th'emperor, but of the contrary, both he & others assured us, that it proceeded rather of the ambition of him that governed the army, then of any commission from th'emperor: And yet the whole city passed an oath of fidelity to themprour, & submitted themselves to th'obedience of his capteins: Such was the resolution of the city, such was the universal counsel of the Magistrates, such was the public consent of th'inhabitants, & such was the forwardness & fidelity of the nobility, whom to persecute thus for faults particular, there is neither law of reason, justice, nor example: But even in the very days of the tumults our faith was showed according to the quality of the places that we held, since both in the beginning of the stir & in the heat & fury thereof, we failed not to labour with our authority & petitions to make them leave arms: And in the last day of the tumult there were none others then we that induced the chieftains & seditious young men to go out of the city, & persuaded the commons to submit to the obedience of th'emperors capteins: But both the commemoration of our actions & merits, & our justifications against the infamies heaped against us, might haply be necessary or convenient, if there were any correspondency between the punishments we endure, & the faults we have committed, or at lest if our afflictions did not far exceed our offences: But there is great difference between the one and the other, for we may boldly say (and we say it in our own truth) that if all the calamities, all the cruelties, all the inhumanities' (without speaking for our honour of filthy lust or violation) which at any time within the memory of men have been endured by any City, any people, or any congregation of inhabitants, were gathered together and reduced into one presence, they would make but a little part of those miseries which we wretchedly do suffer, not for a moment, not for an hour, not for a day, but continually and without intermission: seeing that in one instant we are despoiled of all our substance, free men live tormented with bond age, our wives are imprisoned in their houses and kept chained by the soldiers, who with a perpetual rage run upon us for victuals, for money, for armour, for all their wants, and in their licentiousness will not be used as belongeth to men of war, but as best liketh their insolent fancies: If we be not able to furnish them daily with fresh supplies of money, they drive us to seek to do that which is impossible to our estate, and in their cruelty they constrain us with threats, with injuries, with beatings, and with all sorts of outrages: So that there is not one of us which interpreteth not to a singular grace and felicity, to abandon to pray and spoil all our goods, and for the saving of our wretched lives, to flee barefoot out of Milan, and for ever to lose the solace of our country which for ever hath preserved us till this accursed day. In the time of our ancestors Federike Barberosso made desolate this City, and executed no small cruelties against the inhabitants, against the buildings, and against the walls: But alas the miseries of that time hold no comparison with the calamities of us wretches, not only for that the tyranny of th'enemy is more easy to be endured as being more just, than the cruelty unjust of a friend, but also for that one day, two days, three days sufficed to glot the wrath and inhumanity of the victor, and the punishments of the vanquished took end: But with us it is more than a month that we have been exercised under these miseries, wherein'our torments have increased by so many degrees of cruelty, by how many have been the days and hours since our persecution, yea we endure those crosses which before we would have thought had been impossible to the state of humane condition, and as men reprobate and damned to eternal perdition, we suffer without hope to see an end of our woes. Only the confidence we have resteth in your virtue and clemency, upon which we make our implorations, that you would not suffer this City lawfully made yours, and committed to your protection, to be wholly devoured with the jaws of Lions and Tigers: Wherein reclaiming us with that property of piety, besides the perpetual honour of your name to be the only patron and restorer of this City, yet you shall settle & establish more in one day your principality with the goodwill and devotion of subjects, than other new princes do in many years with arms and forces: For end, all our petitions, all our humilities, all our oblations, and all our desires tend to this, that if for any cause whatsoever, your will be estranged to deliver us from this infinite oppression, or if you stand curious or restrained by any inducement to remove from our necks the yoke of this intolerable servitude, at lest we beseech you with the dearest tears of our inward hearts and affections, that you will turn against us, and discharge upon this people, upon us all, upon every one, upon every sex and upon every age, the fury, the forces, the fire, and the artilleries of your army: In which action, we will construe to a special felicity to die by the stroke of your hand rather at one blow, then by languishing in our present miseries, to die by degrees more grievous, than the life and breath that is left us can suffer: And if you have no other remedy to comfort us, your piety shall be so much the more commended to add the last end to our calamities, by how much more their inhumanity will be detested, who seek to lead us in a lingering death, and yet will not add the blow that should dispatch us: Neither shall it be less easy for us to end in this sort our most wretched life, than such as love us will be glad with this kind of our death, even as fathers and parents are wont to rejoice at the birth of their children.  
These words were followed with the tears and weepings of the whole assistants, to whom the Duke answered with a cheerful affability, that he was no less aggrieved with their infelicities, then touched with remorse and desire to relieve them: which compassion he told them he would extend as much as in him lay, not only upon the city, but also over the whole Duchy: he excused the insolences done, that they were not only against the will of th'emperor, but also contrary to th'intention of all the Captains, whom for that there was no mean to pay the soldiers, necessity had induced to consent rather to such outrages, then to abandon Milan, and leave the army in danger, and put all thestate which th'emperor had in Italy in manifest pray to thenemies: He told them he had brought with him some quantity of money, but not sufficient to content the soldiers to whom many pays were due: Nevertheless if the City of Milan would furnish him with thirty thousand ducats for the pay of one month, that he would 'cause the army to issue out of Milan and bestow them elsewhere, assuring them that thought at other times they had been abused in the like promises, the custom of other men should breed no law in him, for that he would always observe his faith and word, upon the which they might assuredly reappose themselves, which he confirmed with this last addition, that if he failed them, he wished his head might be taken from his shoulders by the first shot of Cannon from thenemies. But albeit such a sum, both for the quantity which was great to men already consumed, and for the suddenness wherein was matter of more astonishment to those who were already amazed, was hard to be found in the city so much wasted, yet the miseries they endured in lodging the soldiers being greater than all other degrees of calamities, they accepted the condition of the duke, and began to make provision with as great diligence as they could: But their calamities were rather suspended then ended, for that albeit one part of the soldiers amongst whom was imparted rateably the money that was levied, were sent to lodge in the suburbs of Romegate and the gate of Tosa, and there both to guard the ramparts, and work at the fortifications, and also to labour at the trench towards the garden where Prospero Colonno had made one before: yet they retained still no less than the others that abode in the town, the same lodgings they had, and continued to handle their hosts with the same rudeness: Wherein it seemed the Duke of Bourbon held no reckoning of his promise, or at lest, as was believed, he was not able to resist the rage and insolency of the soldiers, being entertained and pushed on in that humour by certain captains, who either by will, or through ambition, or for hatred, gave impediments to his counsels. But the miserable people of Milan being thus deprived of their last hope, and having not where to make their further recourse, fell into such an estate of despair, that some of them, to put end by dying to so many miseries and cruelties, which they could not overcome by living, threw themselves headlong from the top of their houses into the streets, and some did wretchedly hung themselves: And yet notwithstanding all those grievous spectacles, neither the ravin, nor rage, nor inhumanity of the soldiers, could be any way appeased. In that time also the plain country was in poor condition, being no less ransacked by the soldiers of the Confederates, who as they were received at first with a great joy and desire, so not long after, their inhumanities' and extortions had converted the first affections of the people into just hatreds, A corruption which generally ran amongst the men of war of that time, who taking example by the Spaniards, wasted their friends aswell as they destroyed their enemies: for, notwithstanding in many changes of times, the liberty of soldiers had been great in Italy, yet it had taken infinite augmentation by the footmen of the Spaniards, though not upon just cause, yet for reasons necessary, for that in all the wars of Italy they were always ill paid: So that under the cooler of examples, notwithstanding they had a beginning excusable, yet they proceeded and continued always from ill to worse: By whose rule, the Italians albeit they had not the same necessity, for that their pays were orderly performed, yet making the custom of the Spaniards a law to them, they began not to be inferior to them in any course of enormities: In which corruption, to the great contempt of the discipline of war of that time, the soldiers weighed in one balance both their friends and their enemies, and so both peoples and countries were no less desolated by such as were paid to defend them, than those that received their pays to invade and spoil them.  
About this time the besieged within the Castle of Milan were reduced to such straits for want of victuals, that they were at point to tender the Castle: But because for their longer holding out, certain of the chief confederates entertained them with hopes to be succoured, they thrust out in the night at the Castle gate which hath his prospect upon the trenches that environed it without, more than 300. footmen, women, children, & mouths unprofitable: Who albeit the enemies that warded at that place hearing the noise of their going, gave the alarm to the residue, yet they passed away all in safety without any impediment, finding favour in the straightness of the trenches & aid of their pikes. There were two trenches about two stories cast from the Castle, & between them both a rampar of forty faddomes high: which rampar as it served as a guard against the Castle, so also it covered such as without would assail the trenches: This miserable troop excluded out of the Castle, went to Marignan where the army was, and giving good testimony of th'extremity wherein the Castle was, and no less experience of the weakness of the trenches, for that both women and little children found passage thorough them, the Captains by their relation turned eftsoons to devise for the succour of the Castle: with whom did readily concur the Duke of Urbin, to th'end he would not take upon himself alone the burden of thexcuse which he supposed would not be now so easy as before, for that his army being now possessed of a strength of five thousand Swizzers, there was cut off the principal cause of danger alleged to make their approaches to Milan without other footmen than th'italians: So that it was set down with a full consent of Counsel, that the army should directly address their approaches to the Castle, and commanding the Churches of S. Gregory and S. Angelo neighbours to the counterskarpes, they should encamp below Milan: With which resolution the army broke up from Marignan, and for the impediments of the ways being cloyed with hills & ditches, they marched four days by ways troublesome, and the xxij. of july they came to encamp between the Abbey of S. Caesareo and the river of Ambro, in a place commonly called Ambro: In which place the Duke changing the first direction set down in the council, gave order to dispose the lodgings of the army in such sort, that the front 
The army of the league come before Milan the second time.  of the camp might have his prospect upon the Abbey of Caesareo which is within a mile of Milan, and keeping the river of Ambro upon his back, it might stretch out of the right hand until the harbour, and on the left hand until the bridge: So that the lodgings of th'army bore directly between the port of Renze and the port of Toso, and holding little of the new gate, it bore a strong situation and disposition, aswell for those regards as for the nature of the country: The Duke alleged that he had exchanged the lodging of the Monasteries for that place, both for that it was more near the Castle, and also not so far underneath the walls as to be put into danger by any compulsion, and withal for that threatening thenemies in many places, they should be constrained to bestow guards in several quarters, A matter which for their small number, increased not a little their difficulties. And now the army being encamped in those lodgings, some regiments were sent out the same day to besiege the town of Monceo, which they took by composition, and the day following with artilleries they subdued the Castle, wherein was a garrison of an hundred footmen Neapolitans: There the Captains began to devise straightly how to put victuals within the castle of Milan, which they were informed was reduced to such a state of necessity, that there was intention to send out Francis Sforce: And albeit there were amongst them many Captains, who either for that simply such was their opinion, or else to show themselves forward and valiant in those things which were to be determined with a greater danger of honour and reputation to others then to themselves, gave counsel to give a charge upon the trenches: yet the Duke seeing into the peril and desperate hazard of thexploit, would not be against it openly, but objecting difficulties and temporizing with delays, he hindered that there was made no conclusion: In so much as the deliberation being referred over till the next day, the Captains of the Swissers demanded to be introduced into the council, which never till then was permitted to them: In which, captain Mus, who for that he had levied the greatest part of them, retained amongst them the title of captain general, alleged in the behalf of all his nation: That they marveled not a little that the war being begun for the rescue of the Castle of Milan, whose necessities redoubled by so much time as it was deferred, they stood to dispute vainly whether they should secure it or not, at a time when was more necessity of courage and execution: That he did not doubt that in such a council would not be set down a resolution agreeable to the universal safety of the state of Milan, to the honour of so many brave Capteins, and to the reputation of so flourishing an army: In which case he let them to understand that the Captains and soldiers of his nation would interpret it to their great injury and shame, if in the approaching and action of the Castle, they were not referred both to that place, and to that part of the peril, which the fidelity and honour of their nation did deserve: Lastly he protested that in taking that counsel he would not fail to reduce them not to keep so great a memory of such as with infamy had lost the enterprises begun before, as thereby they should pass into forgetfulness the glory and fortune of those that had vanquished.  
As they stood upon consuming of time about these counsels and deliberations, wherein was manifestly discerned that the Duke of Urbin was of opinion that the Castle could not be succoured: News came to the camp (though not very certain) that the Castle had compounded with th'imperials, or at lest was upon the point to capitulate: These advertisements were easily believed of the Duke, who alleged in the presence of the whole Council, that though the accord could not be but prejudicial to the Duke of Milan, yet it was agreeable and profitable to the affairs of the league, seeing it took them out of the danger which either desire or necessity to relieve the Castle might haply bring upon the army, being carried with rash and sudden minds to adventure to do the thing which in reason and experience of war held almost of impossibility: In so much as that danger being now taken away, they were to begin of new to consult and deliberate upon the proceedings of the war in the same sort, as if it were the first day of the beginning of the same: So little a thing happening accidentally doth altar the whole estate and resolution of great affairs. But not many days after, the camp was credibly advertised that the composition was passed: For the Duke of Milan who saw the Castle reduced to such an extremity for victuals that it could scarcely hold out one day, and being altogether out of hope to be rescued, for that he saw no advancing of the camp of the League who had lain so near two days, was driven by the consideration of his own peril, and not to be found unready to entertain the parley which had been begun many days before with the Duke of Bourbon, who after the retiring of the army, was sent to visit him in the castle, 
The Castle of Milan rendered to th'imperials.  and there the xxiv. of july, they fell to accord in this sort: That without prejudice to his rights and interests, he should deliver up the castle of Milan to the Captains appointed to receive it in the emperor's name, who promised him to departed in safety together with those companies that were with him: That it should be lawful for him to remain at Coma, which was delivered to him with the government and revenues of the same town, until they had received further direction from th'emperor touching his affairs: And that there should be added so much of other nature of revenues, as should in the whole amount to thirty thousand ducats yearly: That they should give him safeconduit to go in person to the Emperor, with obligation to content the soldiers that were within the Castle for all their pays due and past, which were supposed to amount unto twenty thousand ducats: That the Duke of Milan should put into the hands of the pronotorie Caraccioll, john Angelo Riccio, and Politiano, to th'end he might examine them: Nevertheless Caraccioll to give his faith to suffer them to go away afterwards, and to give them safeconduit to some place of surety: That the Duke should deliver the Bishop of Alexandria who was prisoner within the Castle of Cremona, and that new castle in Tortono should be delivered to Sforzino. In this convention there was no speech made of the castle of Cremona, which being no longer able to resist the rage of hunger, the Duke had given charge to james Philip Sacco whom he had sent to the Duke of Bourbon to promise' it to th'imperials, if composition could not be obtained otherwise: But he discerning by their words and manner of dealing what desire they had to accord, and declaring unto them that the Duke could never pass such a matter, obtained so much that there should be nothing spoken of it: for albeit the Captains' imperials had great conjectures that the Castle had no great store of victuals, and that the necessity of the defendants would ere it were long make them satisfied of the end and expectation of their intention: yet being desirous to be assured of it, they were determined to accept it under any conditions, for that they stood doubtful whether the army of the league that lay near, would adventure to secure it: In which case having no confidence to be able to defend the trenches, they had resolved to issue out into the field and fight: Which doubtful event of fortune they were willing to avoid in accepting what conditions they could obtain of the Duke, who the day following issued out of the Castle, and being accompanied with many of th'imperial captains even as far as the barryers' and limits of th'army, he tarried there one day: and afterwards he took the way to Coma, th'imperials standing upon this, that they had promised to give him safe retreat and lodging within Coma, but not to make depart out of the town their companies of soldiers that were there in garrison: In regard of which dealing, he saw no cause to reappose further confidence in them, and albeit he had determined before to do nothing that might incense or stir up the mind of th'emperor, yet for his safety he took the way to Loda, which City the confederates restored wholly into his hands, and there, for that there was no one article of the capitulations observed to him, saving that he & his companies came away in safety, he ratified by public instrument, the league made in his name by the Pope and Venetians.  
But in this time albeit the Pope, who for the commotion of the Colonnoys, had published a Bull against the Cardinal and all others of the family of Colonno: yet seeing his hope to change the government of Sienna much diminished, and no less grievous and troublesome to him to be vexed and traveled in the territories of Rome: he began with better inclination to open his ears to Don Hugo de Moncado, who not with intention to contract with him, but to make him more negligent in advancing his provisions, made a motion that under certain conditions, the offences should cease against the Siennois, and all quarrels between him and the Colonnois: And to deal in this negotiation, Vespasian Colonno whom the Pope trusted much, came to Rome, by which occasion the Pope having lost all hope of success about Sienna, and treating to leavy the army from before the walls, delayed th'execution of that good counsel, expecting, to run into a lesser slander, to make it break up assoon as the accord now in negotiation should be concluded: And yet for the disorders and confusions of the army which went increasing, it was determined at Florence that it should retire: But sudden and strange be the accidents of war: The day before the army was appointed to depart, a regiment of four hundred footmen issuing out of the town, marched towards the artilleries which were guarded by james Corso, who seeing the faces of the soldiers coming, ran away in fear from the place that he had promised to defend: By whose example together with the noise and brute of the accident coming to the army, the whole army having neither order nor obedience, took to flying, being neither charged nor followed: In which confusion of running away, there was striving who could make best speed, and for the desire they had to escape the danger which their timorous imaginations stirred up, the desire to flee was all one in the capteins and the soldiers, and in the horsemen and the footmen, nothing being able to assure them, in whose ears the noise of fear did continually ring: They left to the enemies their victuals, their baggage, and artilleries, of which ten pieces great and small belonging to the Florentines, and seven appertaining to Perousa, were carried into Sienna with no little gladness tending almost to a triumph: By the example of this accident, the people began with great shouting and cries, to renew the infamies deserved by the Florentines in the like case, losing long time before even afore the walls of Sienna, their artilleries which were guarded upon the public place of the same city. This chase was given the day after the rendering of the castle of Milan to the Imperials: At which time also the public calamities of all Christendom being 
Soliman Ottoman in Hungria.  added to afflictions particular, the Pope had advertisement out of Hungary, that Solyman Ottoman who was come from Constantinople with a mighty army to invade the kingdom of Hungary, having passed the river of Savo without impediment, by the commodity of Belgrado which he had subdued few years before: had taken the Castle of Peter Varradin and passed the river of Dravo: in so much as having no impediment of mountains or rivers, the rage of the Turk was like to reduce the whole kingdom of Hungary into manifest danger.  
Now for as much as the Castle of Milan was fallen into the hands of th'emperor, it seemed that in italy the state of the war was wonderfully changed: Wherein the Duke of Urbin took his reason upon necessity to take new counsels, such as they should have set down and taken if from the beginning of the war the Castle of Milan had not been in the hands of Francis Sforce: And in that regard the same day the Castle was rendered, amplifying a discourse which he made to the Pope's lieutenant and treasurer of Venice touching the estate of affairs, he added that it was necessary to created a captain general over the whole league to take charge and command all the armies: Wherein he said he joined with himself the interests and respects of others, being determined for his own particular without that authority, not to entangle himself with care of any other thing then to command over the Venetian army, A resolution which he prayed them to signify to the Pope and Venetians: Whereupon the Senate agreed, the rather to remove him from that demand which was made in a time so inconvenient & so greatly discontenting the Pope, to send to the camp Lowis Pisan a gentleman of great authority, by whose working his vehement inclination was rather moderated, than his determination altered. But touching the manner of proceeding in the war hereafter, it was determined that the army should not remove from the place where it was, till the Swissers were come, who were waged under the name and with the money of the French king: The Duke of Urbin thought it necessary after they were come, to lie about Milan in two several quarters, not to assail it or prove to force it, but to hold it languishing till for want of victuals it were driven to yield, which he hoped would come to pass within three months: He was with great vehemency against th'opinion of those who counseled that after the camp was settled they should adventure to take the town, wherein he inferred that the League being mighty in men and money, and the imperials in necessity of both, all reasons and inducementes of war promised the victory of th'enterprise: He said there was not one argument for the which the contrary aught to be feared, but the desire to advance the victory, for that thenemies consuming themselves with time and patience, there was nothing to stop the good course and success of things. He was answered, that the discourse he made was strong and credible, if he stood assured that there would not come out of Germany a new succour of footmen, which if it were such as to enable th'imperials to take the field, there was no doubt that the event of the whole war would not be exposed to the arbitrement of fortune. But he replied that even in that case he made no less account of the victory, for that knowing the Duke of Urbin to be of nature burning and active, he made this judgement of him, that when so ever he esteemed himself to be equal in forces with the army of the confederates, he would advance so fast as by his rashness would rise occasion of some good accident to hasten the victory: But because for the difficulties which they understood fell out in levying them, they feared they would draw a long tract of time in coming which might bring danger: it was determined by the counsel of the Duke of Urbin and solicitation of the Duke of Milan, to send out Malatest a Baillon with an army of three hundred men at arms, three hundred light horsemen, and five thousand footmen, to take the town of Cremona, which they supposed might be easily forced for that it contained not but an hundred men at arms, two hundred light horsemen, a thousand lanceknights of choice, and three hundred Spaniards, very small store of artilleries, less quantity of munitions, and a slender provision of victuals: the inhabitants notwithstanding they were appalled in courage, yet they were enemies to th'imperials: and the Castle no less hateful to the name of th'emperor: And albeit the Castle was separate from the City by a trench, yet by the reapport of Hannibal Piccianard who was captain, it was easy to supplant the flanks, and by that mean to carry it without danger: With these directions and counsels Malatesta went to Cremona, for whose departure the army being diminished, the Duke of Urbin fell into no small fear, lest the regiments that were within Milan should give them in the night a Canuiseado in their lodgings, so far were things removed from all hope of the victory: Nevertheless john de Medicis provoked many skirmishes and performed them, wherein notwithstanding he made many good impressions of his valour, with no less declaration of the virtue of thItalian footmen which had not been seen but sithence he had the charge of them: yet those skirmishes did rather hurt then help the substance of the war, for that ordinarily they consumed some of the most brave and best experienced soldiers.  
Here is to be noted that for these adversities and contrary events of affairs, the Pope was grown into a marvelous discourage and appalement of mind, both for that he was not provided of money to furnish the long train of the war which he now discerned, and also not disposed to make levies of treasures by such means as th'importance of the affairs required, and such as other Popes afore him had wont to use to relieve those wants: But the thing that troubled him most, was, that he saw not that the effects of the French king were correspondent to the obligations of the league, and to the assurance and promise which every one made of him: for, beside he was long before he would make payment of the xl. thousand ducats for the first months pay, and give order for the levying of the Swizzers, yet there was not discerned in him any preparation to begin the war beyond the Mounts: Not rather he found reasons to allege, that it was first necessary to signify to th'emperor what had been contracted in the articles of the confederation, for that otherwise the king of England who had a particular league with th'emperor for their common defence, might haply minister aid unto him, where, if signification were made, that regard and conjecture would cease: and that then he would immediately begin the war, hoping the king of England would do the like, who promised assoon as signification were made, to protest against th'emperor, and then to enter into the confederation made at Coignar. Moreover the French king proceeded coldly to prepare his army by sea, And the thing that discovered more his intention was, that the five hundred lances which he was bound to send into Italy, were long in passing the Mounts: Against which albeit was alleged, that such a tract and lingering proceeded either of the negligence of the French men which is natural to that nation, or of the disability to recover money which happened by the loss of credit the last years with the Merchants of Lion, or for that the companies of men at arms were in very ill point, for their losses received in the battle of Pavia, and had not been repaired with any money since: so that they could not reorder and refurnish themselves, but with the favour of a good time: Yet such as made a more near observation of things, began to doubt by the proceedings of the french, lest to the king was more agreeable the lingering of the war, than th'expedition of the victory: They supposed he feared (according to the small fidelity & confidence amongst princes in those times) that thItalians recovering once the duchy of Milan and by that mean making small account of his interests, would either grow to accord without him with th'emperor, or at lest would be negligent so to vex and travel him, as not to induce or compel him to restore his children. But the matter that most kept the Pope in suspense, was, that the king of England being required to enter the confederation that was made by his persuasions & setting on, and expressing now no correspondency of reasons and promises which he had made before: made a demand, more to protract and defer then for other occasion, that the confederates would be bound to satisfy him of the money which the Emperor aught him, and that the estate and revenues promised to him in the kingdom of Naples, might by assignation be paid out of the duchy of Milan. Moreover the Pope feared lest the famuly of the Colonnois who with many commotions held him in continual suspicion, would not in the end rise to invade him with the forces of the realm of Naples: So that making a collection and consideration of all these difficulties and dangers together, he made uchement instance to the confederates, that notwithstanding every 
The Pope moveth the confederates to invade the realm of Naples.  one in particular should solicit & advance such provisions both by sea and land, as they were bound unto by the articles of the league, yet he persuaded them in general to make a common invasion upon the kingdom of Naples with an army of a thousand light horsemen, twelve thousand footmen, & a convenient number of men at arms: He took his reason of this devise upon th'experience of things done till that day, & judged that afterwards there would succeed no better issue, if they vexed not th'emperor with war in other places then in the duchy of Milan: And for the better advancing of this expedition he dispatched to the french king john Baptist a Sanga a Roman and one of his secretories, both to pull him on with a better inclination to the war, and to impart with him thestate of his wants and poverty of money, together with the small means he had to go on with so heavy a burden of expenses, if he were not eased with some quantity of money from him: That he was determined to hearken presently to the war of Naples notwithstanding the articles of the confederation bore not to do any action upon that kingdom so long as the war should endure in Lombardy: That the Venetians notwithstanding to avoid so great expenses, had made difficulty in the beginning, yet being carried with his importunities, they had consented to be concurrant in the action, and that without the french king, but with so much less numbers of men as imported his part and contribution: That the french king for that cause over & beside the 500 lances, to whom he was minded to give for general and commander, the Marquis of Salussa, more for the fortune and felicity, then for the vallout and virtue of the man, as he said: would also sand an other proportion of 300. lances into Lombardy, to th'end to administer one part of them to the wars of Naples: That he would solicit the coming on of the army by sea, & that either to hold Genes short & restrained with it, or else to convert it against the kingdom of Naples: Which army albeit the french men led on with as slow advancements as they used in the other provisions, yet it went on still in forwardness: The king's navy contained 4. galleons & 16. light galleys, the Venetians contained 13. galleys, and the Pope's 11. Over all which Navy reduced into one Admiralty, Peter Navarre was appointed captain general at the king's instance, notwithstanding the Pope could have wished that dignity to have been transferred to Andrea Door: Besides all these instructions and commissions, the Pope gave a secret charge to Sanga, to persuade the french king to undertake the enterprise of Milan for himself, to th'end to entangle him with that occasion, & to embark him into the war with all his forces. Moreover Sanga was enjoined to go out of France to the king of England, to demand succours of money ●eeing the king of that Realm desiring greatly in the beginning the war against the Emperor, so far forth as the league were negociated in England according to his desire & the Cardinals of York, would enter the league as was beloved: But the hature of the time and necessity of the castle of Milan not suffering a long treaty or conference, when he saw the league was made by others, he thought he might hold the balance and stand as a looker on and a judge. The Pope also solicited both at the persuasions of the Venetians, and at the request of the French king who had sent to that end, the Bishop of Bayeux to Ferrara, to have composed the controversies that were between him & that Duke: But ●e handled that action more in appearance then in effect, making unto him many offers, and amongst others to give him Ravenna in counterchange of Modena and Reggia: A coverture or colour which the Duke made no reckoning of, not only for that by taking a new heart for the retiring of the army from before the walls of Milan, he was more hardly then before drawn to like of the offers that were made, and chief that of Ravenna: but also for the great difference and inequality of the revenues, And that he took it to be a mean to drive him with time into contention with the Venetians.  
These were the practices, preparations, and operations of the confederates, deferred, broken of, and changed, according to the ends and according to the counsels of the Princes that managed them.  
But th'emperor whose deliberations depended wholly of himself, was neither 
Provisions of the Emperor against the confederates.  negligent nor irresolute so far forthas his power and forces stretched: for, after the French king, at the instance of the confederates, had denied to the Viceroy, leave to pass into Italy which he demanded with great affection, The Viceroy refusing to take the kings present which was supposed to be in value twenty thousand crowns, departed and took his way into Spain, bearing with him a writing written with the king's hand, wherein he protested a readiness to observe th'accord of Madrill so far forth as he would convert the restitution of Burgongute into an exchange and payment of two millions of crowns: By whose relation th'emperor, seeing now no further hope of observation in the king, determined to send by sea into Italy, the Viceroy with the lanceknights that were in Parpignan being almost three thousand, with the like number of Spanish footmen, containing in all a number of six thousand: he gave order also to send a new supply of an hundred thousand ducats to Milan, And albeit he solicited th'expedition of the army by sea, yet it could not be ready with speed according to his expectation, for that besides the time to mooster and assemble the Spanish soldiers, there was necessity to pay the lanceknights an hundred thousand duckatts due upon their wages past: furthermore he addressed continual directions into germany to send to Milan new succours of footmen, but both for that he gave no order for their pays, and also for the disability of his brother to leavy money, that expedition proceeded slowly: And yet by the delays and ill success and issue of the confederates, no sort of temporizing nor slowenes could be hurtful: for Malatesta Baillon, being come before Cremona, planted his artilleries by night of the seventh of August before the gate of La Mussa, judging that place to be weak for that it was ill flanked and worse rampared: And for that he thought at the same time to give thassault on the castle side, he supposed it best to make his battery in a place far of, to th'end to constrain the defendants to divide their strength into sundry places Nevertheless after his artilleries had executed, he found the place strong and fortified with campars, and the wall which he battered so high of earth, that the descent into the town would be too troublelome: The same being the cause that he would not give th'assault, butwith a council quite contrary, he determined to begin a new battery near the castle in a place called Santa Monaca which afforetyme had been battered by Federyk Bossolo: And at the same time he caused to cut two trenches upon the castle green, of which one of them drew on the right hand towards the river of Paw, where the defendants of the castle had made two trenches: he hoped by the commodity of his trench, to take from them abastyllion near to the which there was soldiers already arrived, And which bastillion was in their first trench near the wall of the town: if he won it, he laid his plot to serve his turn by the benefit of it, and to make it a Cavalier, or Mount to batter along the walls which the French men at other times had battered: for which cause the imperials made an other bastillion behind their hyndmost trench: The other trench which Malatesta cast, was on the left hand towards the wall, and so near to theirs that they joined within the casting of stones: he determined to begin his battery assoon as the trenches were made according to his devise, to the which th'artilleries of the enemies gave no great impediment, for that within Cremona were but four falconnets, which they applied but seldom by reason of their necessity of munitions and powder: yet the soldiers that were footmen within, ceased not to make sallies out and vex those that laboured at the trenches, whom they oftentimes put to great distress notwithstanding they had a great guard: By reason of which impediments increasing with other difficulties and dangers, Malatesta who was uncertain what to do, confounded with little praise to himself by diverse judgements and letters, all the Captains of the army, who finding the action of Cremona to multiply in difficulties, sent to his camp a regiment of twelve hundred lanceknights newly levied by the Venetians at a joint charge and expenses with the Pope: And not many days after, to th'end to reconcile the discord and jealousy grown between Malatesta and julius Manfron, The Treasurer Pezero who after a great reconciliation was now become more agreeable to the Duke of Urbin, went also to his camp with a strength of three thousand footmen: But Malatesta continued his batteries, and the night before the thirteenth of August, ●e planted four pieces of artilleries between Saint Luke's gate and the castle, to take a bastillion, where, after he had executed almost all the day, he made an opening or breach into the trench, hoping to carry the bastillion the same night: But about four hours within night there issued out of the town a small crew of lanceknights who gave a charge upon those that guarded the trenches containing both within and without more than a thousand footmen, And after they had put them in disorder they forced the guard to abandon the charge: Nevertheless they were compelled the day after to go away, so that the trench that had been made with so great pain and industry, remained abandoned, aswell on the one part as on the other: But amid these actions it seemed fortune would play a part offering to be favourable to those without, if they could have known how to discern or to take the occasion: for, as in the night of the fouretenth day, about forty fathom of wall fell of itself, between Saint Luke's gate and the castle, wherein was devoured and lost one piece of their artilleries in the ruins: So, if they had taken the advantage of this accident and followed on with th'assault assoon as the day had appeared, The defendants whose fear was redoubled with the astonishment of a chance so sudden and unlooked for, would have had no hope at all to resist or repulse them, for that the place which they should have occupied with defence, laid open and discovered to th'artilleries of the castle: But as there is nothing more subtle than occasion, which being taken and applied draweth with it good issue, but being neglected or foreslowed slideth away as a vapour leaving men abused with their proper error: So, whilst Malatesta stood long before he could resolve, and then lost time ere he could range his soldiers to go to th'assault, the benefit of this occasion was taken away by the industry of the defendants, who laboured with extreme diligence within, they first sought to cover themselves with risings and hills cast up with the labour of their hands, against the artillery of the castle, and afterwards they rampired themselves in the front of thenemies: So that when the assault came to be presented being then well of the day, albeit the most part of the camp were converted to that side, yet for that they went all discovered and open they made their approaches with their great harms: And being approached, besides the other defences wherein they found peril, they were wonderfully vexed with stones which the defendants within cast down upon them: By which manner of execution julius Manfron and Captain Maron, were slain upon the place together with many other soldiers of condition: At the same time there was an other assault given by the castle, but that was repulsed with a very small damage: it was appointed also that at the battery made at Santa Monaca, should be performed an other assault with four score men at arms, an hundred light horsemen, & a thousand footmen: But by the impediment of the ditch which was full of water, and the disadvantage of the place being well fortified, the soldiers retired without doing any thing: After this arrived at the camp, the treasurer Pezero with three thousand footmen Italians, and more than a thousand Swyzzers together with a new coplement of artilleries: By which supply the camp being now above eight thousand footmen, the Captains thought to make two batteries following on with th'assault to either of them with three thousand footmen, and with the other two thousand to assail the part towards the castle: And Pezero bringing with him to the camp a great quantity of pioneers, they laboured with great industry all the trenches, of the which one being finished the twenty-three. of August, they won after long fight to cover by their valour a flank of thenemies: Afterwards the night of the five and twenty day, they made two batteries, the one (of the which Malatesta had charge) beyond that place which Federyk had executed afforetyme: the other at Mussegate managed by Camylla Vrsin: But the success both at the one and the other was very slender, for that the place where Malatesta braked his artilleries by reason it was maresh, gave no firm ground to the artilleries for that in sinking at the breach by the softness of the place, they mounted at the metal or mouth of the piece, & shot over: And touching the battery of Camylla, both it was low which hindered the execution, & in the action of th'assault the soldiers found impediment in a ditch which was full of water, together with so many small shot beating in flank, that their valour could not make them a way to pass further: So that albeit for all these difficulties they gave th'assault & received in that place the greatest harms, And albeit on Malatesta side the footmen went up to the wall passing a ditch wherein the water was deeper than was looked for, yet by the virtue of the defendants applied to the advantages of places, they were easily & readily repulsed: Moreover on the castle side one part of the cavalier being reversed & put down, the footmen mounted upon it: But for that the descent withinwards was too high, the soldiers that were come to the assault from all parts in no good order, were put back, some ronning on in their rashness till they were slain, & some with a more favourable infelicity bore away the rewards of their enterprise in wounds and maims of their bodies, and with very little hurt of their enemies. These disorders together with the privation of hope to take Cremona, joined to the want of government and obedience of the camp, called the Duke of Urbin to go thither in person, who drew out of the army that lay before Milan, almost all the Venetian footmen, And left there one part of the men at arms with all the regiments of the Church, together with the Swyzzers who now might contain a number of xiii thousand: And now, that there remained in the army a less number of men, which being disfurnished of a general or Commander of such authority, he despised the same danger which he seemed always before, to fear when there were greater forces: And lastly assuring that it was not the custom of men of war, but chief of the Spaniards, to invade other men of war in their strength or camp: he went from the army to Cremona, laying this plot, not to carry it with the only force of batteries and assaults, for that the ramparts of thenemies were too strong, But by seeking with the industry of so many pyonners to approach their trenches and bastyllions, and to make themselves Masters of them more by the benefit of undermining, then through the virtue of arms: There were many of the Captains that reprehended him in many things touching the government of that enterprise against the state of Milan, but chief they reproached the retreat & breaking up from before the walls of Milan: But most of all did they challenge him of indiscretion, for that from the beginning he had attempted to carry Cremona with very small forces, trusting more in his vanity and fancy then by the rule of experience of reason, to accomplish th'action with great facility: Wherein also the difficulties of th'enterprise still redoubling & discovering, he had embarked such a part of the army, as far greater occasions falling out whilst he consumed the time there, were hindered & lost by following that service: for, seeing now thefull numbers of Swyzzers were come to the camp, both so many as was necessary, & no fewer than was looked for, he might, by enuyroning Milan with two armies according to the first resolution, cut of that great reasort & traffic of victuals which continually had passage thither by the way of Pavia, which the single army that lay at Amber could not restrain for the great circuit of place & ways to be made: But the matter of greatest importance, was, to loose the occasion that haply was offered to force Milan: The rather for that the bands of soldiers that were within, were so weakened by sickness & diseases, that the bodies most sound & free being scarcely able to entertain the ordinary watch & ward with other necessary factions of war, the imperials themselves gave this judgement of their own estate, that if they had been invaded in that adversity and weakness, their danger had been greater than their valour could have defended it: But amid these good offers to the confederates no less certain & great was the occasion given to take Genes: for that as the Venetian navy was joined with the Popes at Civita vecchia, & afterwards stayed in the port of Lyvorne to tarry for the french, which with xuj galleys, iiij galleons, & iiij other vessels was fallen into the river of Ponent, had gotten by the consent of thin habitants, Savona & all the river of Ponent: So that army by sea after they had taken many ships laden with gain going to Genes, passed away to Lyvorne to knit & join with the residue: Besides, it was also determined, that at the common expenses of the confederates, there should be armed in the port of Marseilles xii▪ great ships, to th'end that with the French galleys and by the direction of Peter of Navarre, to meet with the navy that was prepared in the port of Cartage, or at lest to encownter them at sea: Where the three fleets making sail together, the navy ecclesiastic and Venetian stayed at Porto fino, and the French fleet returned to Savona, And from those places scouring all the seas without resistance, they restrained Genes so strait where was want of victuals, that if they had sent up a cerreine strength of soldiers by land to cut from them that only refuge, there was no doubt that the town of Genes would not have come to composition: The Captains of the said navies desired no other thing both by letters and Messengers express, demanding at lest that there might be set four thousand men on land: But there could be no soldiers drawn from the camp that lay before Cremona: And the Duke of Urbin with others holding it too great a danger to diminish the army that lay before Milan, they entertained the demands of the sea Captains with hope, that assoon as thenterprise of Cremona were ended, there should be sent to them a sufficie 〈…〉 strength of soldiers according to their desire.  
But th'enterprise of Cremona aswell for the virtue of the defendants, as for that the great workings of pioneers draw a long time, proceeded every day with greater delays and temporizing then was looked for: for, the Duke who would needs have at the camp two thousand pioneers, a great quantity of munitions, and no less store of all sorts of instruments, made a continual working at the trenches of the castle and at the bastillion towards Paw, both to win that and to serve his turn of the Cavalier, notwithstanding that thenemies doubting of his intention, were retired many days before having made a strong rampart behind it: he drew a work also at the two heads of the trenches which went overthwait the castle green, the better to beat the Cavaliers which the enemies had made there: And between the two trenches of the camp, he cast an other trench of six faddom broad, providing that during the labour of the pioneers they should be covered with earth and other matter for their defence both on front & in flank: The reason of this work was, to make a cavalier at such time as they should be come to the ditch of thenemies trench: Moreover he caused to cast a ditch without the castle towards the town wall, the better to have way to the bastillion towards the wall that was ruinat; he made an other trench at Saint Luke's gate drawing even up to the wall: And by the commodity of these labours and workings, he ceased not with th'artilleries planted within the castle, to execute upon the ramparts of thenemies, which for the alteration of the earth much used and loossened, did easily damp and moderate the shot of th'artilleries: On the other side the defendants within, lost no time: for, distrusting to be long able to keep trenches and cavalyers, they made a ditch towards the houses of the town, and yet made many brave issues and sallies and with great courage charged upon the works of thenemies: Insomuch as the night before the seventh day, they set upon in three places those trenches which thenemies cast upon the side of the castle: where finding sleeping in their security the bands of footmen that were set to guard them, they slew more than a hundred together with certain Captains, and followed the charge even up to the ravelyn before the castle: Nevertheless notwithstanding their valour, which in those extremities lay not idle, and notwithstanding their industry and perpetual working at ramparts and trenches, yet they were more and more reduced into strait terms, and their affairs declining by swift degrees to dominution: for, the Duke having made way with his trenches even to their ramparts which separated the castle from the town, went on vexing them with certain troupes of shot & other soldiers covered with their targets, by whom they received great harms as also by the artilleries from the towers of the castle: By reason of these harms th'imperials, not to give favour to thenemies by any of their labours, burned their rampar which they made at the Cavalier to th'end it should not serve for a parapet to those that were without: And about the neenetenth day two trenches of theirs within their ditches, being beaten open and flat, they retired with the other trenches, of which the Duke of Urbin made small account, both for that for the shortness of time they could not be well fortified, And also by their retiring more at large and abroad, there must be necessarily a greater guard to defend them. But notwithstanding all these works were managed to a good end and issue, yet the proceedings of the camp were but slow for the necessity to reorder & renew the regiment of the Venetian footmen who had been long time without pay, for which cause they were greatly diminished in numbers, as always in the affairs of the confederates one disorder happened upon an other: And as th'imperials partly to apply to their advantage the disorders of the camp, & partly to follow the favour of other occasions, did make many sallies by night to prove & provoke the trenches, So all their valour and labour was in vain, for that their enemies were now made wise by th'experience of the harms they had received there before: Insomuch as at last, the Duke of Urbin having now got a sufficient strength of footmen, began the xxij day to make a violent battery upon a tower which afforetymes had been battered by Federyk, where after he had executed certain shot of cannon, he found thenemies reduced to such terms of weakness, as they could not refuse to compound: In which opinion he sent out a trumpet to summon them to tender the town, with whom came forth a captain launceknight, and a Spanish captain together with Guido Vaino: The day following the capitulation went between them and the Duke, that if they were not succoured by the end of the month, they should departed out of Cremona: That it should be permitted to the lanceknights 
Cremona rendered to the confederates.  to go into Germany and the Spaniards to the Realm of Naples: That in four months they should not bear arms for the defence of the state of Milan: That they should leave all their artilleries and munitions, And go out with their ensigns folded up and without sound of drum or trumpet other then at such time as they levied and broke up.  
A little after this time there was sent to remain in the French Court as Legate, Cardinal Saluiatio who was departed out of Spain with the leave of th'emperor: And in this mean while the French king had answered to the requests that were made to him by the Pope: Wherein he excused himself by his great want and necessity of money, that his doings and actions were not correspondent to his will and affection: But if he might have a permission to levy throughout all his realm, a tenth of the revenues of benefices, he would relieve him with twenty thousand ducats monthly of that collection, and would be also concurrant with him in the wars of Naples: he refused to hearken to the conquest of the Duchy of Milan for himself, from the which his mother and Monsr Lawtrech did chief draw him, notwithstanding he had declared from the beginning, a good inclination that way: he gave him hope that he would go on with the war beyond the Mounts, But he alleged that it was necessary thintimation proceeded, which being done, he offered to begin the war upon Flaunders side and Parpignan: And yet it was discerned that he had no disposition to it, his intention therein being nothing different from the will of the king of England, with whom th'expedition sent by the Pope served to no purpose, for that the Cardinal of York, whose humour was to entertain every one, and be sued unto of all men, would give no resolution: Only the king and the Cardinal made oftentimes this answer, The affairs of Italy appertain nothing to us.  
At this time the confederates fearing lest the Grisons, who, during the siege of the castle of Milan, had reconquered and razed Chiavana, would enter into the pay of the Duke of Bourbon, or at lest would suffer the lanceknights whom he expected for succours, to pass thorough their country: The Pope and Venetians bound themselves to take into their pay, two thousand footmen of the Grisons, and to pay to Captain Mus five thousand five hundred ducats which they had promised to him more by force then by friendship: This captain Mus was fled from the camp fearing the Duke of Milan who was then come to th'army, and afterwards pretending that there was money owing to him for the pays of the Swizzers, he detained prisoners two Ambassadors of the Venetians who had been sent into France: The obligations of the Pope & Venetians stretched also to deliver them of the new taxes imposed upon such as traffiked in navigation upon the lake of Coma. And touching the Grisons, they bond themselves to stop the passage of the lanceknights, and wrought so as Tegane their captain who had compounded with the Duke of Bourbon to serve him with two thousand footmen, advanced not. In the mean while the affairs of Italy proceeded coldly: for, the army that was before Milan, wherein was greatly diminished the numbers of such Swizzers as were not paid, lay with an idle camp without doing any other action then interchange of light skirmishes according to custom: But an other humour reigned in the Spaniards that lay within Carpy, who forbore not to do the worst they could, & being secretly advertised by their espials, (taking withal the commodity to withdraw themselves upon the lands of the Duke of Ferrara) they gave many impediments to the Corriers and other persons going to th'army: In which liberty running over all the country thereabouts even upon the confines of the Bolonnois and Mantuans, they committed very many insolences & harms, but not to any others than the subjects of the Church. At last the Marquis of Salussa passed the mounts with five hundred french lances, by reason of whose coming, Fabricio Maramo who battered the town of Valence and lay encamped before it, (john Biragno lying there in garrison) retired himself to Bassignan: But the Marquis refused to pass further unless a regiment of four thousand footmen whom he had led out of France for that intention, were paid by the confederates by equal portion: which in the end by necessity was consented unto, the rather for the instance and importunity of the king, who solicited it vehemently for the surety of his men at arms, and to raise into greater degrees the reputation of the Marquis.  
In this time Synybald Fiesque made himself Lord of the town of Pontriemoli, which Sforzino held, but it was eftsoons recovered with the same facility, by the mean of the castle: within Milan was great want of money, since both there was none received from th'emperor, and thinhabitants within were so impoverished by their intolerable defrayments that scarcely could they furnish the thirty thousand ducats promised to the Duke of Bourbon: who had received into his pay Galeaz Biragne and Lodowick Belioyense who till that day had always followed the french part: The reason was, for that the confederates could not accept them for the intolerable burdens of charges which they sustained. About this time john Biragno got Nonny.  
During these stirs the state of the Marquis of Mantua stood almost indifferent and common to all sides, wherein he excused himself for that he was in the pay of the Pope, and a freeholder of th'emperor: And to hold still his estate of indifferency, when the end of the term of his pay drew near, he put himself of new into the pay of the Pope and the Florentines for four years more, with this express condition that neither in his person nor with his estate, he should be bound to any thing against th'emperor: And yet in the beginning of the war he desired to go in person to the army, which being not agreeable to the Pope as having no confidence in his government, he was answered that in regard he was a freeholder of th'emperor, he would not bring him so far in danger.  
This was the estate of affairs in Lombardy at that time.  
In Tuskane, albeit the Florentines had neither armies nor arms upon their lands and confines, yet were they not without their part of the burdens of the war, for the contributions that were imposed upon them: for, the Pope who had no money by means ordinary, and would not make any levies or collections extraordinary, laid upon their shoulders with a great impiety almost the whole weight & charge of the expenses of Lombardie: The Siennois also were not without their vexation, on the sea side, for that Andrea Door commanding Talamone and Portherculo, made them stand continually upon their guard, notwithstanding not long after, Talamone was restored to the Siennois by the infidelity of a captain that was appointed to keep it: Their adversity also was increased by the vexation of thexiles of Sienna, who having supportation by the Pope, molested them in the parts of Maremma: Where john Pawle the son of Ranso de Cero who was entertained by the Pope, made himself Lord of Orbatella by a surprise that was made by certain horsemen of the gate of the town, which he followed forthwith with his companies.  
But at Rome the alteration was great and drew after it effects of right great consequence, such as took not their beginning of arms & open war, but were bred in the bosom of conspiracies and ambush: They brought no less infamy & slander to the Pope, than confusion and disorder to the affairs of Lombardie, where, by reason of the conquest of Cremona, was hoped a good issue of th'enterprise of Genes, and also to be able to dispose the camp in two parts before Milan according to the plots set down at the first: for, like as since the chase given to thEcclesiastikes before Sienna, the Pope having no hope to do any great action upon the family of the Colonnoy, continued his inclination altogether to invade the realm of Naples with greater forces: So, on the other side, the Colonnois and th'emperors Agentes, finding by the disposition of their own affairs that they were able to do no notable matter against him, and desiring to keep him still amused, & to take time from him until the Viceroy were come out of Spain with the navy: They sent to Rome Vespasian Colonne in whose fidelity the Pope reapposed much, by whose means they fell to capitulat together the two and twenty of August: That the Colonnois should 
Capitulation between the Colonnois and the Pope to deceive him.  tender Auaguo with other places which they had taken: That they should withdraw their power to the kingdom of Naples, and entertain no more bands of soldiers in the towns which they possessed in the dominion of the Church: That they might freely serve th'emperor against all men for the defence of the kingdom of Naples: and on the Pope's side it was agreed, that he should pardon all offences past, and revoke and abolish the bull published against the Cardinal Colonno: That he should not invade their estates, nor suffer them to be endamaged by the Vrsins: By reason of this reconciliation, the Pope, who very undiscreetly reapposed too much in the fidelity of Vespasian, dismissed almost all his horsemen and footmen which he had waged, and those bands that remeined, he dispersed them in several towns about Rome, and from thenceforth seemed to grow cold in all things that concerned the plot of invading the kingdom of Naples: for, as by the complaints and protestations which ordinarily came from Milan and Genes to th'emperors officers resident in the realm of Naples, it was discerned that those Cities would hold out no longer unless the confederates were turned from the pursuit of their enterprise with a mighty diversion: So thEmperours Captains and officers there having no mean to make openly a strong war such as was able to administer a speedy remedy, took an other course, and disposed immediately all their thoughts and spirits to oppress the Pope with ambushes & devices: Such is the operation of minds malicious & ambitious, that the thing which the law of equity and order denieth them to do, & their forces too weak to further the impiety of their heart, they will not fail to follow it to effect with conspiracy and infidelity.  
Whilst these practices were in preparation, the almighty God bringing to pass 
King of Hungry overthrown in battle by Solyman.  that to the affliction which the Pope suffered for his affairs particular, should be adjoined other visitations more public and general: advertisements came that Solyman Ottoman Prince of the Turks had overthrown in a battle ranged and accomplished, Lewis king of Hungry, a victory which it was supposed the Turk won no less through the temerity of his enemies, then by his own valour & forces: for, the Hungarians notwithstanding their numbers were but small in comparison of so huge an army of their enemies, & in their rashness reapposing more for themselves in their victories passed against the Turks, then in the estate and condition of things present: yet they persuaded their king who being young in age and years, was also more young in council & judgement, that not to obscure the ancient reputation and glory of war gotten by his peoples, and less attending the succours that were to come to him from Transiluania, he would advance his forces and go seek the enemy, and not refuse to fight with them in open field, a manner of action wherein the Turks are almost invincible by reason of their infinite numbers of horsemen: So that the event and effect falling out all one with their rashness & indiscretion, his army being compounded of all the nobility and valiant men of his realm, was overthrown with a great slaughter of the general multitude of soldiers, and the death of the king's person with many of the principal Barons and Prelates of the realm. This victory both bloody for the slaughter, and dangerous for the consequence, brought an universal terror and astonishment over all the regions and lands of Christendom, every one seeing in his own judgement that nothing could hold back the Turk from appropriating to himself the whole realm of Hungria which for so many years had been the only bulwark and defence of Christendom: And as in the minds of men already troubled and afflicted, new displeasures and accidents make a deeper impression, than they do in such spirits as are free and void of passion: So this overthrow was to the Pope above all other Princes, most bitter and grievous, insomuch as expressing in his actions, in his words, and in his countenance, great tokens of inward dolour and heaviness, he complained in that grief afore the Cardinals sitting in consistory of so great a damage and ignominy done to the common weal of Christendom: Which for his part he had not failed both to foresee & provide for, as well by exhorting and persuading the Princes of Christendom to peace, as also in comforting in their most necessities the kingdom of Hungary, with a great contribution of money: he said that from the beginning he had foreseen and fortelled that that war would be full of incommodities, and a war very dangerous for the defence of that kingdom: Only he alleged that seeing there was no reckoning made of those reasonable conditions which he proponed for the tranquillity of the sea Apostolic and Italy, he was driven by necessity to have recourse to arms and forces, contrary to his perpetual intention: Wherein he referred himself to be justified, both by the neutrality which he had used before that necessity, and also the conditions of the league which he had made respecting all the common benefit: All which he said answered sufficiently for him, that he had not been pushed on by any consideration of his proper interests, or particular respects of those of his family: But since it is Gods good pleasure happily for some good end, that the head and principal part of Christendom should be hurt, specially in a time when all the other members of the same body were divided into other thoughts than such as tended to the safety of the whole: He thought that the holy will of God was, that they should seek to cure so great a malady by some other mean: And therefore seeing that care appertained more to him then to any other in respect of his office of Pastor, he was determined contrary to all considerations of thincommodities, of the dangers, and of his dignity, and soliciting withal as soon as he could under some good conditions, a surceance of arms in Italy, to mount upon his galleys and in person to go seek the Princes of Christendom, and to solicit a holy and universal peace with persuasions, with petitions, and with tears: He exhorted the Cardinals to put themselves in preparation for this expedition, and with one frank readiness to dispose their minds and bodies to aid their common father in so holy an enterprise, which he besought God to bless & favour: And that if for the common sins of the world it could not be guided to his perfection, he besought the goodness of God, that at lest in the negotiation he would rather deprive him of life then of hope to accomplish it: for that (saith he) no infelicity, no adversity, no misery can happen to me so great, as in so dangerous and mortal astonishments, to lose both hope and mean to put to my hand for the remedy and redress of so general an evil.  
This protestation of the Pope was heard with great attention, and with no less compassion and devotion was it holden for recommended and esteemed: But it had imprinted a far greater operation, if his words as touching the person had carried so much fidelity and credit, as in themselves they seemed to bear authority and dignity: for, the most part of the Cardinals were of this opinion, that he was more touched with the consideration of the difficulties wherein the present war was reduced, then with any conscience of the danger of that kingdom: A matter which they proved by this observation, that he had taken arms against th'emperor in a time when, for the open preparations of the Turks, the danger of the realm of Hungary was manifest and undoubted: But of this there could not be made a true experience: for, the faction of the Colonnois beginning to execute the treason they had pretended, sent Caesar Filettin their confederate, with a strength of two thousand footmen, to Agnano, where was a garrison for the Pope, of two hundred footmen paid: And in the manner of their doings, the better to keep covered and hid their thoughts and intentions, they made show as though they would take the town: But for that in true meaning their purpose drew to an other effect, they occupied all the passages, and with an extreme diligence cut of from coming to Rome all mean of advertisement of their enterprise: And in the mean while after they had assembled their forces which they had sent to keep about Agniano, and together with those bands that were with themselves, were reduced all into one strength which happily might contain in all about eight hundred horsemen and three thousand footmen, all trained and disciplined, they marched in great celerity towards Rome where was holden no suspicion nor doubt of their coming: They arrived there the night before the twenty day of September, where in their first action, they took by surprise three gates of Rome, making their entry by the gate of Saint john de Latran. There met them in person not only Askanio Colonno and Don Hugo de Moneado (for the Duke of Sesso was dead before at Marino) but also Vespasian who had solicited th'accord and given his faith as well for him as for all the residue: There was also in person Cardinal Pompey Colonno, a man so far overcarried with ambition and fury, that he had not only conspired the death of the Pope in cruel manner, but also, by bloody hands and means full of impiety and sacrilege, he had aspired to the seat pontifical, constraining with force and arms, the Cardinals to make election of his person whom he knew they would not call for his virtue or merits: About the breaking of the day, the Pope had information of their arrival, being by that time all assembled about Saint Cosmo and Saint Damiano: And what by the suddeinnes of th'accident tending to a manifest surprise, and by the operation of his own frailty, which by so much was redoubled, by how much his peril was present and desperate, he sought in this astonishment and confusion to appease the tumult with his authority: for, neither had he ready any forces particular to defend the danger that his destiny pulled on, neither did the people of Rome make any sign to stir, partly for that it grieved not them to see him fall into inconvenience whom they loved not, and partly according to the humour of populars, they made as though a vexation public and general did nothing touch nor concern them: By reason of which weakness of the Pope, and want of inclination in the people, thenemies with these opportunities advanced forward and with all their bands, stayed at Santo Apostolo, from whence they sent beyond Tiber by the bridge Sista, a strength of five hundred footmen with certain horsemen: Who, after a small resistance, repulsed from the portal of Santo Spirito, Stephen Colonno being in the Pope's pay and appointed to that place with two hundred footmen: Then, taking the way of the old suburbs, they drew to Saint Peter'S and to the bishops palace where the Pope was: no less doubtful of his safety then deprived of all assurance and virtue in so great a distress: he called in vain upon the succours of God and men, and yet having a glorious desire to die in the seat of his dignity, he prepared himself with the habit and ornaments of his calling to take his seat in the chair pontifical, according to th'example of Pope Boniface the eight when he was surprised and restrained by the Colonnois. In his fear and astonishment he could not discern the way of his safety, and in that desperate account of himself and his estate, he was without all consideration that sudden actions pushed on with that property of fury and rage, have their ordinary dissolution before they come to work the worst that the timorous man in his frail conceits doth imagine: Only he found comfort and care in the Cardinals that were about him, who with a resolution above the greatness of their peril, conjured him to change his timorous devise to die in his chair, and willed him to go out though not for his own respect, at lest for the reputation of the holy sea lest the honour of God were wickedly and wretchedly offended in the person of his Vicaire: By their persuasions he retired together with such of them as he trusted most, into the castle about ten a clock: if in his fear he had lingered there longer, he had seen with his eyes that spectacle of calamity which in his timorous condition he always doubted: for, by that time he was removed, all the horsemen & footmen together with the whole army were assembled before the palace, & in their fury not sparing the place which at other times in their modesty they reverenced, they entered & sacked the palace making violation and pillage of all the holy ornaments of S. Peter: Their insolency took from them all regard to the Majesty of religion, & whose hearts had rejected all devotion and piety, their hands took liberty to profane all things that their fury could found out, yea they made as small ceremony to ransack the holy things of Rome, as the Turks did in the Churches of the realm of Hungary: And being made weary with running thorough the spoil of things rich and precious they left in their fullness to make further pillage of the holy relics, & in their rage they retired to the new suburbs of which they sacked about the third part, and passed no further for fear of the artilleries of the castle: This was the last act & passage of their fury, which they seemed there to restrain & cut of, not that their rage was fully satisfied, but because their hands were weary with robbing: A tumult which they exeouted with so much the less impediments by how much more they forbore in their liberty to do any damage to the people of Rome: And after they had continued three hours in this licentious execution, Don Hugo under the Pope's faith & receiving as hostages for his surety the Cardinals Cibo & Rodolffo the Pope's cosines, went up to the castle to speak with the Pope, to whom using the terms & phrases that appertained to a victor, he set down to him conditions of truce: whereupon answer being deferred till the day following, the composition was concluded in this sort: That there should be between the Pope aswell in his own name as in the name of the confederates, 
Truce between the Pope and th'emperor.  & between the Emperor a truce for iiij. months, with liberty to the confederates to enter within ij. months: That in the same truce should be comprehended not only thestate ecclesiastic, & the realm of Naples: but also the Duchy of Milan, the Florentines, the Genoese, the Siennois and the Duke of Ferrara & all the subjects of the Church mediate, & immediate: That the Pope should be bound to retire immediately on this side the river of Paw, his men of war that lay before Milan, and to call home from his army by sea, Andrea Door with his galleys: That he should be bound to pardon all the Collonnois & any other whosoever was party to this commotion: That he should be bound to deliver for hostages of observancy, Philip Strozzi & one of the sons of james Saluiatio, and to sand them to Naples within two months upon pain to lose thirty. thousand ducats: That th'imperials & the Colonnois should departed out of Rome and all the estate ecclesiastic and retire their forces to the kingdom of Naples.  
This truce was willingly accepted both by the one & other party: it was acceptable to the Pope for that he had not in the castle sufficient provision of victuals: And Don Hugo (though contrary to th'instance of the Colonnois) thought it now time to take up both for that he had done enough for th'emperor, and also he saw most of those soldiers that had entered Rome with him, dispersed hear & there, being more laden with prey & booty, then bearing aptness to any further service: But this truce broke all the devices & plots of Lombardie, & took away all the fruit of the victory of Cremona: for, notwithstanding almost at the same time, the Marquis of Salusso was come to the army with the french lances, yet the Pope's regiments beginning to fail who for the most part by reason of the truce retired to Plaisanca, the seventh of October: yet the devise to sand soldiers to Genes was no less dissolved and disordered, than the resolution to environ Milan with two armies: Wherein the matter that helped also to this alteration and trouble, was the Duke of Urbin, who after he had made a composition with those in Cremona, went to visit his wife at Mantua, without tarrying for the consignation, notwithstanding he was credibly advertised of the truce made at Rome: And having accorded to the companies that were within Cremona, a prolongation of time to depart, there was so long tarrying about Cremona before they dislodged, that he came not to the army with those companies that were before Cremona before the midst of October, A matter that brought great prejudice to all the affairs: both for that there was solicitation made to sand men to Genes, which Peter Navarre and the Venetian treasurer of the army by sea demanded with greater instance than ever, for that (all the Venetian regiments being reassembled) there were in the army so many forces as might suffice for that effect, without that it was needful for that matter to remove the camp: And also for that the Marquis of Salussa had brought with him five hundred lances and four thousand footmen, besides a daily expectation of two thousand Grisons who were waged according to th'accord made with them: And lastly the Pope, albeit he made open demonstrations to observe the truce, yet his intention being otherwise, he had left in th'army fourethousande footmen with john de Medicis, under pretence that the French king should pay them: An excuse not without apparent colours, for that john de Medicis was always in the king's pay, and in his name retained continually a company of men at arms. At last th'imperials that were within Cremona 
Cremona given by the confederates to Fr. Sforce.  went out of that City, the possession whereof was consigned over to Francis Sforce: The lanceknights with their captain Conradin took their way to Trent: But the horsemen and footmen of the Spaniards having passed over Paw to return to the Realm of Naples, and the Pope's Lieutenant making difficulty to give them sufficient passeportes and safeconduites, for that it was contrary to the Pope to suffer them to go to the Realm of Naples: they suddenly turned their way, and went up by the Mountain of Parma▪ and Plaisanca: and after with great diligence they repassed the river of Paw at Chiarella, from whence they went in safety to Lomelino, and so to Milan: And the Pope's Lieutenant Guicciardin for thobservancy of the truce, did not only go from before the walls of Milan with the Pope's regiments, but also Andrea Door removed himself from Genes with his galleys: Out of which town not many days before, were issued six thousand footmen aswell bodies paid and waged, as men voluntary and followers, with direction to set upon the six hundred footmen who were upon the land with Philip Fiesquo: who with the favour of the top of the Mountains near to Portofino, had so fortified himself with ramparts and bastillions, that he constrained them to retire with their great loss: And yet not many days after, Andrea Dore returned to Portofino with six galleys, to continued together with the residue, the siege of Genes by sea.  
At the same time that these matters succeeded in italy with diverse events, 
The league signified to the emperor.  the Ambassadors of the Pope, the French king, and the Venetians, signified to th'emperor the fourth day of September, the League that was made, together with the liberty that was left to him to enter according to the conditions set down in the Capitulations: At which an Ambassador of England being present, he delivered to th'emperor from his king a letter, modestly persuading him to enter into the League. The Emperor heard with great affability the reasons and relations of th'ambassadors, but he answered them, that it agreed not with his dignity to enter into a confederation made principally against his estate and his honour: Only he had been always most devout and disposed to have an universal peace, according to which inclination still continuing, he offered to accomplish it presently, if they had sufficient warrant & commissions for the same: Nevertheless it was believed that his intention was far otherwise, and that he did but insinuat that offer for his greater justification, and to give occasion to the king of England to defer to enter into the league, and also to make cold with that hope, the preparations of the confederates, and so under the treaty of peace, to lead them into some jealousy & distrust: And yet notwithstanding this practice, he solicited on the other side the provisions for the army by sea, which was supposed to be forty ships and six thousand men paid: And the rather to make that army advance being assembled at the notable port of Carthage, the Viceroy departed from the Court the xxiv. day of September: By which expedition and celerity it seemed that th'emperor was more ready and careful of his affairs then the French king, who notwithstanding he was pressed with so great interests and considerations, yet he forbore not to follow the humour of his negligence and passed forth the most part of his time in the pleasures of hunting, dancing, and making court to Ladies: And then were his captive children carried up to Valdolit, when it was manifestly discerned that there was no more hope that th'accord would be observed. The coming of this army by sea compelled the Pope to take arms, who with the jealousy of those appearances, could not but doubt of the fidelity of the Viceroy and the Spaniards: In which danger he did not only call to Rome Vitelly with his regiments and the bands of his Nephews, but also he called in for his safety an hundred men at arms of the Marquis of Mantua, and an hundred light horsemen of Peter Maria Rosso: and there was sent to him from the army two thousand Swizzers at his charges, and three thousand footmen Italians: Nevertheless he continued still and assured from one time to an other, that he would go into Spain to confer with th'emperor, from the which most of the Cardinals dissuaded him, the rather for that he followed an action uncertain, advising him first to send thither his Legates.  
But now to return to the army which the confederates kept encamped before 
Deliberation of the duke of Urbin.  Milan: After the duke of Urbin was returned thither, who saw there was no hope to carry the town either by force or by famine, and being with great importunity solicited by the capteins of the sea army to sand out soldiers to vex by land the people of Genes: he determined for the better advancement of that expedition, to draw the army far from the walls of Milan, & yet he made such disposition & direction of things, that all reasort of victuals that was to come to that city was cut off & stopped: for which occasion and to have the better opportunity to that action, he began to fortify Monce, to leave there with more surety some crew of soldiers, both to impeach the traffic of victuals from the Mount Brianso and other places confining, and also by the commodity of that fortification to transport the army into such a place as might restrain the markets of victuals coming continually to Milan from Biagresso & Pavia: And afterwards that place being reduced to good strength & fortification, the direction extended that the Marquis of Salusso should march to Genes with his footmen accompanied for his better strength with an other regiment of Swizzers, A proportion which the sea armies did much desire, for that the town of Genes laboured in such extreme wants of victuals that it could scarcely hold out any longer: But as these deliberations & directions were such as they could not be put to execution but with a far greater tract and longness of time, than either was agreeable to the estate of affairs, or the necessities of Genes could endure: So for that the only mean to carry that city, rested in no other property of action then in the stopping of the resort of victuals which passed thither by land, those counsels took no resolution, nor were not referred to effect, notwithstanding there were in the army 4000 Swissers, 2000 Grisons, the regiment of 4000 footmen of the Marquis of Salusse, and 4000 others under john de Medicis paid by the Pope, together with the bands of footmen of the Venetians, which according to thobligation of the league, and testimony & reapport of themselves, were assured to contain a strength of ten thousand men: but in truth upon the just moostring & view of the bands, they contained a far less number: At last, being the last of October, the army dislodged from the place where it had so long encamped, and drew to Pioltello five miles from the first lodging, but in discamping they had a great skirmish with the soldiers of Milan, in which Bourbon was in person: Thintention of the Duke of Urbin was to stay at Pioltello until the fortifications were ended at Monce, where he devised to leave in garrison two thousand footmen with certain helps of horsemen, and so to go to Marignan where he was determined to lodge the army: and from thence having first taken and fortified that place & also Biagressa as he supposed, he thought to sand bands of men to Genes: Expeditions which drew with them so long an execution that there was reason to accuse him, notwithstanding that he alleged for one part of his excuse the ill provisions of the Venetians, who not paying their footmen in time convenient, neither had they their numbers complete which were promised, & many of those which they had diminished always for the uncertenty of their pays, the Duke was constrained when the pay days came, to furnish their places with others, in such sort as he seemed to have every day new companies and a new army. But this deferring or protraction which hitherunto seemed voluntary, began to have a cause and cooler of necessity: for after many negotiations and practices holden in Germany to send a new strength of footmen into Italy, the same serving to no effect aswell for the disability of th'archduke, as for the poverty of th'emperor who sent no money thither: George Frougspergh for the affection he bore to the affairs of the Emperor, joined to a desire to advance the glory of his nation, and who with great merit had at two several times commanded in Italy two great armies for the Emperor against the Frenchmen, determined to supply with his goods and faculties private, the charge which princes for their weakness were not able to undertake: he stirred up with his authority many bands of footmen, whom he alured with the sweet insinuation of prey and booty, concurring withal the good opportunity and occasion that offered to make them rich with the spoils of Italy: And after he had contracted with them that in receiving for every man a crown in priest, they would follow him to the succours of th'emperor, And obtained of th'archduke certain aids of horsemen and artilleries, he prepared to march, making the general mooster and leavy of all his men between Bolzano and Maran. The rumour of this preparation for the suddenness not expected, and for the authority of the man much redoubted, piercing easily into the bowels of Italy, was the cause that the Duke of Urbin went not on with his resolution to molest Genes, which was now reduced almost to the last extremity: And yet Andrea Door for that he would have th'expedition advanced, abated some part of his first demands, and required now but fifteen hundred footmen, making his reckoning to furnish the residue by his own means: But the Duke refusing also that demand, alleged for his excuse, that it was necessary to send from the army upon the country of Vincensa, a strength of 1500. footmen of the Venetians, for a fear which that Senate had lest the army of the lanceknights would take that way: An opinion which the Duke confuted, persuading himself that they would rather take the way of Lecqua, and for that reason he stirred not from Pioltella for that he would be more near the river of Adda, And he published that he would march to meet them and fight with them beyond Adda at their coming out of the vale of Sarcina.  
By these variations as the affairs of Lombardy began to draw to new & far greater difficulties, so also there burst out in the town of Rome a fresh fire of trouble and new vexation: for the Pope, who for the accident of the Colonnois was pulled down in courage, and in an inclination to peace, was bend to go by sea to Barcelona to contract some accord with th'emperor: assoon as his enemies were gone out of Rome, had sent Paul d'Arezze his chamberlain to the french king, and from him to pass to the Emperor with his privity, to negotiate the peace: his commissions extended also to signify to the king his necessities & his dangers, and to demand an hundred thousand crowns for his better defence: In which matters he seemed so discordant and disagreeable to himself, that in demanding money of the king, and urging him to a greater readiness in the war, he would not only not consent to the tenths without condition of a moiety to himself, which the king refused under this reason that it was contrary to the tradition & usage of France: but also in his contradiction he could not be resolved to created Cardinal the Chancellor Prat, who both for the authority & swaigh he bore in the king's councils, and for that all expeditions of money passed through his hands, might have been a necessary instrument to help forward all his purposes: Such was his confusion, that his counsels were no less dilatory and slow, than th'execution uncertain and irresolute: which passion as it took beginning of his astonishment for the tumult of the Colonnois, so it went on increasing by new terrors whose operations led him into manifest contradiction in matters concerning his own safety. But the French king forgot not to be sorrowful with Paul d'Arezzo and the other Nuncios, for the accident of Rome, and in that compassion he offered to the Pope all things for his defence, and wishing he would reappose no more confidence in th'emperor, he advised him to persever no longer in the truce: upon which condition and not otherwise, he promised still to satisfy the twenty thousand ducats which he was bound unto for every month. To this the Pope was also advised by the king of England, who dissuaded him from his voyage to Barcelona, and to comfort his present distress, he sent him xxv. thousand ducats. The French king discounselled the Pope from his purpose to go visit the Princes of Christendom, as being a matter which for the importance required a deeper consultation: And at the first he refused to consent that Paul d'Arezze should go to th'emperor, either for suspicion that the Pope would begin to entertain with him some practice separate, or else that he held it a matter more honourable to work the peace by the mean of the king of England, then to seem under those ways to beg it of th'emperor: Nevertheless by a new instance made by the Pope, he gave his consent to let him go, either for that he desired the peace in deed, or else because he began not well to brook to have it wrought by the king of England: who bore such a hand and government in these actions, that the French king could not but doubt, lest for his interests particular, he would draw him to conditions hard and inconvenient: Wherein he took the reason of his doubt upon the disposition of the king of England, or rather the Cardinal of York under his name, who carried with ambition and a glorious desire to be judge of all, set down conditions very strange and far of, and having also ends different from the purposes of others, he feared by reason of those ends lest he would suffer him to be abused by th'emperor, and would not be grieved that the Duchy of Milan should fall upon the person of the Duke of Bourbon by the benefit of the peace so farforth as he married th'emperor's sister, to th'end it remained in his power to give his daughter in marriage to the French king. So that what by these persuasions tendered to the Pope by the one and other king, and what through his fear not to lose thamity of the confederates, and so by the privation of their aids, to remain in pray to th'emperor and his officers: and what by th'importunities and vehement inducements of his own counsellors: and what for the hatred and disdain conceived against the Colonnois, together with the burning desire to recover by way of revenge the honour he had lost: he was induced to convert against the towns & lands of the Colonnois, all those forces which he had called into Rome only for the surety of his person. And in this variation and ballansing of reasons and causes, he judged there was no law of equity nor order to compel him to observe th'accord which he had not made by will and free consent, but under the abuse of their frauds and forced by their arms contrary to the law of faith: he sent out immediately Vitelly with his companies to vex the lands of the Colonnois, making his account to burn and raze all their towns, for that for the ancient affection of thinhabitants, it could not be a matter very prejudicial to them to take the towns only without doing other violence: And in the humour of his anger he published a Bull against the Cardinal and others of that famuly, by virtue whereof he proceeded afterwards to deprive the Cardinal of the purple hat, who seeking before to defend himself with the bull of simony, had made public appellations at Naples, and had appealed to the general council to come: only the Pope deferred to pronounce sentence against the residue of the house of the Colonnois, who were not negligent to wage both horsemen & footmen in the realm of Naples: But the Pope's bands being entered into their towns, they burned Marina, & Montfortin whose castle held good as yet for the Colonnois: And in this rage of victory & advantage, they razed Gallicana and Tagarola, the Colonnois being careless of all other towns, then to defend their places of strength, & chief the town of Paliano which is a piece strong by situation & of very hard access for great artilleries: beside, hath no access but by three ways whereof one can not succour an other: and having about it walls of good fortification & thickness, the inhabitants were determined with great resolution to defend it: Nevertheless it was believed that if he had marched with diligence to assail it notwithstanding many of th'inhabitants of those towns that had been taken were retired thither, he had easily carried it, for that there was not a soldier within it: but whilst he stood temporizing & deferring to go thither, following the inclination & working of his nature which was full of irresolution & fear when things were to be put in execution: There entered into the town by night a strength of 500 footmen aswell lanceknights as Italians, being sent from the realm of Naples: a relief which as it made the taking of the town so hard & desperate, that Vitelli who at the same time kept his companies about Grotta Ferrata, not daring to attempt further enterprise upon Paliano, & much less to execute any action against the piece called the Pope's rock: So after he had sent to batter with his artilleries the rock of Montfortin guarded by the Colonnois, he determined to gather together all his forces at Valmonton, more to look to the defence of the country if any stir or emotion were made on Naples side, then with hope to be able to do any thing of importance: for the which he was blamed much of the Pope, who at a time when his devise was to invade the kingof doom Naples, and afterwards when he called into Rome the regiments for his defence, wished to be sent thither Vitelli & john de Medicis, two captains who as they were conjoined together by amity and alliance, so by a natural correspondency of complexion, the slowness and coldness of the one seemed sufficient both to balance and temper and also to be balanced and tempered of the valour and forwardness of the other: But destiny drawing to a sudden death in Lombardy john de Medicis, and the Pope by the counsel of his lieutenant serving his turn in the mean while of Vitelly in lesser things, had deferred to call john de Medicis until either there were a greater necessity of him, or else he taired for an offer & occasion of some more worthy enterprise: Wherein his reason to forbear so long to call john de Medicis, was, that he would not deprive the army that was in Lombardy of a parsonage of so many merits and good parts, who by his resolution and forwardness gave no little terror to his enemies, and by his virtue and providence did much assure his friends: And one inducement helping to his stay and abiding, was, the rumour which by relation of espials redoubled daily, of the descending of the lanceknights for th'emperor, whose coming joined to thadvertisements that ran of the Spanish Navy to be upon the point to departed out of the port of Carthage, constrained the Pope (being withal urged by many of the confederates and by his own counsellors) to devise, contrary to his meaning always before, to make some composition with the Duke of Ferrara: Not so much to stand assured of his conspiracies and emotions, as to draw from him some great quantity of money, and to induce him to go to the army as captain general of all the League: Wherein after he had many times dealt with Matthew Casella the Duke's Ambassador resident with him, who assured him that in the Duke was no want of inclination that way: he sent to his lieutenant Guicciardin, who was then at Parma, to go to Ferrara, furnishing him with a Commission very large in appearance, but in deed full of restraints and limitations, for that he would have him consent to tender to the Duke of Ferrara the towns of Modena and Reggia: and he to pay in recompense and counterchange, in a very short time, two hundred thousand ducats: To bind the Duke to declare and protest openly and to go to the army as captain general of the 
Catherine de Medicis.  League: That his eldest son should take in marriage Catherine the daughter of Laurence de Medicis: That there should be labour made to give one of the Duke's daughters in marriage to Hippolito de Medicis son of julian, with a convenient dowry: Many other conditions were annexed to this commission, which for that by their own variety and for the shortness of the time, were almost impossible to be decided, yet the Pope notwithstanding he condescended not to them but by a last necessity, yet he charged him not to pass th'accord nor to grow to absolute conclusion till he had from him new directions and other instructions: But not long after he enlarged his commission, aswell for regard of the conditions, as for authority and power to conclude: The reason of this amplification was, that he had received credible advertisement, how the Viceroy of Naples was arrived with xxxij. ships, in the gulf of S. Florent in Corsika, and had brought with him three hundred horse, twothousande lanceknights, and three or four thousand Spaniards footmen. But now the Pope's will and working was to little purpose, for that a gentleman of the Duke of Ferrara's being with the Viceroy, who with great diligence was dispatched from the place abovesaid, did not only signify to the duke the coming of the army by sea, but also he carried unto him from th'emperor, the investiture of Modena and Reggia, with words of promise of the next marriage of Lady Margerit d'Austriche bastard daughter to th'emperor, with Hercules' eldest son to the Duke: By reason of which advertisements, the Duke, who before expected with great desire the coming of the lieutenant, began now under the accident of this occasion to change counsel: and discerning both by the approach of the lanceknights and descending of the army by sea, some good fortune to begin to follow th'emperors affairs, he failed not to embrace th'opportunity to follow the stream, and in that variation of mind sent a Counsellor of his called james Aluator to signify to the Pope's lieutenant, who being gone from Parma was then at Centa, the expedition he had received out of Spain: By the which, albeit he was not bound to declare himself neither against the Pope, nor against the league, yet for that he had received so great a benefit by th'emperor, it was not reasonable he should entertain any further practice against him: In which regard, the negotiation for the which he went to Ferrara being dissolved, he thought good to give him signification of it, to th'end not to give the Pope by his silence any just cause of discontentment against him: Nevertheless he would not forbidden him to come to Ferrara, but left it referred to his good discretion. The Lieutenant discerned manifestly by this relation that it would be in vain for him to go on to Ferrara, In which respect joining withal th'interest of the Pope's reputation to follow a voyage wherein was so small hope of fruit, and being also called back by the necessity of the affairs of Lombardy, he gave place to the operation of the time, and returned immediately to Modena, after he had (notwithstanding) preferred in other form new solicitations of accord, the rather for that the state of the Church on that side grew daily reduced into far greater dangers: for that George Fronspergh with his army of lanceknights containing thirteen or fourteen thousand, taking their way by the vale of Sabio, & so passing by the rock of Anfo towards Salo, were now come to chastilion upon the confines of Mantua. The Duke of Urbin not many days before to be the more ready to encounter the lanceknights, had led the army of the league to Vawry upon the river of Adda between Trezza and Cassan, and there had erected a bridge and fortified his camp: And leaving at Vawry the Marquis 
Duke of Urbin goeth against the lance knights of George Fronsp.  of Salussa with the French bands, the Swissers, the Grisons, and his own footmen, he departed himself from Vawry the xix. of November, leading with him john de Medicis, six hundred men at arms, many cornets of light horsemen, and eight or nine thousand footmen: His intention was not to set upon them directly in the plain field, but to vex them with incommodities and cut off their reliefs and virtels, alleging that the only way to vanquish men of that humour, was to drive them to fall into some disorder, which being well observed and applied, would do them greater damage than a manifest invasion: In which mind the one and twenty day he arrived at Souzin, from whence he caused to advance forward Mercurio with all the light horsemen and a band of men at arms, and they to entangle th'enemy with skirmish whilst the whole army might have time to overtake them: The reason of that advancing of the light horsemen and hasty marching of the army after, was, for that he feared he should come very late being lodged the same day at Cauriano: by which occasion excusing himself of his long tarrying at Vawry, he laid the fault upon the negligence and covetousness of the treasurer Pisani, through whose fault the camp was constrained to remain there a day or two more, tarrying for the oxen that should draw th'artilleries: of which fault he alleged afterwards did proceed a very great disorder, extending almost to the ruin of the whole enterprise. Until that time there was great doubt what way the lanceknights would take, for that at first it was believed they would draw towards Adda by Bressia and Bergama, with purpose to be met by the bands imperials, and so to go with them to Milan: And afterwards it was supposed that they would pass the river of Paw at Casal-Maior, and from thence would take their orderly march to Milan: But being come the xxij. day to Ryvolto within eight miles of Mantua between the rivers of Minceo and Oglio, the Duke of Urbin lodging the same day at Frato Albuino, it was known (for that they passed not Minteo at Goito) that they would go on to pass Paw rather at Bourgfort or Viadana then at Ostia or in the places more lower: But passing at Ostia, it was a manifest sign that they would take the way of Modena and Bolognia, in both which places there was made levies of footmen and other provisions: Afterwards the lanceknights took the way of Bourgfort the xxiv. day, whither, because they had no artilleries, the Duke of Ferrara sent them four Falconets by the river of Paw, which though of itself was but a very slender succour, yet it was very profitable to the service by the benefit of fortune: for, as the Duke of Urbin in following them was entered within the strait of Mantua, within the which they were as yet: So in their approaching to Bourgfort john de Medicis made after them with his light horsemen to charge them upon the tail, though with no reason or hope to do any great matter: and as he accosted them very near, not knowing that they had any artilleries, his destiny led him on in that secure resolution to the danger of his life, for that with the second shot of one of those Falconets, his leg was broken a little above the knee, from whence being carried wounded to Mantua, he ended his life there within few days after 
Death of john de Medicis.  to the great prejudice of th'enterprise, since thenemies never stood in fear of any man's arms or valour, then of his: for notwithstanding he had but xxij. years of age, and by that disposition of youth, was full of heat and forwardness, yet his experience and virtue subdued to moderation and temperance the rage of nature and youth, and daily ranged to good order and discretion, those violent humours which through the intemperancy of his youth took liberty to stir in him: And by the tokens of industry and wisdom appearing more and more in him, he carried an assured expectation to become in time a captain most sufficient and accomplished in all things concerning the science of war. After this the lanceknights without any impediment drew along the river of Paw to Ostia, the Duke of Urbin being at Bourgfort: And having passed over Paw at Ostia the xxviij. day, they encamped at Rovero, where the Duke of Ferrara sent them a certain relief of money, and furnished them with some field pieces. But the inhabitants of Bolognia and all Tuskane began to be very fearful, for that the Duke of Urbin, notwithstanding he had assured before that if thenemies passed the river of Paw, he would do the like, was gone to Mantua, saying he would tarry in that place for a commission from the Senate of Venice, to direct him whether he should pass Paw or not: But the lanceknights after they had passed the river of Sechia, turned to the way of Lombardy to join with the companies that were within Milan.  
At which time the Viceroy, who was departed from Corsika with xxv. vessels (for 
Encounter of the navy of th'emperor with the fleet of the confederates.  two of his ships were perished in a storm before he came to S. Florent, and five others were separate from the Navy abiding their fortune) encountered above Sestria in the Levant, the Navy of the league, which contained six galleys of the French, five of the Popes, and five of the Venetians: and being grappled together above Codemont, they fought from two of the clock till night: In which conflict it is written by Andrea Door that he sunk one of their ships wherein were more than three hundred men, and did many other great damages to the whole fleet with his artilleries: He wrote also that for the stormy season the galleys were constrained to retire under the hill of Portofino, expecting the same night the other galleys that were at Portovenere: But whether they came or not, he wrote that upon the appearing of the day they would go seek th'enemy: Nevertheless albeit they followed the fleet to Lyvorno, yet they could never overtake it, for the way they had won afore them, by which occasion believing that the fleet had run up either into Corso or into Sardignia, they were so much the less ready in diligence to follow it. Afterwards the Viceroy followed his way, but so shaken with storms and & tempests, that his ships were dispersed, whereof one of them commanded by Don Ferrand de Gonsaguo, was driven into Sicily, which afterwards came to Caietto, where were set on land certain lanceknights: But touching himself he arrived with the residue of the navy at the Port of Saint Stephen, from whence for that he was uncertain in what condition ortearmes stood the affairs, he sent to the Pope at Rome the Commander Pigualoso, with commissions expressing the good intentions of th'emperor: And after the rage of the sea was abated, he sailed with his Navy to Caietto.  
In this mean while the lanceknights after they had passed the river of Secchia 
The prince of Orange with the lanceknights.  and were drawn towards Razzolo and Gonsaguo, lodged the third day of December at Guastallo, and the fourth day at Newcastle and Powy which is ten miles from Parma: There the prince of Orange came to them passing from Mantua with two companions in the habit of a simple harquebuzier: The fift day after they had passed the river of Lenze above the bridge and the high way, they lodged at Monchiaroncolo, the Duke of Urbin remaining yet at Mantua with his wife and was not touched with the present danger of th'affairs: The seventh day after they had passed the river beyond Parma, they bestowed themselves in the villages of Felina. At that time the rains fell great and thick whereby the rivers swelled high and broad, and captain George by the relation of his letters written to the Duke of Bourbon and surprised by espial, showed himself very irresolute what course to take. The xi. day they passed the river of Taro, and the day following they lodged at the borrow Saint Donin, where they exercised their malice against holy relics and images of Saints: The xiii. day they encamped at Firenzolo, from whence as was discerned by surprising of letters, they solicited the bands of Milan to come and join with them, who albeit were agreeing with them in they same desire, yet the were retained by want of money: for the penury of the Spaniards carrying them into minds insolent and disobedient, made them bold to say that they would not depart out of Milan, unless they were satisfied of their old pays, and in that disorder they began to sack and spoil: But at last to stop the course of so daungerour a mutiny, the industry of the Captains reappeased the angry minds of the soldiers, who were contented to receive only five pays, which to furnish and accomplish they were driven to despoil the Churches of their plate, and to imprison many Citizens: Wherein the better to contain the whole in safety, such of the soldiers as were paid the Captains sent to Pavia, though with very great difficulty, for that they were loath to leave the place where they had lived with so great liberty: And because the action of these things would require some time, the Captains in the mean while sent beyond Paw certain bands of horsemen and footmen Italians to join with the lanceknights: And albeit the Pope's Lieutenant had made instance, that the duke of Urbin for the better surety of the state of the Church, would pass the river of Paw on that side with the Venetian regiments: yet the Duke had not only deferred to pass, alleging sometimes that he expected the will and resolution of the Venetians, and sometimes temporizing upon other causes and reasons, but also he gave signification to the Senate, that if he should lead the army over the river of Paw, there would be danger lest th'imperials would invade their estates: for which allegation holding more upon fear then good reason of war, he received strait charge from them not to pass the river: And he had also in that regard retained many days the bands of footmen that were under the commandment of john de Medicis, whom the Lieutenant had vehemently solicited to pass Paw for the defence of the affairs of the Church. And where as the Marquis of Salussa had passed the river of Adda, of whom the Lieutenant had required succours aswell to assure the things of the Church, as for that by the great diminution of the Swizzers and Grisons, he saw himself not strong enough at Vawry: Now the Venetians who before had consented that the Marquis should pass Paw to the succours of the Pope with ten thousand footmen both Swissers and of his own people, who were paid with the forty thousand ducats allotted to the French king, besought the Duke of Urbin that they might not be led over the river, being thereunto moved and induced by the persuasions of the said Duke: By reason whereof the Duke sending him word that he would confer with him at Sowzin deferred his coming so long, that the Marquis went his way: Wherein such was either his negligence of the affairs, or his timorous condition, that he did not only all he could to make him to stay, to th'end to behold with better eye what the lanceknights would do, but also he made manifest persuasions to him not to pass at all, An occasion that somewhat stayed him in th'expedition, as also that the pays of the Swissers were not ready, who were paid after the rate of six thousand and were in truth but four thousand: And albeit for that impediment he deferred to pass until the xxvij. of December▪ yet he sent abroad into diverse places of the country, the french horsemen with certain bands of footmen, to stop the passage of victuals to the lanceknights, who had now remained many days at Firenzola: for that service also was sent Guido Vuine to the borrow of Saint Domin with an hundred light horsemen: and Paul Lusasquo came out of Plaisanca with a good troop of horsemen, and drew near to Firenzola, from which place one part of the lanceknights went to lodge at the borrow of Arquo for the more commodity of victuals: For fear of the said lanceknights Plaisanca had been refurnished before, but not with so sufficient forces as were thought convenient for the defence of the place, for that the Pope's liftenaunt who had always feared since the coming of the lanceknights, lest the difficulties to advance their expeditions in Lombardy, would not force th'imperials to pass into Tuskane, wished that they would desire to go encamp before Plaisanca: for which reason unknown to all men yea even to the Pope himself, he so deferred to furnish Plaisanca that they might despair to be able to take it: and yet he manned it and fortified it in such sort as they could not easily carry it, leaving this hope, that if they went thither he could not lack mean to rescue it: But by the long abode which the lanceknights made in the places thereabout, and the universal exclamations of all men touching the danger, lest that city should be taken, he was driven to suffer Guido Rangon to go thither with a great company of soldiers, like as also according to the direction of the Venetians, who had promised to send thither for garrison a thousand footmen to secure the Pope's necessity, Nabbon de Naldo one of their captains, was dispatched thither with a regiment of a thousand footmen: but because they were ill paid, they were immediately diminished to four hundred. At last the Marquis of Salussa passed the river, who in true mooster and computation had not in his army above four thousand Swizzers and Grisons, and three thousand footmen of his own: And being come to Pulesina, notwithstanding he was desired not to departed from thence the better to vex the lanceknights who were at Firenzola, whither Lusasquo made incursions many times even up to their lodgings, yet for his better surety he went up to Torri●ella and Sissa: But amid these marchings and removings of soldiers and regiments, the lanceknights within two days after broke up from Firenzola, and went to Carpinetta and the places thereabouts: Neither was it known what course the Duke of Bourbon would take, whether he would plant his camp before Plaisanca being come out of Milan, or whether he would pass further in the expedition of Tuskane: Afterwards the lanceknights passed the river of Nuro the last day of the year, to th'end to pass afterwards the river of Trebbia, and to tarry for the Duke of Bourbon in that place, which was lest subject to th'incursions of th'enemy.  
Thus the affairs of Lombardy proceeded in a slow course, not so much for the season of the year which was sharp and full of incommodities, as for the difficulties which the Duke of Bourbon had to pay his soldiers wherein rested not the lest impediments to the good fortune and felicity of the war. The wretched people of Milan were wonderfully traveled for provision of money, In which necessity or rather tyranny, Jerome Moron being condemned to death, compounded the night before he should suffer, to pay twenty thousand ducats, for the which it seemed they had passed him to sentence of death: But after the relief of his purse had avoided the danger of his life, & under the same good mean his person was 
jerom Moron out of prison.  delivered out of prison, such was the course of his destiny working instrumentally by the dexterity of his spirit and wit, that of a prisoner to the Duke of Bourbon, he become his councillor, and within short time he went on by the operation of his wit, till he become almost his only governor and director.  
Nevertheless amid all these variations and vexations, the treatises of truce or peace were great between the Pope and the Viceroy, though in good meaning the plots and purposes of the Viceroy tended rather to make war, wherein he was set on both by thincitation of the Colonnois, who had breathed into him a new life since he came to Caietto, and also because he understood that the Pope no less abated in courage then naked in money, found nothing so sweet as the desire of peace: Wherein both publishing to all the world his poverty and his fear, and in his confusion refusing to created Cardinals for money according to the counsel that was given him, the demonstrations he made of his own weakness, gave courage and hope to who so ever would offend him: for as the Pope not entering into the war with that constancy of mind that appertained, had sent to th'emperor a letter the xxuj. of june, containing matter bitter and full of complaints, that he drove him by necessity to intend to the war: So also fearing afterwards lest by the sharp phrases of that letter he might further incense th'emperor whom he so much feared, he sent after an other expedition compounded of an humour more temperate and reformed, charging his Nuncio to retain the first, which nevertheless was delivered for that it came first to his hands: the other was presented afterwards, but th'emperor under one expedition, answered them both severally according to the argument and nature of matter they contained. Moreover the Pope had readily hearkened to the general of grayfreers, who going into Spain at such time as the war began, was charged by him to deliver to th'emperor embassages mild and full of amity: And being eftsoons returned to Rome by commission of th'emperor, he brought many reports and informations touching his good intention, and how he would be content to come into Italy with a train of five thousand men, and from thence after he had taken the Crown of th'empire, he would pass into Germany to set down some form to the matters of Luther, without speaking any thing of the Council: That he was also well inclined to accord with the Venetians under reasonable conditions: That he would refer the cause of Francis Sforce to the arbitration of two judges assigned by the Pope and him, and in case he were condemned, he would bestow that estate upon the Duke of Bourbon: That he would revoke his army out of Italy, so farforth as the Pope & Venetians would pay three hundred thousand crowns to satisfy the wages of the army, which notwithstanding he would labour to make contented with a sum more moderate: That he would restore to the French king his children, receiving in counterchange two millions of gold at two or more terms: He showed also that it would be easy to accord with the king of England, both for that the sum that was in question was not great, and also the king had made offer of it. And the better to debate and work these matters, the general of grayfreers offered a truce for viii. or x. months, protesting that he had warrants and commissions from th'emperor very large and absolute, wherein all power of negotiation and conclusion was given to him, to the Viceroy, and to Don Hugo: In regard of which authority, and good inclination of th'emperor, the Pope, after he had given audience to Pignaloso, and had received advertisement that the Viceroy was gone out of the port of S. Stephen, sent the General to Caietta to treat upon these matters with him: Whereunto he was the rather induced, for that both the Venetians would not refuse the truce if the French king would consent, who for his part was not far estranged from it, and his mother had sent to Rome Laurence Tuskane declaring an inclination to peace, wherein should be a general comprehension of all men. And also for that he thought no practice to be sure without the will and concurrency of the Duke of Bourbon, he sent to him in that behalf one of his own Amners that was at Rome, whom the Duke returned eftsoons to the Pope to solicit the same matter: And yet neither to lose th'opportunity of the time, nor to abandon the provisions for the war, he sent Cardinal Augustin Triwlco as Legate to the army which was then in the field, And continuing also his preparations to invade the Realm of Naples, Peter Navarre arrived the third of December at Civitavecchia with a Navy of xxviij. galleys of the Popes, the French, and the Venetians: At which time also Ranso de Cere being sent for the french king for th'expedition intended upon Naples, was arrived at Savonna with a fleet of sails quartered: On the other side Askanio Colonno with a strength of two thousand footmen and three hundred horsemen, came to Valbon fifteen miles from Tiboli, where are the lands of the Abbot of Farfa and john jordan: with these forces the twelfth of December he took Cepperano, finding no resistance for that it was not guarded. Vitelly with the Pope's companies reduced himself between Tiboly, Palestime, and Velletre: Afterwards the Colonnois took Pontecorue which was not guarded, and in vain gave assault to Scarpa which is a little and weak place depending upon the Abbey of Farfa: Caesar Filettin approached by night to Alagnia with fifteen hundred footmen, of which five hundred making their entry secretly, by the favour of a house joining to the walls, and by the practice of certain of the townsmen that received them, were repulsed and driven out again by Lion de Fano commander of the footmen that were there. In this mean while the general of grayfreers returned from the Viceroy to the Pope, to whom he related the viceroys inclination to consent to the truce for certain months, to th'end that in the mean while the peace might take course: Only he stood upon demands of money, and for surety he required the castles of Ostia and Civitavecchia. But of the contrary to him, th'archbishop of Capua arriving at Caietta after he was departed, and who haply had been sent thither with an ill counsel of the Pope, wrote to him that the Viceroy rejecting all motions to truce, was contented to make peace with the Pope only, or with the Pope and Venetians jointly, so farforth as they would make payment of money to th'end to maintain the army for assurance of the peace, and afterwards to debate in the matter of the truce with the others: An alteration moving either by the variation or change of the Viceroy, or haply by the persuasions of th'archbishop as many suspected: At which time Paul d'Arezze being come to th'emperor's Court with authority from the Pope, the Venetians, and Francis Sforce, whither also went by the motion of the king of England for the negotiation of peace, the Auditor of the Chamber, the rather for that before were come thither full commissions from the french king: He found th'emperor wholly changed both in mind & will, taking the reason of his alteration upon an advertisement he had received of the army of the lanceknights, and of his Navy in Italy: In so much as enforcing the favour of that good advantage, he fled from all the conditions that were set down before, and urged vehemently that the French king should observe absolutely th'accord of Madrill, & to have the cause of Francis Sforce heard by law before judges assigned by himself. Thus did both the will and intention of th'emperor vary according to the success of affairs, like as also his commissions which he sent to his Agentes in Italy, bore always by reason of the distance of the place, either an express or silent condition to govern themselves according to the variation of times and occasions. Therefore the Viceroy after he had many days abused the Pope with vain practices, and would not so much as consent to a surceance of arms for a few days till the negotiation might soart to some issue: broke up from Naples the xx. of December to go into th'estates of the Church, In which wilfulness he offered many new and very strange conditions of accord.  
But to return to the last day of the year, wherein the lanceknights as we 
Capitulations between themprour & duke of Ferrara.  have said passed the river of Nure: The same day also the Duke of Ferrara, by the mean of his Ambassador, capitulated with the Viceroy and Don Hugo who had commission from th'emperor: Nevertheless the capitulation was made with a very small liking of that Ambassador, for that he was almost constrained to consent by the threats and rude words of the Viceroy: Tharticles of the capitulation were these: That the duke of Ferrara should be bound aswell in his person as in his estates, to serve th'emperor against all his enemies: That he should be captain general for th'emperor in Italy, with a company of an hundred men at arms, and two hundred light horsemen, only he should assemble and levy them at his own charges, and receive again allowance in his accounts: That he should presently receive the town of Carpy and the Castle of Novy which had appertained to Albert Pio, for the dowry of th'emperor's bastard daughter promised to his son, only the revenues should be answered in account of the soldiers, a compensation to be made until the consummation of the marriage: And that Vespasian Colonno and the Marquis of Guast should disclaim and renounce the rights which they pretended to them: That he should pay the sum of two hundred thousand ducats, when he had recovered Modena: but out of that should be deducted that which he had given to the Viceroy since the battle of Pavia: That if he did not recover Modena, all the sums of money which he had before disbursed, should be eftsoons repaid to him: That th'emperor should be bound to his protection, & not to make peace without comprehending him, and not without obtaining for him of the Pope, absolution of the pains and censures which he had incurred ever since he was declared confederate to th'emperor: And lastly that he should use all his means and authority to the Pope to absolve him of all those penalties and transgressions which he had run into before. Thus in the end of the year a thousand five hundred and six & twenty all things prepared and tended to a manifest and open war.  
The end of the seventeenth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE eighteenth BOOK.  
THe Duke of Burbonissueth out of Milan: The Viceroy and Colonnois make war against the Pope in thestate of the Church: The Marquis of Salussa entereth within Bolognia: The Pope maketh war in the kingdom of Naples: The Duke of Bourbon leadeth his army to Rome, taketh the town and sacketh it, and is slain in the action: The Pope being abandoned of all hope, accordeth with th'imperials: Amutinie in Florence: The king of England is declared against th'emperor: The confederates do many enterprises.  
THE EIGHTEENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
NOW ensueth the year of our Lord a thousand five 
1427.  hundred and seven and twenty: A year prepared to many hard events and accidents, such as for their cruelty were full of fear and danger, and for their strangeness, had no example or experience with the worlds and ages before: For in the predictions of this year was expressed an universal face of troubles and confusion, of mutation of estates, of captivity of princes, of desolation of Cities, of dearth of victuals, and of a general visitation of the plague, yea through all the regions and climates of Italy, there was no appearance nor contemplation of other thing then of blood, death, famine, and fleeing, A condition lamentable even to foreigners and strangers that did but hear of it, but most intolerable to those miserable wretches upon whose necks the law of destiny had drawn so grievous a yoke. To these calamities there was no other thing that stayed the action of beginning and execution, but the difficulties which the Duke of Bourbon found to make the regiments of Spanish footmen to depart 
The duke of Bourbon goeth out of Milan and leaveth there Antho. de Leva.  out of Milan: for where he had determined that Anthony de Leva should abide there for the defence of the whole Duchy, and retain with him all those bands of lanceknights which were there before, for whose enterteinmentes and pays were consumed both all the moneys exacted at times upon the milanese, and also such other sums as were levied by the bills of exchange which the Duke of Bourbon brought from Spain: And where he had also appointed to remain with the said Leva for the service of the Duchy, a strength of twelve hundred footmen Spaniards, together with some bands of Italian footmen under the leading of Lodowick Belliense and other commanders: So likewise by their example all the other bands and regiments of soldiers, for that they had in pray the houses, the wives, and daughters of thinhabitants of Milan, were not discontented to live still in that estate of licentious liberty: But for that both for the necessity of the present service, and regard of their proper honour, and lastly for the awe and authority of the Duke of Bourbon, they could not directly refuse the appointment, they demanded at lest to be satisfied before they departed of their pays due to them before that day: Nevertheless what by the force of reasons and persuasions, and what by the example of some particulars inducing the residue by their good inclination, they promised at last to follow the Duke so farforth as he would pay them only five pays, A condition very hard to accomplish and furnish, for that there was no possibility to make any more levies of money of thinhabitants of Milan, neither by way of rigour or threatenings, nor by sacking their houses, nor by imprisoning their persons: Besides, in that estate of extreme violence and oppression, such as were absent and had abandoned the town, were adjourned and taxed at rates to nourish the army, and those that upon summons refused to appear, their goods by sentence were given to the soldiers.  
At last both by the industry of the Duke and the extremity of the time, all these difficulties were overcome, and the imperials, called on both by the necessity of the service, & hazard of the whole war, passed over the river of Paw the last day save one of january: The day after one part of the lanceknights who before had passed over the river of Trebia, repassed it again and went to lodge at Pontenovo, and the residue of the army stayed beyond Plaisanca. On the other side, the Marquis of Salussa, who had all his regiments & bands of soldiers dispersed in the country, was at Parma: And the Duke of Urbin being now come to Casal-Maior, and to whose opinion and election the Venetians had referred to pass or not pass the river of Paw, began to pass his companies, assuring the army that if th'imperials took the way of Tuskane according to thadvertisements he had received from Milan: That both he would pass in person with 600. men at arms, 9000. footmen, and 500 light horsemen, and through his celerity would be before them at Bolognia: and also the Marquis of Salussa should do the like with his regiments and the bands of the Church. The army imperial stayed about twenty days the one half on this side, and the other half beyond Plaisanca, A matter happening partly through the difficulty of money, the lanceknights not having received till that day one penny of the Duke of Bourbon: and partly by a desire he had to plant his camp before Plaisanca, though haply more for the difficulties he found to pass further than for any other matter: Wherein the better to advance his intention for the besieging of Plaisanca, he solicited the Duke of Ferrara to furnish him with powder and artilleries, and to come and join his person with the army, offering to send out to meet him five hundred men at arms and captain George with six thousand footmen. To this demand the Duke of Ferrara made answer, that he could 
The duke of Ferrara persuadeth the duke of Bourbon.  not with any safety send powder through the country of th'enemy, for that it could not be without manifest danger of interception: And that he could not without apparent hazard of his person, join himself with him, for that all the companies of the league lay in the ways of his passage: But be it there were safety and facility in both those ways, yet he wished the Duke of Bourbon to consider that he could not do a thing more commodious for th'enemy, nor more agreeable to their desires, then to stand temporizing and lose time about the action of those towns one after an other: That if he took not Plaisanca, wherein the doubt was greater than the hope, or if he did take it, the action whereof would devour a great deal of time, he was to look how far it would concern his reputation, and with what means he were able to pursue the war having so great wants of money and other provisions: lastly he told him that the way to advance the benefit of th'emperor and to establish the victory, was to draw and address himself to the head, and casting behind him all other enterprises, to march with celerity to Bolognia, and there to determine either to force that town (in which enterprise he could not want succours) or at lest to pass on either to Florence or to Rome.  
But during the counsel and expedition of these matters together with the devices the Duke of Bourbon used to get money both to make up the full pay of the Spanish soldiers, and to give some relief to the lanceknights, amongst whom at their departing from Plaisanca he distributed two crowns to every man: The 
Continuation of the war begun in thestate ecclesiastic.  war went on, and was strongly kindled in the estate of the Church: for Banso de Cere at his return from France was newly gone to the camp ecclesiastic, which camp lay very near to the Viceroy who was then upon the confines of Cepperana, where certain bands of Italian footmen gave an overthrow to three hundred men of the Spanish footmen. But the counsels and opinions of men were diverse touching the manner how to defend thestate ecclesiastic: for as Vitelly before the coming of Ranso, had counseled the Pope to abandon the province of Campagnia, and to bestow two thousand footmen within Tivoly, and two thousand within Pillistrina, and the residue of the army to remain at Villetra to stop the Viceroy for going to Rome: So Ranso arriving even upon the point of this resolution, reproved the counsel to remain and be enclosed within Villetra, both for the great and large circuit of the town, the many impediments and incommodities to fortify it, and lastly for the unaptness and many inconveniences it bore to stop the passage of thenemies: But his opinion was to have the army holden within Ferentin, where by reason they should not be tied to the guarding of so many places, it should be more strong and full, beside also that the place gave good opportunity to hinder thenemies for passing further. This counsel was approved and holden for good, and according to the reasons and directions of it, they bestowed within Frusolone a principal town of Campagnia and within five miles of Ferentin, a garrison of eighteen hundred footmen of the regiments of john de Medicis, who for the most part were called by the name of the black bands: And thither were also sent Alexander Vitelly, john Baptista Savella, and Peter Biraguo, commanders over light horsemen.  
But in this mean while the famuly of the Colonnois had secretly conspired with Napoleon Vrsin Abbot of Farfa, and had induced him to take arms in the town of Rome as soldier to th'emperor: But the Pope having advertisement of the whole practice, which he did dissemble with the same subtlety which he found it out withal, found mean to sand the Abbot, who had received money of him before, to meet Monsr Vaudemont the duke of Lorraines brother, whom the french king sent to him to favour the enterprise of Naples: And by the Pope's direction the Abbot was apprehended near to Pracciano, and sent prisoner to the castle S. Angelo. The Pope was all this while in no small thought to make provision of money, wherein imploring the aid of other princes, he received of new from the king of England a supply of thirty thousand ducats which the lord Russell his Chamberlain brought to him: And with him came Monsr de Rabandanges with ten thousand crowns sent to him by the french king upon the benefit of the tenths which the Pope had accorded to him by necessity & compulsion, under this promise notwithstanding that besides the payments of the forty thousand crowns which he gave to the league, and twenty thousand which he contributed to the Pope for every month, he should presently minister to him thirty thousand ducats, & within a month thirty thousand more: The king of England gave commission also to the Lord Russell to signify to the Viceroy and the Duke of Bourbon, a surseance of arms to th'end to give sufferance and time to treat a peace, the practice and negotiation whereof according to th'emperors will, was holden in England: And if the Viceroy would not condescend to it, then to denounce against him war. It seemed by this readiness and many other appearances, that the king of England under a desire to marry his daughter with the French king, was well inclined to the confederates and favoured their cause, And in that good inclination he promised that assoon as the marriage were established, to enter into the league and begin the war in Flaunders: It seemed also he was particularly disposed to do pleasure to the Pope: But there could be no great expectation of ready remedies from a prince who both measured not well the present conditions of Italy, nor stood firm and resolute in his purposes, being still laboured and retired by the hope which th'emperor gave him to commit to him the working and arbitration of the peace, notwithstanding th'effects were in nothing correspondant to the semblances and shows he made: for when the Auditor of the Chamber was with him for that matter, albeit th'emperor did what he could to persuade him in many sorts that such was his intention: yet for that he expected some events from Italy since the descending of the lanceknights, and the arrival of his Navy at sea whereof he had received some advertisement, he forbore to give him an answer assured and certain, taking his excuse upon the warrants and commissions of the confederates, as though they were not sufficient.  
But th'accord which the Pope solicited continually with the Viceroy, hurt him not a little with the Confederates, both for that they stood always in fear lest he would resolve and compound with him, And also the French king and the Venetians made this judgement, that all the expenses and defraymentes which they should make to support him, would be almost unprofitable: This judgement and suspicion took increasing by certain degrees of vehement fears which were discerned in him together with the lamentable protestations he made daily that he was no more able to sustain the war: Wherein against his ordinary mean and remedy in that case, he opposed wilfully his natural obstinacy, & would not make Cardinals for money, nor relieve himself in so great necessities & amid so many dangers of the Church, with those means which other Popes had wont to use, yea even in thachieving of their unjust and ambitious enterprises: In which regard, the French king and the Venetians, to be the better prepared and ready in all accidents, were eftsoons particularly bound to make no accord with th'emperor, the one without the other: And the French king for that cause, and for the great hope which the king of England gave to raise together with him (in case the marriage went forward) great emotions in the spring following, become more negligent and less careful of the dangers of Italy.  
In this time the Viceroy who solicited an invasion upon the Church states, dispatched a regiment of two thousand Spanish footmen, to assault a small Castle of Stephen Colonno, where the valour of the defendants made that enterprise in vain: And because the Viceroy came on and advanced, thecclesiastics referred to an other time to execute the resolution taken to batter the Pope's rock, the garrisons of which place had surprised the Castle Gandolffo but weakly manned, and at that time holden by the Cardinal de Monte: At last the Viceroy, after he had assembled into one strength twelve thousand footmen, all bodies commanded and trained saving the Spaniards and lanceknights that were come with him by sea, encamped with his whole army the xxix. of january before Frusolone, a town weak and without walls, saving that the houses of some particulars serve as a wall, and within the which the captains of the Church had bestowed garrison, because they would leave him no footing nor entry into Campagnia: to the weakness of this place was joined a great necessity and want of victuals: and yet the situation of the town standing upon a hill, giveth always to the inhabitants good mean and opportunity to save themselves of one side, for that it beareth a certain benesite of rescue and backing: A matter which gave a great resolution to the garrison within to defend it, besides that they were of the best choice of Italians which at that time took pay: Moreover the height of the mountain was no little impediment to thenemies to do any action upon their artilleries, of which they had planted three demi Cannons and four Coluerines: Only the greatest care of thenemies was to stop as much as they could the entry of victuals into the town. On the other side the Pope, who albeit was much impoverished for money, and was more apt to suffer indignity to desire others to relieve him, then to furnish himself by means extraordinary, increased his camp as much as he could with bands of footmen paid and trained: And in that incertainty of mind and dealing, he had newly taken into his pay Horacio Baillon, without keeping memory or observation of the injuries which he had done before to his father, and afterwards to him, whom he had of long holden prisoner within the Castle of S. Angelo as a troubler of the quiet of Perousa: With these supplies of soldiers his army went on always drawing near to Ferentin to make there his general moosters, and to give hope of succours to those that were besieged. The battery of Frusolona was reduced to perfection the xxiv. day, but because it was not such as to give hope to carry the place, there was no assault performed: Only captain Alarcon traveling about the walls was hurt with the blow of a harquebus, and likewise Maria Vrsin was wounded: One of the principal grounds and hopes of the Viceroy was, that he was not ignorant that the soldiers within suffered great scarcity of victuals, as also the army that moostred at Ferentin was in the same extremity: for the soldiers of the Colonnois which lay within Palicina, Montfortin, and the Pope's Rock, the only places which they held, rob and spoiled all that they found upon the ways, And Ranso going to the army, having for his eskorte and safety the bands of footmen of Cuio, they cut them in pieces and made pillage of what they found. Nevertheless as every accident of war is tied to his several event, and where be made many adventures there be sundry issues & fortunes: So it happened that three hundred footmen issuing out of Frusolone seconded & backed by one part of the horsemen which were led by Alexander Vitelli, john Baptista Savello, and Peter Biraguo, approached within half a mile of Larnato, where were lodged five ensigns of Spanish footmen: of which they drew two ensigns into an ambush and overthrew them, and in the conflict was slain captain Perault with fourscore footmen, many were made prisoners, and two ensigns won and borne away. All this while the Viceroy was busy in casting of mines at Frusolone, which for the most part were reversed by countermines made by the defendants, who standing fully assured in their own valour, and fearing little the forces of thenemies, refused the aid of four hundred footmen whom the Captains of the army would have sent thither for their succours. And yet amid all these actions and accidents of war, the solicitations of accord kept on their course with the same vehemency they did before: for at this time the General and th'archbishop of Capua were returned to Rome, & with them was come Caesar Fieremosquo a Neapolitan, whom th'emperor 
Caesar Fieremosquo sent by th'emperor to the Pope.  had dispatched to the Pope after the Viceroy was departed from Spain: To him was given full commission to assure the Pope by especial protestation, both how much he was discontented with th'action of Don Hugo and the Colonnois upon Rome, together with the accidents that followed, & also to make impression of themperors desire and inclination to compound with him friendly, all the controversies and differences that were between them: Their expedition bore also that they should debate upon the peace in his name, A matter which he seemed also inclined to accomplish with the other confederates, saying according to the relation of his Nuncio, that if the Pope executed his enterprise to go to Bolognia, he would give him full and free power to pronounce it as he thought best. These deputies propounded for the Viceroy a surceance of arms for two or three years with the Pope & Venetians, every one retaining still the possessions they enjoyed at the present, and the Pope to pay an hundred & fifty thousand ducats, & the Venetians fifty thousand: A taxation albeit not a little grievous to the Pope for the difficulties to levy it, yet such was his inclination to be delivered of the travels of the war, that the rather to induce the Venetians, he offered to impose upon himself the fifty thousand ducats rated upon them: wherein the better to allure their consents, & to expect their answer, he made truce for eight days with the Viceroy the last of january, In which it was agreed that the regiments of the church should not pass Ferentin, nor the bands of the Viceroy Frusolone, And that as there should be no action executed against the town, so likewise the town was forbidden all manner of fortifications & provisions of victuals but from one day to an other: Amid which interposing of the truce, Fieremosquo thinking he had well sounded the intention of the Pope, and could also discover the meaning of th'emperor without doing wrong to his dignity, he presented him a long letter written with the emperor's hand, full of his good intention, offers, & devotion towards the Pope: But after he was departed from the Pope's presence, & prepared to go signify to the Viceroy & the Legate the surceance agreed upon, & to give address for the execution of it, the same day he found the army departed from Ferentin & marching towards Frusolono: he communicated with the Legate all that had passed between the Pope & him, who not willing to break the great hopes which he and his soldiers had of the victory, entertained his doings with praise & commendation, and leading him in the abuse of fair words, he sent secret direction to his captains not to forbear to march on. The army could not come in time to Frusolono, if they won not a passage or way in form of a bridge lying at the foot of the first hill of Frusolono, & guarded by four ensigns of lanceknights: But assoon as the vauward came which was commanded by Stephen Colonno, & that they came to hand strokes with them, they disordered & put them to flight, after they had made slaughter of 200. and taken 400. prisoners together with their ensigns: And thus the first hill being won, the others by that example retired into places more strong, leaving a free and safe entry into Frusolono to the eccleisastics, who omitting nothing which either the favour of their fortune or the opportunity of the time gave them being now very near night, pitched their tents and lodgings even at their beards: By the benefit of which action Ranso and Vitelly with whom the Pope was discontented for this enterprise, had great hope to give them the defeat either if they stayed there, or in case they broke up and retired, A matter which was believed would assuredly have succeeded if they had encamped upon the hill which was taken, or had been diligent or careful to observe the retiring of thenemies: for the Viceroy not the day following but the third day, making no sign nor token that he would dislodge, went away with the army two or three hours before day, setting on fire certain munitions that remained, and left behind him many bullets & great shot: And albeit the Eccleisastics when they knew he was gone, sent out after him their light horsemen, who fell upon his baggage and took a few prisoners of small importance, yet they were not there in sufficient time to do him any notable hurt: And yet he left behind him one part of his victuals, and retired himself to Cesena and from thence to Cepperano. By reason of this retreat the Pope took such courage concurring also thincitation of th'ambassadors of the confederates, whom he could not otherwise satisfy, that he resolved to execute th'enterprise of Naples: for Rabandanges who had brought the ten thousand ducats collected of the tenths, and ten thousand more for the portion of Ranso, had commission not to disburse them without the consent of Albert Pio, Ranso, and Monsr de Lange, and that in case they were assured that the Pope would not accord. And touching the Venetians (to whom was gone the lord Russell to induce them to accept the truce offered by the Viceroy and approved by the Pope, but by the accident of his leg breaking by the way he sent an other to them) They made answer that they would not accept the truce before they were well informed of the French kings will, in which denial they stood so much the more resolute, by how much they understood that Genes was reduced to great extremities and wants of victuals: So that it was determined to invade the kingdom of Naples aswell by sea as by land: and that Monsr de Vaudemont should be Admiral of the army by sea, for whose better strength there was address given to levy 2000 footmen: But Ranso by whose direction was distributed & expended 
The confederates resolve to invade Naples.  the money of the french king, determined contrary to the Pope's will (who was of opinion to convert into one place all the forces of that expedition) to dispose 6000. men to enter Abruzza: he hoped that by the working of the sons of the Count Montoiro who had been sent thither with 2000 footmen, they should make an easy action upon Aquila, which accordingly happened through the fear of Askanio Colonno, who assoon as he heard of their approach, fled from the danger which his timorous condition would not suffer him to abide. The beginnings and first actions of this enterprise were full of hope and felicity: for albeit the Viceroy who had bestowed garrisons within the places near him, was busy to readdress and refurnish his army as much as he could: yet both for that one part of his regiments was disbanded, and an other part by necessity bestowed in garrisons, it was thought he would stand dangerously embarked, and with great difficulty be able to make resistance only to the sea army: It was believed also by the same reason that Ranso in Abruzza, and the Navies of the Church and Venetians containing xxij. galleys, should find no head made against them, both for that they were resupplied with a strength of three thousand men, and also for the joining of Oratio with two thousand footmen, together with the person of Monsr de Vaudemont, who under 
Monsr Vaudemont the Pope's lieutenant.  the ancient rights and claims of king Rene, pretended to the succession of that kingdom, and at that time managed the place of lieutenant general under the Pope: But these matters proceeded very slowly to execution, both for the temporizing of the army ecclesiastic not as yet departed from Frusolono, where they tarried for the great artilleries that were to come from Rome, and also for th'expedition of Abruzza, and the arrival of the sea army: These impediments and loss of time were also increased by the mutiny of the footmen within Frusolono, who demanded double pay, as a matter won and due for the victory. Nevertheless the eighteenth day of February the soldiers of the Viceroy abandoned Cesana and other places confining, & withdrew themselves to Cepperana: by th'opportunity of whose retreat, the army ecclesiastic beginning already to feel the want of victuals, passed Saint Germain, and the Viceroy fearing to put things to hazard, retired to Caietta, and Don Hugo to Naples: All which notwithstanding the Pope pressed still with his wants and necessities of money, and fearing no less the advancing of the Duke of Bourbon, against whose army he saw the Confederates disposed to make no great resistance, continued still his inclination to compound with th'emperor, and in that humour had eftsoons procured the Lord Russell to go up to the Viceroy in the name of his king: Upon which it followed that Fieremosquo returned to Rome the xxj. of February, from whence also the day following he departed, having published his commissions, and left the Pope's mind full of confusion and irresolution: In regard of which peril and the Pope's alteration, the Venetians lest he should rashly entangle himself with th'accord, made offer to him in the beginning of March, to send him in ready money within fifteen days fifteen thousand ducats, and fifteen thousand more within other fifteen days, so farforth as he would grant them a Jubilee for all their government. But 
Exploits of the Navy of the confederates.  amid these delays and temporize the Popes Navy and the Venetians, which had with great loss tarried to expect the french fleet, and being by rage of weather driven into the isle of Ponso the twenty-three. of February, fell with the Molo of Caietta and sacked it: And the fourth day of March having set on land the footmen at Pozzolo, returned eftsoons to the sea for that they found it in good condition of defence: And so passing further, they descended again near to Naples by the river of the borrow of Stabbia, where was Diomed Caraffa with five hundred footmen: They carried this borrow by assault the third day on that side of the Mountain, by whose example the Castle rendered the day after: The tenth day they forced the Greek tower and Surrenta: And in that violence of victory and fortune, many places on that side yielded afterwards upon composition: This fleet also had taken before certain ships laden with grain for the provision of Naples which had great need of them, and for want of them suffered no small vexation, the rather for that th'enemy found no impediment upon the sea, neither was there such order taken as was necessary: In which disorder and want of good direction, the fleet drew so near the Mole the second day in Lent, that the Castle and the galleys shot at it: yea the footmen came on so fast by land, that with great difficulty the Neapolitans could retire themselves by the Market gate and shut it: After this they took Salerne: when Vaudemont made after certain ships, and leaving four galleys at Salerne where Oracio was, the prince of Salerne at the same time entered within the town by the way of the Castle with many soldiers, but he was overthrown by Oracio, in which encounter were slain more than two hundred footmen and many made prisoners. In Abruzza after the Viceroy had delivered out of prison the old Count of Montoire to th'end he might recover Aquila, the said Count was no sooner set at liberty by the Viceroy, than he was made prisoner by his own sons. And Ranso who took the sixth of March Scicibiana and Talleconsa, went up towards Sora: Nevertheless, notwithstanding the favour of so fair occasions, and the benefit of so many felicities concurring, the soldiers began the first day of March to abandon the army on land by troupes, and that either for want of victuals, or through negligence in the officers, or at lest for the ill provisions of the Pope.  
The negotiations and counsels of the peace continued and kept on their course, and in that action were come to Rome the second of March Fieremosquo and Serenon secretary to the Viceroy: There they found arrived the day before, Monsr de Lange, instructed with words and promises sufficient for the credit of his expedition, but he brought no money notwithstanding they had advertisement out of France that he was departed both with twenty thousand ducats for the pays of the footmen appointed to serve in the great ships which were expected at Civitavecchia, and also that he brought twenty thousand more for the Pope, to help to advance th'enterprise of the realm of Naples for one of the sons of the french 
Katherine de Medicis.  king, to whom should be given in marriage Katherine de Medicis daughter to Laurence and niece to the Pope: for the french king reapposing much for himself in the negotiation of England, and being persuaded that the Viceroy for the disorder of Frusolono, could execute nothing, and also that the army imperial both for their slowness to move and march, and for their wants & necessities of money, would not go at all into Tuskane: would hear no further of the motion of the truce, not though it should be general and extended to comprehend all, and that he should be acquitted from all payments of money: Wherein albeit his principal intention was, not to give time to th'emperor to reorder and readdress his forces, yet in regard of his own nakedness & poverty of money, he sent to the Pope no other thing of the xx. thousand ducats which he had promised monthly, nor of the money collected of the tenth, than ten thousand ducats: Neither had he sent as yet the wages of those bands of footmen appointed to the main army at sea running in the common accounts & expenses of the Venetians and him: And lastly for that he had desire that there should be no action or enterprise till some conclusion were made with the king of England, he thought it but reasonable that the Pope should temporize and expect till that time. So that the enterprise of Naples begun with so great felicity and hope, went every day diminishing and of less expectation, for as the army by sea which was neither made greater by vessels and shipping, nor stronger with supplies of soldiers, was not to execute any great action, the rather for that they were to draw out of their main forces, garrisons of men to defend such places as they took: So the army by land, which for the ill disposition of the time, was not as yet possessed of the victuals that were sent from Rome by sea, did not only not advance, but also diminishing daily by new degrees of disorder and penury of victuals, it retired at last to Piperna: Besides, those regiments of footmen which Ranso led and governed, were so diminished for want of money, that Ranso seeing he could not enclose the Viceroy according to the plot he had laid, returned back to Rome: yea last the strait negotiation and labour of the accord which the Pope entertained, augmented greatly those disorders: for as it abated the preparations of the confederates which of themselves came but slowly on, So on the other side it pushed on the Pope's inclination to the accord, wherein he was induced to reappose a greater hope in th'intention of th'emperor, for thintelligence he had by one of his letters surprised, by which he charged the Viceroy to entertain and embrace th'accord with the Pope, if thestate and condition of his affairs induced him not to take other counsel: But the matter that most stirred and moved him, was, that he saw the Duke of Bourbon march and advance continually with the army Imperial: neither did he discern the resolutions of the Duke of Urbin to be so constant, nor the provisions of the Venetians so full and forward, as he could be assured of the matters of Tuskane, the fear of which brought no small affliction to him: for as th'imperials lay some of them on this side, and some of them beyond Plaisanca, the Duke of Urbin had changed his first opinion, which was to get before them into Bolognia with the Venetian army: and had resolved in his counsel, that assoon as he should be advertised that thenemies would remove, the army ecclesiastic leaving good garrison within Parma and Modena, should go to Bolognia: And for himself, he would march with the Venetian army in the tail of thenemies, though twenty or thirty miles from them, for the more surety of his people. According to which order, when afterwards thenemies would take the way to Romagna or Tuskane, the whole camp should advance continually, the army ecclesiastik marching always before with the Marquis of Salusse leading the french lances, the Swissers footmen, and his own, and leaving always garrisons in such places as thenemies should pass by after them, and they afterwards to be reassembled and revoked from hand to hand according as the enemy should advance and pass: This counsel the Duke justified and followed with many reasons, such as the other capteins could neither comprehend nor approve: First he alleged that there was no surety to assemble and join all together in the field to stop the passage of th'imperials: for that it would be a matter either dangerous or unprositable: Touching the danger, he referred it to rest in the fight or battle, for that if th'imperials were not superior in numbers and multitudes, at lest they were above them in force and valour: an advantage which would make the victory easy to them: And he proved it unprofitable by this, that if th'imperials would not fight, at lest it would be always in their power to leave behind them the army of the confederates, and so keeping always before them, they should be apt to accomplish great exploits: lastly he alleged, that as in th'experience and reason of things, he held this counsel better than all others, So also he was constrained by necessity to embrace and follow it: for that th'imperial army being as was believed half shaken, he could not put his people into such speedy readiness as to be assured to march in time and to get before: Besides, seeing the Venetians had wholly reapposed themselves upon him touching that deliberation, he was to consider not to leave their estate in danger, which if thenemies discerned to be unfurnished, they might, taking new counsel upon new occasions, turn their course to pass over Paw, and so intrude upon their lands to their harms. This reason might suffice to content the Senate of Venice, for that naturally they have for object to proceed advisedly and surely in all their affairs: But it did not satisfy the Pope, for that under that counsel he saw opened a way to th'imperial army to take their course even up to Rome or to Tuskane, or to make their passage into what place they list, seeing there was no possibility of resistance by the army that was to go before, both for that they were to distribute in places as they passed garrisons of soldiers, and also their main strength was to suffer diminution by other means: Neither was it a matter certain, that in the Venetians tarrying once behind, would be as great readiness to follow with effects, as the Duke was liberal to promise' in words, considering his custom and manner of proceeding in all the course of the war before: lastly he judged that if the armies were reduced into one strength, wherein the numbers of soldiers far exceeded the imperials, they might with more facility stop th'enemy for passing further, cut off the traffic of their victuals, observe all occasions that offered, and never be so far removed from them, that in good season and opportunity they might not secure the towns of the Venetians if th'enemy offered to make any violent action upon them. But this resolution displeased him so much the more, by how much he understood the Duke of Urbin being come to Farma the third of januarie, was retired the fourth day to Casal-Maior, by the accident of a small malady that happened upon him, and five days after he went from thence to Cassola under cooler to cure his sickness: To which place he sent for his wife, being somewhat eased of his fever, but tormented as he said with the pangs of the gout. Such as were favourers and good interpreters of this manner of dealing very suspicious to the Pope, referred the cause of all to his negotiations and practices of peace: but his lieutenant Guicciardin comprehending partly by tokens of likelihood and probability, and partly by information of the Dukes own words and speeches, that his desire to recover Montfeltro and Saint Leo possessed by the Florentines, was the matter that induced him to that deliberation: And judging that if in that he were not contented, he would leave both the Pope and Florentines abandoned in their greatest necessities: and lastly supposing that he judged not these places to be a reward worthy enough for exposing himself to so great a danger: and knowing withal that they had the same desire at Florence: In all these respects he gave to the Duke an assured hope of the restitution of those places, as though he had commission so to do from the Pope: Which nevertheless was not approved by the Pope, who in that case suffered himself to be carried more by old and new hatreds, then by equity or reason.  
In all this mean while th'imperials, who had made distribution of a very small sum of money amongst the lanceknights, kept themselves encamped upon the confines of Plaisanca, where was the Count Guido Rangon with six thousand footmen: At which place Paul Luzasquo with certain other light horsemen of thecclesiastics making sometimes incursions to discover the country: and being in that action one day accompanied with certain bands of footmen and some men at arms, they encountered a troop of enemies of the same faculty and profession, whom they overthrew and took four score horse and an hundred footmen, over and beside Captains Scalenguo, Succar, and Gruguy Burgonions who remeyned prisoners: After this Monsr Bourbon sent out ten ensigns of spaniards to revictual Pisqueton, and jointly with that action, the Count Caiazzo with the light horsemen and with his regiments of footmen, came to lodge in the borrow of Saint Donyn which the Eccleisastics had abandoned: 
Count Caiazzo goeth from th'imperials to the pay of thEcclesiastikes.  The said Count the day after according to an intelligence which was entertained with him before, and also pretending for want of his pay, to be acquitted and made free from his oath which he had given to th'imperials, passed to the camp ecclesiastic, where he was entertained by the Lieutenant (though more to content others then of his own inclinstion) and with him were taken into wages twelve hundred footmen, and an hundred and thirty light horsemen which he had with him: This condition was tied to the contract, that if th'emperor took from him by way of war or other violence his Earldom of Caiazzo, the Pope within eight months should endue him with so much in yearly value as thErledom was worth, and to remain possessed of it until he had recovered his own.  
The Duke of Ferrara refusing always to come to th'army, pushed on by persuasions the Duke of Bourbon's desire, to take his course rather to Bolognia and Florence, then to stay and entangle his army with the action of those towns: And as an army of soldiers compounded upon sundry natures, nations, and languages, draweth after it for the most part so many sorts of accidents and adversities, as it containeth several complexions and humours: So, his regiments of Spanish footmen, either for want of money in deed, or making that their colour, drew into mutiny the seventeenth day demanding their pay: And albeit in that rage of insolency, they slew the sergeant Maior whom the Duke had sent to appease them, yet using mildness and government where his sergeant Maior sought to manage them by authority and rigour, he ranged them by discretion whom his officer could not reduce by severity, and so with minds well reconciled the twenty day he passed over Trebia with his whole army, and encamped about three miles from Plaisanca having with him five hundred men at arms, and many light horsemen Italians who were not paid: Touching the old bands of lanceknights one part of them were appointed to remain at Milan, and the others were addressed to Savona to aid those of Genes who were reduced to great necessity: Sure the resolution of the Duke of Bourbon and the army, which he led, was strange and wonderful, for that being without money and pay which only leadeth the soldier to fight, and having no munitions, without the which standeth maimed all enterprises of war, and standing destitute of the service of pionners, a matter most important in the action of towns and pieces, and lastly being followed with no address nor order for victuals which always is accounted one of the strongest veins or sinews of an army, They sought to advance and pass further amid so many privations and wants, thorough so many towns and pieces of thenemies, and against foes of far greater numbers than they: But more recommendable was the constancy of the lanceknights, who being drawn out of Germany with one only ducat a piece, and suffering a long time with a wonderful temperance in Italy, and never were relieved since they first set their foot to march with more than two or three ducats at the most, offered to march on with the same resolution and cherefullnes of mind with the which they betook themselves first to the service: And in that good example to all soldiers of other nations, they passed on, contrary to the ordinary custom of men of war, and especially against the humour of their own climate and region depending upon no other pay or assignation then upon the hope of the victory notwithstanding it was manifestly discerned that they could not continued without money, both for the dearness of thenemies whose importunity pressed them, and for the necessities of victuals which more and more grew into extreme penury: Only amid these sufferings and afflictions they were much stayed and supported by the authority and operation of Capteyne George, who the better to contain them, set before their eyes the sack of Rome, and the booty of most part of Italy, a matter which he thought most agreeable to minds replenished with impressions of ambition, glory, and profit: And in that good conformation of mind, the army marched the two and twenty day to the borrow of Saint Donyn: Out of the which the day following issued the Marquis of Salussa and the ecclesiastic regiments leaving certain bands of Venetian footmen for the guard of Parma, and so they followed the way of Bolognia with eleven or twelve thousand footmen: But it was ordained that the Count Guido should come from Plaisanca to Modena, and the footmen of the black bands to Bolognia, leaving a sufficient garrison within Plaisanca: In this sort in four removes they marched by the country of Reggia between Anzolo and the bridge of Rene: At that time the Duke of Bourbon was upon the confines of Reggia: And the Duke of Urbin who being persuaded at Casal-Maior by Guicciardin to augment his number of Swizzers, had refused it as a matter unprofitable: stood now upon vehement instance to send to Rome and Venice to make a new levy of four thousand Swizzers & two thousand lanceknights: In which variation and change of his mind, he excused the contradiction that was made then, both for that the season did not then require to take the field, and also he believed by many reasonable conjectures that thenemies would have dissolved and broken ● whom now he promised to accost with that strength and new supply: But that as a council ill digested of them all, & not holden indifferent of any, both for that there was no possibility to relieve the dangers that were present with remedies so slow and far of, and also that for the difficulties of money, and the disagreement of the confederates, th'effect of that council could not be put in execution.  
In this time the Duke of Milan, with the valour of three thousand footmen whom he had assembled, did not only defend Loda, Cremona, and all that country beyond Adda, and made incursions upon the territories of Milan, but also joining order to celerity, he surprised with the same felicity the town of Monce: Nevertheless his soldiers left it eftsoons abandoned having advertisement that Antho. de Leva (who after he had given conduit to the Duke of Bourbon was returned to Milan) marched thither with two thousand of the old lanceknights & fifteen hundred of a new levy, a thousand Spanish footmen, and five thousand Italians, commanded by diverse Captains.  
But after the Duke of Bourbon had passed the river of Secchia, he took his way 
The Duke of Ferrata counseleth the Duke of Bourbon to go to Rome.  on the left hand and arrived the fift day of March as Bonport: There he left his people, and went himself to Finalo to communicate with the Duke of Ferrara, who persuaded him with many arguments and reasons to draw towards Florence or Rome, and to reduce thither all his thoughts: Yea it was thought that the scope of his council tended chiefly to take his course to Rome, and in regard of that to let pass all other enterprises: In this deliberation there occurred many accidents and difficulties which troubled the mind of the Duke of Bourbon, but chiefly he feared, lest the army being come to Rome, they would pass on to the realm of Naples, and that either for necessity which is mighty in the minds of soldiers, or for desire to be refreshed which their long weariness, and sufferance did justly challenge, or for some other difficulty that might happen whereof he did not doubt, neither had his doubt been fallible or vain, if at his coming to Rome he had not found the Pope disarmed: The same day did the regiments of the Venetians pass the river of Paw without the person of the Duke of Urbin, who notwithstanding he was almost recovered and hole, yet he remained at Gazzolo though with intention to put himself on the way forthwith: The seventh day the Duke of Bourbon lodged at Saint john upon the confines of Bolognia, from which place he sent a trumpet to Bolognia, whether were retired the army ecclesiastic: The summons of the trumpet was to demand victuals, and to assure them that the Duke of Bourbon would go to the succours of the realm of Naples: And the same day the bands of spaniards that were within Carpy after they had delivered up the town to the Duke of Ferarra, joined themselves with the Duke of Bourbon: The army of the Venetians lay encamped along the river of Secchia, not resolved to pass further unless they first understood that the Duke of Bourbon were discamped from S. john, into whose army had passage & resort a traffic of victuals from above the territories of Ferrara: But for that the vittellors demanded money of the soldiers, who had almost none to pay, they dispersed themselves to lodge at large & abroad, to eat and devour the country, and in that wretched insolency they ran into all places robbing both man and beast the better to furnish them of means to pay for their victuals: The same bringing such a disorder over the whole army, that it was holden for certain that if in that confusion they had met with any strong encounter, or if thEcclesiastikes who were within Bolognia and the confines there abouts, would have encamped near them, their own disorder would have drawn upon them no small difficulties and dangers: Both for that so long as they continued so dispersed at large and at random, their perils could not but be more apparent than their safety, and reducing themselves into a straight and one camp, they stood deprived of all mean and providence for victuals: The bands also that were within Bolognia were not without their disorders, as well through the condition of the Marquis who was more apt to break a lance in a fair show at tilt then to manage the office of a captain in the field: as also for that the Swizzers and his companies of footmen were not paid in times dew by the Venetians, the same being the cause that made them lose a fair occasion: In the mean while the Duke of Bourbon to th'end to pass further, was at the point to draw from Ferrara a provision of victuals for many days, together with a proportion of powder, pioneers and oxen to draw four cannons: Wherein notwithstanding he made many demonstrations that such was his intention, yet it was holden for certain that he was determined to pass into Tuskane by the way paved or cawseyed: The like was confirmed by jerom Moron, who many days before had holden a secret intelligence with the Marquis of Salussa, though in the judgement of many, but frandulently & dissemblingly: But such is the operation of a disorder begun, that if it be not as well cured at the root as reconciled at the top, it goeth on working to dangerous effects even as a fire covered and raked up with ashes is not fully quenched but smothered and preserved to a greater burning: for, as the army was appointed to departed & break up the fourteenth day of March, & to that end had sent back again to Bodyn the four cannons: So the day before, the bands of lanceknights having been long led in abuse by many promises made to pay them, joined their exclamations to the complaints of the Spanish footmen, & began with insolent voices to call for their pays, wherein giving scope to their discontentmentes to pass from one passion of rage to an other, they mutined & drew into manifest tumult, and that to the great danger of the life of the Duke of Bourbon, if he had not with present diligence escaped from his lodging, which in their fury they invaded & sacked kill one of his gentlemen who stood to defend the goods of his master: By reason of this accident the Marquis of Guast went forthwith to Ferrara, from whence he returned with some little sum of money, with the which the army was reappeased: The seventeenth day there fell from the regions above such abundance of snow and rain, that for certain days it took away all liberty of marching, as well for the impediment of the ways made worse by the ill weather, as for the swelling of the rivers which the snows and landfluddes had made equal with the tops of their banks or shores: By which intemperance of the wether instrumentally working in the destiny assigned, captain George fell sick of an apoplexy which so vexed him to the great peril of his life, that at lest thenemies hoped that he would become unprofitable to follow the camp, and under that occasion the lanceknights would no more bear their incommodities, and want of money: But the effect was otherwise then thappearance declared: By this time the Venetian army was at S. Fawstin near to Rubiero, to whom the eighteenth of March came the person of the Duke of Urbin, who according to his custom promised to the Senate of Venice almost a certainty of the victory, not so much through the valour and puissance of the confederates, as for the difficulties and straits whereunto were reduced thenemies.  
But now the affairs of the Pope being reduced on all parts to these hard terms, 
The Pope loseth courage and why.  he ran a careless course accompanied with faintness of courage, both for that he was pinched with the want & necessity of money wherein his care was so much the greater by how much did redouble his extremities, and also for th'enterprise of Naples which took not success according to his first devices, and lastly for that his companies were retired to Piperna, being no longer able to endure the want of victuals: But the matter that most took away his resolution and spirit, was the temporizing of the French in whom was found no correspondency between their promises and their effects, a custom which they had duly observed even from the first day of the war till the last end of the same: for, beside that the king was long in sending the forty thousand ducats for the first month of the war, and to dispatch the five hundred lances for the sea army: And besides that he would not according as he was bound, make war beyond the mounts which was one of the principal foundations and means set down to aspire to the victory: Yet also he failed to observe his promises with the Pope from day to day, that besides the ordinary contribution, he would minister to him monthly twenty thousand ducats to make war in the realm of Naples: Also the truce being made by reason of the conspiring of Don Hugo and the Colonnois, he counseled him not to keep the articles of the truce, and confirmed unto him the same promise' not only to aid him in the wars against Naples, but also in all actions for his proper defence: And lastly he promised to sand to him Ranso de Cere whom he favoured much, for that he had expressed great valour in the defence of Marseilles: All which things, albeit they had been promised from the month of October, yet it was so long ere they were executed, that it was the fourth day of januarie before Ranse came to Rome, and yet he brought no money, and also it was ten days after before the twenty thousand ducats were sent: Of which sum four thousand were retained by Ranse as well for his expenses and defrayments, as for his pension, and ten thousand were converted to furnish th'enterprise of Abruzze, so that to the Pope's hands who under that promise had broken the truce almost three months before, there never came of that sum more than six thousand: Moreover the king had promised the Pope in regard of his consenting to a tenth, to pay unto him xxv. thousand crowns within eight days, and xxxv. thousand more within two months: But he never received above nine thousand which were brought him by Monsr Rabandanges: The king also extended his promise further, for that after Pawle Aretze had taken his leave of him the twelfth of February, he promised him a coplement of twenty thousand ducats to th'end to give to the Pope a better stomach to make war: But the said twenty thousand ducats which were sent after Monsr de Lange, never passed further than Savona: The king was bound by the capitulations of the confederation to sand twelve galleys of which sort of vessels he said he had sent sixteen, but the most part of them so ill prepared and so slenderly furnished of men to set on land that they stirred not from Savona: Where, if at the first when overture was made of the war against the kingdom of Naples, they had immediately joined with the galleys of the Pope and Venetians, they would not but have executed right great exploits: And touching the army by sea very mighty in great vessels, notwithstanding the king had made many promises to send them out against Naples, yet they never went far from Provence, or Savona: Furthermore, after he had condescended to give two pays to the soldiers of the Marquis of Salusse, he agreed with the Venetians who had a less number of soldiers than he to whom they were bound, that their pay should be taken upon the contribution of the forty thousand ducats: He saw the comforts and succours of the king of England were very far of and uncertain: The Venetians made but slow payments to their companies, and for that cause the bands of the Marquis of Salusse and the Swizzers who were within Bolognia, served almost for nothing: The variations and uncerteinties of the Duke of Urbin, astonished him not a little, since thereby he discerned that no impediment would be given to th'imperials to pass into Tuskane: By which mean, weighing together with the ill disposition of the people of Florence, thintelligence which the City of Sienna had with th'imperials, he saw that not only the state of Florence would fall into manifest danger, but also the circuit and jurisdiction of the Church: All which reasons albeit they moved him greatly and wrought no small impressions in him, yet after many dristes and doubts, notwithstanding he discerned well enough how infamous and dangerous it would be to separate himself from the confederates and to refer him to the discretion of thenemies: yet, both for that he was not sufficiently succoured by the residue, and much less would apply such aid of himself as he might, and also being overruled by passions of present fear and not able to resist with resolution and courage, the difficulties and dangers occurring, he determined to accord with Fieramosque and Serenon whom the Viceroy had sent to Rome for that matter: The articles of th'accord were these: 
The Pope accerdeth with th'imperials.  That there should be a surceance of arms for eight months, the Pope paying to th'imperial army three score thousand ducats: That whatsoever had been taken upon the Church, upon the realm of Naples, and upon the family of the Colonnois, should be rendered: That Pompey Colonno should be restored to the dignity of Cardinal with absolution of all pains and Censures: This was a condition most grievous to the Pope, and whereunto he condescended with a very ill will: That the French king and Venetians might enter this accord within a certain time: That in case they did enter, the lanceknights should go out of Italy, and if they did not enter, than they should depart from the Church estate, and likewise from the territories of Florence: That the Pope should pay in forty thousand ducats within two and twenty days accounting from the present day, and to satisfy the residue within one month after: That the Viceroy should come to Rome, which the Pope supposed to be the best mean to assure him that the Duke of Bourbon should observe th'accord, a hope wherein he was eftsoons confirmed by the relation of a letter surprised by Guicciardin, by which the Duke of Bourbon advertised the Viceroy of the difficulties of the army, for remedy whereof he counseled him to grow to accord with the Pope so far forth as it might be done with th'emperors honour: Immediately upon the concluding of th'accord, either party retired their bands of soldiers, revoked their army by sea, and the places that were taken were rendered, the Pope using good faith, and meaning in th'execution of the contents of the capitulation, notwithstanding at that time he had the better in all the realm of Naples: saving that in the part of Agnila, the sons of the Count Montoiro doubting to remain there in safety, delivered up their father, who forthwith with the favour of the faction Imperial chased them out of that province together with all those that were against him: After this the Viceroy came to Rome, by reason of whose presence there, the Pope judging he stood every way in good surety for th'observation of th'accord, dismissed with a very ill council, all those bands of soldiers that were in his pay in the quarters of Rome: Retaining only two hundred light horsemen, and two thousand footmen of the black bands: he was induced to this dismission of his regiments by an opinion he had that the Duke of Bourbon was inclined to th'accord, both for the difficulties that increased upon him daily, and also for the testimony he had always given of his desire and disposition to peace.  
But the affairs took an other course about the confines of Bolognia, for, assoon as the truce was established, the Pope dispatched Caesar Fieremosquo to the Duke of Bourbon to approve and confirm th'accord, & to see him departed from of the Church lands so soon as he should receive money: But contrary to their expectation and the restinionies he had given before, the Duke of Bourbon showed a hard disposition to the peace, and in his soldiers appeared a far more forward inclination, who seemed to stand resolute to follow the war, either for that they stood fixed upon the hope of a great profit, or because the moneys promised by the Pope, were not sufficient to satisfy two pays: A matter which induced many to believe, that if the Pope had advanced to the sum of an hundred thousand ducats, the soldiers had easily accepted the truce: But whatsoever was the ground or camp of their obstinacy, it is certain that after the coming of Fieremosquo, they ceased not to take and harry the parts of Bolognia as before, and express upon the people all demonstrations and acts of enemies: Nevertheless the Duke of Bourbon who caused to cast platforms, and Fieremosquo gave continual hope to the Pope's Lieutenant that notwithstanding all these difficulties & insolences the army should accept the truce: together with which promise, Bourbon assured him that he was constrained to cast platforms and express other appearances of enterprise, only to entertain the army in hope to pass further, until he had reduced them to his desire which was to keep amity with the Pope: Notwithstanding at the same time were brought to the camp many provisions of meal, pyenors, carts, powder and other like necessaries sent by the Duke of Ferrara, who afterwards justified himself that neither the money he had sent them, nor all other reliefs of what nature so ever, passed not the value of three score thousand ducats: But on the other side the Duke of Urbin, under a semblance of fear that if the army did accept the truce, it would return towards Polisena de Rowigno, retired the Venetian regiments beyond Paw and encamped at Casal-Maior: in this estate of suspense and temporizing continued the affairs of the war for eight days: But at last the Duke of Bourbon, either for that such had been always his intention, or because the army was fallen into an insolency above his power to restrain, wrote letters to the Lieutenant Guicciardin, that since he was not able to range the soldiers to his will, necessity constrained him to pass further: And putting it accordingly in execution, he removed the day following being the last of March, and went to encamp at the bridge of Rene, where the fury of the footmen of the camp, had killed a gentleman sent by the Viceroy to solicit the Duke of Bourbon to embrace the truce, had he not both with good celerity and fortune avoided the danger of his life by fleeing away: But in that humour of rage and mutiny they expressed far more insolent demonstrations against the Marquis of Guast, who being gone from th'army to draw to the Realm of Naples by reason of his indisposition, or not to be concurrant with others to impugn th'emperor's will, or induced haply by some other cause, was published and proclaimed rebel by the soldiers of th'army.  
The coming of the Duke of Bourbon to the bridge of Rene, assured the Marquis of Salusso and the Pope's Lieutenant, that the army would draw directly towards Romagna. By reason whereof, after they had left one part of thItalian footmen for the guard of Bolognia, and with great difficulty brought thither the Swyzzers for whose pays the Pope's Lieutenant was driven to lend ten thousand ducats to john Vetturio, they went the same night with the residue of the army to Furly, whereinto they entered the third day of April, leaving within Imola a sufficient garrison to defend it: Somewhat beneath the same city, the Duke of Bourbon passed the fift day and encamped more lower under the high way. But thadvertisement being come to Rome that the Duke of Bourbon had not accepted the truce, the Viceroy made many semblances to be discontented, wherein persuading himself that according to the former advertisements he had received, it was needful to advance a greater sum of money, he dispatched a gentleman of his to make an offer of twenty thousand ducats more, which he would levy of the revenues of Naples: But understanding that the gentleman had hardly escaped with the hazard of his life, he departed from Rome in person the third of April, to meet and confer with the Duke of Bourbon, promising the Pope to compel him to embrace the truce by separating from him the men at arms & most part of the Spanish footmen, if by other means he could not induce him: But arriving the sixth day at Florence, he stayed there as in a place most convenient, to debate with the Deputies whom the Duke of Bourbon sent to him: By whom he was fully assured that there was no possibility to stay or contain the army, but by advancing a greater defrayment of money, and that to be levied upon the Florentines, upon whom the Pope had laid all the charge of that provision.  
These variations increased greatly the difficulties & dangers of the Pope, which for many days before were augmented even into degrees of extremities: for, both amid such an uncertainty of councils and dealings of the Duke of Bourbon, and by the success and issue drawn from the labour of the Viceroy, he stood need of the succours of the confederates, the actions of whom went on daily diminishing and abating, notwithstanding the persuasions and instance of the Lieutenant Guicciardin: The reason grew upon the Pope's own dealing, for that in all his speeches & demonstrations, he gave knowledge of his desire to the accord together with the great hope he had of the success of the same by the working of the Viceroy: And on the other side, the Lieutenant, who comprehended by many signs that the Pope's hope was vain, and by the same reason saw that if the provisions of the confederates grew cold, the matters of Florence and Rome stood in apparent danger, fell to persuade with many strong reasons and similitudes the Marquis of Salusso & the Venetians, that the accord would not sort to effect: Wherein he forgot not to encourage them, that, if not for the regards of others, at least for their own interests, they would not abandon the affairs of the Pope and Tuskane: And in that action, the better to insinuate credit and authority, he did not dissemble that the Pope did vehemently desire and demand truce, and did undiscreetly labour and exspecte the same, not looking into the manifest abuses and doubleness of the imperials: he forgot not also to induce them, that though by aiding him they obtained no other thing then to make easy for him the conditions of the accord: yet in that action they should drive a drift of great good and profit to themselves, for that the Pope by their help, would accord for him and for the Florentines under conditions which should little hurt the league: Where, if they left him abandoned, the necessity of his affairs would compel him to pay to the imperials, a great sum of money presently, with continuation of some huge contribution monthly for thentertaining of those arms and soldiers with the which the war was to be brought against them afterwards: In which regards, unless they would wilfully prejudice and harm themselves, they aught to stir & come on with all their forces, to defend Tuskane whensoever the Duke of Bourbon would advance to invade it: The matter of this deliberation reduced the Marquis of Salusso into no small doubts & perplexities, but much more it heaped astonishment upon the Venetians: for, the pusillanimity of the Pope being not unknown to them both, they held for certain, that though they should seek to succour him of new, yet he would not stick to embrace th'accord (without respect to the confederates) as often as he had mean to obtain it: Insomuch as it seemed that they were pressed in a matter very new and strange, to minister aid to him to th'end he might more easily accord with their common enemies: They considered that to leave him abandoned, would be more prejudicial to their common affairs: And yet they saw that they could not leave their men in manifest danger between the Appenyn and the enemies, and in a country become already against them, if, whilst they were in Tuskane, the Pope did either confirm th'accord, or made a new: Moreover the Senate of Venice feared lest the Pope made instance to have their men pass into Tuskane, to th'end to constrain them to consent to a surceance of arms, by mean of the danger wherein they should be to loose their men. The Lieutenant had easily retired the Marquis of Salusso from those doubts & perplexities, notwithstanding he was encouraged to the contrary by many of his council, to th'end not to commit his soldiers to danger: So that even as he had not been ready to come to Furly, so he refused not to pass into Tuskane if need so required: But the Venetians who sought to hold the Pope and Florentines under hope, and on the other side, were apt to stand ready prepared from day to day, to take such course as the occurrences of things did require: gave out directions to the Duke of Vrbyn to issue out of Casal-Maior the fourth day of April, and to sand the horsemen on that side beyond by the way that leadeth to Paw, and the footmen along the river: And the Duke of Urbin having regard to his own particular, was fearful by the course that the imperials took into Romagna, in which humour he dispatched a regiment of two thousand footmen Venetians, for the guard of his own estates, notwithstanding many were of opinion and particularly the Pope, that he had passed a secret promiss to the Duke of Bourbon, not to stop his passage into Tuskane,  
But in this mean while the Duke of Bourbon casting to recover victuals from all parts of which he had great want, sent one part of th'army afore Cotignola, a town which after it had endured certain summons of the cannon, rendered under composition, notwithstanding it was very strong by fortification and walls: for, they of the town fearing the havoc and insolences of soldiers had refused those bands that were sent to defend them: After the action of Cotignola, the Duke of Bourbon sent to Lugo four cannons: And aswell to make provision of victuals, as for th'impediment of waters, he abode three or four days upon the river of Lamono: And so he passed the river of Montono the xiii day of April and lodged at Villa francho five miles from Furly: The same day did the Marquis of Salusso strip and rob five hundred footmen Spanish disbanded, who were gone out towards Monto Poggio to make pillage for victuals according to the example of the whole army being constrained by the great penury and necessity of relief: The xiv day the Duke of Bourbon encamped above the way that leadeth towards Meldolo, A way to pass into Tuskane by Galearo and Valdibagnio: he was solicited to take that way by them of Sienna who offered to him great quantities of victuals and pyonners: And in the way (insolences following disorders) the lanceknights who burned all as they passed, assaulted the town of Meldolo which rendered upon composition, but was consumed with fire notwithstanding: That day the Duke of Bourbon was advertised that the Viceroy by the consent of the Lord La Motte sent by him for that effect, had capitulated the day before at Florence in this sort: That without going from other matters, but confirming of new the capitulation made at Rome, The Duke of Bourbon should begin within five days next, to retire himself with the army: That at the first place whereunto he should be retired, there should be paid to him three score thousand ducats, to which the Viceroy did add twenty thousand: That he should receive three score thousand more by the end of the next month of may, of which the Viceroy by a schedule subsigned with his own hand, bound th'emperor to restore and repay fifty thousand: Only these last three score thousand ducats should not be paid unless Philip Strossy were delivered and james Saluiatio absolved of the penalty of thirty thousand ducats, as the Viceroy had promised to the Pope though not in the capitulations of the truce, yet under simple and secret words: But neither the knowledge of this retained the Duke of Bourbon for passing further, nor the advertisement he had that the Viceroy was departed from Florence to come to the army to him and to establish with him all things that should be necessary: for, the Viceroy did earnestly desire th'accord, aswell for many other general causes, as especially (which I have heard by credible relation) for that he sought to convert the army presently against the Venetians: And albeit the Viceroy had promised at Rome to divide from the Duke of Bourbon, his cavalarye or horsemen together with the most part of the Spanish footmen, yet he refused to make such separation so long as he was upon the treaty within Florence, alleging that it belonged not to him to be the cause of the ruin of th'emperor's army: The xuj day the Duke of Bourbon marched to lodge at Saint Sophia, A town of the valley of Galearo subject to the Elorentyns: And striving with diligence and with deceit to prevent the enemies to th'end no impediment should be given to him in passing the Alps, A place where, for want of victuals, every contrary accident had been sufficient to disorder him: the xvij day he received at Saint Peter at the bains, letters from the Viceroy and the Pope's Lieutenant signifying to him the coming of the Viceroy, to whom he made answer as also to the Lieutenant, that where the advertisement came to him in a lodging so unapt as he could not without incommodity attend him there, he would expect him the day following at Saint Mary of the baynes below the Alps: In the several letter which he wrote a part to the Viceroy, he recommended particularly the ready desire he had to come to accord, wherein he desired him to impart with the Pope his good inclination and devotion, notwithstanding his intention was otherwise. At the day assigned the Viceroy went to meet the Duke of Bourbon, together with the Lieutenant Guicciardin who being not without suspicion of his marching & coming on with his power, and to th'end he should not enter with his army into Tuskane before the succours prepared to defend it, persuaded the Marquis of Salusso with many reasons to advance and go before. And after he had with great efficacy of words and spirit disputed the matter against john Vetturio the Venetian Treasurer always assistant with the Marquis, and against others, who for fear lest their regiments of soldiers were committed to danger, made their demands that before they passed into Tuskane, there should be delivered unto them assurance for two hundred thousand ducats or at lest some strong places in pawn, he brought him with all his companies to go to Bresiquello: from thence he wrote to the Pope, that he found the Marquis so well disposed and ready to march, that he made no doubt to procure him to pass with his army into Tuskane, assuring himself that the Venetian regiments would do the like: But he signified that by how much the matters of Florence stood assured by their passage, by so much were endangered the affairs of Rome, because the Duke of Bourbon having no other hope remaining, would be constrained to convert his forces to that enterprise: And that his army having th'advantage to be so near Rome, it would be hard, with the succours that should be sent, to match his diligence and celerity, seeing he might well pass thApennine in two removes of encamping: That for fear of this, the Florentines sought afore hand to fortify themselves with the forces of the Venetians and the Duke of Urbin, to whom they had given hope and afterwards assured it with promise, to enter the league, in case their bands of men of war did pass into Tuskane: Whereunto they added obligations for payment of a certain number of footmen, And not to accord with th'emperor though the Pope would: That they had also offered to the Duke of Urbin, (who being passed Paw at Ficqueroles was arrived the xiii of April at Finalo, and afterwards at Corticello) to tender up to him the castles of Saint Leo & Maivolo, which offer was solicited with him by Pallas Rucellai whom they sent to him to follow that negotiation: Insomuch as it was less hard for them to have a ready succour, yea though there was advertisement that the Viceroy did not only not found in the place appointed the Duke of Bourbon who the same day dissembling th'appointment sought to pass the Alps: but also had been in great danger to be slain by the peasants of those quarters rising in arms for thoppressions and harms they received by the army: for, the Marquis was ready to pass the Alps, notwithstanding the Duke of Urbin soliciting him to come and speak with him in the borrow of Saint Peter, sought by all mean to foreslow and hinder him: But the xxij of April he encamped at the borrow of Saint Laurence in Mugello. The same being the cause that by his example, the Duke of Urbin, who with no honour nor good order could go far from him, passed in like sort, and encamped at Barberina the xxv. day of April: Wherein he took one principal reason upon the objection that might be made against him, that in case any ill accident or harms fell upon them, they should not lay it upon him, both seeing the readiness of the French men, and knowing that the Venetians had referred themselves to his will, though with this relation and commission, that if immediately after he were arrived in Tuskane, the Florentines went not thorough with the consederation, he should presently repass and retire his army.  
At last the Duke of Bourbon being the same day passed the Alps, lodged at Saint Stephens, which town defended bravely th'assault of his soldiers: And the more to blind the Pope with excuses and reasons artificial, and to have a greater occasion to offend him, he sent one of his gentlemen to keep him still confirmed in his good devotion and desire to have accord with him: Only he alleged that as in regard of the obstinacy of his army which he could not resist, he was driven to accompany his soldiers to avoid a greater harm: so he besought him to believe well of his fidelity, with this council not to leave of the solicitations of accord and not to stick for any sum of money: But it was a matter superfluous to use those diligences with the Pope, who believing too much the thing which he desired, and desiring too much to ease himself of expenses, assoon as he was advertised of the conclusion made at Florence in the presence & privity of the procurer of the Duke of Bourbon, did undiscreetly dismiss almost all his footmen of the black bands: And in that security Monsr Vawdemont was gone by sea to Marseilles, as if the peace had been as firm as the Pope was secure: But all the armies being thus drawn into the body of Tuskane, and the confederates having understanding that the Duke of Bourbon was gone in one day which was the three and twenty day from Saint Stephens to encamp at Chiassa near to Aretzo containing a distance of eighteen miles: The Captains who were assembled at Barberina, drew into council what was to be done: Amongst whom many of them together with the agents of the Pope and Florentines, made instance that the armies knit in one strength should march and be bestowed in some place beyond Florence, to take from the Duke of Bourbon all means to approach that city: which instance being somewhat qualified, it was resolved to suffer the regiments to repose in the lodgings where they were, And that the Captains the day following should go to Ancisa thirteen miles from Florence, to th'end afterwards to call thither all their companies if they found that place to be assured, which Federyk Bossolo the Author of that council did promiss: But as they were the day after upon the way and very near Florence, there happened an accident which might have brought forth very dangerous effects, if it had not been remedied, the same hindering greatly th'execution of that council and many other good complots which might have derived of it: This was the discourse of the accident: At Florence the minds of men were much stirred, of whom as the most part of the populars were discontented with the present government, so the youth of the town concurring in that insolency, made a proud instance to the Magistrates to give them liberty of public arms to defend them as they said against the oppressions of the soldiers: But before the Magistrates could establish any resolution, the discontentment which before was 
Tumult in Florence.  but in opinion, burst out into a manifest and open tumult in the public place, where the most part of the Commons and almost all the concourse of the youth, proclaiming arms, began in their fury to run to the palace: One matter that inflamed and pushed on this tumult was the indiscretion and tymerousnes of Silvio Cardinal of Cortono, who being determined to issue out of the town to go meet the Duke of Vrbyn to do him honour, forbore not to abandon the town, notwithstanding he was not ignorant before his going that the tumult was in action: So that the town being possessed with a rumour of his fleeing away, every one was the more ready to run to the palace, which being in the power of the youth that were conspirators, and the Court and green all full of the Commons armed, The high Magistrate was constrained to proclaim rebels by a solemn decree, Hippolito and Alexander the Pope's Nephews, with intention to introduce again the popular government: But in the mean while as the Magistrate held the people appeased with this proclamation, the Duke and the Marquis entered Florence with many Captains and were accompanied with the Cardinal of Gortono and Hippolito de Medicis: They managing at first certain bands of fifteen hundred footmen who had been kept armed in the city many days for fear of the Duke of Bourbon, reduced them all into one resolute and firm strength, and drew in warlike order towards the green or main place, which the Commons immediately abandoned, and in their fear left to their power, the thing which they had no valour to defend: Nevertheless what by the violence of stones cast from within the palace, and fury of the small shot that played upon them, there was no safety for them to abide there, but somewhat to avoid the importunity of the danger, and not altogether to be far from the place they had gotten, they retired themselves into the streets and quarters thereabouts: The Duke of Urbin was of opinion (A reason which albeit seemed to bear but small consequence, yet it was the principal cause that Florence that day was delivered of so great a danger) that the bands that were within Florence were not sufficient to win the palace: And doubting according to th'experience of a soldier that if it were recovered by night, lest the Commons would eftsoons have recoursse to arms, he determined with the privity of cardinals Cibo, Cortono, and Radolffo together with the consent of the Marquis of Salusso and the Venetian Legates being all assembled in the street of Garba joining to the palace green, to sand for one part of the Venetian bands encamped upon the plain of Florence near the city: By mean of this devise there was towards, a dangerous encounter, for that neither the palace could be subdued without the slaughter of most of the nobility that were within, and also the drums striking up to arms, there was danger lest the soldiers in that liberty would not put to sack the residue of the city: yea that day had been very unhappy for the Florentines, if the ready wit and council of the Lieutenant Guicciardin, had not cut in sunder the knot that of itself was very hard to be undone: he seeing to come towards them, Federyk Bossolo, and comprehending in his imagination the cause of his coming, left the others with whom he was devising, and ran to meet him to th'end to be the first to speak to him: In the beginning of the mutiny Federyk went up to the palace hoping to reappease the riot aswell through his authority as for the familiarity he had with the most part of the youth: But much less that he profited by that labour, seeing of the contrary he received from some of them words injurious and reproachful such as the humour of men drawn into rebellion could afford, yea being kept retained certain hours he found great difficulty to be set at liberty: But being got from them more full of disdain then of compassion, and bringing away a true discovery and information how easy it were to take the place both for the little forces they had, and for the less order they kept, he persuaded the residue to assault it presently: But the Lieutenant cutting of that devise, stepped in and with very short speeches told him what grief the Pope would conceive by those disorders together with the damage that consequently would follow upon all the affairs of the Confederates: In which regards as it were better to labour rather to appease and settle then to kindle and incense the hearts of men, So also it was a matter not a little prejudicial to make known to the Duke of Urbin and others so great a facility to carry it: In so much as ranging him to his opinion he procured him so to temper with the residue, and to reconcile the mutiny without the help of arms, that they all approved his devise, and made choice of them two to go up to the Palace to deal with the Conspirators, and assure them in general and particular that what so ever they had committed against the laws of the state that day, should not in any sort be imputed against them: And being gone up to the Palace under safeconduit of those that were within, they induced them at last after many difficulties; to condescend to abandon the Palace which they could no longer keep. Thus was the tumult appeased more by industry then by arms, And the City that erst was full of insolency and fury, was thus by counsel delivered from danger, and all things returned to the same estate wherein they were before the mutiny. But oftentimes as ingratitude and reproach are far more ready than the remuneration and praise of good works, So albeit for the present the operation and wit of the lieutenant Guicciardin was highly esteemed and commended, yet not long after the Cardinal of Cortono burst out into murmur and complaints against him, that holding more dear the safety of the Citizens, and particularly Lewis Guicciardin his brother being at that time chief Magistrate, then careful over the greatness of the house of Medicis, his artificial dealing had been the cause why thestate had not been that day established for ever in the house of Medicis, with the arms & blood of the citizens: And on the other side, the commons and populars followed him with accusations and complaints, for that bringing back from the Palace reaportes that the dangers were far greater than they were, he had betrayed the valour of the Nobility by inducing them for the benefit of the family of the Medicis, to tender without any necessity: So hard it is to do the thing that beareth a clear sight in the eyes of all men, for that no good action what dignity so ever it hath, if it bring not with it the favour of the time wherein it is done, and the opinion & judgement of those into whose hearts it seeketh to insinuate and win place, it is but a candle that burneth dim, and whose shadow seemeth more than the light. Albeit you see the tumult of Florence appeased the same day without murder and blood, yet from that original ground did ensue successively many great disorders: yea it may be inferred that had it not been for that accident, the ruin that happened immediately after, had been accompanied with his evasion: for both the Duke of Urbin and Marquis of Salusse abiding still at Florence for the occasion of the mutiny, went not on according to the first resolution, to view the lodging of Ancisa: And also the day after the appeasement, Lowis Pisan, and Mark Foscaro Ambassador for the Venetians with the Florentines, taking occasion upon the inconstancy of the City, protested that they would not suffer the army to pass Florence, unless there were made a conclusion of the confederation which had been negociated: In which they demanded contribution for ten thousand footmen, seeking through the opportunity of the time to serve their turns of the necessities of the Florentines: But in the end the conclusion was accomplished the xxviij. day, referring the matter of the contribution to the sentence of the Pope, who was believed to be already reunited with the confederates: Besides, the time being accomplished for the pays of the Swizzers, & Joys Pisan having no money to furnish them for the ill ordinance and address which the Venetians had given, there past certain days before he could make provision of money: In so much as through these variations and other impediments subsisting, the good counsel to draw with the armies to Aneisa, was made vain. But in this estate and condition of affairs, the Pope looking with better eye into the wiles wherewith the Duke of Bourbon had abused the Viceroy, and also seeing him to advance forward into the heart of Tuskane, turned by necessity all his cogitations to the war, And in that humour discerning on all sides nothing 
The Pope compelled to hearken to the war.  but visions of danger and fear, after the xxv. day, he made a new confederation with the French king and the Venetians, by the which as they were bound to minister to him a great sum of money, so he would not restrain himself nor the Florentines to any further obligation than their faculties were able to bear, alleging that upon them both had been laid already heavy burdens of expenses and traveles! But albeit these conditions very grievous of themselves, were approved by th'ambassadors of the confederates, to separate entirely the Pope from the accords made with the Viceroy: yet they had not their perfection and confirmation by their masters and heads principal, in whom either their authority or their will did much to dissolve the conditions of the action: for the Venetians charged Dominike Venerio with a great error, for that without commission of the Senate he had concluded a confederation of great expenses and little fruit, since they gathered by the Pope's inconstancy, that in all occasions he would eftsoons turn to his first desire to accord with the Viceroy: And touching the French king, both drained of money, and driven more to weary th'emperor with the longness of the war, then with the victory, he judged it would suffice now to entertain the war with a small expense: And which more is, albeit in the beginning when he understood the Pope had made truce with the Viceroy, both the matter and manner of the truce were grievous to him: yet looking better afterwards into th'estate of affairs, he wished that the Pope would dispose the Venetians (without whom he could make no convention) to embrace the truce. But at this time the Pope was not a little discontented to see the body of the war transferred into Tuskane, and yet less grieved than if it had embraced the town of Rome: and in that regard he levied bands of soldiers, & made provisions for money, but not with that property of diligence which the estate of his dangers required: He had also a purpose to send Ranso de Cere against them of Sienna, and also to invade them by sea, to th'end that the duke of Bourbon being entangled in Tuskane, might be stopped for taking his way to Rome: Of which expedition nevertheless he had every day so much the less fear and doubt, by how much more he hoped, that both for the difficulties of the duke of Bourbon to lead his army to Rome without victuals and money, and for the commodity of thestate of Sienna where at the lest his soldiers would be refreshed, he would be driven to stay himself upon th'enterprise against the Florentines. But the Duke of Bourbon, either for that his first counsel was otherwise, which he had secretly determined at Finalo by the authority of the duke of Ferrara and advise of Jerome Moron: or distrusting to drive to any good issue the enterprise of Florence, for that the main forces of the league were assembled near there for the defence of the city: and lastly being no longer able to entertain the army without money, which he had till that day carried through so many difficulties with promises & hopes: and now seeing time had reduced him to this strait, either to perish amid the murmurs of his soldiers, which could not but be miserable to a man of his heart, or else to hazard the fortune of battle in so great a weakness and disorder, wherein if there were any certainty it was in the loss of the victory: he determined to march with all diligence to surprise the town of Rome, where the rewards of the victory would be equal with the danger of thadventure, and to th'emperor it would bring no less renown and honour, then to the soldiers a full satisfaction of their long and weary travels: He was pushed on to this enterprise by a hope which he felt to carry the town, seeing the Pope with an evil counsel had first decassed the Swissers, and afterwards dismissed the black bands, and begun so slowly to refurnish himself at such time as the accord was desperate, that it was thought he could not in good time assemble forces sufficient to defend his dangers: And 
The duke of Bourbon draweth his army directly to Rome.  so the Duke of Bourbon with whom nothing was more familiar than the enterprise of Rome, departed the xxuj. of April from the country of Aretze, with his army no less speedy in marching then swift in hope: his celerity to march & win time took from him all care to carry artilleries or any train or baggage of camp, so well was he disposed to see executed the thing which in his heart he had determined, or rather so violent was his destiny, to call him to the end of his life which he could now no longer prolong: In so much as marching with this incredible diligence neither being hindered by the reins which in those days fell in great abundance, nor with the want of victuals which is no small impediment to all great actions, he drew near to Rome at a time when the Pope was scarcely advertised of his coming: All the ways where he passed were as free from resistance, as his desire was far from alteration and change, seeing he found no impediment neither at Viterba whither the Pope had not sent strength in time, nor in any other place apt to stay the resolution of the army so well prepared to endamage him. Now began the Pope to have recourse to those remedies, which if he had used in their due time and place, might have been to special purpose to turn away so great storm: and now found he too late th'effect and truth of the counsels of some wise men about him, prophesying that he would defer the ministration of those helps until either his necessities were greater than his remedies, or at least they would profit little being applied out of due season: Now did he created three Cardinals for money, which either could not be levied for the speedy importunity of th'affairs, or else if he should receive it, the use would be unprofitable by reason of his dangers that hastened on so fast: He called together the people of Rome, whom in great compassion he besought that in so great a hazard of their country, they would readily run to arms to defend it, wherein he disposed the bodies of the popular sort to protect their liberty, and imposed upon the richer loans of money to wage soldiers: A taxation which ran amongst the people with no authority, seeing upon the levying of the impostes one Dominike Maximo of the greatest wealth amongst the Romans, offered to lend but an hundred ducats: for which covetousness he bore a sharp punishment, for that his sons were made a prey to the soldiers, and himself falling into the calamity of a prisoner, was rated at a huge ransom to redeem his liberty. But after they understood at Florence the news of the discamping of the duke of Bourbon, which being written by Vitelly lying then within Aretzo, lingered a day in coming more than ordinary: The capteins determined that the count Guido Rangon with his horsemen & with the troupes of the count Caiezze, together with a thousand footmen of Florence & the Church, should march speedily without baggage towards the town of Rome, and that the other part of the army should follow after: They hoped that if the D. of Bourbon drew with him his artilleries, that proportion of succours would be at Rome before him, And if he marched with expedition, it would arrive so soon after him, that having no artilleries, and the city of Rome being furnished with six thousand footmen by the Pope's reaport, the town would be able to maintain defence until the first succours were come, which being arrived, there could be no danger of the losing of Rome: But the celerity of the Duke of Bourbon and the slow provisions made at Rome, prevented th'effect of all those devices: for as Ranso de Cero to whom the Pope had recommended the principal charge of the defence of Rome, had according to his short time levied very few footmen of service, but gathered a great crew of men ignorant and untrained in war, whom he had drawn by force out of the stables of Cardinals and prelate's, and shops of artificers, besides Inns and other domestical places of the town: So he laboured to cast ramparts in the suburbs, such as in his judgement were sufficient for defence, though in the account of others they were far to weak to hold out the danger that was toward: his confidence was such to defend them, that he would not suffer (for the safety of the town) to break up the bridge of Tiber in case the suburbs and quarter beyond Tiber could not be defended: and in that humour of security holding for superfluous all other sorts of succours, when he was advertised of the coming of Count Guido, he wrote letters to him in the Pope's name by the Bishop of Verona, that seeing the city of Rome was furnished and fortified sufficiently, he should only send a proportion of six or eight hundred harquebuziers, and for himself with the residue of his people, he advised him to go join himself to the army of the league, where he should do more profit, then if he were enclosed within the town of Rome: Which letter albeit did little harm for that the Count was not so far advanced as he might arrive in time, yet it made good declaration what slender sense or feeling he had of the present dangers: But if it may be referred to a wonder that mortal men neither can not nor know not how to resist destiny, it was a matter no less marvelous that the Pope, who before was wont to despise Ranso de Cere above all other capteins, threw himself now into his arms, and reapposed his life and estate wholly upon his confidence and judgement: And yet this was a matter more strange and contrary, that he who in far lesser dangers was wont to be vexed with fear and terror, being even upon the point to abandon the City at such time as the Viceroy drew with his camp to Frusolono, Now in so great a tempest of peril and hazard, contrary to his custom, his nature and all expectation, did not only constantly remain in Rome, but had so great a hope to defend it, that being as it were the advocate & sumner to solicit for thenemies, he did not only forbidden men to go away, but also in the same obstinacy he gave out ordinance that there should not be transportation nor outcarying of goods, such as Merchants with other natures of Artificers would for safety have sent down the river.  
The fift day of May the duke of Bourbon encamped within the meadow near to Rome, from whence with the insolency of a soldier he sent a trumpet to demand passage of the Pope through the city of Rome, to go with his army to the Realm of Naples: The morning following upon the point of the day, by the consideration of his case and thadversities thereof, he found there remained no other hope for his affairs, then to be resolute to relieve the afflictions of his army, and according to the opportunity that was offered by the city of Rome, either to die or to vanquish: In which resolution pushed on more and more by the murmurs and exclamations of his soldiers in whom he could not discern which was greater either their insolences or their necessities, he drew near the suburbs by the way of the Mountain and Santo Spirito, where he began to give a furious assault: wherein he seemed to have the favour of fortune, who made him present the army in more surety by the benefit of a thick mist, which being risen before day and increased with degrees of fog and thickness, become such a cover to his whole camp that his soldiers were not discerned till they were near the place where they began to give the assault: The Duke of Bourbon through a last despair of his estate advanced before all his companies, either for that he had no other expectation of refuge in case he returned not victorious, or else by his own example, he thought to call on with a greater courage the lanceknights whom it seemed went not resolutely to the service: But such was his destiny to determine his life and his glory together, or rather such the reward of his wilful forwardness, which for the most part heapeth wretched effects upon such as seek not to accompany their valour with counsel and discretion: In the beginning of the assault he was stricken with a bullet of a 
The Duke of Bourbon slain at the assault of Rome.  arqebus, of which wound he fell down dead to the earth, receiving justly upon his body and life the price of the action which contrary to all justice and piety he went about to execute: But much less that his death did abate or diminish, seeing it did inflame and redouble the courage of his soldiers, who fighting with a wonderful constancy the space of two hours, made way at last by their hands and weapons to enter the suburbs, wherein they were not only holpen by the weakness of the rampires which were great and general, but also they found help in the slender resistance which the defendants made: An experience of right good doctrine to such as have not as yet gotten by the benefit of examples passed, the knowledge of things present, who in that action may discern what property of difference is between the virtue of soldiers exercised & trained in war, and armies newly and hastily levied and compounded of the multitude of a people more wilful than skilful, and by so much less apt to be drawn under discipline, by how much more by their nature and custom they are seldom conformable to any good order. For there was at the defence of the suburbs one part of the youth of Rome under the ensigns of the people, notwithstanding that many of the Gebelins and faction of Colonno desired or at lest did not fear the victory of th'imperials: They hoped in regard of their faction, to receive no harm or offence by the victors, the same being the cause why they proceeded so coldly in the defence: Nevertheless for that according to the rules of war, it is a hard matter to take towns without artilleries, there died of the assailants, partly by that want, and partly through their wilful forwardness, 
Rome taken and sacked.  about a thousand footmen: who having once by their valour made the way open to enter in, all the defendants fled before them as men whose fear was far above any other sense or passion in them, In which disorder some took the way which his fortune and not his wit laid out for him: some in the astonishment seeking to flee who durst no more fight, was slain by th'enemy afore he could resolve upon the way of his safety, some either better prepared or more haply preserved, found that safety in running away which they could not but doubt if they had longer endured the fight: and some with that resolution which their present calamity would suffer, ran by heaps towards the Castle, where in place of rescue they found a fear conformable to their own, In so much as all things being reduced to confusion and manifest flight, the suburbs were entirely abandoned and left a prey to the victors: And the person of the Pope who expected with great devotion in the palace of Vattican what would be the issue of th'assault, hearing that the enemies were entered, had also (with the others) his passions of fear and frailty, and in that timorous contemplation of his own peril, he fled with certain Cardinals to the Castle: His fear kept him from being resolute in a peril that was so desperate, neither did he think that with the presence and majesty of his person though it was covered with the veil of the highest dignity upon earth, he was able to put by the danger, which the valour and fidelity of his soldiers could not defend with their weapons: There he consulted with the Cardinals whether it were more for his safety to remain there, or during the fury of thastonishment to retire with the light horsemen of his guard into some place of more surety by the way of Rome: But he who was appointed by destiny to be an example of the calamities that may thunder upon Popes, and how frail is th'authority and majesty of that sea, being certified by the relation of Berard de Padua who was fled from th'army imperial, that the Duke of Bourbon was dead, and that the whole army standing abated in courage for the death of their captain, desired to come to accord with him, In which matter they sent out men to parley with the principals there, he wretchedly left there all his counsels to go away, both he and his Captains remaining no less irresolute in the provisions for defence, than they had been slow in thexpeditions: So that the day following, the Spaniards neither seeing order nor counsel to defend the quarter beyond Tiber, entered the place without any resistance: and from thence, not finding any impediments to stop their victory, the same evening they entered the City of Rome by the bridge Xisto, where except such as reapposed in the confidence of their faction, and certain Cardinals, who for that they bore a name to embrace th'emperor's quarrel, believed to find more surety than the others, all the residue of the Court and City (as happeneth in accidents so furious) was converted into fleeing and confusion: But the soldiers being within the City which they knew wanted nothing to make them right, glorious, and well satisfied of all things appertaining to their desires, they began to omit no time to execute the thing they had so dearly bought: every one ran to pillage with the same unbridled liberty which in such cases maketh soldiers both insolent and impious: There was small care or regard borne either to the name of friends, factions, or favourers, and much less was respected the authority of Cardinals and prelate's, or dignity of temples and monasteries, and lastly not reserved from violation the holy Relics brought thither from all parts of the world, yea even things sacred and specially dedicated, were profaned from their shrines and holy places, and made subject to the furious wills and discretion of the soldiers: it is not only impossible to reaccount, but also to imagine the calamities of that City raised to a wonderful greatness, and appointed by God's ordinance to suffer many fortunes and directions, having been sacked by the Goths within nine hundred and foureskore years: It is hard to particulate the greatness of the pray, both for the general wealth and riches which the greedy hands of the soldiers had made up in heaps, and for other things more rare and precious drawn out of the store houses of Merchants and courtiers: But the matter which made the spoil infinite in value, was the quality and great number of prisoners redeemed with most rich and huge ransoms: And to make up a full tragedy of misery and infamy, the lanceknights being so much the more insolent and cruel, by how much they bore hatred to the name of the Church of Rome, took prisoners certain Prelates, whom with great contempt and indignity they set upon Asses and lean Moils, and with their faces reversed to the crowpe of the beasts, they led them through the City of Rome appareled with the habits and marks of their dignity: yea they passed many of them to cruel torments, who either died in the fury of the action, or at lest with the painfulness thereof they lived not long after, first yielding a ransom, and afterwards rendering their lives: The general slaughter aswell at the assault as in the rage of sacking, was about four thousand bodies: All the palaces of the Cardinals were sacked, except some particulars, who to save the Merchants that were retired thither with their goods together with the persons and goods of many others reserved of the general calamity, made promise of great sums of money: To whom notwithstanding was used this iniquity, that some of them that had compounded with the Spaniards, were afterwards sacked by the lanceknights, or at lest constrained to a second ransom: The Lady Marquis of Mantua compounded for her palace for the sum of fifty thousand ducats which were paid by the Merchants and others retired thither: of which sum the rumour ran that Ferrand her son had ten thousand for his share: The Cardinal of Sienna dedicated in a perpetual devotion to the name of th'emperor, after he had agreed with the Spaniards aswell for himself as for his palace, was afterwards made prisoner by the lanceknights, who made booty and pray of his palace, and afterwards leading him all naked with buffers and bastonadoes into the Borrow, he was driven to redeem his life out of their hands with a promise of five thousand ducats: The Cardinals Minerva and Ponsero passed under almost the like calamity: who being prisoners to the lanceknights, were rated at a ransom which they paid, after they had been in a vile spectacle carried in procession through the town of Rome: This fury of soldiers executed in a place of so great riches and profit, could endure no dispensation of any sort or quality of men, seeing the Prelates and Cardinals Spanish and Germains, who made themselves assured that the soldiers of their Nation would spare them from oppression and taxation, were taken and passed by the same measure of misery and calamity as others did: Right pitiful were the cryings and lamentations of the women of Rome, and no less worthy of compassion the calamity of nuns and Virgins professed, whom the soldiers ravished by troupes out of their houses to satisfy their lust, no age, no sex, no dignity or calling was free from the violation of soldiers, in whom it was doubtful whether bore more rule the humour of cruelty to kill, or the appetite of lust to deflower, or lastly the rage of covetousness to rob and spoil: yea in the violation of these women might be discerned a confirmation of the judgements of God hidden from mortal men, for that he suffered to be delivered up to the vileness of men barbarous and bloody, the renowned chastity of women professed and virgins: To this compassion was joined the infinite clamours of men forced against all law of humanity, partly to wrist from them unreasonable ransoms, and partly to disclose their goods which they had hidden from the ravin of the soldiers: All holy things, Sacraments, and relics of Saints whereof the Churches were full, being despoiled of their ornaments, were pulled down and laid upon the earth, suffering no small profanations by the vile hands of the lanceknights: And what so ever remained upon the prays and spoilings of th'imperials, which were things but base and vile, were raked and carried away by the peysantes and tennantes of the lands of the Colonnois, whose insolency carried them into Rome during the general fury: Only the Cardinal of Colonno arriving the day after, preserved in his compassion the honour of many women that haply were fled for rescue into his house. The rumour went that the valuation and prize of this sack in gold, silver, and jewels, amounted to more than a million of ducats, but the matter of ransoms contained a greater quantity.  
The same day that th'imperials took Rome, Count Guido arrived with his light horsemen and eight hundred harquebuziers, thinking to enter the same night by the bridge of Salaro: But hearing of the accident and dolorous estate of the town, he retired to Otricoly, where the residue of his forces came to him: for notwithstanding the letters he had received from Rome, by which he understood there was no reckoning made of his succours, yet he forbore not to keep on his way, retaining this special devotion to be reputed the man that should give rescue to Rome in her greatest afflictions: And yet like as it is the nature of men to be gracious and easy interpreters of their own actions, but hard and severe censors of the actions of others, so there wanted not some who in that humour reprehended the Count Guido for not knowing how to use a fair occasion: for that as the imperials being wholly disposed to follow so rich a prey, to rob houses, to search out treasure that was hid, to take prisoners, and to reduce to places of surety such as they had taken, were dispersed into all the parts of the City, without order for their lodging, without knowing their ensigns, and without obeying the commandments of their Capteins: their confusion was such, as if Count Guido with his rescues had made a sudden entry into Rome and showed their faces to the Castle which was neither besieged nor guarded, it was believed that they had not only obtained the deliverance of the Pope, but also in that opportunity had done some brave exploit: wherein they should have had so much the more facility, by how much they might have commanded over the disorders of the soldiers, who were so universally drowned in the action of pillage, that for any accident that might happen, there could be scarcely reordred or drawn together any notable number, the same being verified by the experience of certain days after, when upon sounding the Alarm, not a soldier was in readiness to resort to his ensign: But such are the errors and imperfections of men that being carried with self opinion, without the ground of reason or example, they oftentimes believe that if things had taken an other course, the issue had been otherwise, whereof if th'experience might be seen, their judgements would oftentimes be found fallible and false. But now there remained only to those that were enclosed within the Castle, a hope to be rescued by the army of the league, who being departed from Florence no sooner than the third of May for the long time the Venetians took to pay the Swissers, disposed their marching in such sort as the Marquis of Salusse went a days journey before the Venetian regiments, but under this ordinance and agreement between him and the Duke that he should follow him the same way: Nevertheless the Duke contrary to that resolution, took the seventh day the way from the lodging of Cortona to Perousa, to arrive at Lody, and afterwards at Otrio, and there passing Tiber to join with the residue: Who as they marched along the way appointed, forced and sacked the borrow of Pieva refusing in their obstinacy to lodge the Swissers, in which conflict were passed to the sword six or eight hundred of those that were within: By reason of this disorder which drew the soldiers to consume time in pillage and spoil, the army arrived no sooner than the tenth day at the bridge of Graniavola, where they had advertisement of the taking of Rome, and the eleventh day they came to Oruieto, where by the counsel of Federike de Bossolo, he and the Marquis and Hugo Peppoly with a great troop of horse drew towards the Castle, with this intention, that he and Hugo should go up even to the Castle, and the Marquis to remain behind to back them: In which devise they had this hope, that finding th'imperials disordered, the suddenness of their arriving both not looked for, and in their greatest heat of spoil and pillage, would haply favour them with occasion to draw out of the Castle the Pope and his Cardinals, wherein they seemed chief to take the advantage of the disorders of the soldiers, in whom was more care to rob and spoil then to foresee dangers: But that devise drew to no effect, both for that being not far from Rome, Federiks' horse falling under him he received such a hurt as he was not able without greater hazard to go from the place, and also Hugo showing himself before the Castle at high days where by his direction he should have arrived in the night, retired his companies, alleging that th'enterprise was discovered, but as Federike said, he forsook the action committed to him because his fear was greater than his valour.  
In this mean while the duke of Urbin understanding the accident of Rome, albeit he assured that he would secure the Pope with all his forces, yet taking the favour of the time and occasion to deprive the estate of Perousa out of the hands of gentle Baillon who was supported and confirmed in it by the Pope's authority, and to restore it to the arbitration and disposing of the sons of john Pawle, made his approaches to Perousa with the Venetian regiments, & what with threats which were sharp and rigorous, and with the terror of his army standing prepared in their presence, he compelled Gentle to departed from the thing which he kept by usurpation: He consumed three days in that action, and leaving there certain commanders, such as depended upon Malateste and Horatio, of whom the one was enclosed in the Castle S. Angeo, and the other managed the war in Lombardy with the Venetian regiments, he departed from thence the sixteenth day to Orbietta, the way which he took at coming out of Cortona to go to Rome beyond Tiber, being the cause that he had lingered long. At Orbietta all the Captains and commanders of the army took counsel together, to set down a resolution of their proceedings hereafter: Among whom the duke of Urbin, after many protestations of his dear and right great affection, propounded many difficulties, recommending them chief to think upon the surety of their retreat in case the succours of the castle soarted to no good success: In which reason he urged of them of Orbietta to give him hostages for assurance not to relieve the army with victuals at their returning: And interposing in all the affairs of that enterprise a temporizing and tract of time, he resolved at last to be at Nep● the xix. day, and that the same day the Marquis with his people and the Count Guido with his Italian footmen, should likewise be at Braciano, to th'end to go the next day in one strength to the isle, which is a place nine miles from Rome: The Pope understanding of the approaching of these succours by the relation of Guicciardin writing to him from Viterbo, took occasion, that having almost concluded th'accord with th'imperials, he refused to subsigne the articles: Not so much for the hope hereceyved by the letters, which (albeit they were advisedly written) made some discovery to him of things which by discoursing of matters past, he was to look and hope for of the time to come, as to avoid thimputation and note of ignominy to say upon his fearfulness and rashness the salt that he had not been rescued. There was in the French an universal readiness to succout the Castle, in whom the Venetians with letters and relations of great affection, augmented the same disposition, the prince soliciting the matter with great vehemency in the counsel of the Pregati: So that all excuses being taken away from the Duke, he consented that the day following a mooster should be made of all the armies and men of war, hoping perhaps that finding such diminution of numbers amongst the regiments and particular bands, that he might make it a just cause to refuse the fight: A devise which he could not reasonably use to serve his turn, since upon presenting the armies to the moosters, there were found fifteen thousand footmen strong, with an universal resolution to fight and do the office of soldiers: Immediately after the mooster and survey of the armies, a general counsel was taken for the manner of their proceeding further, which drew to this determination to lead the army to encamp at the cross of Montmary according to the great instance and solicitation of those of the Castle: They alleged that in respect of the strength of the place and the small distance thereof from Rome containing but three miles, together that there was no fear of th'imperials to issue out of Rome to encamp, They might not only remain there in safety, but also retire without danger, And lastly that by the opportunity of that place they might better take a view and better execute the occasion to secure the Castle. But this resolution nothing pleasing the Duke of Urbin, he embraced an other devise propounded by Guido Rangon, who offered to approach the Castle the same night with all the horsemen and footmen of the Church, and in that action to adventure to rescue the Pope out of the Castle, So far forth as the Duke of Urbin with the residue of the main army would march up to the three Cavannes' to back him: But that devise was not executed that night, because the Duke went up to survey the lodging of Montmary being earnestly pressed by the importunities of the Pope: And albeit he offered to make his approaches that night, yet either for his want of valour, or his too much jealousy of his own safety, he passed not the three Cavannes', In so much as many hours being vainly spent in that temporizing, they were driven to defer th'execution of th'enterprise till the night following: But the same day they were advertised by their espials (whether true or suborned) that as the trenches which the imperials had made in the meadows, were more strong and brave than they were in deed, So also that they had broken up in many places (which also was false) the gallery wall that leadeth from the Vatican to the Castle Saint Angeo, to th'end to minister succours of many sides, in case any invasion were offered: Upon which reaport the Duke took occasion to allege many difficulties, which were all consented unto by Guido and approved almost by all the other captains: Whereupon ensued the conclusion that it was a matter impossible to give succours to the Castle for the present, wherein some other of the Captains that rose up to dispute & defend the contrary opinion, were bitterly reprehended of the Duke, who wanted patience to be drawn to that by reasons and arguments, whereunto he had no inclination of will and valour. In this sort the person and presence of the Pope remained in prey, not one lance being broken to rescue and recover out of prison, him who to secure others had levied so many bands of soldiers, expended such huge masses of money and treasure, and stirred up to war almost all the Nations of the world: Nevertheless they disputed if the helps that were not to be given presently, might be ministered at an other time with more forces: A devise which being proponed by the Duke, was also answered by himself, that undoubtedly the Castle might be succoured when so ever the army were possessed of a strength of sixteen thousand Swizzers levied by ordinance of the Cantons, not comprehending in the reckoning such as were there already, as being become unprofitable for the service by their long abiding in Italy: And besides this cooplement of Swizzers, he required a new proportion often thousand harquebuziers Italians, three thousand pioneers, and forty pieces of artilleries: With which resolution he required the lieutenant to comfort the Pope, whom they knew to be furnished with victuals for a week, that amid his adversities he would temporize and defer to make any accord till his forces might be assembled together. The lieutenant answered, that as he liked of his devise so farforth as in the mean while the estate of affairs did not change: So being very likely that those within Rome would make the rescue more hard with new trenches and fortifications, and also that from Naples would come to Rome the bands which the Viceroy had led thither by sea, he desired to know what property of hope he could give to the Pope in case matters drew that success according to the sensible appearances and conjectures that were discerned. But the Duke replied, that in such case should be omitted no endeavour or action tending to so good an office, adding withal, that if the bands that were at Naples were joined with those of Rome, their strength would be in all more than twelve thousand lanceknights, and eight or ten thousand Spanish footmen, and that if the Castle were lost, there could be made no reckoning to remain masters of the war, if there were not at lest xxij. or xxiv. thousand Swizzers strong: Which demands being contemned of all the Capteins as unreasonable and impossible, the army being diminished in footmen, retired the first day of june to Monterga, notwithstanding the great instance which the Pope made, not to departed so soon to th'end to make his advantage of th'army in the practice & negotiation of th'accord: The same night Peter Mariarossa & Alexander Vitelly with two hundred light horsemen passed up to Rome towards thenemies. But now the Pope having small expectation of succours, and no less fear and jealousy of his life by the rage of the Colonnois and fury of the lanceknights, sent for the Viceroy who was at Sienna to come to Rome, And as the Pope hoped that by the interposing of the Viceroy his composition would be both more easy and reasonable, so the Viceroy went with great will and readiness to find the army, with intention and hope to be created captain general: But being arrived at Rome whither he passed under safeconduit of the Captains of the army, he found no good inclination in the lanceknights and Spaniards, who after the death of the Duke of Bourbon had elected to that place the Prince of Orange: By reason of which prevention together with the ill disposition of the army continuing, he had no reason to abide at Rome, And yet as he went towards Naples, he was encountered in the way by the Marquis of Guast, Don Hugo, and captain Alarcon, by whose counsels he returned eftsoons to Rome: Nevertheless for that he was not agreeable to the army, he bore no more authority neither in the affairs of the war, nor in the negotiation of accord with the Pope: Who being by his adversity made naked of all help present, and less expectation to be rescued where was so great want of valour and order, was driven to run the race of his fortune, compounding the sixth day of june with the imperials almost under the same conditions 
The Pope being abandoned of all hopes, compoundeth with the imperials.  with the which he might have accorded before: That the Pope should pay to the Army four hundred thousand ducats in this order: one hundred thousand presently to be defrayed of the gold, money, and treasure reserved in the Castle: fifty thousand within twenty days, and two hundred and fifty thousand within two months, Assigning to him for these defraymentes, an impost of money to be charged upon the whole Church state: That he should deliver into the power of th'emperor to retain them so long as he thought good, the Castle Saint Angeo, the Rocks of Ostia, of Civitavecchia, and of Civita Castellano, together with the Cities of Parma, Plaisanca, and Modena: That the Pope together with all those Cardinals that were with him, which were thirteen in number, should remain prisoners within the Castle until the first payment of an hundred and fifty thousand ducats were satisfied: That afterwards they should go to Naples or to Caietta to expect what th'emperor would determine of them: That for assurance of the payments whereof the third part appertained to the Spaniards, he should deliver in for hostages, the Archbishops of Siponto and Pisa, the Bishops of Pistoia and Verona, together with james Saluiatio, Simon de Ricasola, and Laurence brother to Cardinal Rodolffo: That Ranso de Cero, Albert Pio, Oratio Baillon, the knight Casalo, th'ambassador of England, with all others that were saved within the Castle, except the Pope and the Cardinals, should depart in surety: That the Pope should give absolution to the Colonnois of the censures they had incurred: And that when he should be led out of Rome, a Legate should remain there for him with authority to dispose and administer justice. Assoon as this accord was passed, captain Alarcon entered within the Castle with three bands of Spanish footmen, and three companies of lanceknights: who because there was put upon him the confidence and deputation to guard the Castle, and the Pope, he performed it with a very straight and severe watch, such as shut up from the prisoners almost all liberty. But touching the other castles and towns promised, they were not so easily consigned, for that as the Castle of Civitavecchia was kept and defended in the name of the Confederates, so Andrea Door notwithstanding he had received warrant and commandment from the Pope, refused to deliver up the Castle of Civita Castellano, unless he were first satisfied of fourteen thousand ducats which he said were due to him for his pay. julian Leno a Roman was sent to Parma and Plaisanca in the Pope's name, and Lodowick Count of Lodron accompanied in the name of the Captains, with commandment to those Cities to obey the will of th'emperor, notwithstanding the Pope had given them secret advertisement to the contrary: And accordingly, those Cities abhorring the jurisdiction of the Spaniards, refused to receive them. Touching them of Modena, they stood not in their own power, for that the Duke of Ferrara letting not pass any occasion which the calamities of the Pope offered him, threatened them to overrun and waste all their corn which was now type, by which compulsion he constrained them to tender up the town to him the sixth of june, not without the infamy of Count Lodowick Rangon, who notwithstanding the Duke had but a small strength with him, left the town abandoned without making any sign of resistance. In this action the Duke respected not the authority of the Venetians, who persuaded him to attempt or innovate nothing against the Church in such troubled times: And yet they themselves entertaining intelligence with the guelfs of Ravenna, after they had sent certain bands of footmen under cooler to defend the town for fear of those of Cotignola, converted to themselves the jurisdiction & possession of that city, and under the same cloak took the castle, after they had made secret slaughter of the captain, publishing that they would hold it in the name of the whole league: Not many days after they possessed themselves of Ceruia & the salts that were there, appertaining to the Pope, whose estates being neither guarded nor defended further than the people and inhabitants for their own interests, stood in defence of their places and liberty: Sigismond Malatesta with the same facility seized upon the town and castle of Rimini.  
The affairs of the Pope proceeded with no better course in the city of Florence, where when the accidence and loss of Rome was related to them, the Cardinal Cortono, whose fear was far greater than his assurance, resolved to give place to necessity and fortune: He saw he was abandoned of those partakers and Citizens who made profession to be friends to the house of Medicis: he saw there remained no mean for him to levy money without using means violent and extraordinary: And lastly lacking devotion to employ his own purse at lest till he saw a further event and issue of the armies who were marched to secure the Pope, he stood possessed with passions of fear and cowardisse, and gave skoape to the adversities of the town without laying to his hand to restrain or moderate the universal peril: In which disposition, after he had made an assembly of the Citizens together, he deposed unto them the free administration of the common weal, having before obtained certain privileges and exemptions together with faculty to the Pope's Nephews to remain at Florence as Citizens private being clearly absolved and pardoned of all things past, which they had committed jointly or severally against the estate: Upon the conclusion of which grants, the sixth day of May he went to Lucquay with the Pope's Nephews, where reprehending and repenting his departure in so great timorousness, he practised to retain to himself the castles of Pysa and Lyvorna, being already in the hands of Captains of the Pope's confidence, who nevertheless, having no hope of succours by reason of the Pope's captivity, and being corrupted with some secret sum of money, within very few days after, delivered up those castles to the Florentines: In the mean while the people of Florence had reduced their city to a popular government, and in that humour had created Gonfalonier and chief Magistrate of the policy for one year with faculty of confirmation for three years, one Nicholas Cappony, A Citizen of great authority and a lover of the public liberty: This man desiring wholly the concord and unity of the Citizens, and no less zealous to reduce the government to the most perfect form of a common weal that was possible, debated the action with reasons grave and resolved, in a convocation of the great council in whom rested absolute power to establish laws and created all Magistrates: And sure if the Citizens had given faith to the persuasions of this man, their new liberty had haply endured longer: But as for the most part the passion of spite and disdain is stronger in him that recovereth liberty, then in an other that defendeth it, so the hatreds being great against the house of Medicis for many causes, but especially for that they have been driven to bear out for the most part with their own money, all the enterprises that they had begun: The people began to persecute immoderately all those Citizens that were friends to the Medicis, together with such as boar affection to the name of the Pope: They called into remembrance how the city had expended not only in the occupation but also in the defence of the Duchy of Vrbyn, more than five hundred thousand ducats, And as much in the war which Pope Leo managed against the French king, and in matters happening after his death depending upon the same war: Neither did they forget the three hundred thousand ducats which were paid to the Captains' imperials and to the Viceroy, before the creation of Clement: And lastly they reduced into reckoning the six hundred thousand ducats disburssed aswell since that time, as employed in this last war against the Emperor: These reckonings being joined to the humour of their universal hatreds, so aggravated their rage and fury, that they defaced and reversed through all the parts of the city, the arms and ensigns of the house of Medicis, not forbearing in that course of insolency to pull down even those skootchions which were affixed and emboasted to the public palaces builded by themselves: They broke the images or portraictes of Leo and Clement set up in so great glory in the temple of Annuciado so much celebrated through all the world: yea the most part of them omitted nothing appertaining to move the Pope's disdain, and to nourish the divisions and discords of the city, wherein they had risen into greater degrees of disorder, if the authority & discretion of the Gonfalonier had not been interposed, which yet was not sufficient to remedy many insolences.  
But by this time were comen to Rome with the Marquis of Guast and Don Hugo, all those footebands of lanceknights and Spaniards which were in the Realm of Naples: So that it was said they had strong within the town of Rome eight thousand Spanish footmen, twelve thousand lanceknights, and four thousand Italians: An army sufficient to do in Italy what they would, aswell for the reputation they had gotten, as for the universal astonishment of those regions, together with the weak provisions that were made to oppose against them: Only the army took such liberty in their insolences and disorders, the Prince of Orange being captain general in title and name, but not in authority and effect, that they took little care of thinterests of th'emperor, being wholly carried with the humour of pray and spoil, and to ransom prisoners and rack the purse of the Pope: Matters whose sweetness detained them still in Rome, where running a race of tumult and mutiny, the Viceroy and the Marquis of Guast feared lest they would extend 
Plague in Rome.  their fury upon their persons to the danger of their lives, In which fear they fled, leaving the soldiers to the hazard and stroke of the plague, which being already begun, kindled amongst them greater brands of infection to their universal damage: for these reason's th'imperials lost thoccasion of many enterprises, but especially they omitted the opportunity to conquer Bolognia, A city which albeit the Count Hugo de Pepoly went thither after the loss of Rome with an army of a thousand footmen paid by the Venetians, yet it stood and persevered in the obedience of the sea Apostolic, though not without difficulty by reason of the tumult which Laurence Maluezzo made by the secret consent of Ramassotto and the favour of the faction of the Bentyuoleis, yea, (which was of no less importance than the residue) their disorder and carelessness gave time to the French king to dispatch into Italy a most mighty army, with great danger to the Emperor to loose the Realm of Naples after he had triumphed gloriously in so great a victory: for, matters going on long time before in France to a preparation of a new war, there was established the four and twenty of April, A conclusion of the confederation 
Confederation between the French king and the king of England.  solycited many months, between the French king and king of England: Wherein one condition was that the Daughter of the king of England should be married to the french king, or to the Duke of Orleans his second son, the election of which should be resolved at the time of the interview of the two kings which was to be performed at Whitsontyde between Callyce and Bolleyne: An other article was that the king of England should renounce the title of king of France, receiving in recompense a yearly pension of fifty thousand ducats: The third article bore that the king of England should enter the league made at Rome, and to be bound by the next month of july, to move war beyond the Mounts against th'emperor with nine thousand footmen, and the French King with eighteen thousand, and a convenient number of lances and artilleries: That in the mean while both the one and the other of them, should send Ambassadors to th'emperor, both to signify the confederation made by them, to summon him to restore the kings children, and to enter into the peace with comely conditions: Which in case he would not accept within one month, their Ambassadors should denownce war to him, and begin it: Assoon as this accord was passed, the king of England entered the league, who together with the French king dispatched two gentlemen in post to present to th'emperor convenient summons: Matters which were done by the Ambassadors of the French and English with a far greater readiness than they were performed by the Pope's commission: for that his Nuncio Balthasar Castillion, sparing to sharpen the mind of th'emperor, would not consent to denownce war against him: But afterwards the Court of France being possessed with the news of the loss of Rome, And the displeasure of the accident of the Pope being balanced with the gladness of the death of the Duke of Bourbon, And lastly the French king not holding it good policy to suffer the things of Italy so to decline, he contracted the fifteenth day of may with the Venetians, that they should wage in common ten thousand Swyzzers, he to furnish the first pay, and the Venetians the second, and so forward according to that rule: That he should send into Italy ten thousand French men, under Peter Navarre: That in like sort the Venetians jointly with the Duke of Milan should wage ten thousand footmen Italyans: That he should fiend thither a new supply of five hundred lances and eighteen pieces of artilleries: And because the king of England notwithstanding th'articles of the contract, showed no great readiness to make war beyond the Mounts, A dealing which was not very agreeable to the French king, They dispensed with that obligation, and in place of that, they covenanted: That the king of England to furnish the war of Italy should defray the pay of ten thousand footmen for six months full: And at the special instance of the said king of England, Monsr de Lawtrech almost against his will, was declared captain general of the whole army, during whose preparation to march and pass with convenient provisions of money and other things necessary, there was nothing done in Italy that was of any consequence: for, both th'emperor's army stirred not out of Rome notwithstanding that many perished daily by the rage of the plague which at that time ran also with great mortality in Florence, and through many parts of Italy: And also the army of the league, into which at thinstance of the Marquis of Salusso and the Venetians, the Florentines were entered of new with obligation to defray five thousand footmen wherewith th'emperor felt himself grievously offended for that having at their instance given to the Duke of Ferrara authority to compound in his name, was almost assoon advertised of their contrary deliberation: This army being greatly diminished in numbers for that the regiments of the Venetians, of the Marquis, and the Swyzzers were ill paid, was retired towards Viterba, And looking altogether to temporize and entertain, they laboured to hold in the devotion of the league, Perousa, Orbieta, Spoleto with other places thereabowts: And afterwards having understanding in that place that one part of th'emperor's army was issued out of Rome somewhat to take breath with the largeness and skoape of air fearing lest the residue should do the like after the first payments were made, they retired to Orbietta and afterwards near to the borrow of Pyeva: And in that inclination they had retired upon the lands of the Florentines, if they would have given consent: In this rage of the plague the castle of Saint Angeo was visited, to the great danger of the life of the Pope about whom died certain special men that did service to his person: who amid so many afflictions and adversities and no other hope remaining to him then in the clemency of th'emperor, appointed for Legate with the consent of the Captains, Cardinal Alexander of Farneso, who notwithstanding being issued out of the castle and Rome, refused under that occasion to go in the said legation: The Captains desired to carry the person of the Pope with the thirteen Cardinals that were with him, to Caietto, but he laboured against that resolution with great diligence, petitions, and art.  
At last Monsr de Lawtrech, after he had given order to things necessary, departed 
Monsr Lawtrech captain general of the league.  from the Court the last of june with eight hundred lances, and honoured with the title of captain general of the whole league. And the king of England in place to present ten thousand footmen, was taxed to pay in money for every month beginning the first of june, the sum of thirty. thousand ducats: Which money should be converted to the payment of ten thousand lanceknights under Monsr Vawdemont, which was a regiment of very good exercise and practise, for that they had many times broken the bands of the Lutherans: The French king took also to his pay Andre Door with eight galleys and xxxuj. crowns for every year: But before Monsr Lawtrech was past the Mounts, the regiments of the Venetians and the Duke of Milan joined together, marched to Marignan, whom Antho. de Leva issuing out of Milan with eight hundred Spaniards and the like number of italians together with a very few horsemen, constrained them to retire: About which time john james de Medicis Captain of Mus who was in pay with the French king, and expected upon the lake the coming of the Swyzzers, made himself Lord by subtle means upon the castle of Monguzzo seated between Lecqua and Coma, wherein dwelled Alexander Bentyvolo as in his own house: for the recovering of it, Antho. de Leva sent thither Lodowyk de Belioyense, who having assaulted it in vain, turned to Monceo: But afterwards, Antho. de Leva having espial that the said captain Mus with two thousand five hundred footmen, was come to the village of Carato fourteen miles from Milan, returned to Milan: where leaving only two hundred men notwithstanding the Venetians were almost ten thousand, and issuing out by night with the rest of the army, he charged suddenly, upon the rising of the Sun, the bands of captain Mus, who at the alarm leaving their houses wherein they were lodged, they retired into a plain place environed with hedges not far from the village, not thinking that all the bands were there: And albeit they cast themselves into order, yet by the disadvantage of the place being low and strayted as a prison, they fell all without any resistance into the calamity of the sword or prisoners, except many who in the beginning sought their safety by fleeing, taking their example of the captain.  
In this mean while, Themperor had advertisement of the Pope's captivity, by letters which his high Chancellor wrote to him from Monaco, as he went into Italy, whether he was sent by his authority: And albeit by his speeches and outward form of behaviour he expressed how grievous that accident was to him, yet it was discerned by his secret motions and affections that he was not much discontented with it, which he well declared in public demonstrations not forbearing to follow the feasts and torneyes begun before for the birth of his Son: But as the delivery of the Pope was vehemently desired by the king of England and Cardinal of York, and for their authority no less displeasing to the French king, who in case he could otherways have recovered his children, would have taken little care and grief for the calamities of the Pope and universal damages of all Italy: So in a cause so generally inducing to compassion, both the one and the other king sent Ambassadors to th'emperor, to demand the deliverance of the Pope as a matter appertaining in common to all the Prince's Christian, and particularly due by the Emperor under whose faith he had been reduced to that estate of misery, by his captains and by his army. about this time the Cardinals that were in Italy made a motion, that aswell they as the other Cardinals beyond the Mounts might assemble together at avignon, to take council in so troublesome a time, what course to hold for the stability of the Church: But because they would not all at one time range themselves under the power of so mighty Princes, they refused to go thither though with diverse excuses: By whose example also the Cardinal Saluiatio Legate in the French Court, being required by the Pope to go to th'emperor to help his affairs at the coming of Don Hugo who according to the capitulation, was to go up to th'emperor, refused to accomplish that legation as though it had been a matter hurtful to deliver up to the power of th'emperor at one time, so many Cardinals: Only he sent by one of his servants of credit thinstructions he had received from Rome, to thAuditor of the chamber resident with th'emperor, to th'end he might negotiate with him, who brought from him very gracious words, but such as promised a diverse and uncertain resolution: And albeit th'emperor could have desired that the Pope had been led into Spain, yet for that it was a matter full of infamy and greatly tending to incense the king of England, And withal for that all the Potentates and provinces of Spain and principally the Prelates and Lords, detested not a little that an Emperor of Rome Protector and Advocate of the Church should, with so great indignity to all Christendom, hold in prison the man in whom was represented the person of jesus Christ in earth: In those regards he made gracious answers to all th'ambassadors which occupied his presence there, At whose instance also to go thorough with a peace, he said he was content to refer the action of it to the king of England, which was accepted by them: And seeming to confirm this good inclination with corespondencye of effects, he dispatched into Italy the third day of August the general of the Gray friars, and four days after him Veri de Miglian enhabling both the one and other with commissions sufficient to the Viceroy for the delivery of the Pope and restitution of all such towns and castles as had been taken from him: he consented also for the better relieving of the Pope, that his Nuncio should sand him a certain sum of money exacted upon the collection of his Realms who in their Courts and parlyaments had refused to contribute money to th'emperor.  
In this time about the end of july, the Cardinal of York passed the sea to Callyce 
The Cardinal of York in France.  with twelve hundred horse: The French king who had great desire to receive him with all shows of honour, sent to meet him at his landing the Cardinal of Lorraine, and went afterwards in person to Amiens where the Cardinal of York made his entry the day after with very great pomp: Wherein one thing that much augmented his glory and reputation, was the treasure he had brought with him amownting to three hundred thousand crowns, both to furnish thexpenses occurring, and to impart it with the French King by way of loan if need were: They debated between them aswell of matters appertaining to the peace, as of occasions tending to nourish the war: Wherein albeit the ends and intentions of the French king were different from the purposes of the king of England, for that to have his children restored he cared not to leave abandoned to manifest pray both the Pope and all the state of Italy: yet what by the authority of the king of England, and necessity of his own affairs, he was driven to promiss to make no accord with th'emperor without the delivery of the Pope: And therefore th'emperor having sent to the king of England the articles of the peace, answer was made to him by both the kings that they would accept the peace under conditions of restitution of the children of France receiving for ransom of them two millions of ducats within a certain time, and delivery of the Pope's person with the state ecclesiastic, together with the conservation of all the governments and estates of Italy as they were at that present, and lastly under condition of an universal and general peace: And because the marriage of the French king with the emperor's sister should still continued, there was set down a special covenant that th'emperor accepting these articles, the Daughter of the king of England should be married to the Duke of Orleans: But in case the peace succeeded not, the king himself should take her to wife: After these articles were sent, they refused to give safe conduit to a man whom the Emperor required to sand into France, answering that they had done enough to sand him the articles of their resolution: Which being not accepted by th'emperor, the peace and confederation between the two kings was sworn and published solemnly the eight day of August: They determined to employ all their forces in the war of Italy having for their principal object, the delivery of the Pope, And touching the manner to proceed in that war, they reapposed themselves upon Monsr Lawtrech, to whom according to the confidence they had in him, they gave absolute power, and before he took his leave to departed with his expedition, they suffered him to obtain of the French king all his demands, for that the king meant in that war to set up his last rest: The Cardinal of York would also that the knight Casalo should go to the camp on the behalf of his king and that the thirty thousand ducats which were his monthly contribution, should be delivered to him to th'end to be assured if the number of Almains were complete. Thus after the resolutions and directions of the war were established, the Cardinal of York returned, and at his departure he dispatched the pronotorye Gambaro to the Pope to induce him to make him his Viccaire general in England, in France, and in germany so long as he was in prison, Whereunto though the French king seemed by demonstrations to consent, yet secretly and in effect he did impugn so great an ambition.  
In this mean while there passed but very few actions and exploits of war in Italy, th'expectation of the coming of Lawtrech being very great: The reason was, that as the Imperial army full of disorder and disobedience to their captains, and no less chargeable to their friends and towns that were rendered, made no great moving and gave no fear at all to their enemies: so the footbands of spaniards and italians fleeing from the infection of the plague, lay dispersed and wandering about the confines of Rome, And the Prince of Orange with an hundred and fifty horsemen was gone up to Syenna, aswell to eschew the danger of the plague, as to keep that city in the devotion of th'emperor: And for the better containing the City in fidelity and order, he had sent thither before, certain bands of footmen, the rather for that the people being drawn into commotion at the incensing of certain seditious Citizens, had, in that tumult sacked the houses of such as were of the family of Montenovo, and had slain in their rage Peter Bourgeso a Citizen of authority together with one of his sons and seventeen or eighteen others: There remained only within Rome the lanceknights, as full of infection and plague as ripe in disorder and insolency, who, being satisfied by the Pope with very great difficulty of the first hundred thousand ducats which were partly paid in money, and part to be answered upon bills of merchants of Genua being to be repaid upon the tenths of the realm of Naples and upon the sale of Benevent, required for the residue of their pays due, other sureties, and other assignation, than the imposition of the state ecclesiastic, a matter impossible to the Pope being a prisoner: By reason whereof after many threatenings made to the hostages and sureties whom in great cruelty they kept in chains, they led them in a manifest ignominy to the field of Flora, where they set up a gibbet as though they would have made present execution of them: Afterwards they issued all out of Rome without any Captains of authority, rather to lodge abroad and refresh themselves, then to execute any exploit of importance: In which inhumanity and insolency, after they had sacked the Cities of Perno and Naruo, Spoleto agreed to give them passage and victuals: By which occasion the army of the confederates to assure Perousa, went to lodge at Pontonovo beyond Perousa, they were encamped before upon the lake of Perousa, but they were much diminished in numbers in regard of th'obligation of the confederates: for, the Marquis had with him three hundred lances and three hundred french archers, three thousand Swizzers and a thousand footmen Italians: The Duke of Urbin had with him five hundred men at arms, three hundred light horsemen, a thousand footmen Almains, and two thousand Italians: The Venetians alleged for their excuses, that they supplied their promise and obligation with the bands of soldiers whom they held in the Duchy of Milan: The Florentines had four score men at arms, an hundred and fifty light horsemen, and four thousand footmen: And as they were constrained to maintain a better provision than all the others, for a continual fear they had lest th'emperors army would assail Tuskane: So in that respect they failed not to make pays to their soldiers in times due, wherein they did contrary to all the residue: But the Duke of Urbin over & besides his ancient difficulties was not without his passions of grief and disquiemes tending almost to despair, for that he knew that both the french king and Monsr Lawtreth spoke not of him to his honour, and also the Venetians were drawn into a very ill opinion of him: Who, suspecting either his fidelity or his inconstancy, had set a diligent and careful guard upon his wife & children that were at Venice lest they should departed without their leave: And in that humour of controversy and suspicion, they reproved openly his council, which was, that Lawtrech should draw directly to Rome without attempting any thing in Lombardie.  
So that all matters of action or enterprise lay on sleep in that army, who interpreted it to a special grace that th'imperials passed not further: And th'imperials having a little afterwards received two crowns a piece of the Marquis of Guast who went to th'army, returned, the lanceknights (who agreed not well with the spaniards) to Rome, and the spaniards were severally dispersed to Aluiano, Tegliano Chastillion, and Bolseno: Only the general numbers were so much diminished especially the lanceknights, by the stroke of the plague, that it was thought the whole army of th'emperor contained not above ten thousand footmen: Here is not to be omitted the reapport of an act worthy of perpetual infamy committed by the Imperial Captains before their departure: The discourse of it was this, Gentle Baillon being returned to Perousa with the will and consent of Horacio, who persuading that the disorders between them were hurtful to every one, had made show that he would reconcile himself to him: Thither went Federike Bossolo with the privity & 
Awicked act.  authority of all the Captains to signify unto him, that forasmuch as they had found out that he practised secretly with thenemies, they thought good to be assured of his person notwithstanding he justified himself and promised that he would go to chastilion: he was left in the guard of Gigant Corse Colonel of the Venetians supposing though his liberty was restrained, yet there was no danger to his life: But the malice of his enemies pulling on by violent hands, the last degree of his destiny, he was the same night slain with two of his Nephews by certain murderers of Horacio suborned by his commission: Which bloody accident he caused to be also accompanied at the same time with the slaughter of Galeotto, brother to Braccio & one of the Nephews of gentle: After this the confederates sent soldiers to enter within Camerino, by reason they had advertisement that the Duke was dead, but they were prevented by Sforce Baillon in the name of the imperials: Insomuch as Sero Colonno made his entry on the behalf of Rodolff his son in law bastard son to the late Duke: Afterwards the Marquis of Salussa and Federik with many horsemen and a thousand footmen, assaulted by night the Abbay of S. Peter which is near Ferno, wherein were Peter Maria Rossa & Alexander Vitelly with a strength of two hundred horsemen and four hundred footmen: This enterprise very rash of itself, since for the garrison that was there, the place was not pregnable but by artilleries, succeeded well to them either by fortune which is vainly supposed to bear some sway in actions, or by indiscretion which leads all things in error and confusion, or else through the covetousness of the Captains who having sent out the same day an hundred and fifty harquebuziers to make pillage of a town fast by, had deprived themselves of a strength necessary to defend it: Insomuch as after they had maintained resistance for certain hours, they yielded to discretion reserving only the persons and goods of Peter Maria Rossa and Alexander Vitelly who in defending the place which they could not keep, had received wounds with the bollet, the one in the leg, and the other in the hand: About this time the river of Tiber rising in two or three places above the banks, overflowed with great hurt, the camp of the league, which went to lodge at Ascesa, th'imperials being as yet between Farno and Naruo: And then passing further, the Duke of Urbin lodged at Naruo, the French men at Bovagno, and the black bands commanded by Horacio Baillon captain general of thinfantry of the Florentines, seeing there was no lodging prepared for them, entered into the town of Montfalcon and sacked it: In which course of insolency certain bands of his footmen invaded afterwards Pressia, whether were retired Rodolffo de Varano and Beatrice his wife, who in so great an adversity having no mean to defend themselves, yielded to discretion: Nevertheless not long after, they recovered their liberty, for that Sero being not able to remain longer within Camerino for the displeasures he received of that army, compounded to abandon it under condition to recover his son in law and his daughter: And in this interchange of actions and affairs, the Marquis of Salusso and Federik made a practice, with the French horsemen and two thousand footmen, to surprise and strip the Spanish horsemen who were lodged at Monte Rotondo without guard and watch as Maria Vrsin reapported: They had three days marching to the place where thexploit should be done, wherein they proceeded with so little order, that they were disclosed & returned without doing any thing, notwithstanding, they had determined, the better to take from the Spaniards all means to fly away, to break down at the same time the bridge of Feverono.  
During the whole time of this summer the actions of the soldiers that were in Lombardie, were of the like property: for, as the bands of the Venetians and the Duke being drawn into one strength near to Milan, with intention to levy and take away the corn of that country, had overthrown the eskert or guard of victuals, and slain an hundred footmen, taken thirty men at arms, and three hundred horse of service and others: So, they forbore to proceed any further against their corn, for that the bands of the Venetians according to their custom, did immediately disperse and diminish: Andre Door was retired with his fleet towards Savona: And the Genoese under that occasion had reconquered Spetia: But afterwards the affairs of Lombardye began to take a new life for the descending of Monsr de Lawtrech into Piedmont with one part of th'army: Who having no mind to remain idle whilst he expected the residue of his forces, went to encamp in the beginning of August afore the town of Bosco in the country of Alexandria wherein were left for garrison a thousand footmen: The most part of them were lanceknights who defended their lives with so much the more obstinacy and resolution, by how much Lawtrech made angry for that they had slain certain Swissers, would not receive them to rendering unless they referred themselves wholly to his discretion, wherein the more to confirm them in heart and courage, Lodowick Count of Lodron to whom was committed in charge Alexandria, sent to them oftentimes and comforted them by all the means they could: In which good office he had special interest for that his wife and children were besieged also within Bosco: Nevertheless their adversity being far above their power, at last after they had day and night for the space of ten days endured the importunate fury of th'artilleries, the minds that through their valour were no longer able to make resistance, were compelled through the malice of their calamity, to submit wholly their lives and goods to the arbitration of Monsr Lawtrech: Who tempering his severity and justice with compassion and clemency, retained the Captains' prisoners and saved the life of the soldiers, but with this condition that the spaniards should return into Spain thorough France, and the lanceknights to take their way into Germany by the country of Swizzerland, & every particular of every nation of them, according to the bravery of war, to go out of Bosco without arms, every one bearing a white rod in his hand: Only in this his magnanimity exceeded his justice, that he liberally rendered to the Count Lodron his wife & his children: This conquest was accompanied with a happy success of the affairs of Genes: for, five ships, whereof four were laden with corn, and the fift with merchandise which went to Genes, being arrived at Portofino, and to th'end they might pass in safety, nine galleys being sent out of Genes to accompany them: It happened that by reason of an advertisement that Caesar Fregoso approached to Genes by land with two thousand footmen, almost all those that were at Portofino went to Genes leaving the fleet abandoned, the same giving 
Genua returneth to th'obedience of the French king.  occasion to Andre Door to enclose it with his galleys in the same port: At which place the Genoese knowing that they were not able to resist, disarmed their galleys and set their soldiers on land, by which mean, of the nine galleys (one being burned) the others fell into the power of thenemies together with the ships laden with corn and the carrack justinian, which being come out of Levant was supposed to have a lading in value worth an hundred thousand ducats: At this exploit were also the other French galleys, who having taken before, five ships laden with corn which were bound for Genes, were afterwards drawn behind Codomont between Portofino and Genes: Moreover at that instant certain bands of footmen which the Adorneys had levied to bestow within Genes, were overthrown at Priacroce a place situated in the same mountains: This calamity joined to many other losses of money and sundry vessels, took from the Genoese being now reduced to extremity, all hope to make good any further resistance, notwithstanding that at the same time Caesar Fregoso being drawn near to Saint Peter de Rene, was constrained to retire himself: But the stroke of famine being joined to the forces and vexations of thenemies, and no further necessity remaining to make their calamity more wretched, they sent Ambassadors to Monsr Lawtrech, to capitulate: Antho. Adorney who was Duke of Genes, retired within the castle: Insomuch as the tumults being appeased principally by the industry of Philip Door who was prisoner there, the City diuolued to the obedience of the French king who created governor there Theoder Triwlco: By the example of this felicity, Monsr Lawtrech drew near to Alexandria having in his army eight thousand Swissers, who diminished daily in number, and the ten thousand footmen commanded by Peter Navare, together with three thousand Gascons whom the Baron of Bear had newly brought into Italy, and also three thousand footmen of the Duchy of Milan: There were within Alexandria fifteen hundred footmen, who for the overthrow and loss of the Almains of Bosco, were both much weakened, and no less terrified, but being relieved afterwards with five hundred footmen entering by the favour of the hills next to the City, and guided by Alberig de Belioyense, they resumed their spirits and made a valiant defence: Nevertheless what by the fury of the batteries redoubled in many places, and fresh courage of the Venetian bands newly arrived in the army, (who notwithstanding did nothing answer neither by sea nor land the numbers they were bound unto) and also the defendants 
Alexandria taken.  at the same time being much traveled and weakened with the trenches and mines which Peter Navare cast, their adversities compelled them to yield up the place with safety of goods and life. This conquest of Alexandria bred amongst the confederates a beginning of some contention: for, as Monsr Lawtrech laid his plot to leave there in garrison five hundred footmen, to th'end that in all events, his bands and regiments might have a sure retreat there, and also such companies as should come out of France might orderly reassemble and refresh themselves in that City: So, th'ambassador of the Duke of Milan who began to suspect lest that beginning extended to usurp and occupy that state for his king, opposed against it with protestations and words full of efficacy: Wherein th'ambassador of Venice concurring with him in that mind and the English interposing in the action, Monsr Lawtrech at last agreed albeit with great indignation to leave it freely to the Duke of Milan: A matter which happily was of great prejudice for that enterprise, for that according to th'opinion of many he used a greater negligence in the conquest of Milan either through disdain, or else to reserve himself to do it in a time when without the regard of others, he might make his profit of it: But after the loss of Alexandria, it was not doubted but Monsr Lawtrech would convert his forces either to Milan or to Pavia, and therefore that Antho. de Leva who had there with him an hundred, and fifty men at arms and five thousand and five thousand footmen Spanish and Lanceknightes, distrusting to be able to defend Milan with so small forces, and amid so many difficulties, should retire his companies to Pavia: nevertheless, considering that Pavya gave smalreliefe or store of victuals, and less expectation to maintain the army there with robberies & extortions as had been done rudely and injuriously at Milan, he changed purpose and stayed at Milan, sending to the guard of Pavya Lodowyke Belioyense, and to the Myllanois who with money would buy liberty to departed, he sold for corruption and gain the thing that he could not lawfully give: But Monsr Lawtrech notwithstanding he was much weakened in numbers of Swizzers, marched on and took Vigevena, and afterwards making a bridge upon the river of Thesin, and by the aid of the same past his army over, he drew towards Benerolo, which is a village within iiij. miles of Milan: In this order of proceeding he made show as though he would in camp before that City, whereunto he was also counseled by the Venetians, but in deed he was resolved to take that course which seemed most easy: And because he understood when he was within eight miles of Milan, that Lodowyke Belioyense had sent thither the night before, four hundred footmen, by which mean there remained no more than eight hundred within Pavya: He turned way and went the day following being the xxviij. of September, to the Monastery of Charterhouse, and from thence with great celerity he went to encamp before Pavya: To the succours or rescue of which City, Anthony de leva, taking occasion upon the alteration of Monsr Lawtrech and changing his way, dispatched thither three ensigns of footmen, who could not enter: by which impediment together with the small numbers of men of war that were there, it seemed the Town could make no great resistance: And in that weakness and fear, notwithstanding they of the Town besought Belioyense to make some composition to avoid the sack and destruction of the City, yet herefused to grant them that compassion: But when he saw with what importunity Lawtrech continued his battery by the space of four days, having reversed so much of the wall, that the small number of men that were within, sufficed not to reinforce it: The necessity of the place joined to the complaints of the townsmen, compelled at last Belioyense to send a trumpet to Lawtrech, who having no speedy access to him by reason that he was by chance gone to the Venetian camp, The soldiers drawing near the town, entered into it by the ruins of the wall: which, being a spectacle grievous to Belioyense, and no mean to remedy or resist it, he set open the gates of the town, and issued out in his misfortune to yield himself to the Frenchmen, who sent him prisoner to Genes. The City was sacked, in which action the Frenchmen spent eight days in pillage 
The sack of Pavya.  and cruelty, putting fire into divers houses, which intheir fury they consumed in revenge of the battle which they lost within the park: Then they drew to counsel, whether they should execute the enterprise of Milan, or address their forces to Rome: The Florentines made instance to pass further, for fear lest Lawtrech staying in Lombardie, the imperial army issued not out of Rome to distress them: The Venetians and Duke of Milan who was expressly come from Milan, impugned it, alleging what great opportunity there was to take Milan, and the profit that would rise by it for the enterprise of Naples: for that as Milan being taken, there remained no hope to th'imperials to have succours out of Germany, so that gate being laid open, it was to be always feared that a great army coming from that part, would not either put Lawtrech in danger, or at lest divert him from the enterprise of Naples: But he answered that he must necessarily pass further by the commandments of his king and the king of England, who had sent him into Italy chiefly to deliver the Pope: To which resolution it was believed he might be induced by suspicion, that if the Duchy of Milan were got, the Venetians thinking themselves assured from all danger of the greatness of th'emperor, would not be negligent to aid the king in the enterprise of the realm of Naples: And happily he was no less induced by this that the king supposed it would be for the benefit and profit of his affairs not to suffer Francis Sforce to recover wholly that state, to th'end that retaining the power to offer to the Emperor to leave it, he might the easilier obtain the deliverance of his children by way of th'accord which continually was negociated with th'emperor by th'ambassadors of France, England, and Venice: But in the negotiation of the same appeared many difficulties, for that th'emperor made instance that the cause of Francis Sforce should be referred to the sentence of the law, and that during the trial, thestate of Milan to be holden by him, promising in all accidents not to appropriate it to him 
Demands which the Emperor made to the army of the confederates if th'accord went on.  self: He required that the Venetians should pay to th'archduke the residue of the two hundred thousand ducats which were due to him by the capitulations of Worms, which the Venetian Ambassador refused not so far forth as th'archduke would accomplish the said capitulations and tender such places as he was bound by the obligations of the same: he demanded of the said Venetians to give to their exiles according to covenant an hundred thousand ducats, or at lest assignation for five thousand ducats of revenue: That they should pay that which they aught him for the confederation made with him, which he wished might be renewed That they should tender Ravenna to the Church, and wholly to give over all that they held in the Duchy of Milan: he required thirty thousand ducats of the Florentines in recompense of the defrayments and expenses made, and for damages received by reason of their inobseruancie: He consented that the French king should pay for him to the king of England a debt of four hundred and fifty thousand ducats, and for the residue amounting to two millions, he required hostages, he required to be provided for him the twelve galleys of the French king for the convey of his person into Italy, only he cut of all proportions of horsemen and footmen: lastly he demanded that as soon as th'accord were resolved, all the French regiments should issue out of Italy, an article which the French king refused, unless his children were first restored to him: Yea when it was hoped that he would mitigate these demands for the loss of Alexandria and Pavia, it was then he showed himself more firm, and resolute following his custom which was not to yield to difficulties: In so much as when the Auditor of the Chamber came to him out of England the fifteenth of October to solicit the Pope's delivery in the name of the king of England, he answered that he had taken order for that by the General: And that touching the accord, he would not either for love or by force, altar the conditions he had established before: But assuredly it was discerned manifestly that th'emperor bore no great inclination to the peace, for that many things gave him courage against the puissance of his enemies: for, he called into consideration that in Italy he might make resistance through the virtue of his army, and for the facility to defend towns: That he could always with small difficulty make pass new supplies of lanceknights: That the long tract of expenses had drained of money and treasure, the French king and the Venetians: That according to the custom of leagues, their provisions were defective and diminished: he had confidence to draw out of Spain sufficient store of money, seeing he bore out the war with far lesser expenses than did the confederates being much impoverished by the pillage and robbery of soldiers, and also for that he hoped by separating the confederates to make them more weak or negligent. lastly, he promised much to himself of his great felicity both approved by th'experience of so many years, and had been assured from his infancy by many predictions.  
But in this time Monsr Lawtrech solicited that the armies by sea prepared to invade either Cicilia or the Realm of Naples, should advance and come on: of which, the fleet of the Venetians (whose provisions either by sea or land answered nothing thobligations,) was at Corfon, and sixteen galleys were to join with Andre Door, who expected in the river of Genes Ransode Cero, appointed to the footmen of that enterprise: After Lawtreth sent back again into France four hundred lances, and three thousand footmen, and contracted with the Venetians whom he counseled to tender Ravenna to the colleague of Cardinals, and with the Duke of Milan, that to defend that which had been conquered, they should retain their bands with whom were janus Fregosa and Count Caiesse, in a place well fortified at Landriano, which is a village within two miles of Milan: By reason of whose neighbourhead for that the companies that were within Milan could not go abroad, it was supposed an easier guard would be made of Pavia, Moncia, Biagrassa, Marignan, Binasquo, Vigevena, and Alexandria: After he had established these things, the eighteen of October he marched with fifteen hundred Swizzers, the like number of lanceknights, and six thousand aswell French as Gascons, And with this strength he passed the river of Paw right over against the borrow of Saint john, with intention to abide there the coming of the lanceknights, of whom till then was arrived but a very slender number, and also an other regiment of footmen of the same nation, which the French king had sent to levy of new in place of the Swizzers, who were almost gone away: But from this place he was driven to send back again beyond Paw, Peter Navarre, with the bands of footmen Gascons and Italians, to the succours of Biagrassa, before which town guarded by the Duke of Milan, Antho. de Leva, was gone to encamp the xxviij. of October with four thousand footmen, and seven pieces of artilleries, taking his reason of that enterprise upon the wants and ill provisions of the town: which being yielded to him the second day by accord, he prepared to pass into Lomelino, to the end to reconquer Vigevena and Novaro,: But being advertised by good espial that Peter Navare was come with a greater supply of forces, he returned back again to Milan: By which retiring he made easy to Peter Navare, to get again Biagressa, in which Francis Sforce bestowed better provisions. It was now discerned that Monsr Lawtrech deferred with great industry and art, to departed: Wherein albeit he alleged that the thing that retained him, was the tarrying of the lanceknights, of whom one band being at last arrived under the charge of Monsr Vaudemont, he abode the coming of the others, And albeit he cunningly accompanied that excuse with a complaint of the slender provisions of the Venetians, yet it was supposed that the only cause that held him in deferring and lingering, was the money which he expected out of France: But the true and most strong reason was, that the French king hoping much in the peace, the negotiation whereof was still continued with th'emperor, he gave direction to Lawtrech to dissemble underslowe proceedings, his advancing on: whereupon also it came to pass that the king was not ready to satisfy his part of the pay of those Almains which were levied in place of the Swizzers, and much less the other bands that were before reserved to go with Monsr Vawdemont. With these necessities or rather excuses Monsr Lawtrech sojourning at Plaisanca, and his companies being bestowed between Plaisanca and Parma, the difficulty which before was had of the duke of Ferrara was now taken away: This Duke, like as Monsr Lawtrech assoon as he was entered into Italy, had solicited to enter into the league, which was a matter desired of th'one side by the Duke in respect of th'alliance that was offered to him with the French king, and on the other side the same retaining him, both for a distrust he had of the valour of the French, and for a suspicion he had lest the king for the recovery of his children, would not at last accord with th'emperor: So nevertheless fearing the threats of Lawtrech, he was reduced conformable to the will of the French, demanding only that the negotiation of those affairs might be performed at Ferrara, for that he would in his own person manage a cause that imported him so much: So that th'ambassadors of the whole confederates went up to Ferrara, together with Cardinal Cibo in the name of those Cardinals that were assembled at Parma: And the Duke being not a little moved to see Lawtrech advance, after he had laboured to insinuate his reasons, and make them seem good to captain George and Andrew de Burgo, (these were within Ferrara and greatly honoured and entertoyned by him) he left them satisfied of the necessity that compelled him to compound. And at last he accorded but with conditions well showing either his industry & knowledge how to negotiate, 
The Duke of Ferrara entereth into the league.  & that it was not in vain that he sought to draw the action into his presence, or else by the conditions were well declared the great desire the other party had to draw him into the confederation: Wherein he entered with obligation to pay monthly for the space of six months, six or ten thousand crowns according to the arbitration of the french king, who resolved afterwards upon six thousand, with bond to deliver to Monsr Lawtrech a company of an hundred men at arms paid: On the other side, the confederates bound themselves to the protection of him & his estate: To deliver to him Cotignolo (which a little before the Venetians had taken from the Spaniards) in exchange of the ancient and almost desolate city of Adria, which he demanded with great importunity: To tender unto him the palaces which before time he had possessed in Venice & in Florence: To give him sufferance to win upon Albert Pio the castle de Novy standing upon the confines of Mantua, which he held besieged at the same time: That they would pay the fruits of the archbishopric of Milan, to his son who was Archbishop there, if the imperials gave no impediment to him to receive them: The Cardinal Cibo in the name of those Cardinals who promised the ratification of the College, bound the Pope to renew th'investiture of Ferrara: To renounce the rights of Modena in regard of the purchase he had made of it with Maximilian: To cancel the obligations for the salts: To consent to the protection which the confederates took of him and his: To promise' by Bulls Apostolic to suffer aswell him as his successors to possess all that they now enjoyed: and that the Pope should created his son Cardinal, and bestow upon him the Bishopric of Modena vacant by the death of the Cardinal Rangon. To this consederation was added that Renea the daughter of king Lowis should be given in marriage to Hercules his eldest son, & to endue the marriage with the duchy of Chartres and other honourable conditions. By the example of the duke of Ferrara, concurring also the instance & solicitation of Monsr Lawtrech, the Marquis of Mantua entered into the league, notwithstanding he had put himself before into the pay of th'emperor.  
But at this time the confederate army was very weak, and lay many days without doing any thing, between Fuglino, Montfalcon, and Bevaguo: And the duke of Urbin who had advertisement of the restraining of his wife and children at Venice, being departed from the army against the commission of the Senate to justify his cause, was told by the way that they were delivered, and that the Senate being well satisfied of his government desired him to pass further: by reason of which advertisement he returned to the army, In which the Swizzers and the footbands of the Marquis were not paid: Neither did the Venetians either there or in Lombardy where they were bound to maintain nine thousand footmen, advance the third part: By which negligence accompanied with an universal sparing of expenses, the army was declined to great debility: in which weakness they retired afterwards to the territory of Lody & the confines thereabout. And the Spaniards upon the end of November were gone up towards Corncto and Toscanello, and the lanceknights remained at Rome, to whom the prince of Orange was returned from Sienna, where he had made but small abode, for that he saw he could not be apt to reorder that government as he thought he could have done. Assuredly it was not to be doubted that if th'emperor's army had advanced, the duke of Urbin and the Marquis of Salusse had not retired with their forces to the walls of Florence, notwithstanding they had made many vaunts that to stop them from entering into Tuskane, they would plant a camp either within Orbietto or Viterba, or else upon the territory of Sienna towards Chiusa and Sertiano: But Monsr Lawtrech notwithstanding the bands of lanceknights were arrived, proceeding, for th'expectation of the issue of the peace, so slowly as he was wont, made his abode within Parma: where albeit he had reduced into his power the castles of that city, and had levied upon that town and Plaisanca and their territories about fifty thousand ducats, yet it was believed that he had an intention not only to subdue to his devotion and power Parma and Plaisanca, but also to th'end to draw Bolognia to depend upon the authority of his king, he had impression to convert the jurisdiction of that city into the famuly of the Pepolies: But those devices sorted to no effect by reason of the Pope's delivery: To the which albeit it seemed at the first that th'emperor was not to condescend readily (for since the news of his calamity he had temporised one whole month before he would resolve) yet both understanding that Lawtrech was passed into Italy, and also not ignorant of the king of England's readiness to the war, he had dispatched into Italy the General of the grayfreers and Verio de Migliato, with commission to the Viceroy to debate that action: But the General finding the Viceroy dead before he arrived at Caietto, he was then to transfer the negotiation of those affairs to Don Hugo de Moncado, to whom as th'emperor's commission did also extend, so the Viceroy had orderly substituted him in his place until th'emperor should sand some new address for the government of the realm? And after the General had communicated with Don Hugo, he went to Rome, accompanied with Migliato who was come out of Spain with the like commissions: This business & negotiation contained two principal articles, the one that the Pope should satisfy the army to whom was owing a very great sum of money, And the other that the Pope being delivered should not be adherent to his enemies: To which two articles were tied hard conditions of hostages & towns for assurance: Which difficulties as they drew a long tract and delay in the general matter, so to make the issue easy, the Pope failed not by secret means to solicit continually Monsr Lawtrech to advance, assuring him that as his intention was to promise' nothing to th'imperials but by force, so also in that case, being once out of prison, he would observe nothing so soon as his person were once transferred into a place of surety, which he forgot not to bring to pass in giving to them the lest opportunities he could: But in case he did accord, he besought him that the compassion of his adversities and necessities might serve him for excuse. But during the solicitation of these matters the Hostages stolen away secretly from Rome in the end of November, not without the great indignation of the lanceknights.  
Long was the disputation upon this matter, even those being not of one opinion and advise, in whom was most power to determine: for albeit Don Hago had sent to Rome Serenon his secretary together with the others. yet what for his ill nature and the little love he bore to the Pope, he had no great inclination to his delivery: The General bore a contrary affection, either in true regard of office and compassion, or for that he aspired to be Cardinal: And Migliato impugned it as a matter most dangerous for th'emperor, and being not able to resist it, he went from them to Naples, of which impiety he bore a right punishment, for that at the first besieging of Naples leading the skirmish, he was slain with the shot of a arqebus. The Pope omitted nothing that by industry might be made for his purpose, for he alured to his opinion, and won on his side the wit and tongue of Jerome Moron, the counsels of whom bore great authority with the imperials in all their deliberations: The mean with the which he did allure him was, that the Pope transferred the Bishopric of Madena to his son, and corrupted him with the promise of certain corn which he had at Cornetta amounting in value to above twelve thousand ducats: He made favourable the Cardinal Colonno with a less industry, both by promising him the legation of la Marqua, and also assuring him at such time as he came to visit him in the castle, that he would principally acknowledge so great a benefit of him: wherein he forgot not to work upon the humour of the man, that he could not wish a greater degree of glory and felicity, then to let all the world know that it was in his power to pull down Popes, and being once embased and reversed, that it was in his hand to reamount them and raise them to their former estate of greatness: With which insinuations of themselves full of compassion, and for the party that preferred them of no less piety and devotion, joined to the property of the Cardinal being by nature haughty and glorious, inclined him to a ready disposition to deliver the Pope, believing that it would be as easy for the Pope in his liberty to forget so many wrongs and injuries, as being prisoner he was apt with prayers and tears humbly to recommend unto him his deliverance. But all sorts of difficulties were somewhat eased by a new commission from th'emperor, by the which he gave order that the Pope should be delivered to his contentment as much as was possible, Wherein it seemed he held it sufficient that being in his liberty, he would be for the confederates no more than for him: Nevertheless the matter that more than all other wrought for his delivery, was, a necessity they had, which made them fearful, lest Monsr Lawtrech would lead his army to the defence of the Realm of Naples: Which was a matter impossible unless they were first assured of the pays due to them, in recompense whereof they would not suffer so many prays and great gains as they had made at the same time: This necessity to provide for the pays, was also the cause why there was made less account to be assured of the Pope in time to come. At last after long negotiation and practice, and many accidents and difficulties occurring, there was concluded in Rome the last of October, a resolution of accord with the General and with Serenon in the name of Don Hago, who afterwards ratified it: These were the articles of the composition: That the Pope should be no party against 
Accord between the Pope and th'emperor's Agents.  th'emperor, neither in the affairs of Milan, nor in the kingdom of Naples; That he should accord unto th'emperor the Croysade in Spain, and a tenth of the revenues ecclesiastic through all his dominions: That to assure th'observation of these things, Ostia should remain in the hands of th'emperor, and Civitavecchia which Andrea Door had left to him before: That he should assign over to him Civita Castellano, a town which had refused to receive th'imperials, Mario Perusquo, procurer of the fiske being entered within the rock by secret commission from the Pope, notwithstanding he made semblance of the contrary: That he should also deliver over to him the rock of Furly, and to put into his hands for hostages Hippolito & Alexander his nephews, And till they were come from Parma th'emperor to be possessed of the Cardinals Pisani, Triwlco, and Gaddi, whom they led to the realm of Naples: That he should make present payment to the lanceknights of three score thousand ducats, and to the Spaniards thirty and five thousand: That in so doing they should let him come out at liberty with all the Cardinals, and they to go out of Rome & out of the castoll, always interpreting to liberty when soever they should be conveyed in safety to Orbietto, Spoletto, or Perousa: That within fifteen days after his going out of Rome he should pay the like quantity of money to the lanceknights, and afterwards the residue within three months to the Spaniards and lanceknights jointly, according to their shares & portions: Which residue together with the sums paid amounted to more than three hundred and fifty thousand ducats. The Pope to have the better mean to observe these payments, and withal to deliver himself of the heavy yoke of his imprisonment, had recourse to those remedies, which he would not apply before to keep him out of that calamity: And in that necessity he created for money certain Cardinals, of whom the most part for their doctrine or virtue, were unworthy so great honour: The same property of extremity forced him also to consent to the Article of the tenths through the realm of Naples, with power to alienate the goods of the Church: In so much that that which was dedicated to the service of God (so deep and prosound are his judgements) was converted to the use and entertaining of Heretics, and that by the permission and consent of the Vicar of Christ: With which means having assured the payments of the money according to the times promised, he delivered also for hostage for the surety of the soldiers, the Cardinals Cesis & Vrsin, who were led by the Cardinal Colonno to Grottaferara: And so all things having their orderly expedition, and the resolution set down that the tenth of December the Spaniards should accompany him into a place of surety, he fearing some variation either for the ill mind which he knew Don Hugo bore to him, or for any other accident that might happen, the night before he stolen secretly out of the Castle 
The Pope goeth out of prison.  in the closing of the evening, disguised in the attire of a Merchant: Lewis de Gonsaguo who was in the pay of the Emperor, tarried for him in the meadows with a strong company of harquebuziers, and with that guard did accompany him to Montfalcon, where dismissing almost all his bands of footmen, he was led by the same Lewis even to Orbietto, into which City he entered by night without the company of any one Cardinal: An example worthy of consideration, and perhaps never happened since the Church was great, that a Pope should in that sort fall from so great a puissance and reverence, his eyes to behold the loss and sack of Rome, his person to be turned over into captivity, and his whole estate reduced to the disposing of an other, and within few months after, to be restored and re-established in his former greatness: So great towards princes Christian is th'authority of the Pope, and the respect which mortal men do bear to him.  
About this time which was immediately after Monsr Lawtrech was departed from Plaisanca, Antho. de Leva sent out of Milan the bands of Spanish and Italian footmen, both to feed and refresh themselves, and also to recover such places of the country as were most weak, to th'end to open a way and commodity to bring a traffic of vitttelles to Milan: These bands exchanging the captivity of the town wherein they were kept straight, for the liberty of the country which gave them scope, took that part of the country which is called Spetio. He sent out also at the same time and to the same ends Philip Toruiello with eleven hundred footmen and certain light horsemen to Novaro, in which citle was a garrison of four hundren footmen of the duke of Milan: Toruiello made his entry by the Rock which had been always holden in the name of the Emperor: and finding a very slender defence, he made himself master of the town, where making pillage of some of the footmen, and sending the residue to their houses, he kept within Novaro, holding it for a retreat to overrun all the country thereabout: But there were part of the lanceknights got into Arond, and an other part bestowed within Moraro, To whom for that the Duke had sent a strength of other footmen for the defence of Lomelina, and the country, they become impediments to Toruiello that he had no liberty to make his incursions far off: In so much as that winter running forth in no other exploits then in many skirmishes, both parts made pillage aswell upon their friends as their enemies, & in that liberty of war ran over the whole country with an universal ruin of all sorts of people. In like sort at that time were joined and assembled at Livorno, the galleys of Andrea Dore, and fourteen French galleys, with sixteen galleys of the Venetians: who after they had received in Ranso de Cere, with three thousand footmen to put on land, they weighed anchor the xiii. of November, to depart out of the port of Livorno: And albeit it was determined before, that they should make an invasion upon the isle of Sicily, yet that resolution being innovated, they were converted to the enterprise of Sardignia, at the persuasion as was supposed of Andrea Dore, who haply had in his mind other conceptions: Monsr Lawtreth consented easily to embrace this enterprise, hoping that Sardignia being taken, the conquest of Sicily would be of less difficulty: But what so ever the cause was, the issue and effect was strange and diverse, for that falling into the rage of a very violent storm, they were separated and turned to their several hazards of the sea: One of the French galleys perished near the shores of Sardignia, and four of the Venetians being sore beaten with the fury of tempests, returned to Livorno: the other galleys of the french were driven into Corsa by the rage of the winds, against which the skill of the Pylotes had no force, and afterwards they reassembled with the four Venetian galleys within Portovecchio: the other eight of the Venetians were carried by violence of sea and storm into Livorno: So that after many perils by storm and weather that enterprise stood dissolved, Andrea Dore and Ranso de Cere remaining in great discord together. But Monsr Lawtrech being within Reggia, assoon as he was advertised of the Pope's delivery, he left the castle of Parma to the officers of the Church, and went up to Bolognia, In which City he made his abode, expecting the coming of the last bands of the lanceknights, who within few days afterwards arrived upon the countries of Bolognia, not in number of six thousand as was appointed, but only three thousand, which was far less than was looked for: And nevertheless after they were arrived, Lawtrech sojourned twenty days within Bolognia, attending the king's advertisement for the last resolution touching the negotiation of the peace: He used in the mean while a great diligence wherein was also interposed the authority of the king of England to draw the Pope to make an open protestation to cleave to the confederates: But immediately after he was arrived at Orbietta, like as there went to congratulate with him the duke of Urbin, the Marquis of Salusso, Federike Bossolo who died a little after are Lody, and Lewis Pisano commissary for the Venetians: So he besought them with great instance to retire their companies & bands of men of war from thestate ecclesiastik, assuring them that the imperials had promised him to withdraw their forces, if they might discern the armies of the confederates to do the like. And in that compassion he wrote also a letter to Monsr 
The Pope thanketh Monsr Lawtrech for his delivery.  Lawtrech tending to thank him both for that he had done to purchase his deliverance, and also for the counsel he gave him to procure his liberty in any sort what so ever: He debated with him that his actions and industry had been of so great consequence to constrain th'imperials to resolve upon his delivery, that he did no less acknowledge himself bound to the king and to him, then if his person had been taken out of that calamity with the force of their arms: The aid and proceedings of which he would willingly have tarried for, had not his necessity compelled him to abandon all temporizing, the rather for that the conditions that were proponed were always changed from ill to worse, the same testifying unto him in clear appearance that his fortune had left unto him no other mean of delivery, then by the benefit and operation of accord: which by how much more it was deferred and put of, by so much more the authority and estate of the Church was to fall into manifest reversement: But the chiefest matter that induced him to determine his adversity by accord, was a hope he had conceived that being at liberty, he should be made an apt instrument to solicit a common tranquillity both with his king and the other princes of Christendom. Such were at first his phrases and manner of speeches protested in simplicity and roundness, as become the office of a Bishop, but especially a Pope who had received at the hands of God so severe and sharp admonitions: Nevertheless it was not long ere he returned to his natural custom, having not left for the calamity of his imprisonment, neither his subtleties wherein he could deeply dissemble, nor his covetousness which he could not avoid: for when the Agents which Lawtrech sent together with the Ambassador of the 
1528.  king of England were come before him to solicit him to confederate with the residue, he began to give them diverse answers, Sometimes he dismissed them with hope that he would be reduced conformable to their desires, and sometimes he would infer excuses that having neither men, money, nor authority, as it could not help them much to have him to join with them, so the action could not but be prejudicial to himself, for that th'imperials would take occasion to vex him in many places: And sometimes he showed a ready inclination to satisfy their demands, so farforth as Monsr Lawtrech did advance: A matter which he desired greatly to th'end the lanceknights were compelled to departed out of Rome, who going on consuming the remainders of that miserable city and all the country confining, would not be brought to give over to hunt the pray which they found so sweet, but in their insolences neither respecting their Captains with obedience, nor for bearing civil tumult and mutinies amongst themselves, they demanded new pays.  
But from the end of the year going before, and much more in the beginning of the year following, the industry and solicitations of the peace began to appear vain, and by that reason the minds of Princes and states began to be so much more incensed and kindled, by how much less they saw themselves excluded from the hope of peace: For as all the difficulties were almost resolved, seeing th'emperor refused not to tender to Francis Sforce the Duchy of Milan, and to compound with the Venetians, the Florentines, and the other confederates: So this rested only in question, which of these two things should be put first in execution, either the withdrawing of the French army out of Italy, or the restitution of the kings children: The king would not be bound to revoke his army out of Italy, if first he recovered not his children, offering to put hostages into the hands of the king of England to assure the observation of the penalties wherein he was bound, if upon the refirming of his children he retired not presently his army: But th'emperor made instance to the contrary, offering the same cawtions into the king of England's hands: Wherein the question and disputation running, in whether of them it would be more comely or honest to trust the other, th'emperor said it was not reasonable to reappose confidence in him who had once deceived him. To the which the French Ambassadors answered, that by how much more he pretended to be deceived by their king, by so much less could their king reapose confidence in him: They alleged also that th'emperors offer to consign into the hands of the king of England the same assurances which their king offered, was neither equal nor indifferent: for that both the case varied in this, that the thing which th'emperor promised to do, was of far greater consequence than thobligation of their king, and therefore not reasonable to be assured under the same cawtions: And also they added, that the English Ambassadors who had authority to bind their king to observe what so ever the French king should promise', had no commission to tie him to th'observation of th'emperor's promises: And that their faculties & authority being limited and restrained to term and time, they could neither exceed nor anticipate: Upon which disputation could soart no resolution, for that th'emperor had not the same inclination to the peace, which his Counsel had, the rather for that he entertained himself with this opinion, that though by war he should loose the kingdom of Naples, yet he should be apt to recover it by rendering the children of France: yea the great Chancellor who long time before was returned into Spain, was touched much by imputation, to have troubled greatly the solicitations of the peace with cavillations and interpretations sophistical. At last th'ambassadors of England and France following their commissions in case they despaired of th'accord, determined to demand leave of th'emperor to departed, and immediately afterwards to denounce war against him: And with that conclusion being brought to his presence the xxj. of january, his Court being then at Burgos, and being followed with th'ambassadors of Venice, of the Duke of Milan, and Florence, Thenglishe Ambassadors demanded of him the four hundred and fifty thousand ducats which their king had lent to him, and six hundred thousand for the penalty imposed upon him in that he had refused his daughter, together with five hundred thousand for the pensions of the French king and for other causes: Which demands being proponed for greater justification, all th'ambassadors of the confederates asked leave to departed away: But he told them he would take advise of his counsel before he would answer that demand, being in deed necessary afore they departed that his Ambassadors were in places of surety. Thambassadors were no sooner departed his presence, than the Heralds of England and 
War denounced against th'emperor by the kings of England and France.  France entered, to denounce war against him, which he accepted with a great show of gladness and bravery: And in that humour he gave present direction that th'ambassadors of France, Venice, and Florence, should be conveyed to a town fifteen leagues from the Court, where being guarded with archers and halberdiers, they were forbidden either to communicate or to writ any thing what so ever: Touching the duke of Myllans' Ambassador, he imposed upon him a commandment as upon his subject, that he should not depart from his Court: Only on the behalf of the Ambassador of England there was nothing innovated.  
Thus all the negotiations and hopes of peace being broken, there remained only inflamed and kindled the cogitatious and thoughts of the war: which as it declared itself in manifest preparation through all the regions of Italy, So to reduce to action and beginning the thing that as yet was but in appearance & show, Monsr Lawtrech pushed on by the king, but much more by the king of England, since the hope of peace began to diminish, was departed from Bolognia the ninth of january to march to the kingdom of Naples by the way of Romagna and la Marqua: This way after long consultation was chosen by him contrary to thinstance of the Pope, who desired under thoccasion of his marching, to restore into Sienna, Fabio Petruccio and Montenono: That election of the way was also against the instance of the Florentines, who to th'end to have that army more ready to secure them, in case th'imperials marched to invade Tuskane, desired them to take the way of Tuskane: But Monsr Lawtrech chose rather to make his entry into the realm of Naples by the way of Tronto, both for the commodity of that way to lead the artilleries, and also for the fertility of the country yielding plenty of victuals: and lastly because he would not give occasion to thenemies to make head at Sienna or in any other place, having a special desire to make his entry into the kingdom of Naples before he should encounter any impediment: And assoon as he was departed from Bolognia, john Sassatello rendered to the Pope the rock of Ymola, of which he had made himself lord in the time of his imprisonment: And drawing near afterwards to Rimini, Sigismond Malatesta son to Pandolffo, contracted with him to give up that City to the Pope, upon condition that he should be bound to suffer his mother to enjoy her dowry, to give to his sister who was not married six thousand ducats, and to assign for his father and for him two thousand ducats of revenue: That Sigismond should depard immediately out of Rimini, and his father to remain there until the Pope had sent the ratification: And that in the mean while the rock should abide in the hands of Guido Rangon his cousin, who being in the pay of the French king followed Monsr Lawtrech to the war: But the Pope deferring to accomplish these promises, Sigismond repossessed and occupied again the rock, though not without a great complaint of the Pope against Guido Rangon, as though he had secretly suffered him, and not without suspicion that Lawtrech and the Venetians had consented, seeming they had desired to keep him in continual difficulties: The suspicion of the Venetians grew upon the cause of Ravenna, which the Pope assoon as he was delivered out of the Castle having sent to summon and demand it of the Senate by the Archbishop of Siponto, he was answered with words general, referring the matter to the arbitration of jasper Contarin Ambassador elect resident with him: for notwithstanding they had given assurance before that they retained it for the sea Apostolic, yet they had no desire to restore it: Wherein they were moved aswell by interests public as private for the commodity of that City to augment their jurisdiction in Romagna, fertile of itself in grain, and for the plenty of the countries adjoining, of great opportunity to draw to Venice every year good quantities of corn: Besides many of the city of Venice had in that territory, great and goodly possessions: And touching Monsr Lawtrech the Pope doubted no less of him, for that besides many instances which had been made to him before, Lawtrech notwithstanding he had sent to him after he was come from Bolognia, Monsr Vawdemont captain general of the lanceknights, together with Monsr Longeville whom the king sent to solicit him earnestly to declare against th'emperor: could not obtain so much of him, the Pope not refusing expressly, but under delays and excuses: And in that cunning he had offered to the french king to give his consent, but under this condition that the Venetians should tender to him Ravenna: A condition which he knew could not take effect, both for that it behoved not the Venetians to be induced to it by the king's persuasions, neither was it agreeable to the time that the king should make them his enemies, to satisfy the Pope: Moreover he gave no inclination to thinstance which Lawtrech made to him to ratify the accord made with the Duke of Ferrara, alleging that it was a matter far unworthy of him to approve in his life time, conditions made in his name whilst he was dead: and yet he alleged that he would not refuse to contract with him: By reason whereof the duke of Ferrara taking that occasion, made difficulty (notwithstanding the king and the Venetians had received him into their protection) to send to Monsr Lawtrech the hundred men at arms and the money which he had promised: Wherein he stood upon this observation, that doubting the issue of affairs, he would not be so much for the French king, as not to reserve place and mean to appease in all events the mind of th'emperor, to whom he had excused himself by his necessity: Besides he entertained continually at Ferrara George Fronspergh and Andrew de Burgo. Nevertheless the army for all this ceased not to advance, which under the leading of Monsr de Lawtrech arrived the tenth of February upon the river of Tronto which separateth the estate ecclesiastic from the kingdom of Naples.  
But in France after advertisement was brought that th'emperor had retained the king's Ambassador, by his example the king caused themperors Agentes to be restrained within the Castle of Paris, and all merchants subjects to him to be stayed throughout all the regions of France: The king of England did the like by th'emperor's Ambassador resident with him, whom he eftsoons redelivered, after he was made to understand that no restraint was made upon his. And as the war was now published in France, in England, and in Spain, so the French king stood upon this request, that the first action might begin jointly in Flaunders, in which resolution he sent certain bands of soldiers to make incursions into that country: Nevertheless the Flemings for all those provocations, made no emotion nor rising, unless to defend themselves, for that the Lady Margaret of Austria labouring to avoid all occasions to enter war with the French king, would not suffer her people to issue out of their bounds and confines: But it was a matter grievous to the king of England to have war with the people of Flaunders, for that notwithstanding there were to be confined to him assoon as they should be conquered, certain towns promised before by th'emperor for assurance of the money he had lent him, yet he held it also a matter no less prejudicial aswell for his particular revenues, as for the general interest and benefit of his realm, to break the trade and intercourse of his Merchants with those provinces: Nevertheless according to thobligations of the contract, as he could not apparently refuse it, so yet he temporised & deferred it as much as he could, taking th'advantage of the capitulations by the which it was lawful for him to linger forty days after summons made, to th'end to give time to the merchants to retire themselves. This excuse of his and inclination being both well known & approved by the french king, he solicited him that in place to make war in Flaunders, he would with an army by sea, invade the sea coasts of Spain, where he assured him he had right good intelligence: By which alteration of councils it happened at last, that as the king sending to the french king a bishop to persuade him to give over th'enterprise of beyond the mounts, and to increase and make strong the war of Italy: so by his persuasions and his authority there was an order established, that for the space of eight months next ensuing there should be done no vexations nor harms by the french and english, upon the countries of Flaunders nor any of the estates or subjects of th'emperor confining upon those provinces: Wherein for the more easy induction of the french king to condescend to this order, the king of England was bound to pay thirty thousand ducats monthly for the war of Italy, in which was determined the contribution promised before for six months.  
But by how much were augmented and enforced the preparations of the war, 
The lie given by the french king to th'emperor.  by so much and by the same degrees were kindled & redoubled the hatreds of both the princes having especial interest in this war: either of them took occasion to multiply injuries and enforce quarrels, In which passions they contended no less with courage and malice, then with force and arms: For, whereas th'emperor about two years before in the town of Grenado when in like sort the peace was solicited between the french king and him, spoke to the Precedent of Grenoble the french ambassador then, certain words inferring that he would willingly put end to all quarrels between the king and him by a singular combat of both their persons, to th'end to avoid so much blood and affliction of Christians and persons innocent: And whereas also since that time he had confirmed the same words to the herald the last time he signified the war to him, with this addition that the french king had dealt with him villainously and cowardly in falsesying the faith he had given to him: These speeches being now delivered over to the king, he thought he could not let them lie in silence without his ignominy and dishonour: And therefore albeit the challenge might better become the persons of knights, then to be performed by princes of their estate and greatness, yet being no less guided with the envy of the challenge then desirous to purge and justify his honour, he caused to assemble the xxvij. of March in a great hall of his palace at Paris, all his princes, attending his person, all th'ambassadors resident from the foreign, and the whole presence of his court: And in that aspect and stately view of nobles & ambassadors the king in his time descended into the hall with a great pomp and furnishment of sumptuous attire, & no less honourably accompanied with a train of Barons: where after he was with all ceremonies of state & dignity set in his seat royal, he caused to be called before him th'emperor's ambassador who sued for his dispatch for that it was determined that being conveyed to Bayone, he should be delivered at the same time that the other confederate ambassadors were set at liberty, who for that purpose were conducted to Bayone: When th'ambassador stood in his presence, the king spoke to him, excusing and alleging that th'emperor had been principally the cause of his restraining, for that in an example new and against humanity, he had kept retained his ambassadors and the agents of his confederates: But seeing he was now to go to Bayone to th'end there might be an universal delivery at one time, he desired him to carry from him a letter to th'emperor, and to deliver a message from him of this tenor: That whereas th'emperor had said to his herald that he had falsified his faith, he had said falsely, and that how many times he had spoken it, so many times had he lied, and that for answer to th'end not to linger the trial of their quarrels, he would assign him the place where they might together perform the combat: But th'ambassador refusing either to carry the letter, or to deliver the message, the king said he would sand to signify no less to him by a herald: he added also to the message, that albeit he was not ignorant that th'emperor had spoken words against the honour of his brother the king of England, yet he would make no mention of that, knowing that the said king was well able to deal in his own defence: And yet if thorough the indisposition of his body he had any lawful impediment, he offered to present his person to hazard for him: Not many days after the king of England gave the same deffiance, and with the same solemnities and ceremonies. The same somewhat offending the honour of the princes of Christendom who in their rage of malice could not forbear to defile their minds with such passions, having running amongst them a war of so great importance and so much prejudicial to all the common wealth of Christendom: But amid these great heats and furies of war and arms, the order of our story draweth into discourse some reapport of the king of England touching the refusing of the Lady Katherine of Arragon.  
The said king had to wife the said Lady Katherine daughter to Ferdinand and 
For what occasion the king of England refused his wife the Lady Katherine of Arragon.  Elyzabeth kings of Spain, a queen worthy of such parents, and for her virtues and good behaviour universally beloved & reverenced of the whole estate of the realm: In the time of the father of that king, she was married to prince Arthure eldest son to the crown, but being almost no sooner married than she was made a widow by the hasty death of her husband, she was eftsoons by the consent of her father and father in law, married to prince Henry the younger brother, but with dispensation of Pope julio in regard of thaffinity that was near and strait: of which marriage was procreated a son, who died immediately, and afterwards there succeeded no other generation of children than a daughter. The same giving occasion to the court to murmur, that for the unlawfulness of the marriage being not dispensable in the first degree, the crown was by miracle deprived of issue male: This occasion was aptly taken and managed by the Cardinal of York, who knowing the kings desire to have sons, began to persuade him, that refusing his first wife who justly was not his wife, he might dispose himself to marry an other: Wherein much less that he was induced by conscience, or of a simple desire to bring issue male to the king, but he was carried in that action with a secret opinion that in drawing his king to embrace a second marriage, he might happy induce him to fix his affection upon the Lady Renea daughter to king Lowys: A matter which was desired by him with no small industry and ambition: for that knowing he was generally hated of all the realm, he sought to prepare remedies for his own estate against all accidents that might happen both during the life and after the death of the king: he took also one strong inducement to that practice upon the great malice he had conceived against th'emperor, for that neither in demonstrations nor with effects, he did not further and satisfy his incredible pride: neither did he doubt for the great authority the king and he had with the Pope, to dispose him to publish judicially the divorce: The king opened readily his ears to this council, not that he was carried with those ends which the Cardinal of York had fashioned: But (according to th'opinion of many) he took the chiefest reason of his inducement upon the love he bore to a Lady of the Queen's train whom he determined to make his wife: In which course of love and choosing, the king was so secret and private, that his pretence was neither known to the Cardinal nor communicated with others, but when it began to burst out either into knowledge or into conjecture, the Cardinal of York that first insinnuated the motion of divorce, had no mean to dissuade him from it, and less authority to lead him in an other counsel then such as he had persuaded him before: But the king seeking to establish his conscience upon good grounds, searched out the opinions of Divines, Lawyers, and men religious, by whom he was answered that his first marriage was not sound nor lawful, and upon their learning justified it for such: Therefore as soon as the Pope was delivered out of prison, he dispatched Ambassadors to induce him to enter the league and to labour according to the ordinance given for the restitution of Ravenna: But the chiefest end and industry of these Ambassadors consisted, to obtain faculty to proceed in the divorce, which he sought not by way of dispensation, but by declaration that the marriage with Katherne was of noane effect: The king believed that the Pope, for that his estate was weak in forces, and his person void of reputation, and having no stay nor support upon the puissance of other Princes, And lastly in recordation of the great favours received of him for his delivery, he would not be uneasy to consent to the thing whereunto he was deeply bound by so many obligations.  
To which the king adjoined the consideration of the cardinals credit, whom he knew for that he had always favoured his affairs and afore him the doings of Pope Leo, he was very gracious and mighty with the Pope: And to cut of from the Pope all excuses of fear for any offence that might happen to him by th'emperor being son of the sister of Katherne, and the better to allure him with surety, the king offered to wadge for his safety a guard of four thousand footmen: An offer which the Pope hearkened unto, and in that inclination though he considered the importance of the matter and the infamy that might redounded to him, yet being at Orbietta and as yet in the condition of a Neuter between the French king and th'emperor, and of little confidence with either of them, And in that regard esteeming much to preserve the amity of the king of England, he had no stomach to impugn the kings demand: And albeit he declared in shows and demonstrations a ready desire to be agreeable to the king, yet holding things in suspense for the difficulty of the means that were proponed, he kindled so much the more the hope and importunity of the king and his Agents, which wellspring or original of many adversities, took augmentation and increassing daily.  
Assoon as the Pope had given audience to Monsr Vawdemont and Monsr Longeville and answered them with words general, he dispatched to the king together with Longeville, the Bishop of Pistoya, to signify unto him, that being without money, without force, without authority, and wretched by all other privations, it could little profit the confederates to have him to declare: That only he might do a better office to solicit a peace, to which end he had given him commission to go to th'emperor to exhort him with words sharp & rigorous to embrace it: A matter which the king would not consent unto, not for that he remained ill contented of the Pope's neutrality, but that he doubted the negotiation was extended to some further matter: Neither did th'emperor complain that the Pope in so great a dissension stood indifferent.  
But now at such time as Monsr Lawtrech marched and came on, and direction 
Lawtrech entering into the Realm of Naples, Andre Dore retireth from Genes.  given that the armies by sea should do the like, there were found many difficulties to give impediment to th'enterprise: for, the twelve galleys of the Venetians which before were reduced to Livorna, having suffered many vexations in thexploit of Sardignia both by the rage of the sea, and for want of victuals, departed the tenth of February from Livorna to go to Corfu to readdress and refurnish their wants: Nevertheless the Venetians promised in their place, to send twelve other galleys to join with the French army by sea, which was not without their difficulties for the perplexities they had passed, and for the controversies happened between Andre Door and Ranso de Cere: by reason of which accidents albeit Ranso remained sick at Pysa, yet it was set down that Andre Door who with all the galleys was come to the shores of Livorna, should with his fleet of galleys set his course for the Realm of Naples: And Ranso with the other French galleys and the four of Friar Bernardyn together with the four of the Venetians, which were all assembled into one fleet, should prepare for th'enterprise of Sicily: But Andre Door with his eight galleys accompanied with eight other of the French kings, crossed sail and retired to Genes, taking this excuse that it was necessary both for him and his galleys to take some rest, either for that such was the true ground and occasion, or else the interests of the affairs of Genes carried his mind with an inclination to new thoughts: for, where the Genoese had demanded of the king to suffer them to govern freely of themselves, and for that gift of liberty did offer him two hundred thousand ducats: The king refusing to gratify a demand so far from the common weal of his affairs, it was believed that Andre Door either the Author or at lest the furtherer of these demands, held it not reasonable that the king should accomplish the conquest of Sicily, if first he did not consent to the liberty of the Genoese: There was also brought in question an other cause of controversy which was of importance: for, the king having dismembered the City of Savona from the Genoese, it was doubted lest most part of thintercourse and traffic of Merchants being transferred in short time to Savona in favour of the king, and for the opportunity and situation of the place, And that the king making there his staple, and building vessels for his service, the City of Genes would stand deprived of most part of her inhabitants and plenty of riches: Andre Door employed all the art and industry he could to induce the king to restore Savona to the ancient subjection of the Genoese.  
But a far better success and felicity followed the enterprise of Lawtrech, than the expeditions of the sea, for that as soon as he was arrived at Askoly, and had sent Peter Navare with his footbands to Aquila, jeramo and julia Nova were rendered to him at the first brute of his coming: The Marquis of Salusso by the same direction followed him with his regiments by the way of Lyonessa: And last of all succeeded Horatio Baillon with an hundred and fifty light horsemen, and four thousand footmen Florentines of the black bands: The Venetians had also promised to sand him without the person of the Duke of Urbin, four hundred light horsemen and four thousand footmen of those bands which they had in the town of Rome: And in supply of the others which they were bound to administer & employ to the wars of Naples, they had accorded to pay three and twenty thousand ducats for every month: Assuring also that for the regard of the navy at sea, they would advance xxxuj. vessels to give aid to th'enterprise of Sicily: Nevertheless they gave manifest signs that they were weary of the burden, and proceeded very slowly in the matter of expenses, by whose example the French king did the like: seeing at the same time complaints were comen from Monsr de Lawtrech that the assignation for an hundred and fifty thousand crowns monthly for the charges of the war which the king had made to him at his departure out of France, of which was to receive about two hundred thousand crowns, was reduced to three score thousand crowns only the month, and that but for three months to come: A matter which as it brought no small grief and despair to him, so he burst out in complaints against the king and his omission and carelessness as not to be moved neither with reason, nor with his faith, nor with the memory and example of his proper damage: This was one especial point of his grief and complaining, that where the king had converted to th'enterprise of Fontarabye his treasures and forces which aught to have served him for the defence of Milan, it was the cause to make him to loose the whole estate and Duchy of Milan: The enterprise of Aquila 
Peter Navare taleth Aquila.  succeeded happily, for that as Peter of Navare made his approaches, so the Prince of Melffy went out of it, & for the French king, did enter the son of the Count Montoiro: In like sort the lanceknights of the Venetians took by composition Civitella, A little town but well fortified and hath his situation seven miles beyond Tronto: The taking of this town was furthered by the prevention of two hundred harquebuziers spanish who were sent for the defence of it: All Abruzza followed th'example of Aquila, & the whole residue of the Realm of Naples had done the like, had not th'imperial army issued out of Rome: This army after passion of many difficulties & 
The Imperial army issueth out of Rome.  tumults, and the soldiers fully satisfied of all their pays from the time of the Pope's delivery, marched out of Rome the seventeen day of February: A day which had been most joyful and of special respiration to the long miseries of the wretched people of Rome, if their calamities which they supposed to be ended by the departure of the lanceknights, had not eftsoons recontinued in a new course by the Abbot of Farfa and others of the family of the Vrsins, who entering the town with the peysants of their dominions immediately upon the breaking up of the others, did for many days many great insolences: By reason of these calamities grievous for their continuance, & lamentable for their wretched succession descending from one enemy ill, to an other that was worse, the city of Rome was not only made naked of a great part of her inhabitants with the desolation of many houses and palaces, But also it stood rend and defaced, in images of worthy and ancient presence, of pillars representing the monument and memory of great Princes and Conquerors, of many singular stones for their value precious and for their raretye greatly esteemed, and lastly of many ornaments of antiquity such as drew delight to the eyes of the beholders, and gave great reputation to the town that so long had preserved them: Nevertheless the lanceknights continuing in their mutinies and would not depart without impressed for two pays, where the Spaniards were satisfied with more facility, The Pope desirous to purge the town of such a contagion, was constrained to furnish them with twenty thousand ducats more, which he paid under cooler to deliver the two cardinals hostages: And afterwards they retained twenty thousand more as from the people of Rome, and albeit it was doubted that this pay was made by the Pope, yet it passed under that name to th'end to give less occasion of complaint to Lawtrech▪ Who notwithstanding complained not a little that the Pope with that money was the cause that th'imperial army went out of Rome, by which action his victory which was before manifest and certain, was now reduced to doubtful terms and uncertain events of war: There issued out of Rome according to computation, fifteen hundred horse, four thousand footmen spanish, two or three thousand footmen italians, and five thousand lanceknights: So great diminution had the plague brought upon that nation.  
By the removing of th'imperials out of Rome, Monsr Lawtrech, who otherways would have taken the strait way to Naples, was constrained to fetch a circuit more long by Powylla along the sea coast: he had some reason to take that march for the difficulty to draw his artilleries if in these places he should have found impediment of enemies to pass the Mounteine: But much more to make provision of victuals lest he fell into want if he haply were driven to plant the course of his victory before the walls of Naples, So that partly by compulsion, and partly upon those reasons inducing, he took his way to Civita de Chiora the capital town of the furthermost Abruzza: for the water of Pescairo makes separation of the hithermost Abruzza from the furthermost: There did tender unto him Sermono with many other towns of the country, and in that property of inclination, either for affection they boar to the French name, or for hatred to the Spaniards, there was almost no town which sent not out at lest xxv. and thirty. miles before, to yield themselves: And yet because he would pass with a greater surety and stability, he forbore to advance with that diligence which both by his felicity he might, and by his fortune was offered: And it was believed to th'end to gather in safety during the month of March, the revenue of the tribute of Powylla amounting to four score thousand ducats and was levied in five towns, that he would sand thither Peter Navare with his regiments, for whose disagreements and controversies which Monsr Lawtrech was compelled to endure, there was little good order in the army: But being departed from Guast and understanding that one part of thenemies to whom was joined the Prince of melf with a thousand of those lanceknights which the Viceroy Don Charles had brought out of Spain, and two thousand Italyan footmen comen out of Aquila, was arrived at Nocero forty miles from Termyny drawing towards the sea: And an other part of the enemies to be passed to Campo Basso which is thirty miles from Termyny upon the common or ordinary way to Naples: he sent out before Peter Navare with his regiments of footmen, and went himself the last day of February to Sera within twelve miles of Termyny, from whence the fourth day of March he arrived at Saint Severo: But Peter Novare according to the address that was given him, passed on, and in one day entered within Nocero, and in an other he got into Foggio, making his entry at one gate when the Spaniards who were retired to Troya, Barletta, & Manfredonia, would have entered by the other: The conquest of these places served greatly for the revitteling of the army.  
The army that was with Monsr Lawtrech contained in the whole four hundred 
The contents of Monsr 〈…〉 treches army.  lances, and twelve thousand footmen, men not very well prepared and trained for the war: But there were to join to him, the Marquis of Salusso who marched before all the others, The regiments of the Venetians, and the black bands of the Florentines, whom Lawtrech desired not a little to join with him: for that bearing a name to be a Colony of footmen as apt and resolute for assaults as any infantry that then was in Italy, they served as good examples and whetters on of the residue of his army, wherein were bodies strong and stable for the fight: But when he understood by the reapport of Peter Navare whom he sent to take the view, that there were within Troya and the consynes about it, five thousand Almains, five thousand Spaniards, and fifteen thousand italians, And that for the bitterness of the cold that then was, he was not able to keep the field, Monsr Lawtrech the eight of March went to Nocero with all the footmen and light horsemen: And the Marquis of Salusso newly arrived, put into Foggia with the men at arms and a thousand footmen: Upon which dispersing of the army Monsr Lawtrech gave it out that he would give battle if occasion offered, aswell for many reasons generally moving, as chief for that the assignations which the king had given to him, being withdrawn and diminished, he was not able long time to sustain the expenses of the war: he left within Saint Severo with a slender guard all th'ambassadors and other natures of people that were not apt for the war. And so he seemed to be there in surety, without any necessity or compulsion to give battle but upon advantage, neither had he want of victuals, though he lacked meal: Afterwards he issued out the xii of March and took the field three miles beyond Nocero and within five miles of Troya: for, Nocero & Barletta which are distant one from another xii miles, are not further from Troya then eight miles: The Imperials who had now assembled together all the companies that were within Manfredonia and Barletta, & had plenty of victuals within Troya, issued out to skirmish, though all the bands of footmen except the lanceknights, were not paid: And the day following, they took the field without artilleries, in a strong place upon the hill of Troya: But Lawtrech the xiv day environed that hill on the part above that looketh to the South, drawing towards the mountain: And turning his face to Troya, he began to ascend, where after he had won the hill in a hot skirmish, he encamped in a place that commanded them, from whence he compelled them with his artilleries to retire some into the town and some back again: So that both the town of Troya and the Imperial army remained between the french army and Saint Severo: which both made uneasy the passage of succours that might have comen to Naples, and also stopped for the most part the victuals that might have been brought to them, Notwithstanding they consumed not much as being discharged of all unprofitable mouths and the general baggage and train of the army: And on the other side was stopped by them the traffic of victuals that passed from Saint Severo to the French camp, besides that they held in danger Saint Severo which they might assauk with part of their people and the French not to perceive it.  
The armies lying encamped in this sort, that is to say the french men beyond Troya towards the mountain, And the Imperials on this side towards Nocero at the back of the town, And the most part of the places thereabouts being commanded by the french: They remeined therein that order until the xix. day, all the nights being spent in alarms, & the days ronning out in skirmishes, in one of which was taken prisoner Martio Colonno: The Imperials oftentimes cut of the victuals that went from Saint Severo & Foggia to the french army, which for that impediment felt some incommodity, & had need of a strong eskort or conduit to defend the victuallers. Here the Imperialists drew into council what was to be done, Among whom the Marquis of Guast persuaded to offer the battle, seeing the french army went on increasing daily, & theirs was more & more weakened: But the council of captain Alerson carried most authority, who proved by reasons & arguments that there was more hope of the victory in temporizing & suffering the time, then by advancing to refer things to the arbitration of fortune: The xix. day th'imperials retired within Troya to eschew the continual vexations of th'artilleries of thenemies: But having afterwards rampared their place against the fury of the shot, they repaired thither again in good season, and returned in ill time within Troya: But the xxj. day at the appearing of the morning, they broke up and went towards the mountain to Ariano making a great days march: They found within Troya a great quantity of victuals far surmounting that which the French men believed before, And having cut of all passages by the which victuals might be brought to them, they made to themselves a vain promiss of the victory: it was then they levied and broke up, either to draw the French into a place where they might found want of victuals, or for an intelligence they had, that the day following they expected in their camp the black bands: Who as they marched being lodged in Aquila, had in their insolency sacked that city, not being provoked by injury, or other occasion: The xxij. day Lawtrech encamped at Lyonessa upon the river of Ofanto which the Latyns call Aufidium, six miles from Ascoly, having sent the black bands and Peter Navare with his regiments and two Cannons, to take Melffo: Where after they had battered a small breach, the Gascons presented themselves to the wall, and the black bands with more fury then good direction of their Captains did the like: Wherein the one nation serving with an emulation of the other, and they both being well beaten in flank by small shot, the assault was repulsed with the death of many Gascons and three score of the black bands: And the same fury continuing, they ran the like fortune the next day in an other assault which they gave, after the battery had executed: But in the night there came to the camp a succour of artilleries sent by Monsr Lawtrech, with the which having made two great batteries the morning following, the peasants within Melffa began in their fear to draw into tumult: by which accident the soldiers being in number six hundred, & troubled in their ordinary office of service by the mutiny of the peasants which still redoubled into worse degrees, they abandoned the defence of the place: Insomuch as the whole camp entering where no resistance was made, they turned their felicity into blood, slaying in their fury all the peasants & men of the town: Only the soldiers retired into the castle together with the Prince, who not long after yielded simply as was said, to discretion notwithstanding they pretended that their lives were excepted: The Prince was saved with a very few of his followers, all the others were put to the sword, containing three thousand bodies, & the town delivered up to sacking: In the town was found great store of victuals to the great commodity and comforting of the French men, who, for their hard provision, suffered no small wants in Powylla: The xxiv day the Spaniards departed from Ariano and encamped at Tripaldo which is xxv. miles from Naples upon the high way, and xl. miles from Ofanto: with whom joined the Viceroy, the Prince of Salerno, and Fabricio Maramo with a regiment of three thousand footmen and twelve pieces of artilleries: it was thought also that Captain Alarson issued out of Naples with two thousand footmen to succour Dogania: But Lawtrech stayed upon the territories of Ofanto to make great provisions of money, & had all his companies encamped between Ascalo & melf: And since the accident of melf, were rendered to him Barletto, Trany and all the towns thereabouts except Manfredonia wherein was a strength of a thousand footmen: In this success and rendering of towns, he sent out Peter Navare with four thousand footmen to take the rock of Venosa, which being guarded & valiantly defended by ij hundred & fifty spanish footmen, he took it at last to discretion, & retaining the Captains' prisoners, he sent away the others without weapons: And there he had given order that the revenue of the tribute of Powilla should be received for him, which for the troubles & impediments which the war brought, answered not the value & price that were wont to rise by it. In this place the commissary Pisano with the Venetian regiments containing about two thousand footmen, came to Monsr Lawtrech, who in this sort was busied to assure himself of victuals and provisions, A matter which was made more easy to him, after he had got into his power Ascoly by the mean of the Venetian regiments: And at this time rising into courage by the happy event of his affairs, he urged the Pope with haughty words to declare himself for the league: Who notwithstanding they of Viterbo would not before receive him for their governor (of which Octavian Spirito was the cause) yet being afterwards ranged and made pliable through fear, he had transported his Court to Viterba: And Vespasian Colonno being dead at the same time, who ordained by his testament that Isabella his only daughter should be married to Hippolito de Medicis, the Pope under that cooler got possession of all those places which he held in the territories of Rome, notwithstanding Askanio pretended that they appertained to him by the ceasing of the line masculine of Prospero Colonno. About this time Monopoly was rendered to the Venetians, for whom and to whose use according to the last covenants made with the French king, were gotten all those ports of the realm of Naples which they possessed before they were overthrown by king Lowis the xii. in Guiaradada.  
By reason of these prosperities of the French, the Duke of Ferrara was induced to send his son into France to accomplish and give perfection to the marriage: A matter which he had deferred before by great industry, refusing with the same policy to be captain of the League: But th'emperor who sent no men out of Spain to relieve the dangers of the kingdom of Naples, had given ordinance that the Duke of Brunswich should pass out of Germany into Italy with new supplies of lanceknights for the succour of that kingdom: These supplies were prepared with so much the more care and diligence, by how much they understood the necessity to rescue it was great for the coming on of Monsr Lawtrech. But to th'end the advancing of those supplies should not trouble the hope of the victory, it was agreed by the consent of the king of England, the French king, and the 
Monsr S. Pol appointed to the wars of Italy.  Venetians, that the Lord Francis of Saint Poll, descended of the house of Bourbon, should pass into Italy with four hundred lances, five hundred light horsemen, five thousand footmen French, two thousand Swizzers, and two thousand lanceknights: This army was appointed to follow them if they passed to Naples, and otherwise, to make war upon the Duchy of Milan, adjoining to them the regiments of the Venetians and the bands of Francis Sforce: For the defrayment of this army, was set down a pay of threescore thousand ducats monthly: of which the king of England was to contribute every month thirty thousand: And the Venetians had resolved in the counsel of Pregati, to wage ten thousand footmen.  
In this time the inhabitants of Milan were reduced to an extreme and miserable 
Miserable condition of the city of Milan.  subjection for the intolerable exactions imposed by Antho. de Leva: who the better to provide for the pays of his soldiers, had drawn into his own hands all the victuals of the City, and having bestowed them in public storehouses and Garniers, he sold them in his own name at what rate or prize he would, the inhabitants being driven to buy them according to his law, or else to die for hunger: And yet the money raised upon that extreme mean, being not sufficient to pay the lanceknights that were lodged in houses, they were suffered to make daily ransoms of the masters and owners, of whom such as would yield no money, were kept in chains and irons: And because to avoid so great cruelties and intolerable impostes, many did flee continually out of the City notwithstanding the rigour of the commandments and diligence of the warders, there was confiscation of goods published against such as were absent, who were so many in number, that to avoid the trouble to set them down in writing, they caused them to be put in print: The Nobles and best sort of Citizens such as remained there, were seen in their garments poor and ragged, and in their countenances astonished and desolate, expressing by a lamentable compassion, the calamities they endured, And their palaces and places of best frequentation were reduced to ruins and rubbege, such as were heavy testimonies of the cruelty of the Spaniards. And yet all things succeeded happily to him that was the causer of all these miseries: For where captain Mus lay encamped at Lecqua with six hundred footmen as a soldier of the League, and having taken away the barks to th'end the Spaniards that were within Coma, could not rescue it by the way of the lake: Antho. de Leva with the bands of footmen that were within Novaro issued out of Milan and encamped fifteen miles beyond with the lanceknights: And after he had taken the Rock of Olgina standing upon the shores of Adda, which captain Mus had taken before: he sent Philip Toruiello with the bands of footmen Spanish & Italians, to give succours to Lecqua standing upon the other shore of the lake, where captain Mus with the aid of the soldiers whom he had drawn from the Venetians and Duke of Milan, and with certain pieces of artilleries from the Venetian camp, had taken and fortified all the passages, of themselves containing many difficulties for the steepness of the mountains and other places of hard access: But th'imperials who took the mountain opposite that commandeth Lecqua, after they had made many vain attempts to pass in many places, at last they forced that place where the Venetian soldiers guarded, Companies whom the captain either for that he had less confidence in their virtue, or at lest to bestow them where was lest danger, had dispersed into places most steep & inaccessible. captain Mus with his soldiers and artilleries, was eftsoons remounted upon the barks and saved himself, not without suspicion that the Venetians had made a light defence to gratify the duke of Milan, to whom it was nothing agreeable that he took Lecqua: And afterwards to th'end to carry by accord that which he could not win by arms, he changed both the service & pay wherein he was, and goeth to th'imperials, obtaining of Anth. de Leva by way of accord for reward of that infidelity, both Lecqua and many other places: And he got of Jerome Moron, who by letters & intelligence had been the author of this practice, session of his rights: By reason of this accord Anth. de Leva who before had been much afflicted by hunger, was relieved both with victuals & money: for the captain who aspiring to high and great things, took afterwards upon him the title of Marquis, paid thirty thousand ducats, and sent into Milan three thousand sacks of corn.  
During all this while Monsr Lawtrech marched towards Naples, and by the third day of April was come to the Rock Manarda, having left for the guard of Powilla (where only Manfredonia held for th'emperor) fifty men at arms, two hundred light horsemen, and xv. hundred or two thousand footmen, all bands of the Venetians: But the imperials who had resolved in abandoning all the country thereabout, to say only for the defence of Naples and Caietta, and to cut off victuals from thenemies, after they had sacked Nola, and carried to Naples all the victuals that were within Capua: they encamped upon the hill of Saint Martin, and the day following entered within Naples with ten thousand footmen Spanish and lanceknights, having decassed the bands of the Italians, except six hundred who were under Fabricio Maramo, for that Sero Colonno was gone to Abruzza with his bands of footmen. Naples was very naked of inhabitants, for that almost all men of quality, and such to whom their fortune had yet left any mean, were retired into Ischia, Capria, and other islands confining: It was supposed that there was within the town sufficient provision of corn for more than two months, but for flesh and other natures of victuals, the quantities were very small. Capua, Nola, Acero, Auersa, and all the places thereabout yielded to Monsr Lawtrech, who remained four days with his army in the Abbey of Acero which is seven miles from Naples: He had advanced and did still march with a very slow pace, to th'end to tarry for the victuals which could not observe the speed of the army for th'impediment of fowl ways and reins, such as had made all the country full of waters: Besides, it behoved him to make great provisions of victuals: for that the brute ran that his army according to the corruption of the discipline of war at this day, contained more than twenty thousand horsemen, and fourscore thousand footmen, of whom two parts were men unprofitable for service: From this place he sent out to the enterprise of Calabria, Simon Roman with an hundred and fifty light horsemen, and five hundred Corsegnans not paid, but were come from the camp of th'imperials: And Philip Door who with eight galleys of Andre Dore and two ships was come into the waters of Naples, both took a ship laden with grain, and with his artilleries drove the imperials from Magdelaine: And albeit with the same valour and fortune he took a little afterwards two other ships loaden with grain, and brought upon thenemies many other discommodities, yet his galleys only were not sufficient to hold the port of Naples wholly besieged: for the help whereof Lawtrech solicited that the sixteen galleys of the Venetians might be joined with the fleet of Philip: These after they were with slow diligence assembled in order at Corfu, were now come up to the port of Trany: But notwithstanding the Cities of Trany and Monopoly were already rendered to the Venetians, yet those galleys preferring their particular profits before foreign interests, though they knew that all things depended upon the victory of Naples, yet they were slow to advance, to th'end to take also Pulignano, Ottronto, and Brunduso. The seventeenth day of April Lawtrech encamped at Caviano within five miles of Naples, And the same day the light horsemen of th'imperials whose celerity and diligence appeared far greater than the negligence of the Frenchmen, took from the French a great quantity of victuals, a provision which they were not well furnished of: They had also fortified Saint Hermo, which is in the top of the mount Saint Martin, and commands much the town of Naples, to th'end to take from the French men all commodities to vex it with their artilleries, And for that they were masters of that mountain, they gave impediment to the French to approach near the most parts of the City. The French men took some hope of good event by the discords that were amongst thenemies, of whom the Marquis of Guast for some particular quarrel, hurt the Count Potensa and slew his son: But the xxj. day the French army came to Casoria within three miles of Naples upon the way of Auersa: And the same day was embraced of both parties a skirmish under the walls of Naples, wherein was slain Migliato, he who had impugned by all his industry the delivery of the Pope, for the which he was the bearer of the emperor's Commission to his Captains: The xxij. day the army encamped within a mile and an half of Naples, where Monsr Lawtrech forbade his soldiers to skirmish, as a matter unprofitable to the estate of the service: There was Pozzolo rendered to him. At last, being the last but one of April, he brought his army very near the City of Naples, and in camped between Poggio Royal which is a stately house for pleasure and builded by Alfonso of Arragon the 
The French befi●g● Napler.  second when he was Duke of Calabria, and the hill of Saint Martin: The camp was extended even within half a mile of Naples, and the person of Monsr Lawtreth say somewhat before Poggia Royal at the palace of the Duke de Monte Alto: In this place he had made great fortification, stretching out the face of his lodging towards the way of Capua: It was a place of very good situation, and aptly serving to cut of from them of Naples the commodity of the water conduits that come from Poggia Royal: He made accounted to plant an other lodging somewhat before that, above the hill that is beneath the mount Saint Hermo, to th'end to cut off more commodities from those of Naples, and to vex the town more nearer. But to have a more true and perfect information of these matters, it were necessary to set down by description the situation of the City of Naples, and the country thereabouts.  
The end of the eyghteenth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE NYNTEENTH BOOK.  
LAwtrech besiegeth Naples: In the mean while Anthony de Leva taketh Pavia and besiegeth Loda: Andre Door leaveth the pay of the French: Monsr Lawtrech dieth: The French break up from before Naples: Monsr de Saint Pol reconquereth Pavia: Andre Door taketh Genes: The Genoese take Savona, and put themselves in liberty: Monsr de Saint Pol is taken by Anthony de Leva: Themperor falleth to accord with the Pope: Peace is made at Cambray between the Emperor and the French king: The Emperor passeth into Italy, where the war is made against the Florentines, and peace is solicited with all others.  
THE NYNTEENTH BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
THUS Monsr Lawtrech having reduced his whole army under the walls of Naples, the first thing he drew into consultation was, whether it were best to attempt thexpugnation of the town with the fury of artilleries, and valour of men: An action whereunto many of his Captains advised him, wishing that for the better execution of th'enterprise, the regiments of footmen might be increased with new numbers: They alleged many difficulties, in regard of which there could be no hope to entertain the army any long space before the town: The first difficulty consisted in victuals, the traffic and reasort whereof was always in danger by the inroads of thenemies, who having many companies of light horsemen, commanded by their incursions all the ways and passages of the fields: The second impediment rested in the hope very uncertain that Naples would tender for famine, by reason the galleys of Philip Dore being not sufficient to hold the port besieged or restrained, and the Venetian galleys not arriving notwithstanding they were promised daily: there came from Caietta to Naples four galleys laden with meal, and by the weak defence of the haven, other vessels entered the town daily with relief: The third doubt was referred to the cold provisions of the Venetians, who being taxed to pay monthly to Monsr Lawtrech xxij. thousand ducats, were already become behind with him for lx. thousand. The success of th'enterprise stood also desperate both by the slender relief of money that came out of France, and also by the maladies and diseases that generally reigned in the army, such as did not proceed so much by the stench and ordinary corruption of that air, which by custom beginneth to deliver infection in the end of Summer, as through the great quantities of rains that fell, which by so much more offended the army, by how much most part of the soldiers lay in the open fields, having no other cover then the sky: yet nevertheless Lawtrech considering that in so great a multitude and virtue of defendants wherein he knew to consist not the lest difficulty, and for the fortification of the mount Saint Martin which lay apt to be succoured, it would be an action very hard either to take the hill, or to force the town, And haply foreseeing not to exspend his money with small hopes, fearing to want for the furnishment of expenses ordinary: took this resolution not to assault the town, but to besiege it: hoping that in very short time the enemies would fall into the want of victuals to feed their bodies, or money to contain the soldiers: So that under those hopes, and the reasons and considerations of them, he converted his whole mind and all his provisions to the besieging of Naples, cutting off all means of access or reasort of victuals by land, and soliciting the coming of the Venetian galleys to reduce the town to an absolute privation of relief by sea: And yet altering his resolution in some points, he set the camp at liberty to skirmish, lest the soldiers living without action might become effeminate and abated in valour: Insomuch as there passed many skirmishes between the camp and the defendants of the town, to the great commendation of the soldiers of the black bands, who being most resolute and ready in that kind of fight by the discipline of john de Medicis, had not as yet made any show of their valour in the plain field in any battle pitched and ranged where they were to keep their ground, and either to be found dead or living in the places appointed to them. About this time came to the army fourscore men at arms of the Marquis of Mantua, and an hundred from the Duke of Ferrara, who notwithstanding he had been amply received into the protection of the French king and the Venetians, yet he deferred so long as he could to send to th'army, reserving to himself to dress and regulate his deliberations according to the conjecture and judgement of the accidents and events of the war.  
In this estate and condition of affairs thImperialles were not without their 
Resolution of th'imperials within Naples  hope to be able to break the fleet of Philip Dore, who road with his Galleys in the gulf of Salerne: In which enterprise they reapposed not their foundation and hope so much in the numbers and goodness of their vessels, as in the valour and dexterity of their soldiers: For they furnished six Galleys, four foists, and two Brigantins, with a thousand arquebusiers Spanish, and that of the most approved and best choice of the army: And with them entered as commanders, Don Hugo Viceroy accompanied almost with all the captains and personages of authority: To this army by sea disposed and governed by the direction of Gobbo a stout and famous captain for sea service, were adjoined many Barks of fishermen, to th'end to astonish thenemies a far of through the multitude and number of vessels appearing: This fleet departed from Possilipo, and by a direct course made with the isle of Caprio, where Don Hugo to the great prejudice of that exploit, lost time to hear a Spanish Hermit, who under reasons and persuasions of his profession, inflamed them to fight according to the glory of that nation gotten in so many victories. From thence, leaving on the left hand the Cape of Minerva, they entered into the main sea, and sent before two Galleys with this direction, that being come within sight of the enemies, they should make show as though they would give back and flee to th'end to draw thenemies into the main to feighte. But Philippe Dore being advertised the day before by very faithful and assured espials of the intention and stratagem of the enemies, dispatched a messenger with diligence to Monsr Lawtrech, to send to him forthwith three hundred harquebuziers, who being commanded by Captain Croche, were arrived with Philip Door a little before the Navy of the enemies were discovered: Which when he beheld a far of resembling for the number of vessels, a huge wood replenished with many strong trees, notwithstanding he had before with great 
Fight at sea between the Imperials and French.  courage advanced all necessary preparations to execute the fight, yet the consideration and view of the vessels giving him many timorous impressions, he stood long suspended between hope and fear: But he was presently delivered of that perplexity, when by the drawing near of the fleet of the enemies, he discerned them to contain not above six vessels of helm: Therefore with a courage resolute and as a Captain well experienced in the wars by sea, he caused to enlarge and as it were he cast of as though they would run away, three other galleys of his to the end that with spooning afore the sea and winning the wind, they might in their time charge the enemies both in side and in powpe: And the person of himself with five galleys made directly with the front of the enemies, who were to discharge their artilleries to take from him by the thickness of the smoke, both his level and his view: But Philip to turn upon themselves the danger he saw prepared for him, gave fire to a very great basilisk, whose force carried his charge with great violence thorough the galley Admiral of the enemy, wherein was the person of Don Hugo, and at the first shoot, killed forty men, of whom the Captain of the galley was one with many officers and men of place. This fury of the basilisk he followed with all his other sorts of artilleries by whom were executed and hurt many bodies of the enemies: who for their parts lost no time both to defend and endamage, for that the artilleries of the galley of Don Hugo being fired at a token given, slew the Captain and Patron of the galley of Philip: In which medley the great artilleries having done their execution, the galleys by the help of their oars, drew near one to another, and with their s 〈…〉 ll shot and other furies which men in fight do use began a bloody fight: In which the Genowais who were not without training and experience in such encounters, had better means to avoid the peril by fight low and as it were bowing down standing upon their guards within the body of the pavishes or coverts: As these two galleys were in fight together with a wonderful fury and astonishment, three other galleys of th'imperials observing their advantage environed straightly two of the Genoese, and had already got the upperhand: But the three first galleys of Genua those that were shaked of and made as though they ran away, were got into the main sea, and with the favour of the wind came with a fierce charge upon the enemies, and playing in flank upon the galley Admiral, they reversed with a shot the main yard of the galley, called the Neptune which did no small domageto her service: There Don Hugo having already a wound in his arm▪ 
Death of the Viceroy, D● Hugo Monkado.  whilst he was labouring to encourage his soldiers & never was free from the danger of stones and wyldefyers which were thrown from the tops of the enemy's galleys, was slain in fight, giving by his death an honourable testimony of his valour and fidelity: There the Admiral of Philip and the galley called the Moore rend in pieces the Admiral of Don Hugo, and the other two, with their artilleries sunk the galley of Gobbo wherein Fieromosquo died: And in the mean while the other galleys of Philip had rescued and recovered two galleys of their company sore pressed and afflicted by the spaniards, and in that action had taken their foists: Only two Spanish galleys not without some grievous testimony of the encounter, fell of from the fight, seeing the absolute victory of the enemies: The Marquis of Guaft and Askanio, their galley being in peril both of water and fire, their oars broken and their soldiers bleeding in their deadly wounds, were made prisoners, the shining of their armours being gilt preferuing their lives which their valour could not do.  
In this battle Philip was much holpen by certain captives whom he delivered, who being for the most part Turks and Moors showed their cruelty in the fight, according to the custom of those nations: The dead body of Don Hugo was cast into the sea without other ceremony or regard of his greatness, and likewise Fieromosquo: The principals of the prisoners of this battle, were the Marquis of G●a●●, Askanio Colonno, the Prince of Salerne, Saint●ross, Camille Colonno, Gobbo, Ser●●on, with many other Captains and gentlemen of mark: The dead bodies of this battle contained more than a thousand footmen, and of the spaniards there were very few who were not either slain or grievously wounded: The prisoners with three galleys were sent by Philip to Andre Door, and one of the two galleys that escaped, passed not long after to the pay and service of the French.  
By this victory as the Frenchmen rose into great hopes of good success for the general enterprise, wherein happily their presuming was not without prejudice, for that it reduced Lawtrech to a more negligence or omission in the provisions that were to be made: So on the other side it replenished the imperials with no small fear and astonishment to fall into want of victuals, seeing both they remained deprived of all commandment by sea, and also the favours of the land were taken from them in many parts, but especially since the loss 
Discontent 〈…〉 ditties aswell of the imperials as the French during the siege of Naples.  of Pozzolo a place which administered a great traffic of victuals to Naples: And the town of Naples was already fallen into great wants of meal and flesh, and the store of their wine well wasted: Inso much as being through their necessity driven to follow the examples and cruelties of men of war in that case, the day after the overthrow at sea, they put out of the City no small numbers of mouths unprofitable, and establishing orders for the distribution of victuals, they provided in any wise that the lanceknights should have less wants then the other soldiers: By these expulsions and good information of their other doings within the town, Lawtrech nourished his first hope which was also well increased and confirmed by a surprise made of a Brigantyn the seventh day of may wherein he found by certain letters written to the Emperor by his Captai 〈…〉, that the flower of the army was lost, The town was not provided of corn for a month and a half, that they were driven to grind their meal with the force of their hands, that the lanceknights began to incline to tumult, that there was no money to furnish their pay, and that there remained no remedy for his affairs, unless he comforted them with a speedy provision of money and succours both by sea and land: To which extremities was not forgot to be adjoined the stroke of the plague begun in Naples which is so much the more contagious where Launcknightes do frequent, by howemuch in their rudeness they forbear not to converse with such as are infected, and much less to manage and use in their own persons, any thing that was theirs.  
On the other side the French men were not free from those afflictions and calamities which a war traineth after it: They suffered great want of water for that from Poggio Royal, even unto the front of the army, the camp was served only with cisterns: The maladies of the camp went on multiplying and increasing, which diminished not a little the strength of the army: And the enemies being far above them in light horsemen, made continual sallies especially by the way that leadeth to Soma, and did not only bring to the relief of the town much flesh and many sorts of wines, but also cut of oftentimes the traffic of victuals that passed to the French camp: Many of the Captains dealt with Lawtrech to wage more companies of light horsemen to oppose against the cavalry of the enemy, which he did not only refuse to do, contrary to good foresight and order of war, but 
Obstinacy of Monsr Lawtrech.  also he gave sufferance to the most part of the French horsemen to lie dispersed within Capua, Auersa, and Nola, a matter which made easy to the enemies all their exploits: others persuaded him for that diseases had done much to diminish the infantry or footmen of the army, to levy a proportion of seven or eight thousand footmen, aswell to supply the weakness of the army, as to be more strong and mighty according to their desire in the beginning: A counsel which as he had begun to deny already, so he stood resolute to refuse it still, alleging that he had no money, notwithstanding he had at that time received from France a convenient provision, and had gathered the tribute of the cattle of Powilla together with the taxation of the towns which he had taken, and lastly the Barons of the Realm that were with him were ready to lend him any reasonable quantity of money he would require: By which experience I may say that it is a work worth the labour, to observe and consider what disorders are bred by the obstinacy of those that are preferred to great things, or do manage the place of high authority: for Monsr Lawtrech no doubt the principal captain of the Realm of France, as he carried with him a long experience in matters of war and enterprise, and commanded in the army with great respect and authority: So on the other side he was by nature haughty and imperius, and having a singular weening in himself, would reject the counsel of all others, and stopping his ears from the reasons of other men, he interpreted it to his dishonour that the world should perceive that he governed not always by his own arbitration and judgement: In which conceit of singularity and weening, he refused to make those provisions which if he had accomplished, might happy have given him the victory, but being rejected, were the causes that the enterprise begun with so great a hope was passed into extreme ruin: The soldiers of the black bands who were lodged in the front of the army, skirmished daily, wherein running on in the humour of their courage and forwardness, they would oftentimes press so near the walls of Naples, that the small shot within the town had power of them, and in their retiring because they had not horsemen to back them, they fell into the mercy of the horsemen of the enemies: In so much as proving to their harms the disadvantage to make skirmishes without horsemen under the walls of Naples, they began to give over the often practise of the thing, which so often had brought them harm.  
After this victory by sea, the town of Stabia standing upon the sea side, yielded to Monsr Lawtrech, but not the castle, by whose example also was rendered Saint jermyne: And by this success and victory of the fleet, the garrisons that were within Caietta having recovered Fondy and the country there abouts, Lawtrech dispatched thither Don Ferrand of Caietta, son to the Duke of Tracetta, and the Prince of melf, he who had newly contracted with the Frenchmen taking his reason upon the omission of th'imperials, whose Captains he thought were careless to deliver him: Moreover, the stream of victory running with many courses, Simon Roman at the same time made a great advancement in Calabria, much helping him in that action the readiness and inclination of the people crying with great affection upon the name of the French.  
But all these exploits for their quality good and happy, and for their manner honourable and full of valour, were not sufficient to carry the victory of the war, for that it depended wholly either upon the conquering or upon the defending of Naples: The same inducing Monsr Lawtrech who chief applied the siege & not altogether desperate to take the town by force for the slaughter of so many of their good soldiers of Spaniards at the battle upon the sea, solicited earnestly the coming of the French and Venetian Navy to the end to deprive wholly that City of all victuals that might be brought to it by sea: he caused also to remove the camp and planted it in front upon a hill both more near Naples, and more commanding the Mount Saint Martin: Where the black bands cast a trench, not only to draw from that hill a trench, which being stretched out to the sea side and having upon that end to the seaward a bastilion, closed up the way of Somma: But also to the end that immediately after the sea armies were come, they might with better opportunity carry by force the Mount Saint Martin, having cut out before, another trench between the city and the Mount to stop them for succouring one another: And afterwards at one time to execute Naples by water with the said armies by sea and land, beating it within from the front of their camp, and vexing it without with one part of the army, and converting the other part to invade the Mount: So might the enemies, whose necessities to defend so many several places would drive them to divide their forces, be more easily overcome in some place: And yet they held it not good to abandon Poggio Royal, though the front of the camp were far of, to th'end that if the enemies did recover it, they should not cut from them the commodity of fresh waters, only they closed up their camp behind or on the backside.  
These counsels and devices albeit they were considered with great skill and knowledge in war, yet many difficulties were opposed against them: first the trenches containing more than a mile even to the sea, could not be cast with speed aswell for want of pioneers to say out the work, as for the diseases of the soldiers being weakened from all hardness of labour: secondly (which was very necessary for the besieging and invasion of the town) the armies by sea did not come, for that neither Andre Door with his galleys that were at Genes did stir, neither was there any advertisement of the coming of the Navy prepared at Marceilles, and also the Venetians regarding more their profit particular than the benefit general and common, or rather respecting less, interests principal, then ends more inferior and accidental, employed their Navy at the expedition of Brundusa and Ottranta: of which cities Ottranta had covenanted to yield, if within sixteen days it were not rescued, and for Brundusa notwithstanding it had received by accord the Venetians, yet the castle held good for th'emperor, whereofthe one having a strong situation upon the sea, gave small hope to be taken, and the other standing within the town and of greater circuit than the other, seemed not to be able to make long resistance for that it had lost two rocks: The xii. day of May they made a battery with th'artilleries upon the hill, which executed a torret that vexed not a little the field: They shot oftentimes also into the town but that offended little, and many skirmishes were performed at Saint Anthony's: The sixteenth day the artilleries being planted upon the top of the mountain upon certain torrets between Saint Gennaraes' gate and the gate of Capua, and kept them also from erecting a bastilion which the defendants had begun: within the town most mouths were fed with sodden corn, & for fear of extreme famine, they delivered the town daily of many numbers of people whom the calamities of the war had reduced to a hard election, either to languish in famine within the town in the eyes and compassion of their friends, or to run to the mercy of the enemy in whom it was not reasonable they should hope for safety and succour, having so justly offended them: And the Launcknightes notwithstanding they suffred●lesse then the other nations of soldiers, yet both for want of bread and far greater necessities of wine and flesh, they protested oftentimes to mutiny: But they were eftsoons reclaimed with many good offers and means, and for the most part kept entertained with false letters and promises of succours.  
The xix. day the pionners and soldiers were brought to work at the new trenches, and planting two cannons upon the bastilion when it was made, they won and reversed two miles near to Magdaleine, guarded by two ensigns of lanceknights, against which they never addressed any enterprise for that they were apt to be rescued from Naples.  
hitherunto the affairs of the Frenchmen have run in a course happy and 
The affairs of the French men begin to decline.  pleasing, but they began to serve to declination for many causes manifest and apparent: for, as Philip Door by the secret ordinance of Andre Dore was retired with his galleys to lie about Pozzow, so by that mean there entered daily within Naples where were left no other sorts of people than soldiers, some quantity of victuals in Barks: And albeit the Venetian Navy after they had conquered Ottranta, gave continual hopes to descend and fall with Naples, yet they temporised and interposed daily new delays and excuses, hoping to get speedily the great Castle of Brundusa: Lastly the affliction of diseases and sickness increased daily in the army, and where the black bands were wont to be in all actions three thousand strong, Now what for their hurt men who were unprofitable to the service, and what for their sick men in whom was more weakness than valour, and what for the bodies dead whose places were empty, they were reduced to a number of two thousand.  
The xxij. day the spaniards made a brave sally upon those that defended the new trenches, where was a continual labour and working of men in hope to perfect them within six or eight days: At this sally Horatio Baillon being appointed to a place of peril with a very little company, was slain as he was fight in good example to his soldiers, a death more meet for a simple soldier then worthy such a Captain. The Imperials rising into courage and hope by the success of this sally, made it good with a new action and greater forces, but the whole camp being in arms and running to the defence of the trenches, they retired again into the town▪ Philip returned in the end to the golf of Naples for the great instance and solicitation that was made to him: The trenches that had been begun to close up the way of Somma, were not finished the xxvij. day: The Spaniards made roads daily through the country, broke down ways, and made open passages, and brought into the town great quantities of flesh: Against whom the horsemen of the camp made little head for that they went rarely to the field: And Monsr Lawtrech beginning now to wish for a supply of footmen (though he yielded not wholly to the counsel of others) solicited that they would sand him out of France by sea six thousand footmen of any nation, alleging that for want of victuals, and the stroke of maladies and diseases, the camp was much diminished: And yet amongst so many difficulties, and in so small expectation of remedy, it was he only that had hope of the victory, reapposing himself wholly upon the famine of that City.  
In this time things fell out well in Calabria with Simon Roman, who had with him two thousand footmen aswell corsegnans as soldiers levied of the country: And albeit the Prince of Bisignan and one of the sons of Captain Alerson were opposed against him with a regiment of fifteen hundred footmen waged of the country, yet they found it a hard matter to stand against him, insomuch as the son of Alerson retired to Tarenta leaving the Prince in the field: Not long after, Simon following the course of his fortune, got Cosense by accord, and successively after that, he took in a town thereby the Prince of Stigliano, and the Marquis of Lavie his son with two other of his children: But in Powylla the garrison that held Manfredonia for th'emperor vexed all the country with incursions and roads without any resistance of the horsemen or footmen of the Venetians, who were gone up to the conquest of those towns: Moreover, in the quarters about Rome, things were not well appeased, for that Ferro Colonno having taken Paliano notwithstanding he was forbidden in the Pope's name on the behalf of the daughter of Vespasian, yet the Abbot of Farfa recovered it, making prisoners Serro, and Prospero de Gavy, though afterwards Serro made escape by the help of Lowys Gonzaguo.  
Whilst the armies were in action about Naples, and travailed with those difficulties 
Antho. de Leva recovereth Pavia.  and with those hopes, Antho. de Leva being advertised by good espial, that there was negligent guard in Pavya, in which town was Peter Lungeno with four hundred horsemen, and a thousand footmen Venetians, and Hannibal Pissynard Captain of Cremona with three hundred footmen which he had led thither to maintain in the devotion of the Duke, all the country beyond Paw: he drew to him a company of soldiers of confidence and choice, whom he led thither one night when was lest doubt of any action, & having with no less fortune than celerity scaled the town by ladders in three places, he took it by assault before the soldiers heard the alarm: in this exploit he made prisoners Peter Lungeno, and one of the sons of janus Fregoso: From thence he followed his victory to Biagrassa, where the garrison and townsmen rendered up the place to him after they had endured some execution of the Cannon, & so preparing to go to Arona, Federike Boromes compounded with him binding himself to follow th'emperors faction.  
About this time the Duke of Brundswyke being issued out of Trent, had passed 
Duke of Br 〈…〉 dswyke in Italy for the Emperor.  the tenth day of May the river of Adice with an army of x. thousand footmen, & vj. hundred horsemen well armed many of them being gentlemen: This army being repulsed from Chiusa descended upon the territories of Verona. And albeit for that it was known long time before that he would come, there was a resolution set down that Monsr saint Pol should go before to meet him: yet making no greater speed in this expedition then in others, the lanceknights were in Italy before saint Pol could be in order to march: And as to omit occasions is to breed impediment and difficulties, so coming on with his march with so slow a foot, he was driven afterwards to abide many days in Ast, both to reassemble and mooster his companies, and to obey the difficulty of victuals, of which a great dearth and skarcety reigned in all the parts of Italy, but chief in the quarters of Lombardie: And there was not to be hoped for, a more great and more ready succour for the general affairs, then of the Senate of Venice, who albeit had assured that their army should take the field with xii. thousand footmen, yet the Duke of Vrbyn being within Verona, disposed himself to no other enterprise then to defend the towns of most importance of their estate. By which omission the lanceknights who were descended upon the lake of Garda, had Pisquiero by accord, and successively Rivolto and Lunaro. In so much as being under that property of fortune, made Lords almost of the whole lake, they drew contributions of money from many places, committing to fire and sword such as had no mean to satisfy them with ransom: Antho. Adorno who was arrived in this army, persuaded them to go up towards Genes▪ but both for their necessity and want of money, and for other impediments and difficulties: and also for their desire to have conference with Antho. de Leva issued out of Milan to that end, they marched slowly along the country of Bressia, whether went to meet them Andre de Burgos and captain George: By whose means it was feared the Duke of Ferrara, who in so great a fear of others made no preparation, entertained some secret intelligence or practice: After this the lanceknights marched up towards Adda to join with Antho, de Leva: who being passed the river of Adda the ix. of june with an army of six thousand footmen and sixteen great pieces of artilleries, and being encamped near those companies that were within three miles of Bergama, in which city and also in Bressia and Verona, the Duke of Vrbyn had distributed his bands of soldiers: he persuaded them for an extreme desire he had to reconquer Loda, to embrace the recovery of thestate of Milan, before they passed to Naples: 
Loda besieged by th'imperials.  By whose persuasions they encamped the xx. of May before that city, out of which issued the Duke of Milan, who retiring to Bressia left for the defence of the town, john Paul his bastard brother with a garrison of three thousand footmen. And after the artilleries had played which being planted in two several places, did great execution, Antho. de Leva to whom the first assault apparteined, brought his bands of Spaniards near the place where the ruin was greatest. There they fought breavelie for the space of three hours, but at last the virtue of thItalians defendants being nothing inferior to the valour of the Spaniards assailants, they were repulsed by the same virtue which led them first to the fight: So that rejecting all hope to carry it by assault, they reduced all their confidence to the favour and working of famine: The rather for that the harvest being not yet made, there was within Loda so great want of victuals that the share and distribution of bread ronning equally between the soldiers and the inhabitants, the town of necessity was either to perish under the rage of famine, or the townsmen to issue out to the great peril of their lives: But the plague began now to be warm amongst the lanceknights, and the army withal, suffering no small afflictions for want of victuals, they began to break up, and many returned into their contreis' by the ways of the Swizzers and Grisons: An action which bred no great care in the Duke of Brundswike their captain, who having conceived great hopes in Germany for th'example of the regiment which George Fronspergh led, he found by proof and trial the matters of Italy to befarre more intricat and hard than he imagined: And his money falling short, much less that he could lead them to the kingdom of Naples, seeing it was impossible for him to contain them before Loda: Neither was he relieved with any comfort by Antho. de Leva, who rather took away all his hope of remedy, that way filling him with continual complaints of the poverty and wants of Milan: For, after he had lost all hope to recover Loda, he devised all the ways he could to give them occasion to break up and go away, fearing lest they would establish their abiding in the Duchy of Milan, and by that mean would intrude themselves to be competitor with him in the government, and share with him in the spoil▪ And he forgot not in this time of temporizing to give order both to thrash out the corn thorough all thestate of Milan, and to carry and lay up all their harvest within the town of Milan: At last the xiii. of julie as they were going 
The bands of lanceknights under Brundswike do mutiny.  to give a new assault to Loda, the lanceknights in their discontentments fell into mutiny: in which rage a thousand of them went their way to Coma, and the others that remained retired in great disorder th'artilleries from before Loda: But fearing lest they would return into Germany, the Marquis of Guast whom Andre Door let go for twelve days upon his faith, came to Milan to persuade Br●ndswike not to suffer his soldiers to return into Germany: Nevertheless the soldiers whose rudeness could not be reclaimed with words and reasons, retained their resolution to go away and passed by Coma, except two thousand who remained with Antho. de Leva to whom in those days Moraro was rendered. And it was not doubted that if the lanceknights had continued before Loda a few days more, they had honourably carried the town both by their virtue, and want of victuals in the town: In which expedition many desired a readiness in the Duke of Vrbyn, to th'end that whilst they lay about Loda, he might draw near Crema, or Pisquaiton, or at lest keep menteined there some cornets of horsemen to vex them: And albeit whilst they were upon the confins of Bressia, he did sometimes both accost them and molest them, yet never coming so near them as three miles, and standing only upon defending of the estate of the Venetyans, he passed no further than the river of Eglia: Neither was Monsr saint Pol for his part more diligent to advance and come on, who, notwithstanding all the resolutions set down and confirmed by so many promises made by the king to sand on his behalf bands of soldiers against the lanceknights, arrived not in Piedmont but at such time as the lanceknights departed, and yet his army contained far fewer number than had been promised and published: Nevertheless the confederates forbear not for all this to solicit of new the Pope to declare himself for them, wherein they required him that proceeding against th'emperor with arms spiritual, he would also deprive him of the Empire and the realm of Naples: But he 
The Pope's excuses to the confederates.  stood upon these excuses, that if he should declare for them, he could then be no more a convenient mean to practise & solicit peace▪ That his declaration would stir up a greater combustion amongst the princes of Christendom and yet bring no profit to the confederates for that his poverty and weakness would always impugn the good they expected in him: That the privation of the emperor for Naples and the empire would set all Germany in an uproar: both for suspicion that he would appropriate to himself th'authority to elect th'emperor, & for jealousy that he would establish that election in the person of the french king: Lastly he reduced to their memories the imminent danger of the Lutherans which went on increasing by the division of the time: Nevertheless not being able in reason and comeliness to resist th'importunities that were urged to him, he promised to enter with them so farforth as the Venetians would restore to him Ravenna, which condition he proponed as impossible to be granted, and confirmed this offer with his promise and obligation not to molest thestate of Florence: upon which occasion th'ambassadors of England came to Venice the xx. of june to solicit the Senate to tender Ravenna, protesting for the Pope to assure the observation of his promises: But being not liable to induce the Senate, they went away ill contented.  
In this time the Pope recovered the city of Rymyny, which john Sassatello having before assayed in vain to recover, was at last yielded up upon condition of life and goods saved.  
But now by the operation of the time and course of events and affairs, began 
The Pope's in●●●ion touching ●l●rice.  to be laid open and disclosed the Pope's most deep and secret thoughts, such as he had before dissembled with great art: For, where before, he had firmly imprinted in his mind a desire to restore to his house the greatness which anciently it had had in Florence, he was driven in publishing by singular cunning, the contrary, to persuade the Florentines that much less that he had any such thought, seeing all that he desired of that common wealth was, that they would according to th'example of other Christian princes, acknowledge him for Pope, and that in causes particular they would forbear to persecute such as depended upon him, or deface or reverse the arms and ornaments proper to his house: To these ends and with such commissions, he sent to Florence as his ambassador when he was delivered, a Florentyn prelate: And for that thestate of Florence would not give him audience, he forgot not, the better to cloak his dissimulation, to recontinue a new instance by the solicitation of the french king that they would sand to him an ambassador, seeking by these simplicities & offers to have them familiar with him, & to draw them with more facility into the ambushes, he had dressed against them: But when he saw these devices and labours soart to none effect, he began to persuade Monsr Lawtrech, that where as such as governed thestate of Sienna were dependents and devote to th'emperor, it were convenient for the better course of his affairs there, to refer to that government Fabio Petruccio: Nevertheless albeit Lawtrech saw reason and conveniency in the devise, yet in regard of the contradiction of the Florentines, he forbear either to follow it or to effect it: And when the Pope saw he could work none of these to his drifts, and having no inclination to dissolve or leave of the practice which his ambition kept entertained in him, he wrought secretly in such sort that Pyrrhus di Castello under pretence that th'inhabitants of Sienna had done him wrong, made himself Lord of Chiusa with a strength of eight hundred footmen▪ and by the good diligence & office of certain exiles of that town: The Pope's reason to raise this man to the jurisdiction of Chiusa, was to make him an instrument under that opportunity, to travel and trouble the government of Sienna: But the Florentines discerning deeply into the Pope's drifts, complained to the Vicont of Lorraine ambassador to the french king, that the doings of the Pope tended to no other end then with the commodity of Sienna to trouble and disorder the affairs of Florence: In which regard th'ambassador procured of the Pope that the action of Chiusa should cease.  
In this mean while the affairs of the kingdom of Naples proceeded diversely, for that on the one side the Count of Burello was passed from Sicily into Calabria with a thousand footmen, where he joined himself with the residue: And on the other side, Simon Roman had ranged to discretion with the favour of mines, and trenches the Castle of Cosenso, though by a wound he received of a arqebus in the shoulder, the course of the victory was somewhat hindered: he joined his forces afterwards with the Duke of Somma who with the bands of footmen of the country, held besieged Catanzara, a town strong by fortification but weak by the want of victuals: In this town was the son in law of Alarson with two hundred horsemen and a thousand footmen: And as in taking this town they stood in good degree to command the whole country even up to high Calabria: so nevertheless necessity constrained them to turn against the forces united with the succours that were come from Sicily who had now made some advancing: But Simon being abandoned of one part of his footmen leaived of the country, was driven for his safety to retire within the castle of Cosensa, and the other part of his footebands not without the slaughter of many of them, dispersed and went away: The Corsegnans went wandering towards the army, in so much as not only the region of Calabria was left in danger, but also it was feared lest the victors would advance & address their forces to Naples. On the contrary, the affairs of the frenchmen drew good success and issue in Abruzza by this accident, as the bishop Colonno was approached within xii. miles of Aquila to stir up Abruzz● to commotion, he was overthrown and slain by the Abbot of Farfa, with whom were put to the sword iiij. hundred bodies of soldiers, and eight hundred taken prisoners: In the confins of Caietta the Spaniards went wandering and retiring being carried with fear for the arrival of the prince of melf, And the garrison of Manfredonia, through the slender valour and action of the Venetyan bands, committed many damages without peril or resistance.  
Like as the Pope persevered still in his resolution to declare himself for neither 
Cardinal Campeius Lega● in England.  party: So the french king espying the intelligences and practices which he entertained, began to hold him for suspected. And to th'emperor he was nothing agreeable, though for no other cause, yet for that he had sent as Legate into England Cardinal Campeius to debate there the controversy delegated to him, and to the Cardinal of York: for, where the king of England solicited vehemently to have published the invalidity of the first marriage: The Pope having dealt very liberally in words and promises with his Agents, and also being of little fidelity or credit with other princes, laboured to keep himself under his protection: he made at last secretly a Bull decretal by the which he pronounced the marriage to be of no force, and gave the Bull to the Cardinal Campeius: he charged him withal that in showing it to the king and the Cardinal of York, he should tell them that he had commission to publish it if in judgement the knowledge and information of the cause succeeded not well: wherein it seamed the Pope wrought upon this ground. That both they should be brought with more facility to consent to have the cause judicially debated, and also endure with better temperance of mind the delays and longenes of the judgement: Which he had enjoined his Legate to hold of and prolong to as long a tract of time as he could: And as he should not deliver the Bull until he had received new commission from him, so nevertheless he should labour to persuade the king by all the means he could that his intention was to deliver it up to his hands in the end: of this embassage in the person of that man & of the delegation of the cause, th'emperor's ambassadors that were within Rome complained not a little, though with less authority for the ill terms of his affairs in the kingdom of Naples.  
About Naples many were the difficulties happening upon both the one & other party, but such as in all discoursse of reason, made more apparent on the french side the hope of the victory though it was hindered by the virtue and obstinacy of the enemies: Within the town of Naples the wants of victuals grew daily to extremities, especially of wine and flesh, a calamity without his comfort for that no provision could enter the town by sea for the impediments of the Venetian galleys being after so long expectation arrived now the x. of june in the goulffe of Naples, to the number of xxij. And albeit the horsemen of the town made daily sallies out not towards the face of the army, but to those quarters of the country where they thought to found victuals, by whose industry some prays of flesh were always brought in, and the whole estate of the town somewhat relieved and refreshed: yet these provisions and comforts brought in by these adventures, were not such as being deprived of the commodity of the sea, they might suffice to nourish and entertain them long: Besides, they began to grow short in money, the stroke of the plague afflicted them much, and they had much to do to keep entertained the lanceknights whom they could no longer abuse with vain hopes and promises: In which discontentment many of them went by troops to the french army notwithstanding the authority and grace which the prince of Orange, who by the death of Don Hugo commanded in the place of Viceroy had with them, was of some force to retain them: who the better to frame their minds with authority & discipline which he could not range by lenity and easiness, he made prisoner captain Cattay a Gascon with many of his soldiers being of the remeindars of the regiments of the Duke of Bo●rbon, And afterwards he did the like by suspicion, to Fabricio Maramo whom notwithstanding he set at liberty presently. On the other side diseases increased daily in the french camp, the same being the cause that Lawtrech, to th'end not to have so great a space or circuit to guard, would not suffer to be perfected the last trenches, which nevertheless could not easily be finished for the impediment of certain waters: Besides, the camp suffered want of victuals and nouriture though more for the ill order and government that was used, then through any other occasion▪ Nevertheless Monsr Lawtrech observing his own rule and council hoped more in the necessities that were within Naples, than he feared or doubted his proper difficulties, and persuading himself of th'expedition of the victory, either for that cause, or for their want of money, he forbore to make any new levies of footmen, a matter which the whole army desired for the universal diminution which was made by death and diseases, not only of persons mean and base, but even of such as sat in places of authority as the Pope's Nuncio and Joys Pisano commissary of the Venetians, who died in the face of the town the xv. day. He hoped also to allure to the camp either all or the most part of those bands of lanceknights that were within Naples, a practice wherein the Marquis of Sal●sfa first, and afterwards himself, had reapposed of long time great confidence in vain: So that upon these grounds together with certain hopes that were given him to draw to the army certain light horsemen that were within Naples, he forbore to make any new levies of light horsemen such as had been most necessary for the service, of whom if he had waged but four hundred he had stopped in good time the hurtful incursions which the soldiers of the town made so often to his disadvantage: And yet in those actions of pray and booty, he was not without his felicity, for that as the horsemen of Naples returned one day with a rich spoil of cattle, they were encountered by the black bands, who as they were th' 〈…〉 inewes and strength of the army▪ so without them there had been no siege planted before the walls of Naples: By them the booty was recovered from the Napolitains with the loss of three score horsemen notwithstanding the Spaniards issued out of the town to rescue them: Thus Monsr Lawtrech was not without hope that th'imperials would be constrained to leave Naples to discretion: And therefore laying to cut them of from all retreat within Caietta, he gave order to guard well Capua and keep in devotion the sea town of Vulturno: And to deprive them also of mean to retire into Calabria, besides that he cut of certain passages, apt for their purpose, he recontinued the working at the trench begun so often and left of for sundry accidents he now raised it so high that the springs and waters which before gave impediment were now beneath the work: beside, he sought to put in defence certain houses adjoined near to Naples, and to have them guarded with a thousand footmen which he meant to levy to that end, turning also to that service the favour of the Venetyan galleys which were come up right over against the trench. This trench also served aptly for that resort of victuals to the army that came from the sea coast, and was no less convenient to cut of the enemies if they returned that way with their booties: for, by reason of the great ditches and waters at Poggio Royal that had been cut up, the way from the camp to the sea contained a great and dangerous circuit: Thimperials ●ought to vex and hinder those that wrought at the trench, And being one day 〈…〉ted out in very strong troops, the pioneers by the ordinance of Peter Navare who solicited the work, made as though they fled, and th'imperials pursuing them more in rashness then in good government of war, fell upon an ambush dressed for their destruction, wherein were hurt and slain an hundred bodies: Nevertheless the trench was not half finished aswell for want of pioneers as by other accidents joined to an ordinary negligence which oftentimes hindereth the effect of the good directions and ordinances that are given: In which good course of direction if the camp had continued, many were of opinion that considering the strait terms and condition of Naples, Monsr Lawtrech had honourably carried the town. And at the same time was offered a fair occasion and of great consequency, if the execution had been as resolute as the offer was ready: Monsr Lawtrech being informed that the soldiers of Naples were issued out in great troops to go on foraging and for booty, and for that he would at one blow rid the country of those incursions and open himself a way to the absolute victory, sent out the xxv▪ of june by night, the regiment of the black bands, the horsemen of Florence, and three score french lances with a band of Swizzers and lanceknights, whom he directed to take the way of Beluedere and Pedegro●to, to encounter the forraigers, and to vex them in their retire: he appointed captain B●●i● with the Gascon footmen to stand upon the hill which is above Grotta, and upon the alarm given, to descend and cut the enemies from entering into Grotta. The beginning of this exploit was well executed and drew with it a good issue, for that the companies of Lawtrech having encountered th'imperials, they charged them and put them to flight, more than three hundred bodies remaining prisoners and slain, besides an hundred horses of service and great store of baggage: And in the encounter Don Ferrand of Gonsaguo was stricken from his horse at he fought, and being made prisoner he was eftsoons recovered by the fury of the lanceknights: But this medley had his imperfection by captain Bury, who either through negligence which is ill, or by fear which is worse, appeared not in the place to the which he was appointed, which if he had done according to his direction; they had no doubt given an absolute overthrow to th'imperials▪ Monsr Lawtrech had also sent to Caiette six galleys of the Venetians▪ and had appointed two to ride at the mouth of Garillan to favour the Prince of melf: And because that notwithstanding the impediments of the galleys, some relief of victuals entered into Naples by the favour of certain Frigates, he put out to the sea certain small Barks to oppose against the service of the Frigates: And lastly he gave order that all the herds of cattle should be driven away fifteen miles compass from Naples, to th'end th'imperials should not with such facility chase them.  
But now by reason of a new accident which long time before had disclosed 
Andre Door leaveth the pay of the French.  certain signs and tokens, the French affairs were not a little entangled: Andre Dore either by corruption and long working with him, or of his own proper motion which in cases of alteration carrieth men not a little, determined to leave the French pay, to the which he was bound till the end of june, A resolution which he had long time before established in his mind as was gathered by many arguments and conjectures: In that disposition he retired to Genes, and would not go up with his Galleys to the kingdom of Naples, not though the French king offered to make him captain general of the army by sea which he prepared at Merseilles: Against which offer he alleged only his impotency of body in which reigned so many maladies drawn on with years and old age, that he was now no more able to bear the travels of an army: But the original and first motion of this change was afterwards attributed aswell by himself as others, to diverse causes: Touching himself he complained that the French king to whom he had done faithful service for the space of five years, had raised to the place of high Admiral by sea Monsr Barbesieux, A place which though he had refused once, yet he looked that the king would make a new instance to him to take it: Secondly, that the king had not satisfied him of the xx. thousand ducats due for his pays past, without the which he was not able to entertain his galleys: That he would not hearken to his just petitions to restore to the Genoese their accustomed jurisdiction of Savona, And lastly, that because he urged these petitions with importunity, the king had debated in his counsel to cut off his head as one that used too arrogantly his authority. Others were of opinion that his ill contentment grew first from the difference and controversies between him and Ranso de Cero for the enterprise of Sardignia: In which contention he construed against the king that he had with more partiality inclined to the reaportes of Ranso, then favoured his justifications: That the king had too much importuned him to deliver up his prisoners whom he desired, but especially the Marquis of Guast, and Askanio Colonno, as a matter of great importance, nevertheless offering to pay their ransom. These were the causes conjectural gathered by strangers: but afterwards it was both believed and discerned manifestly that in this revolt he was not carried so much with disdain that the French held not reputation of him according to his merits, or with any other property of ill contentment, as with an ambition and emulation to deliver Genes, and so to make himself great under cooler of the liberty of his country: Wherein having no other means to drive his drifts to their true effect, he resolved to follow no more the French, nor to aid them with his Galleys in the action of Naples, like as also it was believed that to hinder the conquest of Sicily, he had advanced and brought on the enterprise of Sardignia. So that having replenished all the thoughts of his mind with this devise of ambition, and seeking to confirm it with some greater authority, he solicited by the interposing of the Marquis of G●ast, to enter into the pay of th'emperor, notwithstanding the profession of great hatred which for the memory of the sack of Genes he had made many years against the Spanish nation, accompanied with severe cruelties executed upon any particulars of them when so ever they fell into his hands: But for that he covered his intention with a cloak of deep art and dissimulation, the matter was not yet come to the knowledge of the French king, who in that ignorance had not looked to remedy an evil of so great importance, though he was not without some suspicion of the revolt by the occasion of surprising a Galley: wherein passed as a passanger into Spain a Spaniarde sent under the cooler to ransom certain prisoners, and amongst other things was found about him a letter of credence from Andre Door to th'emperor, And yet such was the subtlety of the Spaniarde or compassion of such as had him in hand, that they suffered him to continued his way without examining him. At last Monsr Barbisieux being arrived at Savona with a fleet of fourteen Galleys, Andre Dore fearing some stratagem, retired with his Galleys to Genes, and afterwards conveyed his prisoners to Lerice, A matter which when the French king understood by credible relation, and tasting the danger which was now become without remedy, he dispatched to him Peter Francis Nocere to reduce him to his pay again: By him the king offered him to satisfy his desire touching Savona, to pay in the twenty thousand ducats that were due before, and to give him twenty thousand more for the ransom of the Prince of Orange whom he had taken before, and the king set him afterwards at liberty at such time as he made peace with th'emperor at Madrill: lastly he offered him that in case he would deliver his prisoners, he would defray their ransom before they came out of his hands, And yet if he refused to deliver them, the king promised not to impute or charge against him his denial. But Andre Door, whose resolution was more constant and settled, then that the kings offers could remove it, gave small ear to the solicitation, but justified with complaints his going from the king: In so much as Monsr Barbesieux, to the great prejudice of the affairs of Naples, was constrained by the necessity of things, to stay at Savona: And yet passing further afterwards, he left for the guard of Genes five hundred footmen, with direction to remain within ten miles of the City for the rage of the plague that reigned there: And for the same service he put on land thirty miles from Genes twelve hundred lanceknights newly arrived, who as they had received their first pay of the French men, so for that the Venetians had not made good the second according to their bond, Triwlco governor of Genes was driven to leavy it by his means.  
Upon this revolting of Andre Door, the Pope being advertised that he entertained practise with the Emperor, signified the same to Lawtrech the xxj. of june, whom he required to consent that he might retain him in his pay to th'end to deprive th'emperor of his service, assuring him that Philip Door should departed from Naples within ten days: for which cause Monsr Lawtrech restored to Philip for that he would not kindle or incense him, the Secretary Serenon whom he had always retained with him to th'end to come by his mean to the knowledge and light of many things that lay in darkness and shadow: And yet for the suspicion he had conceived of the Pope, he interpreted sinisterly the advertisement he had sent him. At last Andre Dore, notwithstanding that Bardesicux in passing further with his army by sea containing nineteen galleys, two foists, and four brigantines, assisted with the person of the Prince of Navarre, had spoken with him: yet forbearing to cloak or dissemble any longer the thing he intended to do, he dispatched a gentleman to th'emperor in the company of the general of Grayfreets, who was now created Cardinal and was sent to th'emperor from the Pope: There was resolved with this Gentleman a contract bearing these covenants: The liberty 
covenants between th'emperor and Andre door.  of Genes to be under the protection of th'emperor: the jurisdiction of Savona to remain to the Genoese: Pardon to Andre Door that had been so great a persecutor of the Spanish name: Entertainment in th'emperor's service with twelve galleys, and threescore thousand ducats by the year, with many other articles very honourable. In regard of this league Philip departed the fourth day of july from before Naples with all his Galleys: Whose going away was nothing prejudicial to the French but only in reputation, for that he had of late not only made ill guard, but also had suffered his Brigantines to convey into Naples by stealth, certain proportions of relief: He had also carried the son of Anthony de Leva to Caietta, and was a back for many days to the forreagers to pass victuals into Naples: But if he had followed that service with the same fidelity he showed in the beginning, his going away had been very hurtful to their affairs. Monsr Lawtrech taking occasion upon his departing, solicited so much the more the coming of the French army, which according to the Pope's ordinance was stayed with great indiscretion about the action of Givitavecchia.  
But for the retiring of Phillippe with his galleys, the Venetian army by sea who had taken the charge of the work from the sea shore until they met with the trenches of Peter Navarre, was driven to leave that action, and apply to the guard and service of the sea: Which to th'end to hold more straight and enclosed, there were appointed certain armed Frigottes to scour day and night the coast: using likewise a greater diligence by land in opposing against the daily incursions of the Spaniards, whom notwithstanding when they encountered, their valour was turned into fear, and in that fear they fled away without fighting: In so much as Naples was reduced to an extreme necessity, and the lanceknights protested oftentimes to go away if they had not speedy succours both of money and victuals: By reason whereof Monsr Lawtrech who had reapposed a great confidence in those operations, persuaded himself that for the long practice and intelligence he had holden with them, they would in those disorders and wants pass daily to his army.  
But the fyfteenth day of july all the Fleet of the Venetian Galleys except 
Many difficulties in the ●●●army.  those that were about Caietta, returned into Calabria to be revittelled of biskytte: By whose going away the haven being laid open, many Frigates passed into Naples with victuals of all sorts except wine: A relief coming in a time apt, for that within Naples there was not so much store of corn as would last till the end of july. And on the other side, in the Camp which was filled full of the plague by the infection of such as came out of Naples, maladies and diseases increased greatly: which respecting neither place, authority, nor complexion, so touched Monsr Vawdemont that he bore more likelihood of death then hope of life, and reduced Monsr Lawtrech into great maladies: By whose absence and restraining for the sickness he suffered, the service declined to such disorder, that the imperials had leisure to execute their incursions without impediments and with the same facility cut off the victuals that came to the army, reducing the whole camp to great wants of relief: And yet much less that the French could be brought to leavy new companies of light horsemen, seeing in these disorders Valerio Vrsin being in the pay of the Venetians with an hundred light horsemen, went from the army for that he was not paid, by whose example many other companies of light horsemen left the service for want of pay, and the residue were made unprofitable by reason of diseases: The men at arms of the French were bestowed in garrison in the places thereabout, And the bands of the Gascons being dispersed into several places of the country, were busy in gathering in of harvest and seeking pray and booty. Nevertheless there was great hope in certain bands of footmen which were said to come with the army by sea, which army having stayed more than twenty days after they parted from the port of Livorno, arrived at last the eighteenth of july, with many gentlemen and money to comfort the camp: Only this supply brought to the army but eight hundred footmen, the residue that marched with it remaining bestowed partly for the guard of Genes, and partly to follow th'enterprise of the castle of Civitavecchia: At the coming of these succours Monsr Lawtrech having sent to the sea side bands of soldiers to receive the money that was brought, the galleys could not come to land for the impediment of the sea that was great and swelled with waters: And therefore the next day the Marquis of Salussa returned thither again with his lances, and with a gross regiment of Gascons, Swissers, and lanceknights, accompanied with the black bands: But in their returning they were encountered by the Imperials being issued out of Naples in great troupes, who gave so furious a charge upon the French horsemen, that they turned their backs, and in fleeing they so shaked and trod their footmen that they disordered them whom they should have defended: In this encounter Don Dugo de Pepoly succeeding by the death of Horatio Baillon to the government of the Florentine bands, being set on foot with forty harquebuziers before the esquadron of the black bands, become prisoner to the horsemen: yea such was the fury of th'imperials that if the valour of the black bands had not retained them, they had in this medley made a great slaughter, for that they fought with a wonderful resolution, but chief the horsemen: There were left dead of the French men more than an hundred bodies, and no less number passed over to the calamity of prisoners, amongst whom were many of the gentlemen of the sea army that were set on land, And also Monsr de Candales Nephew to the Marquis of Salussa: Only the money was preserved and sent in safety to the Camp: The fault of this disorder was laid upon the French horsemen, being far inferior in valour to the enemies, A matter which did not a little diminish the virtue of the footmen of the army, as knowing that now they could not stand assured of rescue in the horsemen: But the matter that most endamaged and weakened the army, was the sickness of Monsr Lawtrech, who albeit laboured with the virtue of his mind and courage to sustain and bear out the feebleness of his body, yet being not able with his hand and presence to assist actions, he could not provide and remedy many things that went to declination: for th'imperials taking liberty to make roads abroad, did not only make purveyance of all things they stood need of except wine which they could not carry, but also in that liberty they cut from the army oftentimes the resort of victuals and nurture, taking their baggage and forage even upon their ramparts, and winning their horses sometimes as they were led to the watering: In so much as besides the general diminution of the army by diseases, even things necessary began to fail in the camp, which was almost reduced of an army besieging, to a camp besieged, if they had not seen to the guarding of the passages against the footmen that ran away. And of the contrary, within Naples all commodities and hopes increased, the lanceknights mutined no more, and all the other bands of soldiers in glory and emulation strove to suffer and endure: With these dangers no less manifest than still increasing, the obstinacy of Monsr Lawtrech was at last vanquished, who both had sent into France to be supplied with six thousand footmen by sea, and also had dispatched Ranso de Cero being come with the army by sea, towards Aquila to levy four thousand footmen and six hundred horsemen, giving him assignation for money to the treasurer of Aquila and Abruzza: Which supplies as Ranso undertook by promise to bring to the camp within few days, so they would have served better for the advancement of the affairs, if they had been prepared before: By the xxix. day the ways and straits were so broken, that there was no surety of passage to Capua which lay upon the back of the army, and wherein almost all sorts of people laboured of diseases and sickness: Monsr Lawtrech who somewhat before had been eased of his fever, was eftsoons fallen into it again with a more infirmity and danger then before: The men at arms were almost all dispersed in the villages, either for diseases and sickness in deed, or at least to refresh them under such an excuse: The regiments and bands of footmen were almost reduced to nothing: And within the town of Naples both the plague abating and other diseases diminishing, by which helps there were as yet seven thousand footmen strong, there was fear lest they would fallye out and invade the Camp: In which regard Monsr Lawtrech caused to tarry the five hundred footmen which Ranso de Cero had sent after the overthrow of Simon Roman, to th'end to stop that the bands of enemies who were in Calabria came not up towards Naples: He sent also to leavy a thousand footmen in the country thereaboute: He retained the Duke of Nola with two hundred light horsemen, and Rinuccio Farneso with an hundred, whom they promised to bring to him forthwith: He sent for back again two hundred Estradiottes of the Venetians who were gone to th'enterprise of Tarenta: He revoked upon great penalties all the men at arms that were whole and able: He solicited daily the coming of Ranso, and hastened (albeit very late) with a great vehemency and efficacy, all other provisions. By the second day of August there were scarcely in the French camp an hundred horse, by reason of which diminution the imperials made daily incursions even up to their trenches: They took all advantages of their weakness, and omitted no opportunity which their disorders or declination offered to them: They won Somma, performing thexploit by the aid of scaling ladders, and they sacked it, finding within it a company of men at arms and a cornet of light horsemen: By these actions growing on to extremities, Monsr Lawtrech seeing himself almost besieged, solicited Monsr Saint Pol to send him succours of men by sea, and called upon the Florentines to turn to his rescue the two thousand footmen whom they had levied to send to Saint Pol, which they consented to readily: Monsr Candales who was let go upon his faith, was dead in the camp: The prince of Navarre, Vawdemont, Camillo Trivulco, and the old & new masters of camp, were fallen sick: Lawtrech was eftsoons fallen into the pangs of his fever, All th'ambassadors were sick, all the Secretories passed by maladies, and all personages of account were kept suppressed by the diseases of the camp, except the Marquis of Salusso and the Count Guido: yea there was scarcely to be found through the whole camp a body who could boast of his soundness: The bands of footmen perished miserably of hunger, and almost all the cisterns being drawn dry, there was an universal want of water. Such were the disorders of the camp by these afflictions, and much more redoubled by omission and negligence, that all action was taken from the army other then to stand upon their guards and defend their camp, abiding the comfort of rescue. After this the Spaniards broke up the water conduit of Poggia Royal, and notwithstanding it was eftsoons recovered, yet they could make no use of it without great danger. Monsr Lawtrech expected within two days the Duke of Somma with fifteen hundred footmen, and with the same expedition he looked for the bands of horsemen and footmen of the Abbot of Farfa, which he had sent for since he had given the defeat to the Bishop of Colonno.  
About this time and in these extremities returned the galleys of the Venetians, very ill armed and appointed, and so slenderly furnished with victuals & provisions, that to get meat and nurture convenient for their feeding, they were driven to run all along the sea shores thereabout, and by that occasion had no care to guard the port of Naples: But the Spaniards in whom was equal their insolency & their fortune, being returned the eight day to Somma, made pillage of it of new, and took away with them all the residue of the horse which Count Guido had there in garrison: They charged also the skort or guard of the French victuals, who were two hundred lanceknights, and they fleeing in their cowardice into two houses, yielded their lives to discretion. By reason of these incursions and felicities of th'imperials, the soldiers that kept the camp were oftentimes without meat to eat, A calamity of all others most wretched when is wanting food to feed the body which stands to defend his life: All their incommodities were made greater by the huge circuit of place where the army was encamped, which property of error as it was discerned in the beginning, so the danger redoubling by the favour of the place, their eyes beheld a miserable consuming of their soldiers every day by the necessity of too much action: And yet Monsr Lawtrech standing firmly upon the hope and daily expectation of succours, could not be brought to restrain it or make it less, who albeit in his own person he was not well restored, yet in that weakness of body he took pain to visit the whole camp to maintain due order of watch and ward, fearing to be invaded: But so swiftly did things run to declining, that by the xv. day the great puissance and valour of the imperial horsemen had cut of all reasort and intercourse between the camp and the galleys, neither could the soldiers of the camp, for want of the service of horsemen, make any incursion or do exploits beneficial: Every night the alarm was given to the camp twice or thrice, in so much as the soldiers wasted with so many pains and incommodities, were not able to send out such skort for victuals as was needful: But the thing that amid so many calamities, made them most discomforted, was the death of Monsr Lawtrech, yielding up his life the same night, 
Death of Monsr Lawtrech.  upon whose authority and virtue all the counsels and actions of that service depended, and in whose person stood represented the hope and expectation of that war: It was thought he fell into the relapse of his disease by the continual pains he put his body unto before it was well confirmed.  
The whole charge and government of the camp remained now in the person of the Marquis of Salussa, A man whose weakness made him unable to manage well so great an authority: And in this daily increasing of the French disorders, Andre Door with twelve galleys arrived at Caietta as soldier to th'emperor, the same reducing the French navy to such straits, that they began to make no more so good guard as they had wont: At that time also the Count of Sarny with a thousand Spanish footmen, took Sarny, expulsing three hundred footmen that were there in garrison: And afterwards marching by night the xxij. of August, with a greater force to Nola, he took it, and drove Valerio Vrsin lying there in garrison to retire into the castle, alleging for his excuse that he was deceived by the men of the country: he sent to demand rescue of the Marquis of Salussa, who sent him a strength of two thousand footmen, but carrying with them the ordinary infelicity of the camp as they marched towards the place by night, they were set upon by the bands of Naples, and cut in pieces: The xxij. day the camp being both naked of men and void of government, stood entertained only with hope of the coming of Ranso, who being asyet in Naples, was not wished to haste on for the taking of Naples, nor in hope to be able to make any resistance in that place where they were encamped, but only that by a greater strength they might break up and levy the siege: By this time Monsr Vawdemont was dead, and the Marquis of Salussa, Count Guido, Count Hugo, and Peter of Novare extremely afflicted with sickness: In which general persecution of the french camp, Maramo to th'end to deprive them wholly of food and victuals, issued out of Naples with four hundred footmen, and finding Capua almost abandoned, entered into it, by whose coming thither, the French men forsaking Pozzolo, bestowed the garrison that was there, within Auersa, A place of very special importance for the camp: But when Capua and Nola were lost, the army was at a maze where to seek victuals to contain the bodies which the stroke of diseases had yet left on live: So that their extremities making them no longer to hold good, and the rage of their necessities carrying them necessarily to obey the adversity of the time, they resolved to embrace their last shift, and broke up by night to retire to Auersa: ButthImperialls keeping a jealous eye upon their doings, and having good information of their dislodging, set upon them and overthrew them in the way, where being taken Peter Navare with many other chieftains and personages of condition, The Marquis of Salussa escaped & retired with one part of the army into Auersa: But being pursued no less by his own infelicity then by the valour of th'imperials, and being reduced to an estate not to maintain defence, he sent out of Auersa Count Guido Rangon to perley with the Prince of Orange, 
Capitulations of the Marquis of Salussa with the imperials.  between whom ran these capitulations: That aswell he as the other Captains should remain prisoners, except Count Guido, to whom in recompense of th'accord, was granted liberty: That the Marquis should do all that he could with the French men and Venetians for the rendering & giving up of the whole kingdom: That the soldiers and such as by th'accord were to have liberty, should leave their ensigns, their arms, their horses and their goods, granting only to those that were of greatest quality, the service of moils and curtals: That the Italian soldiers should not bear arms against th'emperor for six months: In this sort all bands and regiments were defeated, all Captains cut of by death, or made prisoners in fleeing, or at lest taken in the accord: Auersa was sacked by the army Imperial, who afterwards retired to Naples & demanded eight pays: Ranso who the day following was drawn near to Capua with the Prince of melf and the Abbot of Farfa, hearing of the accident and adventure of the army, returned into Abruzza, which country only together with certain pieces in Powylla and Calabria, held good for the confederates.  
This was the issue and event of th'enterprise of the kingdom of Naples, disordered by many causes, but guided to his last error by two principal reasons: The one, for the maladies and diseases engendered partly by the cutting away of the water conduits of Poggio royal to deprive them within Naples of the mean and usage of grinding: for, when the waters were dispersed all over the plains, and having no issue, were driven to stand still & gather modde, they so corrupted the air, that the french men by nature intemperate and impatient of heat, fell into maladies, and they in time were turned into the nature of the plague, whose contagion was carried into the body of the army by certain that were infected who were expressly sent out of Naples: The other error was that Monsr Lawtrech who had drawn out of France all the best experienced Captains of that nation, was too singular in his own hope and weening: And not remembering what little honour it brought to him at such time as he lay at the defence of the estate of Milan, to writ to his king that he would stop thenemies for passing the river of Adda, he had now in the same partiality since the siege of Naples, assured his king by sundry letters that he would not levy his camp from before the walls of Naples, till he had honourably carried the victory of the town: By which proppertie of error and self promise' for that he would not be reproved of his word and judgement, he stood obstinate not to leavy the siege contrary to the council of his other Captains, who seeing the camp full of maladies and infection, persuaded him always to retire in safety to Capus to some other place of refreshing: The rather for that having in his hands and devotion almost all the kingdom, much less that he could have wanted either victuals or money, seeing he might with facility have consumed the imperials to whom all things were lacking.  
During these proceedings in the Realm of Naples, the affairs of Lombardy were 
The proceedings of Monsr Saint Pol in Lombardy.  not without travel and diversity of fortune, for that after Monsr Saint Pol had assembled his forces and made provision of victuals, he took beyond Paw certain towns and borrows commanded before by Antho. de Leva, who the third of August was gone to Torretta, labouring to gather into Milan so great provisions of victuals as he could, for that thorough the whole estate of Milan, the harvests were so poor and barren, that it was thought there were scarcely sufficient victuals to feed for eight months the mouths that were in the country: Afterwards he retired to Marignan being not able for want of money to abide long time in that place: At this time the Duke of Vrbyn was at Bressia, and Saint Pol at Newecastell in Tortono, from whence being comen to Plaisanca, they met and had conference together at Monticella upon the river of Paw, where it was resolved that the armies should unite and assemble about Loda: from thence Saint Pol passed the river of Paw near to Cremona, they of Plaisanca suffering him without resistance to convert the barks that were there to the use of a bridge: And therefore Antho. de Leva who had at his devotion the bridge of Cassan, Caruaggia, and Trevy, broke down the bridge and abandoned the places of Guiaradada, like as he had before abandoned Novaro: only he had bestowed within Pavya, seven hundred footmen, and five hundred within Saint Angeo: Monsr Saint Pol had in estate and payment four hundred lances, five hundred light horsemen & fiveteene hundred lanceknights, but in numbers & true mooster far less both through his own negligence and deceit of his officers: for these forces and other companies of Swizzers and lanceknights which were expected, the Venetains had agreed to pay for every month twelve thousand ducats, to Monsr Saint Pol, who had also at Turea three hundred Swizzers entertained and paid for nine hundred, and three thousand footmen French: The Venetians had three hundred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, and six thousand footmen: And with the Duke of Milan were more than two thousand footmen of choice. Antho. de Leva had four thousand lanceknights, a thousand Spaniards, three thousand Italians and three hundred light horsemen: The regiments of the confederates passed the river of Adda, and joined their forces together the two and twenty of August, Antho. de Leva being yet at Marignan: from that place the Duke of Urbin sent to Saint Angeo, a strength of three thousand footmen, and three hundred light horsemen with six cannons, under the conduit of john Naldo, who as he was in camping was slain with a bollet from the artilleries, for revenge of whose death the Duke went thither in person and carried the town: The five and twenty of August, the army of the confederates lodged at Saint Zenon upon the river of Ambra which is within two miles and an half of Marignan: The seven and twenty day they passed over Ambra, and drew near to Marignan: The Spaniards at their approaching retired within Marignan to an old rampart, and after they had skirmished many hours, they issued and spread themselves at large, making as though they would either give or take the battle: But after thartilleries had played on both sides the space of an hour by which time the night drew on, they retired within Marignan & Riozzo, and at the lodging or planting of the camp, they assaulted it bravely: The day after Antho. de Leva made his retreat with all his companies to Milan, and the confederates went to Landriano: There they took council whether they should attempt to force Milan, & during the action of that consultation, the army marched with intention to enter the town of Milan by surprise, which enterprise was broken by a great abundance of rain, which making the ways heavy and troublesome, stopped them for going to the gate of Verceill where they should have entered: But seeing that exploit frustrate and the devise disappointed wherein they were more confirmed of the impossibility of the action, by the relation of a gentleman whom they sent to take a view of Milan, they determined to go encamp before Pavya by the way of Biagrassa: Both for that there remained no other nature of action for the army, & also for the hope they had to carry it easily, having no greater a strength to defend it then two hundred lanceknights and eight hundred italians: Thus keeping that way they sent out beyond the river of Thesin, certain bands of footmen, which took Vigevena: And the ninth of September Monsr Saint Pol arrived at Saint Alexis within three miles of Pavya, where both the armies approaching near together, there came an advertisement that put them in a greater astonishment: for, the plague being great in Genes, for fear of whose infection the town being almost left abandoned of inhabitants and soldiers, in which general confusion Theoder Trywlco governor of the town, being retired into the castle: Andre Door took the advantage of that occasion and drew near the town with certain galleys, having nevertheless a very slender hope to force it for that he had with him but five hundred footmen. But as where the fear is general there the minds and courages are least assured, so the 
The taking of Genua by Andre Door.  French navy that road in the haven, fearing lest their way to return into France would be closed up, left without care or guard the matters of Genes, and hoist fail to go to Savona, the first vessel that arrived there, being the gallye of Monsr Barbesieux: So that both for the weak forces of soldiers that were within the city notwithstanding Theoder was returned to keep the palace, And for that the people and commons for the injury of the liberty done to the town of Savona, were becomen enemies to the name of the French, Andre Dore made his entry into the town finding made against him no great resistance: Such was his ambition and so strong and violent his appetit of dominion, that the plague which forced the natural inhabitants to leave their patrimony and place of abiding, had not power to make him timorous to enter, where the others in their fear fled from th'infection: But this fowl loss of the city happened chief by the negligence and too much security of the French king: for, both not looking that the matters of Naples would so speedily fall to ruin, and also being persuaded that in all accidents the retreat of the navy to Genes and the neighbourhood of Monsr Saint Pol, would suffice either to save or rescue, he omitted to make necessary provisions: Theoder who was retired within the castle, demanded succours of Saint Pol whom he put in hope to reconquer the town, if there were sent to him forthwith a strength of three thousand footmen: which demand being consulted upon amongst the Captains confederate, the French men showed a disposition to go thither presently with the whole camp: But the Duke of Vrbyn proved that to provide boats to make a bridge upon Paw, and to leavy necessary proportions of victuals, was a matter which would draw a longer tract of time than the present business required: So that according to his council it was determined that Monsr MontiIan should turn from Alexandria to Genes, A regiment of three thousand lanceknights and Swyzzers who were come out of France to the army of Saint Pol, and were arrived at Alexandria: But in case they would not be led thither, than the resolution boar, that they should be led to the camp, & in their places should be dispatched and bestowed a colony of three thousand others: and that as in the mean while there should be made labour and practise to press Pavya: So the Venetians promised that if th'enterprise of Pavya failed, they would convert to the succours of Genes all their companies, so far forth as they might dwell assured of the affairs on that side.  
Thus was resolved and continued the siege of Pavya, & the better to advance it to a good end & issue, there were planted the xiv day on this side the river of Thesin in the plain there below, nine cannons which executed upon a bastillion adjoining to the arsenack or storehouse for munitions, which in few hours was reduced almost to ruin, And beyond the river of Thesin were braked three cannons to beat (when the assault should be given) a flank that answered the arsenack: And upon a little hill side on this side Thesin were bestowed five cannons which commanded two other bastillions: And upon the point of the said little hill were bestowed three other cannons which played upon the wall: All which fury of artilleries belonged to the Venetians, reserving the great shot of Monsr Saint Pol to beat upon the defences: By the day following Annyball captain of Cremona was come with a trench as far as the ditch of the bastillion on that side of the arsenack, of which two parts were already so reversed to the earth, that the soldiers that were within had almost abandoned it: This day was slain with a bollet from the artilleries, Malatesta Sogliano one of the captains of the Venetians: And after the artilleries had played with a continual execution all the day & night following, the army was ranged & prepared to give the assault, most part of the wall on all sides of the three bastillions, being made even with the earth: But when in the morning following they went about to drain the water out of the ditches, they found so great a resistance by the foundation of the wall, that they consumed there all that day and the day following, by which occasion the assault was prolonged till the xix. day, when the ditch was almost cleared of all the water: By this the bastillion at the corner being won by the first appearing of the day, they began to give th'assault, And dividing their companies into three, the first action appertained to Antho. de Castello with the Venetian regiments, the second to Monsr de Logers, leading the soldiers of Saint Pol, and the last to the captain of Cremona commanding the regiments of the Duke of Milan being twelve hundred footmen: The person of the Duke of Vrbyn came on foot with two hundred men at arms, and affronted the bastyllions which made a valiant defence for more than two hours, under the valour of two hundred lanceknights and eight hundred italians with a very few Spaniards, who notwithstanding in the action they showed great courage and resolution, yet for the smallness of their numbers they defended their bodies with great hazard and difficulty, the rather for the rage of th'artilleries planted beyond Thesin, which always executed upon the principal part or flower of the ramparts: In the assault Peter Viragno was hurt in the thigh with a shot of a arqebus, of which wound albeit he died within few days after, yet he would not have his body removed from the place, to th'end his soldiers should not abandon the assault: In like sort was wounded with a arqebus Peter Botticello, but with more favour for that he died not, and with lesseshow of constancy for that he retired from the assault: They were both Captains of the Duke of Milan: At last within xxij. hours the assailants by their valour made their entry with small hurt to themselves, and right great commendation to the Duke of Vrbyn: The slaughter of the soldiers within, was about seven hundred bodies, almost all lanceknights: But when the army began to enter the town, Galeas Biragno being no longer able to preserve the place which he saw by all properties of destiny to decline from him, retired into the castle with all the soldiers that remained of the slaughter at the assault, together with many inhabitants of the town, which immediately was delivered to sack and spoiling, though of little profit by reason it had passed that affliction twice before: The castle was received by composition without any assault or exploit of war, both for that there were in the camp no munitions to batter it, and also the ditches which were both large and deep were not in so short time to be filled up, And lastly there were within it aregiment of five hundred men of war strong: These were the capitulations between the army and the castle: That the Spaniards with all those sorts of artilleries and munitions which they could carry in their hands, and with all their train of baggage, should go to Milan together with the lanceknights of whom was left of the general slaughter, a very small number: And that th'italians might go whether they would, except to Milan.  
Upon the taking of Pavia, the Duke of Vrbyn gave out his reasons that it were not good to force Milan, unless they had an army sufficient for two batteries: But to th'end to veke it and restrain it, he thought it good to take Biagrassa, Saint George, Monce, Coma, and to minister succours to Genes: for, notwithstanding the lanceknights and Swyzzers had made answer to Monsr MontiIan that they would go to Genes, yet the lanceknights taking thoccasion that they were not paid, went away to T●rea, by which alteration there was no property of succours sent to the castle which Andre Door laboured to undermine with all diligence, for which cause and to apply a remedy so necessary, Monsr Saint Pol with an hundred lances and two thousand footmen remeining with him, prepared the xxvij. day to go to the succours of Genes: he passed Paw at Port●stella in the mouth of theriver of Thesin, and drew towards Tortono with promise to turn back again, if he saw his succours could not be made profitable to the place: All this while the Duke of Vrbyn, stayed for him at Pavya, and with him were four thousand footmen Venetians, and a thousand of the regiments of the Duke of Milan. At this time Antho. de Leva who was retired to Milan, made an order that no man should keep or make any meal in their houses except such as had redeemed and bought the tribute of it, who paid unto him for the space of ix. months, three ducats for every measure of meal: with the money growing of this imposition, he paid for all that time the horsemen, and the footmen Spanish and lanceknights. A contribution which did not only defend him from the danger present, but did entertain him all the winter following, having dispersed his regiments of Italian footmen within Novaro & certain towns of Lomelino with other villages of the territories of Milan, In which wretched towns he gave sufferance to the soldiers during the whole time of the winter, to spoil and ransom the miserable inhabitants: The first day of October Monsr Saint Pol arrived at Gavy a place within xxv. miles of Genes having for his better expedition, left his artilleries at Novi: The day following he took the rock of the borrow of Fornaro, but passing further towards Genes, and understanding there was entered a new strength of seven hundred footmen Corsegans, he returned eftsoons to the borrow of Fornaro: Such was his want of money, that he had not with him in all, above four thousand footmen aswell of his own as of the companies of MontiIan, & a thousand who had been sent from the camp with Nicholas Door: And yet of those few that were with him, many troupes passed continually into France, which making h 〈…〉 despair of the success of thenterprise, he dispatched MontiIan with three hundred footmen to Savona before which town the Genoese were in camped: But there was no mean for them to enter, both for that it was restrained & environed with trenches, and all the passages & places of access taken: The x. of October he retired himself within Alexandria, & afterwards to Senazzar● between Alexandria & Pavya, to have conference with the Duke of Vrbyn: only he was almost left without soldiers: And there consulting upon the common affairs, where the Duke declared that there was remaining but four thousand footmen of all nations & natures, And that Antho. de Leva had what without & within Milan four thousand lanceknights strong, six hundred Spaniards, and xiv hundred Italians: It was resolved that the Duke should retire to Pavya, & Saint Pol to Alexandria, A matter accorded unto him by the Duke of Milan: There were also occupied speeches and devices to make new levies of footmen, and then if the time favoured, to advance to execute th'enterprise of Biagrassa, Mortaro, and the castle of Novaro.  
But when the inhabitants of Savona saw that MontiIan could not enter for their succours they agreed amid so many distresses, to tender the town the xxj. of October, if within certain days they were not rescued: And therefore Saint Pol who was careful to relieve it, and not having of his own companies above a thousand footmen strong, required a supply of three thousand footmen of the Duke of Vrbyn & Milan, who furnished him but with xii. hundred, Insomuch as having no assurance to be able to rescue it with so small a number, he suffered it to be lost: And after the Genoese had it they choked the haven with stones for that they would make it v● profitable to service: And by the example of that adversity, Theoder T●y 〈…〉, despairing to besuccored, and being without money and comfort, gave himself up to composition: Assoon as the castle was conquered, it was in a popular fury 
New government established in Goe 〈…〉 aye.  razed by the Genewaies, who with the authority of Andre Dore established in that city a new government such as had been afore time solicited under the name of liberty: This was the substance of it: That by the council of four hundred citizens should be created all the magistrates and dignities of their city, but chiefly the Duke and supreme Magistrate, to continued for two years: They abrogated the law by the which the gentlemen were excluded before out of that creation: And seeing the foundation and ground of greatest importance rested in this to establish their liberty, that they should presently labour to reconcile the factions and divisions of the citizens, which of long time had been there more great and hurtful then in any other city of italy, seeing beside contentions private, there had raged for long time the factions of guelfs and Gebelins: To deface th'emulation between the gentlemen and populars, which populars were not yet reduced to one unity of will amongst themselves: And lastly to reappease the mighty and strong partiality and controversy between the two families of Adorney and Fregosey: By reason of which divisions it was likely that their city, most convenient to command the Sea aswell for the situation as for the science and knowledge of marine matters, had not been only at several seasons vexed and depressed, but also for long time had been kept under a cross of continual subjection: Therefore to cure that evil even to the root, they proceeded by obscuring the names of all the families and houses of the city, conserving and retaining only the memory and name of xxviij. of the most noble and notable, except the Adorneys and Fregoseis, which they utterly suppressed and abolished: under the name and number of which famulies, they gathered all those gentlemen and populars who remeined without name of their houses: wherein the better to confounded the memory of all factions, they sought to entangle and intermeddle the families of the gentlemen with the houses of the populars, & reciprocally the names of the populars whith the gentlemen: Such as had been partners with the Adorneys they coupled with those that had followed the name of the Fregosey, & so of the contrary, establishing under that commixtion of houses and names, an equal affinity between both: And as by this law it was ordained that there should be no distinction of power to hinder the one more than the other to aspire to honours and magistracies: so by this confusion of names and men they hoped that within the course of a few years, the poisoned memory of factions and quarrels would be utterly defaced & quenched: And in the mean while th'authority of Andre Dore remeined great amongst them, without whose consent and privity both for the reputation of the man and for the authority of th'emperor's galleys which he commanded, and for his other conditions & parts, they would not pass any deliberation of things which were of greatest importance: only the thing which made his puissance and greatness less troublesome, was, that he would neither suffer the treasure to be administered with his ordinance, nor intrude himself into th'election of the duke and other magistrates, & much less communicate in causes more particular & less: By which manner of behaviour the citysens' being reduced to minds peaceable, become more inclined to merchandise then to ambition, & retaining still impressions of their travels and subjections passed, they had greatreason to love & follow that form of government: After this the french fleet and the navy of Andre Dore buckled together between Monaro and Nice, where one of Doors galleys was sunk.  
After the loss of Savona, the Duke of Vrbyn and Monsr saint Pol, met together of new at Sevaro between Alexandria and Pavya: where the Duke of Vrbyn to the great discontentment of Francis Sforce, and Monsr saint Pol, resolved to repass on the other side the river of Adda, both leaving to the Duke of Milan, the guard of Pavya, and counciling Monsr saint Pol to spend the winter in Alexandria: with which alterations the french kings officers were not only discontented, but also himself not taking for payment certain light excuses which the Venetians made to him, complained bitterly that they had not succoured the castle of Genes and the city of Savona which the Genoese in their rage had utterly deformed: After this, a supply of a thousand lanceknights were sent to Saint Pol, with whom, accounting the thousand footmen which Villecero had in Lomelyno, remained a strength of four thousand footmen.  
In this time happened a tumult in the Marquisedom of Salussa: The accident was this: After the death of the Marquis Michael Anthony, Francis his brother having taken upon him the jurisdiction by reason that Gabriel the second brother to Anthony, even in the time of his eldest brother by direction of the mother who had managed the government of the children during their minority, had been kept prisoner in the rock of Ravel under cooler that he was almost estranged from his understanding: it happened that the captain of the Rock delivered him, by which mean seizing upon the mother who had holden him prisoner and being gladsomely embraced of the people, he conquered the whole estate: To which felicity of the time it seamed his brother gave place, and fled, in his fear to Carmagnola, where, having afterwards reassembled his forces, he overthrew his brother Gabriel.  
There passed no more actions of consequency in Lombardie for this year, saving that Count Caiezza ran up even as far as Milan, taking advantage upon the negligence of the Venetians, who omitted to send to Monsr saint Pol the forces they had promised for the enterprise of Saravallo, Gavy, and other places of the Genoese: There was also made an attempt of an exploit of great importance: for, Monti jan and Vecellero with two thousand footmen and fifty horsemen, departed 
Mont jan misseth to surprise Andre Dore.  in the evening to Vitado to surprise Andre Door in his pallacie, the which standing upon the Sea coast retaineth a very near neighbourhood to the walls of Genes: But this plot was vain in the effect, for that the footmen for the tediousness and longness of the way containing xxij. miles, could not reach the place where they were to execute their enterprise before the night was wasted, and being discovered by the clearness and benefit of the day, the alarm aroase which from hand to hand was brought at last to Andre Door, who conveying himself out of the backside, was received into a bark and by her swiftness of sails and oars, he avoided the danger that was prepared against his life. Only the french men missing by misadventure the person of Andre Dore, converted their rage upon his palace which they sacked and afterwards returned in safety: Also Count Caiezzo having laid an ambush between Milan and Monceo, overthrew five hundred lanceknights and an hundred light horsemen who were sent out to skorte or safe conduit the vittellours: But being afterwards sent to Bergama, he so afflicted that city with pillage and robbing, that the Senate of Venice who had established him captain general over their infantry, decassed him and deprived him with infamy of their pay, whom in their compassion they could not endure in so great a custom of insolency and avarice: About this time the Spaniards took the town of Vigevena: And Belioyense who was escaped out of the hands of the french men, being sent by Antho. de Leva with two thousand footmen to surprise Pavya wherein was a garrison of five hundred footmen of the Duke of Milan, presented himself one night before the walls, but being discovered he was compelled to retire without any effect: There arrived in the country of Genua a supply of two thousand footmen Spaniards, whom the emperor sent out of Spain either to defend Genes, or else to be converted to Milan according to the necessity and occasion of affairs: Belioyense went out to meet this supply and conduct them: who as they made show that they would take the way either to Plaisanca or of Casa, so Monsr saint Pol put himself in preparation to stop their coming, and sent to solicit the Venetyan bands to make themselves strong at Loda, to the end that the bands of Milan should not come out to back them: he laboured also to persuade them to execute jointly the enterprise of Milan, being thereunto induced through the want of victuals and other despairs of those wretched inhabitants: But the Duke of Vrbyn was not of that opinion, like as also the Venetyans proceeded coldly in the brave actions of that time, wherein both for the rapporte of Andre Navager their ambassador now returned out of Spain, and in regard of a certain practice and intelligence which was entertained at Rome with th'emperors ambassador, the opinions of the Senate were diverse, many inclining to have an accord with th'emperor: and yet it was at last resolved to continued the confederation with the french king: at which time Torniello having passed the river of Thesin with two thousand footmen, took Basignan & went towards Lomelina: And th'abbot of Farfa going with his cornets of horsemen to Crescentyn a place of the Duke of Savoy, was defeated by night & taken prisoner: but being afterwards set at liberty by the working of the Marquis Montferat and the Marquis of Mus, he overthrew certain regiments of Antho. de Leva, and took their artilleries.  
There began to rise a doubt that the Pope inclined to th'emperor's side, both for that the Cardinal Saint Cross being arrived at Naples, caused to be delivered three Cardinals who were there in hostage: and also according to the rumour that ran, he had commission from th'emperor to cause to be rendered Ostia and Civitavecchia, And by his mean and working the Pope being also solicited, Andre Dore restored to the Syennoys Portohercole: But there were daily more and more arguments and testimonies that the Pope's mind was carried with a disposition to new things, for that by his mean though secretly, Braccio Baillon for the interest of the affairs of Perousa, molested Malatesta, notwithstanding he was in his pay: And when he understood that the Duke of Ferrara was come to Modena, he conspired to take him in his returning with an ambush of two hundred horsemen laid by Pawle Luzasquo upon the confins of Modena: But for that the Duke stirred not out of Modena both the devise was disclosed and the effect disappointed.  
About this time the realm of Naples notwithstanding the overthrow of the French was not entirely delivered of the calamities of the war: for, as Simon Romain having assembled new companies, had taken Navo, Oriolo, and Amigdalaro, towns standing upon the sea side at the point of thApennine: So drawing to him into one strength Federik Caraffa whom the Duke of Gravino had sent with a thousand footmen, together with many others of the country, he had an army reasonably well compounded. But after the victory of th'imperials about Naples, and being abandoned of the companies of the Duke of Gravyna he entered into the town of Barletta by the Castle, and putting it to facke and pillage, he stayed there: At what time the Venetians held Trany guarded by Camylla, and Monopoly defended by john Conrardo, both captains of the family of the Vrsins: After this Ranso de Cero and the prince of melf came into the kingdom with a thousand footmen: who being reduced between Nocero & Gualdo, and afterwards retiring from thence by the commandment of the Pope who would not offend the minds of the victors, embarked themselves at Sinigalo and went by sea to Barletto with intention to renew the war in Powilla: a matter determined upon by common consent of the confederates to the end to constrain th'imperial army to make their abode in the kingdom of Naples until springe time, at what time they drew to counsel and conference to make new provisions for their common safety: for which matter the french king sent to Ranso a relief and succours of money, like as also the Venetians concurring with the king in the same desire, the rather to retain more easily and keep still by the help of others, the towns which they had taken in Powylla, offered to furnish him of twelve galleys: But when the king urged them to arm and appoint those galleys, reserving to defray the charge and expenses upon the four score thousand ducats whereunto they were bound by the contribution promised to Monsr Lawtrech, they would not hearken to it: The king of England promised not to be behind with his part of the provisions ordinary: And the Florentines had contracted to pay the third part of the companies which Ranso had levied: The imperials showed no great readiness or disposition to quench so great a preparation of trouble, being buysied on all parts to exact money to satisfy the soldiers of their duties and pays past: wherein both to levy those exactions with more facility, and the better to assure the kingdom with examples of severity: the prince of Orange even in the market place of Naples where the plague raged most, and in the public view of the people, caused to be beheaded Federike Cai●tan son to the Duke of Tracetto, and Henry Pandon Duke of Boviano a discendant of one of 
Executions at Naples.  the daughters of old Ferdinand king of Naples, together with four other Napolitains, extending also the same rigour of punishment upon other places of the kingdom: with which manner of proceeding no less pitiful in the persons, than dangerous for the example, he reduced into fear and astonishment the minds of all men, not omitting to proceed against the absent such as had followed the french faction with confisquation of their goods, which afterwards he suffered to be compounded for with money, & did not forget any violence or extremity by the which he might draw greatest sums of money: All which actions of murder and oppression were supposed to have their devise and resolution by the wit of jerom Moron to whom was given in recompense of his services, the Duchy of Boviano: To these emotions and stirs was added the exploit of john jacques Franquo in Abruzza, who entered for the french king into Matrina which is near to Aquila, by whose coming all the parts & people of the country drew into commotion, neither was the region of Aquila without suspicion of rising, where lay sick with six hundred footmen Serro Colonno: Moreover the Venetians made provision for the affairs of Powylla, who sending by sea certain companies of light horsemen to furnish Barletto, one part of the vessels which carried them perished in the lakes of Barletto and Trany, where there Treasurer was drowned seeking to save his life in a little skiff: The companies of horsemen who had for their leader john Conrardo Vrsin, being sore beaten with the rage of the tempest, fell into the hands of the imperials: & john Pawle de Cero who made his shipwreck near Guast, remeined prisoner to the Marquis: In the latter end of the year, the region of Aquila become for the league by the mean of the Bishop there and good working of Count Montoiro with others of the exiles, who being hardly used by the imperials sought their remedy by revolt.  
In the beginning of the year 1529. began to appear on all sides certain signs & good dispositions to peace, which seamed to carry a general desire to be solicited & negociated in the Pope's court: for, as there was good advertisement that the Cardinal Saint Cross (such was the title of the Spanish general) was gone up to Rome with warrant from th'emperor to conclude a peace: so the french king whose desire to end the wars was nothing inferior, dispatched to the same end a commission to his ambassadors, in which action also the king of England took interest, and in the same regard sent agents to Rome, which matters of negociation & hope of peace joined to the travel & weariness of princes, brought the confederates to proceed slowly in the provisions of the war: for that in Lombardie their greatest thought & care was whether the Spaniards being come to Genes could pass to Milan, from whence the lanceknights for want of pay, were almost all retired: and to conduit them thither, Belioyense with a hundred horsemen was gone up as far as Casa: and from thence in habit disguised was passed into Genes, from whence he led the said footebands of Spaniards to Savona, with intention to gather together five hundred more newly come out of Spain, and were disbarked at Villa franco.  
But in the realm of Naples the imperials could not but doubt, that the rebellion of Aquila and Matricia together with the stirs and risings that had been made in Powilla, would breed & bringforth some matter of far greater importance: and therefore to cut of and remedy the mischief afore the ill were come to his fullness, they determined to convert to thexpugnation and suppression of those places, the forces they had: & in that resolution the Marquis of Guast with his regiment of Spanish footmen, was sent out to recover the towns of Powilla, and the prince of Orange likewise with his lanceknights was dispatched to reconquer Aquila and Matricia: who assoon as he made his approaches to Aquila, they that were within issued out and left the place abandoned, The prince compounding for the city and the whole country at a ransom of an hundred thousand ducats, and took away by virtue of his conquest & contract the oblation of silver which the french king Joys the tenth had consecrated to Saint Barnard: from thence he sent soldiers to Matricia where lay in garrison Camyllo Pardo with four hundred footmen, who was gone away not many days before with promise to return again: But being not without his several fears, both for the want of wine, whereof was left no store, the necessity of waters which were all c●●●o from them, and for the faction between the town and the soldiers which was strong and violent, and lastly for some other reason which men in their timerusnesse want not: he did not only not return again, but also he kept from them some of that releiffe of money which the Florentines had sent to him for the defending and succouring of that place: By reason of which disorders, both their leader having left them, and their wants without comfort or hope of relieving, the soldiers went in their array upon the walls, and the townsmen rendered the place. The consideration of these good events and issues, brought a fear lest the prince of Orange would pass into Tuskane, at the instance of the Pope, who being delivered of a most dangerous but short disease, ceased not to solicit and give hopes to all men▪ he promised the frenchmen to stick to the league, so farrefoorthe as Ravenna and Servia were rendered to him: And he offered to compound under reasonable conditions with the Florentines and Duke of Ferrara, who touching the payments of money made before to Monsr Lawtrech, affirmed that what he did in those payments was of his liberality and not by virtue of obligation, for that the Pope had forborn to ratify. On the other side, now that he had recovered (though at great charges) the castles of Ostia and Ci●ita vechia by virtue of a commission which the Cardinal Saint Cross had brought, he entertained with th'emperor intelligences more secret and practices more certain than before: yea they debated rather upon their affairs particular (which began to be managed in a course more assured and secret) then that there passed between them any action or solicitation tending to the universal peace. Only in Barletto thestate of affairs was this: Barletto was holden for the french king, within the which was Ranso de Cero, and with him the prince of melf, Federike Caraffa, Simon Roman, Camyllo Perdo, Galeas de Farurso, john Conrard Vrsin, and the prince of Stigliano: The Venetyans had Trany, Pulignany and Monopoly: their forces in those places were two thousand footmen and six hundred horsemen Albenois, whereof two hundred were within Monopoly: They had also at their devotion the port of Biestry: Now after the french king had sent in the beginning a small provision of money to those companies, he forbore afterwards to relieve them with any further supplies, nor did not accept the xii. bodies of Galleys offered to him by the Venetyans of which three perished in the lake of Biestry with a great foist, as they went to revictual Trany and Barletto: And of the residue they had lost at sundry times five more saving notwithstanding their artilleries and other furnishments: The french men held also the mount Saint Angeo, and Nardo in the quarter of Ottranto, and Castro wherein was the Count Dagento: The actions of the war were performed with the bodies and men of the kingdom, and with the forces of the country, many rebels to th'emperor were assembled in sundry places, and many were drawn into companies and strength, who as adventurers followed the war for pillage only: So that the condition of the country was far more miserable than any man would have believed, every town and place being laid open to robberies, prays, ransoms and wretched burnings on all sides: Only the extortions and invasions of Simon Roman were more intolerable than any other, who over running with his light horsemen and a band of two hundred and fitie footmen all the parts and confins of those countries, brought oftentimes into Barletto great droves of cattle, and great quantity of corn, with other nature of booty and spoil: And in that liberty of war running a race of vexation and cruelty, he would sometimes by surprise and sometimes with force, invade towns and places with wretched examples and actions of in humanity: of which the town of Ca●osa was a lamentable experience, where entering by night by the benefit of scaling ladders, he put the town to sack and many of thinhabitants to death whom he found sleeping in their last rest, he stripped likewise in that exploit many horsemen of the forty men at arms that lay in the castle: At last the Marquis of Guast forbearing to execute any action upon Barletto being a town strong and fortified, settled his camp in march before the town of Monopoly with iiij. thousand Spaniards footmen and two thousand italians, for, the lanceknights being in number two thousand five hundred, & staying in Abruzza, refused to go to Powylla: he encamped himself in a small valley so shadowed and covered with the mountain, that he could not be endamaged with the artilleries of the town: In the town were Ca●●illo Vrsi● & john Vettur●o treasurer, to whom Ra●so sent speedily upon the galleys three hundred footmen: Monopoly is a town of small circuit, and hath the sea on three parts of it, and towards the land it beareth a wall of three hundred or three hundred & fifty passes with a ditch about it: right against this wall the Marquis caused to be made a bastillion within the shot of arqebus, & two others upon the sea shore, of either side one: They bet the sea and the gate towards the sea and gave impediment that no succours or victuals should enter by the help of the galleys: And so having made these preparations in the beginning of April, the Marquis gave the assault to Monopoly where he lost more than five hundred soldiers and many pioneers, besides three pieces of artilleries which were broken, retiring with his harms about a mile and an half from the place for that he was not able to endure the vexation of the artilleries out of the town: By reason of which retiring the Venetians issued out and ran upon the bastillions which he had made, making slaughter of more than an hundred bodies, and with the same felicity they assured the Port or Haven by a mount which they raised upon the shore right overagainst the bastillion of the enemies: Nevertheless, though the Marquis was repulsed, yet he could not be made desperate, but making new approaches to Monopoly, and returning from whence he was repulsed, he raised two cavaliers to beat within the town, he cast also trenches to lead him even unto their ditches, and filled them with six hundred loads of earth rammed in baskets: But not long after, that Bastillion was burned by the industry of two hundred footmen issuing to that end out of Monopoly: Afterwards the Marquis being approached with a trench upon the right side of the battery: and having driven another trench on the right side of the lodging of the Spaniards within a hand throwing of the ditch, and also after he had fortified a Bastillion behind the same, he planted upon it his artilleries and executed three score faddoms of wall there about within four faddoms of the earth: But understanding that the same night were entered new companies sent by Ranso, he retired his artilleries, and consequently the end of the month of May drawing on, he broke up his camp: During the lying of this camp before Monopoly and after it was levied and retired, there followed divers factions and emotions, both for the great harms and damages done by them of Barletta by spoil and booty, and also the garrison that was within mount Saint Angeo having for commander Federik, Caraffo, took Saint Severo, and reskewing the town of Viro, they compelled th'imperials to levy their camp from before it: After that Caraffa went by sea with xxuj. sails to Lanciano, where lay an hundred and three score men at arms, and entering the place by force, he brought away as testimonies of his valloure three hundred horse of service, and a great booty of other natures of things, without leaving any garrison in the place: There were also many troupes of exiles who did great harms in Basillicato, for which difficulties as the imperials exacted with all their industry the taxes and impositions: So there is no doubt that if the French king had sent money and any reasonable supply of succours, new affairs and business had not grown upon the imperials throughout the whole kingdom, which had at lest so encumbered th'emperors army that it would have entangled the course of their own affairs: But so disordered were their companies both undisciplined and accustomed to tumults, and delivered up without any succours or refreshing (for the Florentines ministered only relief to Ranso) that they could not do any action of great consequence, seeing withal that both the Duke of Ferrara refused to send to Ranso by sea four pieces of artilleries, and also the store of money and corn began to diminish within Barletta: Moreover, about six hundred rebels of the country of Calabria, besieged by the Viceroy within Montlyon, were driven for want of munition and victuals to tender the place, and in that calamity were led prisoners to Naples: Afterwards the Prince of melf with the army by sea, and Federik Caraffa by land, went to encamp before Malfetta, a place aforetime belonging to the Prince, where Federik in fight for the safety of his life, was slain with a stone: In revenge of whose death the Prince extended his indignation so far upon the town, that taking it by force, he put it to a miserable sack: A like misadventure fell upon Simon Roman, for that as the Venetian army which from the cape of Ottronta vexed all the country, was drawn near to Brunduso, they set on land certain companies of soldiers with whom was Simon Roman, and carried the town, but in assaulting the rock Simon was slain with a bollet.  
Whilst the Realm of Naples was thus traveled with divers successes, the matters 
Proceed of Monsr Saint Polin Lombardy.  of Lombardie suffered no great tranquillity: Monsr Saint Pol about the end of march took by force the town of Sevarella, and the castle compounded to stand neuter: But the valour of the enemies recovered again the thing which by his industry he could not keep, for that he lost one night by surprise, the town which ●rst he had won by force, the same with other reasons driving a fear into him, that he was no longer able to stop the spaniards the way to Milan, he saw also a daily diminution of the numbers of his camp for want of money, whereof as he received but very little from the King, so of that little being a Captain of little government, he expended one part for himself and suffered another part to be imbeacelled and rob by his officers: The King and Venetians disputed what enterprise were good to take in hand: The King made instance to advance the exploit of Genes, both for the importance of that city, and also for that it began to be a belief amongst them that the next summer the Emperor would pass into Italy: And for that the King esteemed that the Venetians had never holpen him either to rescue or to recover that City, Wherein notwithstanding they excused themselves by an universal rumour running in Italy of the descending of new lanceknights, yet he could not but doubt that they were ill contented to favour the victory of that enterprise: But the Venetians to obscure for the time the memory of that exploit, brought into devise the action of Milan which both they laid out to be very easy for the small number of soldiers that were with Antho. de Leva, and also they offered that when the conquest of Milan were performed they would administer to the enterprise and besieging of Genes: In which regard the resolution went by the King's consent to embrace the enterprise of Milan with a camp of sixteen thousand footmen, of whom every one to make provision for the moiety: This resolution was made in march and in the absence of the Duke of Urbin, who for that the Prince of Orange and the lanceknights were drawn near the confines of the kingdom, was retired upon his own estate almost against the will of the Venetians: who nevertheless retained him of new into their pay with the same conditions which aforetime they had passed to Bartl. Aluiano and the County 〈…〉 Petillano, sending him also for his defence three hundred horsemen and three thousand footmen according to the contract of their obligation, and gave the title of governor to janus Fregoso: There were in the army of the Venetians six hundred men at arms, a thousand light horsemen, and four thousand footmen, notwithstanding they were bound to maintain xii. thousand: This army the fixed of April took by force Cassiano, and the rock rendered to discretion, when Antho. de Leva & Toruiello being comen out of Milan to divert or draw away the enemies, returned back without doing anything▪ The Spaniards passed from Genes to Milan, notwithstanding to stop them, there had been made so many devices & resolutions: for, where Monsr Saint Pol & the Venetians had supposed that they would make their passage by the par●es of Tortona & Alexandria, they took at their departure from Vostaggio & by the direction of Belioyenso, the way that was more long by the mountain of Plaisa●●a & places subject to the church: And being comen to Varsy in the said mountain, notwithstanding Saint Pol made to march from thence an hundred and fifty horsemen appointing their way to Loda, and also the companies of the Venetians, who for that they would be before, sent one part of their bands to the Duke of Milan, but both later by one day than they should, and in less numbers than they promised, yet they passed by night the river of Paw at Areno using the service of the vessels of Plaisanca: So that being no more able to stop their uniting with Antho. de Leva, who for the more safety and facility of their joining was come to Landriano within twelve miles of Favia, they met and joined with him, and so being conduited to Milan so poor and naked of all things that they seemed to bear the resemblance of rogues, they increased the calamities of the inhabitants there, by putting them to spoil and robbery even in the streets: Thus was little profitable to the French and Venetians all their actions and doings of the whole winter, which were extended to stop the passage of their soldiers to take Gavy and places environing Gonos and Casa, places doing great damages to the whole country: Moreover, Antho. de Leva took Binasquo by composition: But where the Spaniards had served their turns of the Barks of Plaisanca, and that as was believed, they had not removed had they not been assured that in case of necessity they might retire into that city, besides many other appearances and tokens, the confederates began to rise in suspicion, that the Pope specially touching the restitution of the Castles, was either entirely accorded, or at lest very near to accord with th'emperor.  
Now where the Pope in great secrecy, had disposed all his thoughts to recover 
devices of the Pope ●● restore his house in Florence.  the estate of Florence, wherein albeit to cirumvent the French Ambassadors, he entertained sundry practices and led both them and the other confederates in divers humours of hope to accord with the league: Yet being partly moved with fear of the greatness of the Emperor and the prosperity of his affairs, and partly through hope to induce him more easily than he could induce the French King, to restore and re-establish his house in Florence, he inclined much more on the emperors side then on the French Kings: He had also a vehement desire to make easy his devise to draw to his devotion the estate of Perousa, in which action it was believed that he entertained Braccio Baillon, who managed every day new drifts in those confines: By reason whereof Malatesta doubting lest whilst he was in his pay, he should be oppressed with his favour, thought it necessary for him to seek to put himself in the protection of an other: Therefore either induced with that reason, or carried with a covetousness after greater parties, or pushed on with a passion of ancient hatred, he refused to re-enter into his pay, pretending that he was not bound for the whole year, but at his election, for that as he alleged the contract appeared not by writing, notwithstanding the Pope maintained a further obligation: So that he solicited to enter into the pay of the French and Florentines, complaining bitterly of certain intelligences and practices entertained against him by the Cardinal of Cortono, and of a letter which he had surprised written by the Cardinal Medicis to Braccio Baillon: But the Pope seeking indirectly to stop the effect of his device, forbade by Edicts public that none of his subjects without his leave, should take the pays of other Princes upon pain of confiscation: Nevertheless, Malatesta forbore not for that to prosecute his devise: The Frenchmen bound them to endue him with a charge of two hundred horsemen, two thousand crowns pension, the order of Saint Michael, and in time of war with two thousand footmen: And the Florentines gave him the title of Governor, two thousand crowns pension, a thousand footmen in time of war, fifty horsemen for his son, and fifty for the son of Horatio with five hundred crowns for the pay of them both: They took upon them the protection of his estate and of Perousa, and aswell the French King as they made him one joint allowance in time of peace of an hundred crowns the month to entertain ten Captains: And the Florentines a part made him a pay for two hundred footmen for the guard of Perousa, and for his part he was only bound to this to go to their service with a thousand footmen when their affairs required, yea, though he should not have the bands promised from the French King: Of this dealing the Pope complained highly to the French King as a matter done directly to let him for disposing according to his will, of a City which was vassal and subject to the Church, the same making the King who bore no mind to kindle the Pope, to defer the action of ratification: and for the same cause the Pope hoping to be able to altar or retire Malatesta, persuaded him to continued out his year, and at the same time he entertained secretly Braccio Baillon, Sero Colonno, and the exiles of Perousa, who having assembled and mustered bands of soldiers, lay encamped at Norcio: But all these practices together with all offers and oblations served to no purpose, for that Malatesta was resolutely fixed to continued no longer in the Pope's pay, and as the Florentines ministered aid to him openly, so he feared so much the less those stirs or emotions by how much they ceased forthwith, the Pope finding they were unperfect and insufficient to lead on his hopes to their effects: Besides, the Pope would not suffer the Duke of Ferrara to dwelin rest, and he was so far of from observing the covenants made with the Duke in the name of the College of Cardinals, that the bishopric of Modena being newly fallen into vacation by the death of Cardinal Gonzaguo, an estate promised to the Duke's son by the said covenants, he bestowed it by his authority upon jerom Moron, seeking under colour of refusing the possession, occasion to provoke against him such a parsonage and minister bearing great authority in the emperors army: He entertained also a practice with jerom Pio, to occupy Reggia, and that by the mean and operation of Hubert de Gambaro governor of Bolognia: But when the Duke was informed of the state of the practice and how far it extended, he passed Pio to such property of punishment as his offence deserved: He laid plots also to surprise Ravenna, which likewise sorted to none effect: And about this time inclining daily by apparent degrees to the emperors part, and being also well advanced in the solicitation of things, he sent unto him the Bishop of Vasono his steward, he called back the cause of divorce of the King of England which he had done long time before, had not the regard of the Bull which was already in England in the hands of his Legate Campeius retained him: For, as the good fortunes of the Emperor increased in Italy, so he sought not only not to offend him further, but also to revoke the offence he had done him already, being in deed determined before he was sick, to revoke the cause: In which action he sent Francis Compagnio into England to the Cardinal Campeius, dissembling to the King that he was sent for other matters including notwithstanding matter appertaining to that cause, where in deed he brought commission to Campcius to burn the Bull: And albeit Campeius for a malady the Pope was fallen into, deferred for a time the execution of that commission, yet when he knew he was recured, he performed the thing he was commanded: So that the Pope being thus delivered of that fear, revoked the cause though not without great indignation of that King, especially when he required the Bull of the Legate and understood by him the unworthy accident of it: These matters made both more severe and more ready the ruin and fall of the Cardinal of York, whose authority the King supposed to be so great and gracious with the 
cause of the ruin of the Cardinal of York.  Pope, that if his marriage with the Lady Anne had been agreeable to him, he might have obtained of the Pope what dispensation he had would: By which occasion opening his ears to the envy and malice of his adversaries, he grew kindled against him even to the taking from him his goods and treasure of a wondered value, and in his indignation leaving him a small part of the revenues of his benefices, he restrained him to his bishopric with a slender train of servants: And so not long after, either by a surprise of letters which he wrote to the French King, or for some other property of malice of his enemies, who gathering by the King's speeches that he was not without inclination towards him, and therefore feared lest he would rise again into his ancient authority, he was convented to appear in counsel to speak for himself in matters to be objected against him: For which cause as he was brought towards the Court as prisoner, he was suddenly taken with a flux, engendered either of the humour of disdain, or of the passion of fear, of which he died the second day after he was apprehended with the malady, an example in our days worthy of memory touching the power which fortune and envy hath in the Courts of Princes.  
About this time fell out in Florence to the great prejudice of the government that then was, a new challenge against Nicholas Cappony Gonfalonier, it happened almost upon the end of the second year of his magistracy, and was incensed principally by the envy of some of the chief citizens, who took occasion of the vain suspicions and fond ignorancies of the commons: Nicho. Cappony during all the time of his magistracy hath had these two principal objects, the one to defend himself against the fresh envy of those that had been honoured of the house of Medicis, suffering the principals amongst them to communicate with the other citizens in the honours and counsels public: And the other not to stir or make angry the mind of the Pope in matters which were not of importance touching the liberty: Of which things both the one and other had been found profitable to the common wealth: for, like as many even of those who were persecuted as enemies to the government, being assured and embraced had been firmly conjoined with the others to preserve the state, knowing withal that the Pope for matters happening in the times when the government changed, was ill contented with them: So touching the Pope, albeit he desired vehemently the returning and restoration of his friends, yet having no new provocation or matter of wrong, he had so much the less occasion to burst out & to complain as he did continually with other Princes: But against these matters was opposed the ambition of certain particulars of them, who knowing well enough that if such should be admitted to the government as had been friends to the Medicis being in deed men of most experience and valour, that their estate and authority should be made less, laboured by all the studies and devices they could to keep the common people full of suspicion both of the Pope and of them, not sparing to slander the Gonfalonier aswell for those causes, as also to th'end to deprive him of his magistracy for the third year, to charge him that he bore not a mind so far estranged from the family of Medicis, as the interest and profit of the common weal required: Which imputations and challenges not moving him at all, and holding it very necessary not to have the Pope incensed, he took the more liberty to entertain him privately with letters and embassages, yet such as he had not begun nor prosecuted without the continual privity and knowledge of some such as were principals & chief magistrates, neither did he manage them to other end then to retain or retire the Pope from some act of precipitation: But where as a letter that was sent to him from Rome fell by misfortune into interception, bearing certain words to breed suspicion in such as knew not the ground and foundation of those things, and the same letter being passed over into the hands of some of those that sat and managed the supreme function: There were certain young men prepared to sedition, who rising into arms invaded by force the public palace, and in their insolency restrained the Gonfalonier almost under guard, and going on to confirm this beginning with acts of manifest rebellion, they summoned together in manner of a tumult, almost all the magistrates and many citizens, where they debated to deprive him of his magistracy: Which being approved in the great counsel, his cause was afterwards referred to the examination of the law, wherein being absolved by judgement and sentence, he was led with great honour to his houses accompanied with the greatest presence of the Nobility: In his place was preferred Francis Carduccio, a parsonage unworthy of so great a dignity regarding his life passed, his customs and his wicked ends and intentions.  
Now began new stirs to appear in Lombardie, Monsr Saint Pol having past the river of Paw at Valencia, the xxvij. of April, by reason of which proceeding the imperials abandoned the borrow of Basignagua, and the parish of Caira: From thence Saint Pol sent Guido Rangon with one part of the army to Montaro, a place strong for the double ditches, flanks and waters: And as they had planted by night their artilleries without provisions of baskets, without trenches and other like preparations, they were by day charged by those that were within, such as did them great harms, and cloyed two pieces of their artilleries and put the residue in danger to be lost: At that time albeit there was within Milan a slender provision of things necessary, yet the preparations of the French and Venetians were in no better condition, who complaining one of an other, were both negligent to furnish things needful: In so much as amongst other difficulties the confederates fell into some doubt, that the Duke of Milan for the little hope he saw remaining to reconquer that state either by his own forces or with their succours, would make some accord with the imperials by the mean and working of Moron: But the thoughts and devices of the French King tended altogether to peace for a distrust he had not to be able otherways to recover his children: 
All the Princes hearken to peace.  Whereunto also the Emperor bearing a manifest inclination, two gentlemen whom the Lady Margarit had sent to him for that effect, were returned from Spain bringing to her ample commission to go through with the peace: Of which when the French King was advertised by a secretary of his whom for that matter he had dispatched into Flaunders, he required the confederates for their parts to address commissioners also: And having determined in himself to leave there all the provisions of the war, yet seeking to work under some just colour, he complained that the Venetians had refused to contribute to the money for his passage: Who albeit in the beginning (so far forth as the Emperor passed) they had earnestly solicited him to pass, which also the King had offered to perform with two thousand four hundred Lances, a thousand light horsemen & xx. thousand footmen, in case the confederates would give him money to pay above this, a thousand light horsemen and xx. thousand footmen, & contribute to the moiety of the expenses of th'artilleries: yet what soever was thoccasion, they changed council and retired from those offers.  
At this time Monsr Saint Pol with four cannons took Saint Angeo by force, wherein was a garrison of four hundred footmen, and in the same expedition he converted his strength to Columbano to open to his camp a passage of victuals from Plaisanca, and made himself master of the place by composition. Afterwards being informed that there lay a force of four thousand footmen within Milan but much weakened with maladies, he thought to assault it: The second of may Moraro rendered to Monsr Saint Pol at discretion, though after it had suffered so great an execution of th'artilleries that there was no more possibility to make defence: Torniello left also the town of Novaro but not the castle, wherein he put a very slender strength of footmen, & retired his person to Milan: So that the Imperials held no other piece beyond the river of Thesin then Gaya and the rock of Biagrassa, Monsr Saint Pol having also gotten the rock of Vigevena. The tenth day he marched to the bridge of Locqua to join with the Venetians at the borrow of Saint Martin: Here the Duke of Vrbyn came to the army, And from thence being gone up to Belioyenso to have conference together, the resolution was in the common council to encamp before Milan with two armies on two sides, for which expedition Monsr Saint Pol passing over Thesin should turn to Biagrassa to force it, & the same day the Venetians to go to the borrow Saint Martin which is within five miles of Milan, the Venetians assuring that their camp contained xii thousand footmen, & Monsr Saint Polls viii thousand, to whom was to be joined the bands of footmen of the Duke of Milan. By this direction Monsr Saint Pol passed the river of Thesin, and finding the town of Biagrassa abandoned, he carried the castle by accord, And so encamping at Gazzano about eight miles from Milan, he conferred of new with the Duke of Vrbyn at Binasquo the third of june: In which place they were credibly certified that the Venetians had not in their camp the one half of xii. thousand footmen according to the capitulations of the contract, A matter which for that Monsr Saint Pol complained greatly upon, it was set down that Milan should be approached with one camp only on that side of Lazzaretto, notwithstanding the protestation of Count Guido, who alleged that Antho. de Leva at whose devotion remeined only Milan & Coma, was wont to say that Milan could not be forced but with two camps: But not many days after those opinions & counsels being changed, the Chieftains of both the armies being assembled within Loda, The Dukes of Milan & Urbin notwithstanding they solicited before to have the camp go to Milan & were flatly against th'expedition of Genes, yet they were now of a contrary advise, the Duke of Urbin alleging many reasons to justify that new council: But principally he insisted upon this that seeing th'emperor made preparation to pass into Italy for whose conduit Andre Dore was departed from Genes with his galleys the eight of june, And withal seeing in Germany there was intention to sand new companies of lanceknights into Italy under captain Felix, he stood indifferent, & in his reason & experience could not find out whether it were better to take Milan or not to take it: These were the reasons he inferred, But it was believed that for an opinion he had of the succeeding of the peace which was negociated in Flaunders, he had signified to the Senate of Venice that it was a matter unprofitable to put themselves in expenses for the recovery of Milan: The sum & conclusion of his council was that the regiments of the Venetians should tarry at Cassiana, the companies of the Duke of Milan to keep within Pavya, and Monsr Saint Pol to lie at Biagrassa, And they by the service of their horsemen to stop that there entered no relief of victuals into Milan where it was supposed they would within short time fall into want of food, for that a very small portion of the country was converted to tillage and sowing: This opinion could not be altered in him by any reasons or inducements of Monsr Saint Pol, neither did he approve the abiding of him and his army at Biagrassa, alleging that to pine & hunger Milan, it was enough that the Venetian regiments remained at Moncio, and the bands of the Duke of Milan at Pavya, & at Vegevena: he said also that the king pressed him, that in case he went not up to encamp before Milan, then to execute th'enterprise of Genes, which he had in intention to attempt with a great celerity, hoping that in the absence of Andre Dore, Caesar Fregosa to whom the French king had made a grant to be governor & not his father, would reduce that state to alteration with a very small strength of footmen: But these proceedings and expeditions together with an information how much was diminished in footmen the army of the confederates, did so assure Antho▪ de Leva of all dangers for Milan, that he sent out Torniello with a very slender strength of horsemen and three hundred footmen to recover Novaro, observing the opportunity whilst the French and Venetians were wandering between the river of Thesin and Milan: he made his entry by the castle which was holden for th'imperials, by which commodity he recovered Novaro, and afterwards sallied out with his forces to pill the country and get victuals: But this conquest was not without his contrary accidents, for that as the captain of Novaro was issued out of the castle and walked into the town, two soldiers of the Duke of Milan and three inhabitants of Novaro that were prisoners in the castle, fell upon the captain and slew him with the aid of certain others that wrought at the castle, And in the same fortune making prisoners certain Spanish footmen, their valour made them Lords of the place hoping after so great an adventure to be succoured by their friends: They took the reason of their hope upon this that the Duke of Milan as soon as he understood that Torniello was gone out, having a fear and iealouzie of Novaro, had dispatched into those quarters his brother john Pawle with a good strength of horsemen and footmen, and he in that expedition was already gone up and arrived at Vegevena: But Torniello was no sooner advertised of the accident of the castle, than he returned with speed to Novaro, where what with threats which privaileth much where the hope is less than the peril, & what with preparations to give th'assault which can not but make timorous such as have no remedy in their danger, he so astonished the said soldiers of the Duke of Milan, that compounding only for the safety of their persons, they rendered the castle without caring for the lives of the inhabitants of Novaro by whose valour they executed thexploit of the castle: It was determined to vex Milan as much as might be with the forces of the Venetians & regiments of the Duke of Milan, notwithstanding the Duke of Milan alleged that because he would be more near the lands of the Venetians, he would not abide at Moncio, but at Cass●ano: and Monsr Saint Pol who lay encamped at the Abbay of Bibaldono, determined to return beyond the river of Paw to draw towards Genes: According to which resolution he marched up to lodge at Landriano which is xii. miles from Milan between the ways of Loda and Pavia: And minding the day following which was the xxj. of june, to encamp at Lardiragno upon the way of Pavia, he sent before, his artilleries, his carriage, & the avantgard, and departed himself somewhat later with the battle and the rearguard: But when Antho. de Leva was advertised by his espials where he made his abiding and how the avauntgard was gone before, he issued out of Milan with his soldiers all covered for their uppermost garments with white shirts, And because of long time his body had been reduced to debility by dolours and griefs, he caused his own person to be armed in a chair which four men bore: And by that time he was comen within two miles of Landriano without sound of drum, he understood by his espials that Saint Pol was not yet departed from Landriano, So that joining celerity to the favours which the time and occasion offered, he hastened his march & charged upon them before they were ware of his coming: The first esquadron of the French men commanded by john Thomas de Gallera, was so far marched away, that he could not in time be at the succours of the residue: And albeit Monsr Saint Pol reapposing much in a regiment of two thousand lanceknights, was descended on foot and fought valiantly, yet after they had menteyned a light defence, he saw them begin to retire in whose valour he had laid up his chiefest confidence: And albeit they were sustained and rescued by john jeronimo de Castillon & Clawdo Rangon, Commanders over two thousand Italians who expressed great effects of their valour: yet in the end both the horsemen and lanceknights not able to stand against the fury and fortune of their enemies, turned their backs leaving a wretched effect of the hope that was conceived of them: By their example thItalyans did the like: And Monsr Saint Pol despairing to find by fight the safety which the residue could not find by fleeing, was eftsoons remounted upon his horse, and as he would have passed over a great ditch, he fell into the calamity of 
Monsr Saint Pol prisoner to Antho. d● Leva.  a prisoner, having partaking with him in that fortune john jeronimo de Castillon, Clawdo Rangon, Liquack, Carbon, with other leaders of importance: All the companies were defeated, many horsemen taken prisoners and all the baggage and train of the army and the artilleries ryffled: Almost all the men at arms found safety in the swiftness and ronning of their horses together with Count Guido leading the avauntegarde with whom he retired into Pavya, and from thence in the beginning of the night, the same sear following them now being free and at large, which they saw in th'extremity of their peril, they went to Loda but so perplexed with astonishment that they were almost at point to break and disorder of themselves: Many of the soldiers remained in the ways, their horses having no forces to carry them whether their fear would chasse them, And the Captains excused their ronning away for that their companies were not paid, of whom the French bands returned all into France.  
Thus arms and war being almost laid aside thorough all Italy by reason of 
The Pope at accord with th'emperor.  the hard events and adversities of the French men, The cogitations of the greatest Princes were converted and disposed to accord: The first accord that succeeded was between the Pope and the Emperor which was concluded at Barselona to the Pope's great advantage: Wherein th'emperor had the one of these two reasons, either for that having a great desire to pass into italy, he sought to take away all impediments to his voyage, accounting it in that regard very necessary to have the Pope's amity: or else for that he would with very large and ample capitulations give the Pope a greater occasion to forget the wrongs and offences which he had received of his Agents and his army: The substance of th'accord was this: That between the Pope and the Emperor should be a perpetual peace and confederation: That the Pope should give passage to the emperor's army through the dominions of the Church, in case it should departed out of the kingdom of Naples: That th'emperor in contemplation of the new marriage and for the tranquillity of Italy, should restore in Florence the son of Laurence de Medicis, to the same estate of greatness wherein were his predecessors before they were expulsed, having notwithstanding regard to the expenses which were to be defrayed for the said restitution according to the arbitration to be made aswell by him as the Pope: That th'emperor should assay assoon as he could, either by arms or some other way more comely, to re-establish the Pope in the possession of Ceruia, Ravenna, Modona, Reggia, and Rubiero, without prejudice to the rights of the Empire and the sea Apostolic: That the Pope having recovered the towns above said, should accord to th'emperor th'investiture of the Realm of Naples in remuneration of that benefit, and should reduce the tribute of the last investiture to a white horse for a fine or acknowledgement of chief: That he should accord to him the nomination of xxiv Cathedral Churches, for the which they were in difference, remaining to the Pope the disposition of the Churches which should not be in patronage, & of other benefices: That when th'emperor should be passed into Italy, the Pope and he should meet & common together to consult of the particular quiet of Italy & the universal peace of Christendom, receiving one an other with ceremonies and honours due and accustomed: That th'emperor, in case the Pope required the aid of the arm secular to reconquer Ferrara, should assist him even to the end as Advocate, Protector and eldest son of the sea Apostolic, & that with all the good means which at that time should be in his power: And that they should agreed of thexpenses, proceedings, and forms to be used according to the quality of times and accidents: That the Pope and Emperor with a common council should devise some means to draw lawfully into justice and examination of the law by judges not suspected, the cause of Francis Sforce, to th'end he might be restored if he were found innocent: That otherways th'emperor offered notwithstanding the disposing of the Duchy of Milan appertained to him, to dispose of it with the council and privity of the Pope, and to invest in it no person which should not be agreeable to him, nor otherwise to transfer it but in sort as he shall think most expedient for the tranquillity of Italy. That the Emperor promised to make to consent Ferdinand king of Hungria his brother, that for the time of the Pope's life and two years after, the Duchy of Milan should be furnished of salts from Ceruya, according to the confederation made between th'emperor and Pope Leo confirmed in the last investiture of the kingdom of Naples, not approving nevertheless the covenant that had been made with the French king, and without prejudice to the rights of thEmpire and the king of Hungria: That neither of them a part, to the prejudice of this confederation, should make touching matters of Italy, new leagues, nor observe such as were made to the contrary of this: And yet nevertheless the Venetians might enter this league, so far forth as they left all that they possessed in the Realm of Naples, and accomplished all their obligations to the Emperor and Ferdinand by virtue of the last confederation made between them, And also to restore Ravenna and Ceruya, reserving the rights of the damages and interests suffered in regard of these matters: That th'emperor and Ferdinand should do all that they could to have the Heretics reduced and brought home to the true way, wherein as the Pope should use spiritual remedies, so in case they would stand obstinate, th'emperor and Ferdinand should force them by arms, and the Pope to labour other Christian Princes to assist them according to their several means: That the Pope and th'emperor should not receive the protection of the subjects, vassals, and feodatories of one an other, but for the regard of the jurisdiction direct which they had of any one, without extending any further: And that all protections taken in other form should be interpreted void and derogate within one month: That to make this amity and conjunction more firm and stable, they were to confirm it with the strait knots of parentage, Themperor promising to give for wife Margarit his bastard daughter with a dowry of twenty thousand ducats of yearly revenue, to Alexander Medicis son to Laurence late Duke of Vrbyn, upon whose person the Pope determined to convert and bestow the temporal greatness of his house, having at such time as he was in danger of death created Cardinal Hippolito, son of julian. They contracted at the same time in articles separate: That the Pope should accord to th'emperor and to his brother to resist the Turk, the fourth part of the revenues of benefices ecclesiastic in the same manner that his Predecessor Adrian had done: That the Pope should give absolution to all those who within Rome and other places had offended against the sea Apostolic, and to all such as had ministered any proppertie of aid, council or favour, or that any way participated, or secretly approved, or expressly allowed, or directly had consented, to the actions that had been done: That where the Emperor had not published the Croissade granted by the Pope which was less ample than others that had been beforetimes granted, That the Pope (the first being revoked) should pass an other of more full and ample form according to the skoape of those that had been granted by the late Popes julio and Leo. Before this accord was passed and after all the difficulties were resolved, advertisement came to th'emperor of the overthrow of Monsr Saint Pol: In regard of which success so honourable for the reputation of his armies there, and no less profitable for the general estate of his affairs, albeit it was doubted that to help his conditions, he would have changed some branch or article of matters agreed upon, yet he confirmed them all both in substance and circumstance, and with a singular readiness ratified them the same day which was the xxix. of june, accomplishing with solemn oath before the high altar of the cathedral Church of Barselona.  
But the negociations of peace between th'emperor and the French king were 
Peace between th'emperor & French king negociated in Cambray.  not pursued with less devotion and diligence, And the better to advance them to some good success & issue, after the commissions on all sides were comen, the town of Cambray was indifferently appointed for the assembly and meeting, A place fatal for so great conclusions, and where were to confer together the Lady Margaret of Austria and the Lady Regent mother to the French king: The French king laboured with all his means and diligence, (though he meant not in himself to perform it) which also he confirmed by promises to the confederate Ambassadors of Italy (having therein the consent & privity of the king of England) not to make any accord with th'emperor without the consent & satisfaction of the confederates: for, he feared jest they entering into a jealousy & suspicion of his will, would not prevent him & be the first that would compound with the Emperor, and by that mean to leave him excluded out of the amity of both sides: In which respect he sought to persuade them not to hope in the peace, but rather to keep their thoughts disposed & turned to the provisions of the war: wherein to establish some good order & form of proceeding, not ceasing to solicit continually, he had sent into Italy the Bishop of Tarby with commission to go to the states of Venice, the Dukes of Milan, Ferrara & Florence, both to solicit provisions appertaining to the war, and to promiss that if the Emperor passed into Italy, he would also descend at the same time with a mighty army, so far forth as the other confederates would contribute for their part touching the preparations needful: Nevertheless the negociations of accord continued more and more, Insomuch as the seventh day of july both the Ladies made their entries into Cambray by several gates with a great pomp, And being lodged in two houses adjoining having an entry the one within the other, they spoke together the same day, and gave order to their agents to treat of the articles: Wherein because the king would be near at hand to resolve all difficulties occurring, he was gone up to Compiequo, to whom the Venetians having fear of the issue of that conjunction had made many large and great offers: And for the more absolute negotiation of this peace there were sent to Cambray as interposers in the action, the Bishop of London and the Duke of Suffolk Ambassadors for the king of England with whose consent and participation that assembly was made: The Pope sent thither the Archbishop of Capua: There was also a presence of Ambassadors from all the confederates: To whom the French men made relation of things far otherwise then was the truth of that that was debated: Wherein the king either retained so great an impiety, or else had so simple and sole a thought of his interest particular which consisted wholly in the recovery of his children: That where the Florentines made great instance to him, that according to th'example of king Lewis his father in law and his predecessor in the year a thousand five hundred and twelve, he would consent that they might accord with th'emperor for their safety: he refused it under this promise that he would never make any accord without comprehending them in it, Assuring them also that he was most ready to follow the war and promised no less to all the others even in the greatest heat of solicitation for peace. About the twenty-three. of july came advertisement of the capitulations made between the Pope and th'emperor, at what time albeit the present negotiation was well advanced, yet it was so troubled and hindered for some difficulties touching certain towns of Franche Count, that the Lady Regent gave order to prepare to departed: Nevertheless by the working of the Pope's Legate, & principally by the operation and good office of th'archbishop of Capua, the conclusion was established, the French king not leaving to promise' to the confederates the same things he had offered before. At last being the fift day of August, the peace was solemnly published in the great Church of Cambray, whereof the first article contained: That the king's sons should be redelivered so far forth as their father paid to th'emperor for their ransom twelve hundred thousand crowns in ready money, and to the king of England for him two hundred thousand: That the king should tender to the Emperor within six weeks after the ratification, all that he possessed in the Duchy of Milan: That he should leave unto him Ast with resignation of the rights appertaining: That he should leave assoon as he could, Barletto with all those pieces which he held in the Realm of Naples: That he should require the Venetians that according to the form of the capitulations of Coignar, they should tender the towns of Powylla: That in case they would not, he should declare himself their enemy and aid the Emperor to recover them with a monthely contribution of thirty thousand crowns, and with twelve galleys, four ships, and four galleons paid for six months: That he should restore as much as was in his power of the price of the galleys taken at Portofino, or else to answer the value deducting and defalking so much as had been taken since by Andre Door or other the emperor's Ministers: That according to the former covenants at Madrill, he should renounce the sovereignty of Flaunders and Artoys, and resign the rights of Tournay and Arras: That he should call in the process against the duke of Bourbon, and tender to him that was dead his honour, and to his heirs his goods: and yet th'emperor complained afterwards, that assoon as the king had recovered his children, he took them from them: That the goods of whom so ever occupied in regard of the war, should be restored to their successors: in which point th'emperor took occasion also to complain, for that the king made not restitution of the goods occupied upon the prince of Orange: That all bills of defiance and challenge should be suppressed and canceled, and chief that of Robert de la March. The Pope was comprehended in this peace as principal, and the Duke of Savoy was generally included as subject to th'emperor, and specially brought in by the nomination of th'emperor: It was also set down that the king should meddle no more in the affairs of Italy nor of Germany in favour of any potentate, to the prejudice of th'emperor, notwithstanding the French king in times following maintained that he was not by that defended to recover that which the duke of Savoy usurped upon the realm of France, as also all that he pretended to appertain unto him by reason of the rights and claims of the Lady Regent his mother: There was also one article which bore that in the peace it was meant that the Venetians and Florentines should be comprehended, so farforth as within four months they were at a point with th'emperor for their differences, which was a kind of secret and silent exclusion: That the like should be of the duke of Ferrara: But touching the Barons and exiles of the Realm of Naples, there was no mention made of them.  
Assoon as this accord was passed to conclusion, the French king went immediately to Cambray to visit the Lady Margaret: And being not without some shame for so fowl a fact against the confederates, he eschewed for certain days with sundry evasions, either to see or hear their Ambassadors: But in the end giving them audience apart, he excused himself upon the impossibility to recover otherwise his children: Only he gave them comfort that he would send the Admiral to the Emperor for their benefit: He gave them also sundry other sweet and vain hopes, promising severally to the Florentines to lend them for the remedy of their dangers imminent, forty thousand ducats, A promise performed with the same fidelity that his other offers were: And he suffered as though it tended to their benefit, Peter Stephen Colonno whose service he would accept no more, to go to their pay. But during the action and solicitation of these things, Antho. de Leva had recovered Biagrassa, and the Duke of Urbin remaining at Cassiano which he laboured with the hands working of infinite pioneers to fortify, compelled them of Pavia and Saint Angeo to hold good, saying that the lodging of Cassiano was very apt to minister succours to Loda and Pavia. Afterwards Antho. de Leva went up to Enzagua, A place within three miles of Cassiana, from whence he sent out continually bands of soldiers to skirmish with the Venetians: And lastly from Enzagua he drew to Vawry, either for that he meant to run up upon the territories of Bargamasquo, or else because the Venetians had cut from him the course and usage of all water.  
Vistarino about this time entered into Valentia by the castle, and cut in pieces a garrison of two hundred footmen that were there: And by this time were arrived 
Themperor sendeth to the P. of Orange to invade the states of the Florentines.  by sea at Genes a regiment of two thousand Spaniards to tarry for the coming of th'emperor, who immediately after he had passed the accord with the Pope, sent direction to the Prince of Orange to reinforce the army and invade at the Pope's request thestate of the Florentines: And when the Prince was come to Aquila and moostred his companies upon the frontiers of the kingdom, he was solicited vehemently by the Pope to advance and pass further: For which solicitation he went up to Rome the last of july without his forces, to resolve with the Pope upon the provisions for the war: Where after many actions and negotiations which sometimes were upon the point to be broken for the difficulties which the Pope objected touching the defraymentes: It was at last resolved that the Pope should deliver to him presently thirty thousand ducats, and within a very short time after forty thousand more, to th'end that at th'emperors expenses he might first reduce to the obedience of the Church thestate of Perousa by chase out Malatesta Baillon, and afterwards make invasion upon the Florentines, to readdress in that City the family of the Medicis: An enterprise which the Pope esteemed of very easy action, for an opinion he had that being abandoned on all sides, they would according to the custom of their elders, rather give place to the time, then to bring upon their country a most manifest danger: Upon these conditions the Prince of Orange assembled his forces which contained three thousand lanceknights, the remainders aswell of those companies which the Viceroy had brought out of Spain, as of others who had passed out of germany into italy under George Fronspergh, and four thousand Italians not paid under these Colonels, Peter Lewis de Farnose, the Count Saint Second, Colonel Martio, and Serre Colonno: For their better safety in approaching any place, and to execute any piece of force, the Pope caused to be drawn out of the Castle Saint Angeo, and to be carried with them, three Cannons with other pieces of Artilleries: And after the Prince of Orange, was to follow the Marquis of Guast with the bands of Spanish footmen that were in Powilla. But at Florence both the general deliberation was far otherwise, and the minds of particular men very resolute to defend their country and their liberty, An event contrary to that which the Pope expected of that City.  
Whilst these preparations were managed on all parts, the person of th'emperor 
th'emperor at Genes, whither the princes of Italy sand ambassadors to him.  departed from Barselona with a great fleet of ships and galleys, fraughted with a thousand horsemen, and nine thousand footmen: And after he had run not without peril and travel a course of fifteen days at sea, he arrived the twelfth of August at Genes, where was brought to him the first advertisement of th'accord made at Cambray: And at the same time passed for him into the parts of Lombardye, captain Felix, whom he had taken into his pay with eight thousand lanceknights. The descending of th'emperor with such a puissant preparation, made astonished the minds of all the regions of Italy, being now assured that they were left and delivered up for pray by the french king: And therefore the Florentines who in that astonishment were not less careful than appertained to the charge of good citizens, upon the first advertisements they had of his coming, sent out four Ambassadors of the most principal and chosen of their town, to congratulate his coming, and to labour to make some composition with him for their affairs: But afterwards either upon better consideration of things, or upon the common custom of men to receive comfort when they know the uttermost of their mishap, they took courage and began to moderate their commissions, restraining their ambassadors to debate only with him of their interests, & not to meddle with the differences of the Pope: wherein they hoped that both for the memory of things past, and for the little confidence which is wont to be between Popes & Emprors, he would be so much discontented with th'emperor's greatness, as to be driven to desire that the authority and forces of thestate of Florence might be adjoined to the power of the Church. The Venetians were discontented that the Florentines being joint confederates with them, had sent Ambassadors to their common enemy without communicating with them: The Duke of Ferrara made also the same complaint, notwithstanding that following their example he dispatched Ambassadors to th'emperor aswell as they: The Venetians consented that the duke of Milan should do the like: But he had long time before entertained a secret practice with the Pope to bring him to compound with th'emperor, which he did so much the more solicit and advance, by how much he knew even before the overthrow of Saint Pol, that he could lay no good ground of hope in the French king nor in the Venetians.  
Themperor disbarked at Savona the bands of Spanish footmen which he had brought with him, and converted them into Lombardy to th'end Anth de Leva might issue out strong into the field: He made an offer to disbarke them at Spetio to th'end to send them into Tuskane, but the Pope had an opinion that so many forces were not necessary, especially seeing he wished for the preservation of the country, not to address without need so great a fury against the town of Florence: And yet proceeding now openly against that state and against Malatesta, he caused to be stayed in the towns of the Church the knight Sperello, who before the capitulation of Cambray being sent with money by the French king to Malatesta who had ratified his pay, returned to Perousa: He caused also to be stayed near to Bracciano, the money sent by the Florentines to the Abbot of Farfa being interteyned in their pay with two hundred horsemen, to th'end he might leavy for their service a thousand footmen: But he was constrained eftsoons to tender it to him again, for that where the Pope had appointed Legates with th'emperor, the Cardinals of Farnesa, Saint Cross, and Medicis, of whom Saint Across passing by his lands, the Abbot caused him to be stayed, and would not redeliver him if first he had not restored to him his money.  
The Florentines continued still in their preparations, And as they had in vain moved th'emperor for a surceasing of arms until he had given audience to their Ambassadors, so providing for the evil before the mischief happened, they sent to summon Don Hercules' eldest son to the duke of Ferrara, whom six months before they had taken into their pay with title of captain general, to come to their succours with his companies according to the Articles of his contract: But notwithstanding he had received the money that was sent him for impressed to wage a thousand footmen allowed for his guard when he marched, yet his father preferring considerations of estate before fidelity, made him refuse to go thither, without that he paid back again the money, but sent to their aids his bands of horsemen: By reason of which dealing the Florentines denied him the election of the second year.  
By the xix. day of August the Prince of Orange was come to Terny, and the lanceknights to Fuligno where was moostred the whole army: But it was a matter ridiculous that notwithstanding the peace was made and published between th'emperor and French king, yet the Bishop of Tarba as the kings Ambassador at Venice, Florence, Ferrara, and Perousa, did not only boast of the mighty provisions his king made for the war, but also comforted them to do the like. After this the Prince of Orange with six thousand footmen aswell lanceknights as Italians, came and encamped near to Spello, where presenting himself before the town accompanied with many horsemen to view the situation, it happened that john Vrbina a man for his long training in the wars of Italy of the best place and reputation amongst all the Captains of the Spanish infantry, was hurt with a shot out of the town in the thigh, of which wound he died within few days after, to the great damage of the army, for that almost the whole course of the war passed by his counsel and government: In revenge of whose death th'artilleries were planted before Spello, wherein was a strength of more than five hundred footmen & twenty horse under the leading of Lion Baillon bastard brother to Malatesta: But after there were spent certain bolleys of shot upon a tower which is without the town on the wall side, The defendants notwithstanding Lion had given a great hope to Malatesta to preserve the town, yielded immediately upon condition that the town & inhabitants should remain at the discretion of the Prince, and the soldiers with their lives saved & so much goods as they could carry, should go out in safety with their sword only, and not to serve against the Pope nor th'emperor in three months: Nevertheless contrary to their assurance given which by the law of arms is a warrant sufficient and able, they were almost all stripped & spoiled at their going out: john Baptista Burgeso one of thexiles of Sienna was vehemently charged with this accord, who having begun to treat with Fabio Petruccio that was in the army, made perfect the conclusion by the aid of the other captains, A matter which Malatesta referred to disloyalty, but many others attributed it to faintness of courage. After th'ambassadors of Florence who first presented themselves before th'emperor had congratulated his coming, they began to signify unto him that as their City was not ambitious, but thankful for benefits received, and ready to offer all the offices and commodities they could to whom soever would profess the protection and preservation of it: So they sought to excuse their action of entering into league with the french king, upon the will and inclination of the Pope who then commanded them, and upon the law of necessity which had hitherunto compelled them to continued in it: They said they could not pass further, for that they were not enabled by commission: only they had express commandment from their common wealth not to open their ears to any practice with the Pope, and to visit his other Ambassadors, but not the Cardinal Medicis. The great Chancellor newly called to the dignity of Cardinal, made them answer, that it was necessary they should satisfy the Pope and reduce him contented both of their doings and of their meanings: And they complaining of the injustice of that demand, he eftsoons replied that seeing their City was confederate with thenemies of th'emperor, and had sent out armed bands against him, that it was fallen from her privileges and diuolued to th'empire, and therefore it was in th'emperor to dispose of it according to his own arbitration: But at last it was said unto them on th'emperor's behalf, that they should procure to be sent to them sufficient commission to compound with the Pope, and that afterwards should be considered the differences that were between the Pope and them, which if they were not first resolved and compounded, th'emperor would not common with them of their proper interests. Whereupon thestate of Florence dispatched a commission very large and ample to compound with the Emperor, but not to accord with the Pope: In so much as th'emperor departing from Genes the thirty. of August and went up to Plaisanca, the Ambassadors following his Court were not admitted into Plaisanca, for that is was understanded that their commission was not such as th'emperor had demanded: By which mean all things suspended and remained without accord. Themperor caused also to departed from his Court th'ambassadors of the duke of Ferrara, whom he received with hard terms: and yet returning afterwards with new conditions and haply with new favours, they were admitted and heard. Moreover the emperor sent ambassador to the french king, the Count Nausaw, to congratulate with him the new accord confirmed with the knot of parentage, and to receive the ratification: In recompense of which embassage and for the same expedition, the king sent to him th'admiral of France. The king sent money to Ranso de Cero to th'end that with all his companies he might retire from Powilla: and caused to be rigged twelve galleys to be sent thither under Philip Door against the Venetians, against whom th'emperor sent out Andre Door with xxxvij. galleys: Nevertheless the king judging that the recovering of his children would be more certain, if there remained any difficulty in Italy to th'emperor, he continued to give diverse hopes to the confederates, and promised particularly to the Florentines to send money to them secretly by th'admiral, Not that he had any desire to minister to the wants of them or the others, but to th'end they should show themselves more hard and severe to compound with th'emperor.  
During all this while there was solicited a continual practice of accord between th'emperor and the Duke of Milan, the action whereof was managed wholly by the Pronotory Caraccioll, whose office was to come and go from Cremona to Plaisanca: But where th'emperor held it strange that the Duke reapposed less confidence in him then he looked for, and the Duke on the other side was hardly brought to trust him at all: there was an overture and motion made that till the Duke's cause were thoroughly examined, Alexandria and Pavia should be deposed of trust into the Pope's hands. To this th'emperor would not consent, both for that he thought the Duke was not able to resist his forces, and also for that Anthony de Leva was gone up to Plaisanca, who being always an enemy to peace and quietness, had incensed th'emperor with many reasons to pursue the war: And therefore th'emperor charged him to go on with th'enterprise of Pavia, having a devise also that at the same time captain Felix who was come with the new supplies of Almains aswell footmen as horsemen and with artilleries, and had first passed by Pesquiero, and afterwards was entered upon the lands of Bressia, should make war on that side upon the Venetians: of which expedition he had made captain general the Marquis of Mantua, newly returned to the devotion of the imperials.  
All this while the Pope was not idle to labour a peace between th'emperor and the Venetians, with hope to conclude it at his coming to Bolognia: for that where he had before solicited to meet th'emperor and confer with him at Genes, they had sithence by common consent referred the place of their interview to Bolognia, chief for many apt commodities which that city yielded to so great an assembly. They were not induced being Princes of the greatest importance to meet together by a common desire only to confirm the league of their new amity and conjunction: but also they had to carry them their further several respects, th'emperor pushed on by necessity, being determined to take the Crown of the Empire, & the Pope by ambition, having a desire to advance the enterprise of Florence: and in them both indifferently did concur a joint devotion to establish some orderly form over the affairs of Italy: a matter which they could not accomplish without resolving the affairs of the Venetians & duke of Milan, and without keeping some good hand upon the imminent dangers of the Turk, who being entered into Hungria with a puissant army, came on to invade Austria & take Vienna. In this time were done no actions of consequence between th'emperor & Venetians, for that the Venetians having an absolute inclination to accord with him, & because they would not incense him further, had given order to retire their army by sea from th'enterprise of the castle of Brundusa to Cor●●u: And seeking only to preserve the towns which they held, they forbore also for that time all exploits in the regions of Lombardy, except certain light roads and incursions: and so being only careful for the guard of their towns, they had put into Bressia the duke of Urbin. Touching the Almains they were reduced to Lunaro, containing a number of a thousand horsemen & eight or ten thousand footmen: They had resolved together with the Marquis of Mantua, to execute th'enterprise of Cremona, where was the duke of Milan, who seeing himself excluded from all accord with th'emperor, & that Anth. de Leva was gone to encamp before Pavia, & Caracciol gone up to Cremona to denounce war to him, contracted with the Venetians to conclude no accord with th'emperor without their consent: and in recompense of that contract they bound themselves to minister to him for the defence of his estates, a regiment of 2000 footmen paid, with contribution of 8000. ducats for every month: They sent also artilleries & men to Cremona, with which proportion of succours & promises, the duke had confidence to be able to defend Cremona & Loda: For touching Pavia, it made a very slender resistance against Anth. de Leva, not only for that it contained not sufficient victuals for two months, but also because captain Pissinard to whom it was committed to keep & guard it, had not many days before sent out of the town four companies of footmen to S. Angeo, where Ant. de Leva had made as though he would encamp: for which want of victuals & weakness of men of whom the numbers were very small within the town, and worse furnished for the service, there was no confidence in all construction of war and war causes, to be able to defend it, and therefore when he saw th'artilleries were planted & bend to execute, not enduring the proof of one bollet, nor the venture of one assault, he rendered the town under safety of life & goods aswell for himself as his soldiers: In this action he was charged greatly (which also was a cause to hasten the rendering of the town) that he was more carried by covetousness not to lose the wealth and riches he had gathered together upon so many prays and pillages, then induced by any desire to preserve the glory he had gotten in so many excellent and brave exploits of war, and chief in the services of Pavia.  
Now was the war very hotly kindled in Tuskane, for that as the Prince of Orange had taken Spello, and the Marquis of Guast who followed him with the Spanish infantry beginning to draw near him with his army, so he went on and advanced by good degrees till he came at the bridge of Saint john near to Perousa upon Tiber, where joined with him the regiments of Spanish footmen: In this City was a strength of three thousand footmen of the Florentines: And the Prince before he planted his camp before Spello, sent a messenger to Perousa to persuade Malatesta to obey the will of the Pope: Who seeking to appropriate to himself by 
The Pope maketh offers to Malates●a.  what way so ever, the City of Perousa, and to th'end the army might pass further, made this offer to Malatesta, that if he would leave Perousa, he would preserve his estates and his proper goods, he would consent that he might freely go to the defence of the Florentines, and would be bound that Braccio and Sforce Baillons, nor any other his enemies should re-enter into Perousa: And albeit Malatesta assured him that he would not accept any offer without consent of the Florentines, yet he opened more and more his ears to thembassages of the Prince, who after he had conquered Spello, solicited him more vehemently: All these offers and devices Malatesta communicated with the Florentines, being haply inclined to pass th'accord, for that both he feared the end of things, and was no less doubtful that the Florentines would not continued to give him all the aids and succours he desired: and when by necessity he should be driven to accord, he had no hope to found better conditions than those that were offered him, holding it a better way that without offending the Pope, or to give him occasion to deprive him of the goods and places which he preserved for him, to keep himself possessed of the pay of the Florentines, then in standing to his defence which by many arguments was frail and casual, both to put wilfully into danger his whole estate, and also to pull upon him the hatred of his friends and the town: So that as he assured daily and persevered in this that he would not accord without their privity, so also he added that if they would have him to defend Perousa, they must of necessity supply him of new with a thousand footmen, and turn the residue of their companies to make head at Orsaio, a place within five miles of Cortona upon the confines of Cortona and Perousa, a matter which they could not do without decaying the garrisons of their other towns: And yet the weakness of the town was such, that by necessity they must retire at every moving of the enemies: he persuaded with them also, that in case he did not accord, the Prince leaving the enterprise of Perousa would take his way to Florence, in which case also it was needful that they left him within Perousa a thousand footmen of service, which yet would not be sufficient since the Pope had means to vex the City with other forces then with the regiments imperial: But if he did accord, than the Florentines were to retire to themselves all their bands of footmen who should be accompanied with two or three hundred men of choice of his own training, and for his part his estates and goods being left to him, and his enemies excluded from all expectation to have Perousa, he should be reduced to better terms and estate of quietness to harken to their defence, if the election had rested in the Florentines, they could have been better contented to continued the war at Perousa: But discerning that Malatesta entertained a continual intelligence with the Prince, and no less assured that he had not discontinued to practise with the Pope, they doubted upon these good grounds, lest by the incitation and importunity of his friends and followers, and in compassion of the damages of the city and country, and lastly for suspicion of the enemies and instability of the people, he would in the end give place to the power of the time: They interpreted it also to too great a danger & hazard to put into Perousa almost the whole reputation and flower of their forces, exsposed to the peril of the fidelity of Malatesta, to the apparent danger to be forced by thenemies, & to the manifest difficulty to revoke them again in case Malatesta should accord: They also brought into consideration that the changing of Perousa could prejudice them little, both the friends of Malatesta remaining there still, and he retaining his Castles and borrows, & none of his brothers returning thither at all, so that so long as it persevered in this estate, it could not be that the Pope would not be in suspicion of it: Thus they wandered in suspense and incertainty of mind, and in that perplexity making their chiefest care of the safety of their men, and having no assured confidence in the constancy of Malatesta, they dispatched secretly the sixth of september a man of credence to draw away their bands of soldiers from Perousa fearing to be abused if the accord went on: But being informed afterwards that they could not get away for that thenemies were comen near at hand, they sent with diligence to Malatesta their consent that he might compound: But his necessities and fear of further danger were swifter than the diligence they made to dispatch to him their consent, for that before the messenger arrived, the Prince of Orange the ix. of September having passed Tiber at the bridge of Saint john, and being drawn into camp and offering certain skirmishes, he was driven to compound the same night: By which composition he bond himself to departed from Perousa, with obligation of sufferance to enjoy his goods to go to the service of the Florentines, and to retire their companies in safety, and to give him the better time to lead them upon the dominions of Florence, the Prince of Orange promised not to remove in two days from the place where he lay encamped: So that they issued out of Perousa the xii. day, and making very speedy marches, they went the same day to Cortono by the way of the mountains long & troublesome, but free and assured: Thus was the body of the war reduced upon the lands of the Florentines, to whom albeit the Venetians and Duke of Vrbyn had given many hopes that they would aid them with three thousand footmen, a strength which for suspicion of the Princes coming into those quarters, they had sent upon the state of Vrbyn, yet because they would not displease the Pope, that promise' soarted to none effect: Only the Venetians gave money to the commissary Castrocaro to wage two hundred footmen, and notwithstanding that state and the Duke of Ferrara entertained continual solicitation to compound with the Emperor, yet they forbore not to comfort the Florentines and encourage them to stand to their defence, hoping under such property of difficulty to range th'emperor more easily, and to get to themselves better conditions: The Florentines at that instant had principally two actions in hand, the one to temporize and delay the army so long as they might have time to rampart and fortify their town, under the walls whereof they looked that in the end the war would be reduced: the other, to labour to appease the mind of th'emperor, yea even in according with the Pope, so farforth as the form of their liberty and government popular, were not innovated: By reason whereof, being not yet come the exclusion of their Ambassadors, they had sent a messenger to the Prince of Orange and made a nomination of ambassadors to go to the Pope, desiring him when they signified unto him the election, that he would make a surceance of the army until they were arrived, which he refused to do: So that the Prince being advanced and come on with his forces, he battered and gave the assault to the suburbs of Cortono which look to Orsaio, in which city were seven hundred footmen strong, he was repulsed from thence finding both force and valour where he expected but weakness or disloyalty: There was a greater strength of footmen within Aretzo: But as Antho. Francis Albizi commissary, fearing lest the Prince, after the taking of Cortono leaving Aretzo behind him, would take the way of Florence, and preventing the companies that were with him in Aretzo, the city of Florence in that astonishment would draw to accord for want of the readiest succours that they had, determined to abandon it: So, for those reasons and considerations, without the public consent of the state though haply observing a secret intention of the Gonfalonier, he went from Aretzo with all his companies leaving only two hundred footmen within the castle: But being arrived at Feguina by the counsel of Malatesta that was there who allowed well that they should reduce all their forces to the defence of Florence, he sent back again to Aretzo a thousand footmen to the end it should not be left altogether abandoned: And as in the course of calamities accidents happen by succession, so the xvij. day the town of Cortono for whose keeping and defending a thousand men had been a strength sufficient seeing the Florentines used not such order as they aught, rendered notwithstanding it was very little pressed by the Prince with whom the town compounded to pay him xx. thousand ducats: By the accident of Cortono the soldiers that lay within Aretzo doubting of their sufficiency to defend it, abandoned that City, which the xix. day compounded also with the Prince, but with capitulations & clauses rather to rule & govern themselves in their liberty under shadow of the emperors protection, then to bear any longer the yoke & subjection of the Florentines, declaring to be false & feigned the profession which to this day they had made to be friends to the family of Medieis & enemies to the government popular: At which time th'emperor refused expressly to give any more audience to the Florentine ambassadors, unless they restored the house of Medicis, & the Prince of Orange, notwithstanding th'ambassadors that were with him detested without any regard the Pope's covetousness and the iniquity of that enterprise, had nevertheless told them that without restoring the Medicis he must of necessity continue the war: whereupon calling his army into view & muster, he found that he had strong three hundred men at arms, five hundred light horsemen, two thousand five hundred lanceknights brave bodies, two thousand footmen Spanish, & three thousand Italians, all disposed under the leading of these captains, Sero Colonno, Peter Maria Rossa, Peter Lewis de Faruesa, and john Baptista Savella, and to them afterwards came john Sassatello bringing with him the money which he had received before of the Florentines whose pay he had accepted: To them also was adjoined Alexander Vitelly having between three & four thousand footmen: Only the Prince had small store of artilleries, & therefore he prayed aid of them of Sienna to furnish him, who standing in case not to refuse to so mighty an army of th'emperor any thing they demanded, they gave order to refurnish him with some proportion of artilleries, but prepared it with as great delays & longness as they could, both for the hatred they bore against the Pope, & jealousy they had of his greatness, & also for that they were ill contented with the mutation of the government of Florence, with whom by reason of their common hatred against the Pope, they had for certain months entertained together a secret peace & intelligence: In this mean while the Pope had given audience to the Florentyn ambassadors, to whom he answered that as his intention was not to altar the liberty of the city, so he was not carried into this way of enterprise & arms, so much for the injuries he had received of that government & necessity to assure his own estate, as in regard of the capitulations he had made with th'emperor, in which debating now upon the interest of his honour, he required no other thing of them then that they would voluntarily refer themselves to his arbitrement & power, which being done, he would make to them good declaration & testimony with what property of zeal & devotion he desired the benefit & advancement of their common country, and understanding afterwards that the fear & astonishment was increased at Florence specially since they were advertised that th'emperor had refused to hear their ambassadors, & in that regard where they had elected new ambassadors to go to him, which he thought was done to submit & accord to him that he demanded, & desiring that the matter might be suddenly done to avoid the destruction of the country: he dispatched in post to the army the Archbishop of Capua, who passing by Florence, found them of the town otherways disposed then the Pope was persuaded: But in this mean while the Prince of Orange advanced, & was come the xxiv. to Mountuarche in the vale of Arno which is within xxv. miles of Florence, abiding there for eight cannons from Sienna which were sent away the day after, only they continued to be carried with the same tract and slowness with the which they had been prepared, in so much as by their wantand impediment the Prince who the xxvii. day had led the army even up to Feguina and Anchisa was driven to abide in that place unto th'end of the fourth of October: And from thence proceeded the difficulty of the whole enterprise: For, after the loss of Aretzo when the Florentines found that their hopes failed together with the favours and promises made from all parts, and also that the fortifications which were made in the city on that side towards the mountain notwithstanding the continual labour of pioneers and workmen, could not by the judgement of soldiers be reduced to defence, sooner than eight or ten days: And being advertised on the other side that the army of the enemies advanced and won way, and Ramassotto who was in arms by the Pope's ordinance with three thousand footmen, had sacked Firensolo and was entered into the country of Mugello, which was not without danger that he would go up to Prato: By these arguments of fear and impediments the citizens being reduced to an universal astonishment, began to incline to accord, the rather for that many in their fear were fled from the danger which in their cowardice they durst not defend: So that at the counsel board of the Dieci where are debated the affairs of the war, and in which counsel were present the principal citizens of the government, the universal consent and advise was to dispatch to Rome a free and ample commission to submit and refer themselves to the Pope's will: But when this resolution was related to the supreme magistrate without whose consent there could no deliberation pass, the Gonfalonier who obstinately sustained the contrary opinion, was against it, who joining with him the Magistrate popular of the colleges (who participated with the authority of the tribunes of the people of Rome) in which office or society were haply many persons of sinister understanding and great temerity & insolency: And having also their opinion supported with the boldness & threatenings of many young men: he brought to pass that that day nothing was established: And yet it was a thing manifest that if the day following which was the xxviii. of September, the Prince had advanced and comen on one remove, the faction that impugned and inveighed against the accord, had not been able to resist the strong inclination of all the others, of so small causes depend oftentimes the moments of right great things: Thus the surceance and temporizing of the army made by the Prince of Orange in vain, which some interpreted to be done expressly to entertain the war for that he had not sufficient artilleries to affronted the City of Florence, was the cause that within the town many entered into courage and resumed the spirits which through the former astonishment they had lost: But the thing that confirmed them in this resolution, was, that the fortification continued without any intermission of time and which the hands of many numbers of men did so raise and advance, that before the Prince of Orange removed from the place where he lay encamped, the captains judged that the ramparts were sufficient for defence: So that ceasing now all inclination to accord, the citizens with a general resolution stood prepared to defend with their bodies & lives the place which till then they had laboured to make strong by their industry and work of their hands: wherein the better to assure their minds so well induced they were advertised that Ramassotto who led with him without pay or discipline, not soldiers trained but peysants raw & unarmed, & had taken the field not with intention of fight but to rob & spoil, after he had wasted with raking and sacking the whole country of Mugello: He retired with the booties he had taken upon the territories of Bolognia, where did dissolve in disorder and disagreement the bands he had levied and led in insolency and licentiousness, though after they had sold to him their shares and most part of the spoils: Thus of a war easy and tractable, and which might have taken end with a small loss to any party, was derived a war most heavy and hurtful to all, and such as could not be led to his end till the whole country was wasted, and the principal City in hazard of her latest desolation: The fift of October the Prince of Orange departed from Feguino, but he ordered his marching so slowly to tarry for the artilleries of Syenna which now drew near, that he could not before the xx. day range all his companies and artilleries into the plain of Ripoly which is within two miles of Florence: He encamped all his army the xxiv. day upon the little hills near the ramparts observing with the safety of his own, the places that most helped him to annoy his enemies: And of this army as one part occupied all the little hills eminent to the City which stretch from the gate saint Myniato to the gate saint George: So the other part from the said gate saint Myniato was extended even to the way of the gate saint Nicholas: There were within Florence eight thousand footmen, all bodies of service, and their chiefest resolution was to defend Prato, Pistoya, Employ, Pisa and Lyvorna, which places they had strengthened and fortified with sufficient garrisons, leaving all other places and pieces rather to the fidelity and discretion of the peoples, and the fortresses to the benefit of their situation, then to bestow great bands of soldiers to guard them: But now the war rising by burning degrees into his heat, all the country was filled full of combustion, of incursions, and bands of licentious soldiers: And the Siennoys notwithstanding their former profession of league and amity with the state of Florence, did not only rise up to make pillage in every place, but also in that liberty of war they sent bands of soldiers to occupy Montpulsion, hoping that afterwards the Prince would consent that they might retain it: Nevertheless, finding it defended by a garrison of the Florentines, their ambition was easily stopped, and their aspiring inventions presently defeated, the rather for that not long after Napoleon Vrsin arrived there a soldier of the Florentines with three hundred horsemen, who would not departed from Rome before the Pope were upon his way to go to Bolognia: The Prince of Orange when he had bestowed his army and stretched it out at large upon the hills of Monticio, Gallo, and Giramont, and after he had brought to him from Lucquay both pioneers and certain pieces of artilleries, he caused to cast a rampart to the end to make it profitable to give an assault to the bastillion of saint Myniato: But on the other side to hinder the use and service of it, were planted in the garden of saint Miniato, four Cannons upon a cavalier: The towns of Collo and saint Gimignano rendered immediately to the Prince, they were places of importance to make easy and safe the resort of victuals, that came from Sienna: The xxix. day the Prince planted upon the bastillion of Giramont four Cannons to beat the steeple of saint Myniato for that a saker which the defendants of the town had mounted there, played with great hurt upon the army: Two of those cannons were broken and reduced not serviceable within few hours, to recompense which default the day following an other cannon being brought to the place, after they had executed in vain about an hundred and fifty shot of bollette, and yet could not dismount the saker, they forbore to shoot any more where so little good was done by their labour: By which resistance and other difficulties and impediments concurring, every one interpreting it to a hard matter to carry Florence specially with one only army, the actions and exploits afterwards began to proceed slowly and rather in manner of skirmishes then in form of assault: The second of November was performed a great skirmish against the bastillion of Saint George, another upon the bastillion of Saint Nicholas, and a third upon the way that goeth to Rome: The fourth day was planted upon Giramont a culuerine right against the palace of the Lords which set open the gates at the first shot: But at this time the horsemen that were within Florence ran up to Valdipeso, and made pray of an hundred horse most part horses of service: And in the same fortune certain horsemen and harquebuziers of the Florentines issuing out of Pontadero took three score horse between the cabans and the tower of Saint Romain.  
By this time the Pope was arrived at Bolognia, after whom th'emperor followed 
The Pope & the Emperor as Bolognia.  according to the ceremony and custom of great Princes, for that when two Princes are to enterviewe and meet together, the tradition beareth that he that representeth the greatest dignity shall come first to the place appointed, seeing it is both judged and taken for a great sign of reverence that he that is inferior shall show office and go to the other: And there being received of the Pope with great shows and testimonies of honour, and lodged in the same palace with him joining one to the other, it seemed by the demonstrations of office and familiarity passing between them that they had always lived in an indissoluble league of amity and good will: There the Emperor received advertisements which cleared him of all suspicion of invasion by the Turks, whose army together with the person of their Lord and Prince being presented before Vyenna, wherein was a great garrison of lanceknights, they had not only given in vain many assaults to the place, but also had been so repulsed with so great a staughter, that with the small confidence they had to carry it, and what with the want of great artilleries to batter it, & what by the compulsion of the time which in that region is very sharp, being in the month of October: They broke up and went their ways, not retiring to any other place near unto it, but took the way of Constantinople which is a march of three months: So that th'emperor being cleared and assured of that suspicion which before had not only made him inclined notwithstanding the conquest of Pavia, to accord with the Duke of Milan, but also had induced him to deal with the Pope to think upon a mean to compound with the Florentines, to the end that being eased and dispatched of the affairs of Italy, he might pass with all his forces into Almany to the succours of Vyenna and his brother: According to which persuasion as the Pope and he began to debate upon the affairs of Italy: So the thing that most concerned the Pope and lay nearest his heart, was the enterprise against the Florentines, whereunto also th'emperor seemed to bear a manifest inclination aswell to satisfy the Pope touching the matter of capitulation at Barsellona, as also for that the city of Florence being always carried with a devotion to the crown of France, it could not be but the embasing of his greatness was very agreeable to them: Therefore when the Florentines had chosen four ambassadors to go to the Pope at Bolognia, and making also petition to speak to the Emperor, he would never give them audience but one time, and that when it pleased the Pope, from whom also he drew the substance of the answer he made them: Thus they concluded to continued the enterprise, and because it fell out more hard, and entangled then the Pope expected, there was a determination to employ in this action all the bands and companies of soldiers that were in Lombardy in case there happened occasion of accord with the Venetians & Francis Sforce: which companies as they were to be paid by the Emperor, so also the Pope was to contribute monthly to the Prince of Orange who was gone upto Bolognia to solicit those matters three score thousand ducats, to th'end that where th'emperor found the burden too heavy to bear out so great expenses, he might be shared to defray all those regiments that were already about Florence: After this was brought in question and conference the other interest of the Pope, which was concerning the matters of Modena & Reggia: wherein the Pope, to avoid the note of obstinacy and selfewill, making show to continued in the same inclination he had professed many times before, that as if the interest of thoses two towns only were brought into question he would make no difficulty to dispose of them according to the will of th'emperor: So nevertheless he protested that in case of alienation of Modena and Reggia, Parma & Plaisanca would so remain separate and cut of from thestate ecclesiastic, that in consequence they would seam to be more then half aliened: Themperor answered him that it was a regard and consideration both just and reasonable: But for his part he could do no more than use his authority whilst his forces were occupied in the enterprise of Florence: Nevertheless in secret he could have wished that with the good satisfaction of the Pope, those towns had remained to the Duke of Ferrara, with whom in his way to Bolognia he had had conference & given him great hope and comfort to work with the Pope what he could for the benefit of his affairs: so much had that Duke by his good industry and working made insinuation into th'emperors grace and favour, and also made such impressions of compassion in the minds of those that governed him most, that he wanted not in his court the operations of great personages to make his cause favoured and recommended. There remained now the two articles of most importance and difficulty, concerning the Venetians and Francis Sforce, with whom as touching to accord and compound th'emperor seamed now nothing so severe and hard as he had been before: which as it was altogether contrary to the inclination with the which he was come into italy, so he took his reason both upon the difficulty of things appearing greater than he imagined in Spain: and also for that he found by reason of the new conjunction which Francis Sforce had made with the Venetians, that the conquest of thestate of Milan would not be a matter of easy action: he saw also how far he was embarked into expenses and charges by so great a train of soldiers and followers which he had brought with him and caused to come after him aswell out of Spain as Germany: But the chief cause was thimportunity of his brother, who for the tumults of the Lutherians and other signs appearing of innovation, solicited him to pass into Almanie, whether it was credible that within a short time the power of the Turks would eftsoons return: a matter which he gathered upon the protestation which Solyman made, who in his passion of spite and ignominy, had sworn at his breaking up from before Vienna that he would eftsoons recontinue the quarrel with an army more mighty and prepared: In these regards were equally concurring thinterests of his honour and safety: For that th'emperor to whom it seamed that if he should go out of italy and leave things unperfect, he could neither carry away assurance for himself, nor reputation to his name, began to give out many signs and tokens of a mind inclined not only to come to accord with the Venetyans, but also to pardon Francis Sforce: In which good disposition the Pope omitted no good office of persuasion and inducement both to solicit & confirm him, no less moving him a devout desire to have an universal tranquillity, then for that th'emperor standing no more restrained and entangled with other enterprises, he might with better opportunity draw him to convert all his forces against Florence: Only th'emperor seamed most of all to be detained by this reason, that it could not but be against his dignity to give occasion to the world to believe, that necessity had almost induced him to pardon the crime of Francis Sforce: And Antho. de Leva being with him at Bolognia solicited vehemently that he would make an other resolution and disposing of that estate, sometimes preferring the memory of Alexander the Pope's nephew, and some times naming others meet to receive such a preferment: Nevertheless for that there could not easily be found out to govern that estate, a parsonage with whom Italy would be contented, & the Pope having no inclination to convert it to any of his, not that he wanted ambition to embrace so great a thing, but because he saw he could not accomplish it without new wars and new troubles: Themperor at last was brought to consent to grant safeconduit to Francis Sforce under colour to have access to him to submit and justify himself, but in true meaning that liberty of access was granted to th'end things might be reduced to some composition: The Venetians were not ill contented with his going to th'emperor, for that they hoped that at one time would be introduced some form of accord to their affairs.  
Nevertheless the course of arms and war ceased not for all these in the regions of Lombardie: for that Belioyenso who in the absence of Antho. de Leva was chief Commander at Milan, went out with seven thousand footmen, to encamp before Saint Angeo, wherein were remaining for the strength and garrison of the town, four companies of footmen of the Venetians and the Duke of Milan: And after he had used upon it the service of his great artilleries, and that by reason of certain rains and showers that fell from above, the harquebusses that manned and defended the walls uncovered, were made unprofitable: He brought near his soldiers covered with their shields, and being armed with their swords and pikes, he gave th'assault in which he presented in his own person no less valour and resolution than was seen in any of the others: But when the defendants were no longer able to keep fire in their matches by reason they stood open to the rain, and in that regard being driven to fight with other weapons, they began to abandon the walls no less thorough the valour of their enemies who pressed on with a fury equal to the fortune that favoured them, then for their own astonishment which was made so much the greater by how much they were made less apt to do service by the wretched accident of rain that took away the use of their pieces: As soon as th'imperials saw the walls abandoned of bodies to defend them, the same fierceness that led them to give the assault, brought them on to enter the place, where, in the rage of their victory, all such wretched creatures as they found, they made them either pass by the edge of the sword, or at lest put them under the sentence of bitter captivity: After this, he determined to pass over to the other side of the river of Adda, and by that time he had put over one part of his army at the bridge of Casciano, he saw certain bands of spaniards of a new levy departing to go to Milan, but preventing them, he caused the soldiers that were left in the town to take arms, by which impediment being stopped and denied to enter, they returned again to the army: But notwithstanding all these events, and that the army of lanceknights was already upon the lands of the Venetians, the negociations of the peace were so far advanced and in so good terms, that all councils and studies of the war began to vanish and grow cold: for, when Francis Sforce was brought to the presence of th'emperor at Bolognia, and having with humility and submission praised his benignity in admitting him to his presence: He told him that so much did he reappose for himself in his own justice and equity, that for all things happened before the Marquis of Pisquairo restrained him within the castle of Milan, he desired no other property of surety or support then his own innocency: And that therefore he renounced frankly the safe conduit, the bill or escript whereof the Duke holding in his hand, he laid it at his feet, a matter which much pleased the Emperor: There was a month spent in debating of the difficulties aswell concerning his accord as the composition with the Venetians: But at last by the continual working and interposing of the Pope, both the one and the other were concluded the twenty-three. of December, Francis Sforce being bound to pay to the Emperor 
Capitulations between the Emperor the Venetians & duke of Milan.  within one year, four hundred thousand ducats, and five hundred more within ten years, that is fifty thousand every year: and for the pawn and assuring of these payments th'emperor to keep in his hands Coma and the Castle of Milan, which he bound himself to tender and readelyver up to Francis Sforce assoon as the payment of the first year were finished: he gave him also the investiture of the Duchy, or rather confirmed that which had been given to him before: But to furnish three payments and to perform the gifts and bribes which he promised to those that governed the emperor, he imposed great taxes upon the town of Milan and throw the whole Duchy, notwithstanding the people had been miserably wasted and consumed both by the cruelty of their long wars, and also by the rage of hunger and pestilence: Touching the Venetians they accorded: That they should tender to the Pope Ravenna and Ceruia with their territories, saving their rights, and also the Pope to pardon all such as had conspired or done any thing against him: That they should give up to th'emperor by the end of the next januarie, all that they possessed in the realm of Naples, and to pay him the residue of the two hundred thousand ducats due upon the third article of the last peace contracted with them: That is to say xxv. thousand within one month next following, and xxv. thousand at the years end, but upon condition that their pieces should be rendered to them within one year, if either they were not rendered already according to the tenor of the said peace, or at last the controversies and differences judged by common arbitrators: That they should pay to the exiles five thousand ducats for every year for the revenues of their goods according to the disposition of the treatise of the same peace: That over and beside this, they should pay to the Emperor an hundred thousand ducats, the one moiety within ten months, and the other half within a year after: it was further accorded that the rights of the patriarch of Aquilea which had been reserved to him in the capitulation of Worms against the king of Hungria, should be decided: That the Duke of Urbin should be comprehended in this peace and confederation, because he was an adherent and in the protection of the Venetians: That the Venetyans should pardon the Count Brunoro de Gambaro: That the traffic and entercoursse should be free amongst all their subjects: and that there should be given no place of retreat to the corsaires or rovers who would trouble either party: That it should be lawful to the Venetyans to continued peaceably in the possession of all those things which they held: That all those that had been published rebels for following the faction of Maximilian, the Emperor, and the king of Hungria since the year 1523. should be restored: only the restitution should not extend to the goods that had been brought to their fiske: That between the said parties there should not only be a peace but also a perpetual league defensible for their estates of italy against all Christian princes: The emperor promised that the Duke of Milan should keep and hold in his estate, a strength of five hundred men at arms, five hundred light horsemen, six thousand footmen, and a good band of artilleries, for the defence of the Venetians, and the Venetians to menteine the like strength for the defence of the Duke of Milan: In which article was set down, that when either of their estates were molested, the other throw their countries should give no passage of victuals, munitions, corriers, nor embassadonrs, restraining all natures of aid in their estates, and all passage or sufferance of succours what so ever: That if any Christian prince though he were of supreme dignity should invade the realm of Naples, the Venetians to bring to the defending of it fifteen light galleys well armed: That in this present accord should be comprehended, all such as the afore named and to name, held in their protection, though without other obligation of the Venetians then for their defence: That in case the Duke of Ferrara accorded with the Pope and with th'emperor, it was meant he should be comprehended in this confederation: for the execution of which accords and compositions 
Milan rendered by th'emperor to Francis Sforce.  th'emperor rendered to Francis Sforce Milan and all the Dukedom, and revoked all the soldiers except such as were thought necessary for the guard of the Castle and of Coma, which places he rendered afterwards according to the time covenanted: The Venetians restored to the Pope the towns of Romagna, and to th'emperor the pieces which they held in Powilla.  
* ⁎ *  
The end of the nineteenth Book.   

THE ARGUMENT OF THE TWENTEETHS BOOK.  
Themperor taketh the imperial crown at Bolognia, and from thence passeth into Almanie: The family of Medicis by the aid of th'emperor's army return to Florence: Ferdinand is chosen king of Romans: The Pope will not hearken to a council: The french king stirreth up the Turk against th'emperor, and hath conference with the Pope at Marseilles.  
THE TWENTEETHS BOOK OF THE history and discourse of Guicciardin.  
IT seamed that the conclusion of this peace and confederation had reduced to their last end, the wars of italy which for their continuance, and longness, had drawn a space of viii. or x. years, and for their horrible accidents had left to all the regions of that climate, matter of lamentable and just compassion: Only the city of Florence, either more wretched in destiny, or less worthy of so good participation, was not dispensed from tumults and dangers of arms, seeing that as she was a mean & help to reduce others to peace, so of the contrary, in the tranquillity of others was wrought to herself, matter of a more heavy and dangerous war: for, where it was supposed that all natures of difficulties were so resolved and digested that there was no further doubt nor impediment to detain the accord from his perfection: Themperor levying his companies & bands of men of war from thestate of the Venetians, sent out to make war against the Florentines, an army of four thousand lanceknights, two thousand five hundred Spanish footmen, eight hundred Italians, and more than three hundred light horsemen with five and twenty pieces of artilleries: But in this war either for the ill direction of the captains, or worse order of the soldiers, much less that there was done any exploit notable, seeing there was performed no action worthy th'exercise of a pen to writ it, The assailants lacking hearts to invade the town, and the defendants having no devotion to assay the fortune of a battle: They saw in the account of their provisions that they had means sufficient to make defence for many months: and in the reckoning of the minds and inclinations of men, they doubted not of an universal resolution of the city to resist the quarrel inflicted against their common liberty: in which regards they hoped by temporizing so to make weary the camp of thenemies, that either for want of money which maketh the soldier mutinus, or for some other accidents which ordinarily ensue a camp, they would drive the enemies through difficulties to dissolve the war which they durst not resist by their valour: Nevertheless either to avoid these difficulties or to prepare a remedy, the prince of Orange had sent out xv. hundred footmen, & iiij. hundred horsemen with iiij. pieces of artilleries, to take Lastra wherein were three 
Lastra taken.  ensigns of footmen, of whom was passed to the sword two hundred bodies and the town taken before the rescues of Florence could arrive: it happened also that in the night of the xj. of December, Stephen Colonno with a thousand harquebuziers and iiij. hundred halberdiers and partisanes all armed with corselets and cassakins after the manner of camisado of Spain, set upon the regiment of Sero Colonno lying in the 
Camisado.  houses near to the Church of Saint Margaret de Monticio, and in that surprise they slew and wounded many soldiers without the loss of one person of theirs: About that time were slain with the bollette within the gardin of Saint Mymato, Maria Vrsin and julio saint Cross: And in the like fortune, Pyrrhus going to Saint Peter's Borrow to take Montopoly which is a town of the country of Pisa, he was cut of by the footmen that were within Employ, and being defeated in the way between Palaia & Montopoly, many of his companies fell into the fortune of prisoners: The Florentines sent to the borrow of Saint Sepulchro, Napolion Vrsin with an hundred & fifty horsemen, to encounter Alexander Vitelly who was sent to destroy the country all a long the said borrow and Anguiaro.  
But now the war beginning to fall into action of terror and astonishment: after the regiments newly sent by th'emperor were passed the Alps, the towns of Pistoya and Prato being abandoned of the Florentyn garrisons, were yielded up to the Pope: By reason whereof the army that had left behind them no impediment, marched not to join with the others, but remaining encamped on the other side of Arno, they went to lodge at Peretola near the walls of the city, under the authority & government of the Marquis of Guast, though the prince of Orange was always superior and absolute above all: By which disposing of the army apart and separate, things were rather reduced to the form of a siege, then to an action of oppugnation: At this time also Pietrasanta was rendered to the Pope: And as the Pope laboured with a perpetual study and care of mind, to lead to perfection the purposes he had pretended to re-establish and set up his house in Florence, so towards the end of this year partly at the request of Malatesta Baillon who gave him hope of accord, he sent to Florence directly to him Rodolffo Pio bishop of Faensa, with whom were debated diverse and sundry things, some with the privity of the city and for their profit, and some in secrecy by Malatesta against the weal of the city, matters which much less that they soarted to any effect, seeing it was discerned that Malatesta who was now come to the expiration and full time of his pay, had entertained them with art & cunning to th'end that the Florentines fearing to be abandoned of him, would eftsoons retain him into their pay with title of captain general of the war, which in th'end he obtained: This enterprise of Florence continued also the year a thousand five hundred and thirty: and albeit the prince of Orange in beginning to make new cavaliers & cast new trenches, made demonstration to batter vehemently the bastillions but chiefly the bastillion of Saint George which was very strong: yet what thorough his ignorance which could not be without his ignominy, and what for the difficulty in the action wherein his error was nothing less, not one devise was put in execution, the guard of the whole Mount appertaining to Stephen Colonno.  
In the beginning of this year, the Florentines, taking hope in the matters of negotiation with the bishop of Faensa, sent of new other ambassadors to the Pope, and to th'emperor, but with express commission to innovate nothing nor hearken to any motion by the which the government might be altered, or the general jurisdiction diminished: So that as they were repugnant in the principal article, so they could never obtain audience of th'emperor, but according to the vanity of their commission they returned to Florence without any conclusion.  
There were within Florence nine or ten thousand footmen strong, but paid according to the number of fourteen thousand: And as the soldiers were resolute to defend the City with a great affection and readiness of faith, So to confirm them the more, all the Captains being assembled in the Church of Saint Nicholas, after the celebration of the Mass, and in the presence of Malatesta, they made a solemn oath to stand against the injuries and invasions offered against the City until the last man: Only in this universal constancy, was found unconstant Napoleon Vrsin, who notwithstanding he professed himself assured to the Florentines by receiving their money and impressed, yet he become a revolt, and returning to Bracciano, compounded his affairs with th'emperor and the Pope, and revoked from the service of Florence certain captains whom he had sent thither before.  
But the Pope omitted no diligence wherein he thought was any mean to advance his intention, Wherein he so wrought with the French king that he sent Monsr Clerimont to excuse th'accord he had made by necessity to redeem his children: And where he alleged how impossible it was to comprehend that state in th'accord, he counseled them with reasons & inducements to lay themselves down to the necessity of the time, and take such conditions as they might, so farforth as they were conducible to the profit and conservation of their liberty: In which good inclination, & to help to range the issue of things to their weal and benefit, he offered as it were to interpose in the action: He also commanded by public protestation Malatesta and Stephen Colonno being of the king's creation and dependency, to departed from Florence, notwithstanding a part and severally he gave them comfort to the contrary: But the thing that imported most to stay his reputation and astonish the people, was, that to satisfy the Pope and the Emperor, he retired his ordinary Ambassador resident at Florence, leaving there notwithstanding as a person private Emilio Ferier, by whom for that he would not utterly leave them desperate, he made secret promise to aid them assoon as he had recovered his children. Such was the Pope's ambition in this action, and so subtle was his humour to serve his turn of all means that either art or industry could insinuate, that he had almost brought the French king to make retire from his Court th'ambassador resident for Florence: Wherein to draw better favour to his purposes, he sent by the Bishop of Tarby the cardinals Hat to the Lord Chancellor, and not long after he gratified him with the legation of the realm of France: And by him he solicited a new interview and conference at Thurin between th'emperor, the French king, and himself: But he was answered in the full counsel of the king sitting, that it was enough that the children of the Crown of France were under captivity, without that the person of the king should seek to intrude himself into that calamity.  
The Pope and th'emperor did now determine to go to Sienna, to be more ready 
Themperor taketh the Crown at Bolognia.  and apt to favour th'enterprise of Florence, and afterwards to draw to Rome for the coronation of the Emperor: But whether it was a true or false deliberation, as they were upon the point prepared to departed, the Emperor received letters out of Germany soliciting him to return thither, the electors making instance for regard of the diets, and Ferdinand standing to be chosen king of Romans, and others in respect to celebrated the counsel. By these new instances whether more effectual for their suddenness or for their conformity to themperors will, all devices & counsels to pass further were dashed, in which variation the emperor was contented to receive the Imperial Crown within Bolognia, being assisted with a great affluence of people, but sustaining a very slender pomp and expenses: He was crowned upon Saint Matthiewes day, a day of many happy predictions, for that on that day was he borne, in that day was the French king taken prisoner, and during that day was he celebrated with the ensigns and ornaments of th'imperial dignity.  
But before th'emperor departed to return into Germany, he laboured to accord with the Pope, the Duke of Ferrara, who the seventh day of March came to Bolognia under safeconduit: And because there was no other mean of issue or end between them, they referred to the person of the Emperor the arbitration and Compromise of right and action touching all their controversies: To the which the Pope was induced by the generality of the Compromise, such as comprehended also the quarrel and title of Ferrara, which the Pope doubting that according to terms of right, it would not devolve to the sea Apostolic, he thought th'emperor had an easy mean in using silence for Ferrara, to bring him to tender Modena and Reggia: The Pope also was induced by the word and promise which th'emperor made to him, that if he found that he had right to those two Cities, he would pronounce judgement of his side, but if by examination it appeared otherwise, he would suffer to expire and determine the time of the Compromise. And to assure the observation of the sentence and resolution of the Compromise, there went a covenant that the Duke should depose Modena into the hands of th'emperor, at whose instance he had revoked before his Ambassadors from Florence, and aided the army with a proportion of Pioneers.  
After this th'emperor departed from Bolognia the xxij. day, the Pope having left him satisfied that his intention was to consent to the Council, if he thought it might any way avail for thextirpation of the Heresies of the Lutherans: The Cardinal Campeius went with him as Legate, And so he passed by Mantua, where after he had received threescore thousand ducats of the Duke of Ferrara, he gave to him in chief for ever the town of Carpy: After whom the Pope the xxxj. day took his way to Rome, leaving the matters of Florence in the same estate of difficulties they were before.  
The imperials made many signs and braveries as though they would assault the City, for which cause they had begun a trench before the Bastillion of Saint George, where being performed a hot skirmish the xxj. of March, they without received great harms: The xxv. day the Prince of Orange finding his camp much vexed by a tower adjoining to the side of the Bastillion of Saint George towards the gate of Rome, battered it with his artilleries, But finding it very strong and well appointed, after certain volues of Cannon, he forbore any further execution. There arrived daily at the camp new companies and bands of soldiers, by whose insolency and licentiousness for that there was no wars in any other part of Italy, the harms and ruins of the country of Florence increased continually. The City of Voltero was rendered to the Pope, but the Castle holding good for the Florentines, suffered great executions with two Cannons of thimperials, and two Coluerines brought from Genes: And the Florentines desiring to secure it, sent out to Employ an hundred and fifty horsemen and five ensigns of footmen, who making their march by night, passed by the Camp near the Mount Olivet, and being discovered, there were sent out after them certain guidons of horsemen, who overtook them, but being skirmished withal by the harquebuziers, they retired with some loss: And the horsemen that were issued out of Florence by an other way behind the camp, saved themselves at the same time with the footmen within Employ, where they were received by Francis Feruccio commander of that place: This man being sent in the beginning of the war by the Florentines to Employ as commander over a very small company of horsemen, and with a very little authority, had, what with the observation of the war, and with th'opportunity of that seat, and with thoccasion of prays and ordinary incursions, assembled together a good crew of soldiers of choice: with whom both by his valour which he had well expressed, and also by his liberality which was infinite in him, he was risen to so good estate of reputation, that the Florentines had no small expectation of him: Feruccio then departed from Employ with two thousand footmen and five hundred horse, with which army marching with great celerity, he entered within the castle of Voltero the xxuj. of April early in the morning, where having well refreshed his soldiers, he assaulted presently the town which was guarded by john Baptista Borgueso with a very slender strength of footmen, and winning before night two of their trenches, he had the town the next morning together with the artilleries that were come from Genes: The first action he managed after he was Lord of the town, was by extortions and ways compulsive to exact money of thinhabitants of Voltero, and no less by that good help then by his valour and industry, he constrained to revolt Gimignana and Collo, and cutting off the traffic of victuals that came from Sienna by that way, he had reduced the army of the enemies to great difficulties, whose captains thinking of no other expedition then of the siege, the Marquis of Guast retired th'artilleries within Prato. But (so sudden and uncertain are the things of war) there happened into those quarters unlooked for, captain Maramus leading a regiment of two thousand five hundred footmen without pay: By reason of which succour being come against the Pope's will, he kept on his course, for that Maramus went to encamp with his people at the suburbs of Voltero. The ninth of may was executed a great skirmish without the gate called Romegate, wherein remained dead and wounded of them within the town an hundred and thirty persons, & of the soldiers without more than two hundred bodies, amongst whom was captain Baragnino a Spaniard. Amid these enterchaunges of skirmishes and factions of war, the Florentines forbore not to hope continually for some succours from the French king, who accordingly failed not to entertain their hope with promise of a sufficient rescue when so ever he had recovered his children: Wherein the better to assure and confirm them, he gave assignation to the Florentin Marchuntes for twenty thousand ducketts due to them long time before, which sum being lente by them to the City, was brought to Pisa by Lewis Alaman, but by such parcels and dribletts, that it did little comfort the war: Moreover john Pawle de Cere whom the Florentines had taken into their pay for the guard of that City, came away to Pisa. But by the conquering of Voltero was bred to the Florentines a damage of far greater importance: for that where Feruccio both contrary to the commission given to him, and also because he would go the stronger to the action of Voltero, and having withal to secure a confidence in the fortress of Empoly, had left for the defence of it so small a garrison, that th'imperials using thoccasion that was offered, went to encamp about it under the conduit and leading of the Marquis of Guast: And as for the 
Empoly sacked by the Marquis of Guast.  weakness of the defendants and garrison, they took it without any resistance and with many harms put it to sack: So in the loss of that was brought to the Florentines more matter of affliction then in any other thing during the war, for that having determined to assemble in that place new companies and regiments, they hoped by the opportunity of the situation which importeth much, both to reduce into distress and difficulties the army that lay on that side of Arno, and also to open the commodity and way for victuals to pass to that City which began already to feel the want of nurture and comfort. To this also was added a new occasion to deprive them more of the hopes they had conceived: for after the French king had delivered over his money which he was to pay to th'emperor, and retired his children which was in the beginning of june: In place of so many aids & succours which by his promises he had reserved till that time, he sent into Italy at the instance of the Pope (who to have wholly at his devotion the kings Agents, created Cardinal the Bishop of Tarby Ambassador resident in his Court) one Peter Francis Pontriemoly, a man of great confidence with him, to insinuate some motions and practice of accord with the Florentines, who by that manner of dealing discerned no further hope to be succoured by the king: Wherein they believed the more by this inducement, that both he and the king of England joining together, 
The Florentines out of hope to be succoured by the fr. king.  did all that they could so to allure and govern the Pope, as they might hope to separate him from the Emperor: And in that regard the French king laboured to have some participation and interest to reduce and convert the Florentines to the Pope's amity. After the Marquis of Guast had taken Empoly, he went with the bands of soldiers whom he led, to join with Maramus in the suburbs of Voltero: where having in one strength almost six thousand footmen, they began to batter the town, and when they saw they had brought to the earth more than forty faddomes of wall, they followed th'execution of th'artilleries with three furious assaults, but with worse effect than their valour deserved, since in the action they lost more than four hundred men: They made afterwards a new battery, and with certain chosen bands of Spaniards and Italians consoarted together, they gave an other very brave and resolute assault, but with greater damage & harms then the former assaults: in which regard the camp broke up rather with great praise then good effect of their doings. The same morning about an hour before day, Stephen Colonno issuing out of the gate of Faenza, and Malatesta by the postern that leadeth to Prato, went to give the Camisado with three thousand footmen to the lanceknights that were lodged in the Monastery of Saint Donat where they had fortified themselves: Stephen passed the trenches and slew many of them, But the alarm being given to the residue, they put themselves in order with resolution to defend their place to the last man: So that after Stephen had received a light hurt in the mouth, he retired for fear of greater rescues, complaining much that Malatesta had not followed him.  
But in Florence were entered no nature of victuals nor nurture from any part, albeit their wants of comforts went on increasing daily, yet so resolute were they to defend their liberty, that there could be discerned no diminution of that constancy and fidelity that at first armed them to so holy an action: And where Feruccio was gone from Voltero to Pisa, and laboured by his authority and industry to assemble as great a strength as he could, all the hopes of the Florentines were reduced to his coming: for they had signified to him to advance and come on, and not to forbear for any way or other danger to join himself to the defence of the City, being resolved to give battle to thenemies assoon as he had joined his forces with the main army that was within Florence: Of which devise the success and issue was not so good and happy, as was great and manifest the rashness of the resolution, if I may term those counsels rash which are drawn or derived from a last necessity: for in this rested the error of that counsel, that they were to pass thorough the countries of thenemies, such as were occupied and commanded by a very strong army though dispersed into many several places. The Prince of Orange who had advertisement of this devise, thought to go before with one part of the army, whereof he made his greatest assembly of the Italian footmen: And Malatesta Baillon with whom he had many secret and straight intelligences, having happily assured him in secret that the Florentines suspected least in his absence he would assail the army, went out to meet him: And finding him near to Civiniano in the mountain of Pistoya, a way which he took passing from Pisa towards Lucquaye in regard of confidence reapposed in the Chancellors' faction well affected to the popular government, he gave him the skirmish with a very small company of men: At the first shock the Prince, whose rashness was greater than 
The prince of Orange slain.  his conduit, and in whom was less the humour of counsel and discretion then appertained to the place he managed, was slain doing rather the office of a private soldier then of a captain or commander: Nevertheless his soldiers got the victory, and made prisoners together with many others, john Pawle de Cere, and Feruccio whom Maramus slew being prisoner, in revenge as he confessed of a trumpet whom he had caused to be hanged being sent to him at the siege of Voltero to declare a message.  
Thus the Florentines seemed delivered up to a condition abandoned of all succours both divine and humane, in whom also increased daily afflictions of famine without hope of further remedy or comfort: And yet albeit their extremities for their nature were no less heavy and grievous, than their remedies desperate, yet the obstinacy of those that opposed against the accord, was nothing abated, but was augmented by the same degrees which multiplied their wants and extremities: Those men being induced by a last despair not to pull upon them their own ruin without the destruction of the country, and standing now no more wilfully resolved to die for the safety of the country, but that their common country and their lives should take end together: were also followed of many, who flattered themselves with this impression that the succours of the great God of wonders would not appear before things were reduced to such terms as there remained no further expectation in human help: And as the Magistrates and almost all such as managed any public authority, were concurrant in this obstinacy, and no place left to impugn it, for that greater was the awe of the Magistrates and threats of arms, than the reasons or persuasions of those that were of the contrary opinion: So there had been danger that the war would have ended with the last destruction of that City, had it not been for the industry of Malatesta, who seeing the adversity of the City to be without remedy, did as it were constrain them to incline to accord: Wherein happily he was carried by pity and compassion to see wholly perish through the rage of her citizens, a City so ancient and flourishing: And haply he was moved by the dishonour and damage that might come to him to be present at so great a ruin: But the principal cause of his induction was, that he hoped to obtain of the Pope by the mean of that accord, suffrance to return to Perousa: So that whilst the Magistrates and such as were most furious and forward, were consulting to make issue out of the City the soldiers to give battle to thenemies, who both exceeded them in numbers and advantage and strength of place, and that he refused to go out with them: They suffered their passion to carry them so far, that they decassed him and deposed him from his charge of captain, and sent certain of the most disordered amongst them to denownce against him a commandment to go out of the town with his companies: A matter which both for the soddennes coming unlooked for, and for the property of injury being not deserved, did so inflame and kindle him, that striking at one of them with his dagger, the assistants that were by him had much to do to deliver him with his life out of his hands: By which accident the present company being astonished, & the whole City beginning to rise, those that were not so far incensed with passion and fury, began in better temperance to reprehend the rashness of the Gonfalonier, who though he went to arm himself, protesting sometimes that he would set upon Malatesta, 
The issue of the war of Florence.  and sometimes that he would issue out to fight with thenemies, at last things were qualified to this moderation, that the desperate obstinacy of many gave place to the extreme necessity of the whole: In so much as in those moods they sent out four Ambassadors the ninth of August to capitulate with Don Ferrand Gonsaguo, who for the death of the Prince of Orange commanded in the army, the Marquis of Guast being retired before: with whom the day following the conclusion was made, of which these were the principal articles, that the City within very few days should pay fourscore thousand ducats for the withdrawing of the army: That the Pope and the City should give authority to th'emperor to declare within three months what should be the form of the government, always reserving and saving their liberty: That there was generally pardoned all manner of injuries done against the Pope, his friends, and his servants: That till the declaration and sentence of th'emperor were passed, Malatesta Baillon should remain within the City in garrison with two thousand footmen. Assoon as this accord was made, and whilst the money was collected for the army, whereof there was need of a far greater sum, for that in the Pope was found little readiness to relieve the City with money in so great a danger: The Pope's Commissary called Bart. Valory joining with Malatesta who aspired altogether to return to Perousa, made a convocation of the people in the public place according to the ancient customs of that City, to the which the Magistrates and multitudes agreed through fear: And in that Parliament they introduced a new form of 
The fla●e of the City of Florence after the siege.  government, by the which was given authority to twelve citizens of the faction of the Medicis, to dispose as they thought good of the policy of the City, who reduced it to that form which it was wont to carry before the year a thousand five hundred seven and twenty. After this the army dislodged and broke up, and having received money for the orderly pay and satisfying of the universal bands, the Italian captains converting to their own private usage to the great ignominy of their discipline, that which should have run amongst the soldiers by share, retired into Florence loaden with the money which was appointed to pay the army: They contented with a little the regiments of footmen and dismissed them, who remeining without leaders or commanders went dispersed into divers places of the country: But for the Spaniards & lanceknights being fully answered of all their pays, they went out of the towns and jurisdiction of Florence, & drew to the country of Sienna to reorder the government of that city: And as Malatesta Baillon, whom the Pope suffered to return to Perousa without tarrying for the declaration of th'emperor, left the city wholly to the arbitration and will of the Pope: So, after the soldiers were gone out of it, the persecutions & punishments of the Citizens began, the end of one calamity being the beginning of an other: for, those into whose power and administration was diuolued the government and authority, partly to assure better the state, and partly by malice conceived against the authors of so many evils, and partly for memory of injuries particularly received, but principally to satisfy the intention and ends of the Pope though he made small manifestation thereof: Those I say (observing haply the superficies and outward declaration of the words but wresting and perverting the inward sense) interpreted that the chapter or article by the which pardon was promised to such as had injuried the Pope and his friends, extended not to deface and wipe out the wrongs & crimes which by themselves were committed in matters that concerned the common weal: In which inclination to revenge th'information, things being preferred up to the Magistrates, six of the principals were beheaded, many imprisoned, and a great number bound over according to the traditions and statutes of the city: Insomuch as the city being so much the more made weak and feeble, by how much she was shaked in her pillars and chief foundations, And withal those that had pertaked in these revenges and punishments being reduced into greater necessities and difficulties: The power of the Medicis returned more free, and more absolute, yea almost royally into that city, which had for so long and great a war, remained much impoverished of money, made naked both within and without of many inhabitants, and spoiled both of dwellings and goods abroad, & lastly stood now more than ever divided in itself: A calamity which yet was made so much the more great and heavy, by how much had been more lamentable for many years their universal necessity and difficulty to make provision of vitteis in foreign countries for the general scarcity and dearth which the whole country endured: for, as for that year by reason of the afflictions and impediments of the war they made neither seed time nor harvest, so it was so severe a calamity continued to the years succeeding, that the city being raked and drained had issued out more money to make provision of corn from foreign regions and cattle without the limits of their own dominions, than had been defrayed for thexpenses of so great a war full of heavy burdens and charges.  
In this mean while th'emperor assembling the diet at Auspurge, had caused to be elected king of Romans, Ferdinand his brother: And calling into question the 
Ferdinand elected king of romans.  cause of the Lutherans, both suspected touching the power of Princes, and for the multitude and ambition of their followers divided into divers heresies, and even the life and example of Martin Luther the original Author of that opinion, being now almost of no consideration: The Princes of Germany could devise of no better remedy then to assemble and celebrated a council: for, both the Lutherans seeking to cover their cause with the authority of religion, solicited vehemently to have their cause disputed in a public and free council: And on the other part it was believed that the decrees which the council should set down would bear authority sufficient, if not to reduce and remove the minds of the heretics from their errors, at lest to retire and recover to a more sound opinion one part of the multitudes infected: But in Germany even those that followed the factions and opinions of the Catholics, desired the convocation of a council, to th'end to reform the excessive charges and abuses of the Court of Rome: Where, what with the authority of indulgences, and with the profit of dispensations, and lastly with the annates or yearly fruits of benefices that were given, together with the allowances that in th'expedition of them reverted to the offices infinitely multiplied in that Court: It seemed there was no other study or carethen to exact by those corruptions a huge mass of treasure throughout all Christendom, without regarding the health and true comforting of souls, nor that matters ecclesiastic were rightly administered and governed: for, both many benefices incompatible were transferred and heaped upon one person, and also without respecting the merits and worthiness of men, they were either bestowed by partiality and favour, or at lest such persons were introduced who for their age were incapable, or for their doctrine insufficient, or (which worse is) for their life and example, most slanderous.  
The Emperor was very forward to satisfy this universal instance and solicitation of the parts and states of germany, And held it also not out of purpose for his affairs to appease in those provinces the causes of the tumults and contumacy of the people's: In which regards he urged the Pope by reducing to his memory the conference they had together at Bolognia, to call a council, promising him (lest he feared his authority and dignity should fall into danger) to be there in person to take particularly care of him: But for the Pope, albeit there was nothing in the world that could be offered more to his displeasing or discontentment then the assembly of a council, yet, to nourish the opinion that men had of his good intention, he dissembled that inclination or rather cause of fear: And yet in effect he had many deep and settled fears: one was, lest the council, to moderate the abuses of the Court and the indiscreet permissions of many Popes, would not too much diminish and restrain the power of the sea apostolic: an other was (which was no small impression in him) that albeit when he was called to be Cardinal he had proved by witnesses that he was borne in lawful marriage, yet in truth he knew it was contrary, And albeit there could be found no law written that forbade any man (not lawfully borne) to ascend to the Papacy, yet there was entertained amongst them an ancient and common opinion, that no man upon whom could be proved illegittimation could be capable of a cardinals place: thirdly he reduced to remorsse and conscience, that he was raised to the sea apostolic not without some suspicion of simony practised with the Cardinal Colonno: And lastly he feared lest for the severities and rudeness which he had used towards his natural country, accompanied with so many tumults and adversities of war, he should be made perpetually infamous in the general council, the rather for that it had appeared upon th'effects that he was moved not to reduce that city to a good and moderate government, but was induced with ambition and envy to put it eftsoons under the yoke and servitude of his house: In regard of these causes and fears, like as he abhorred the name of a council, and could not account the fidelity of the Emperor a sufficient sewertye to him: So, after he had communicated the whole matter with some Cardinals deputed to the discussion of a cause of so great weight, who also stood in fear to be corrected by the council: he answered that there were many reasons against the calling of a council in that time, both for that there was no assured stability of peace amongst the Princes of Christendom, And also the fear was no less that the Prince of Turks would recontinue the war, in which case it were not good that he found the regions of Christendom encumbered with the disputations and contentions of the council: Nevertheless making show to refer the resolution of it to th'emperor, he concluded that he was contented that he should promiss in the diet, the induction of the council with these observations: That it might be celebrated in Italy: That a reasonable time were assigned for the calling of it: That it be assisted with the person and presence of th'emperor: And that the Lutherans and other heretics promising to refer themselves to the determination of the council, should in the mean while desist from the practice of their corruptions, And rendering to the sea Apostolic their due obedience, they should return to their former conversation of Christian Catholics: This article made more hard the whole practice and negotiation of the council▪ for, the Lutherans were not only not to desist from their opinions, and ceremonies before the celebration of the council: but also it was believed that they had no inclination to the council, where they could expect no other matter then a reprobation of their doctrine, the rather for that their principal opinions had been many times refuted as heretical, by the former councils: yea it was thought they insisted upon the convocation of this council, for that knowing it was a matter fearful to Popes to stand in presence of a council, they were of opinion that the court of Rome would not accord to it, And so by that mean, they should support their cause with the nations of the world, with a greater authority.  
With these actions and intentions determined the year a thousand five hundred and thirty, and successively followed the year 1531. wherein was wrought no 
The French king and king of England ill disposed to the Emperor.  great matter of emotion and stir: for, notwithstanding it was comprehended by many signs that the French king was not only ill contented with the accords and contracts made with the Emperor, but also stood very desirous to innovate things to new tumults, with whom the king of England bore the same inclination especially against th'emperor for that standing in defence of the cause of the sister of his mother, he impugned the matter of his divorce: yet the French king being both impoverished of money, & little leisure to respire from the travels of so long wars, he saw the time was not yet apt to kindle matters of innovation: Nevertheless he omitted not in the mean while to conspire aswell in Germany with such Princes as bore minds estranged from th'emperor, as in Italy with the Pope, to whom the better to assure his amity, he made an overture of marriage between his second son and the Pope's Niece: In which practices and conspiracies he suffered himself to be so much overcarried with malice and revenge, that to the great offence of 
The French king inci●●●● the Turk against th'emperor.  God and perpetual infamy to the crown of France which always made principal profession to defend Christian religion, and for those merits was honoured with the title of Christianissimus: he entertained practices with the Prince of Turks to stir him up against the Emperor: Towards whom the Turks were ordinarily ill disposed, no less for a natural hatred they bore to the name of Christians, then for the matter of controversies they had with his brother tending to questions for the Realm of Hungry with the Vayvode whom he had taken into his protection: The Turks also began with much jealousy to suspect and envy the greatness of th'emperor.  
By this time th'imperial Captains levied their forces from the territories of Sienna to lead them to Piedmont: But before they departed, to satisfy the Pope, they re-established within Sienna the family of Montonovo, repossessing them of their country and goods & yet altered not the form of the government: And to assure them in their estate, they left them a guard of three hundred Spaniards depending upon the Duke of Malfi, under whom, being not able to keep his authority, things so reverted forthwith to their old disorders, that such as had been re-established and restored, left for fear the thing they could not hold by force. Moreover the Emperor pronounced the form of government for Florence, dissembling that part of the authority given to him, which limited their liberty saved: for that according to the very instructions which the Pope had sent to him, he expressed that the city should be governed with the same Magistrate and in the same manner it was wont in the times when the Medicis ruled it: he declared also for chief of the government Alexander the Pope's Nephew, and his son in law: And that in case of him and his issue extinct, there should succeed from hand to hand, the children, the descendants, and the next procreated of the same family: he restored to the city all the privileadges agreed unto beforetymes by him and by his predecessors, but with this condition annexed to be deposed from them as often as the city should attempt any thing against the greatness of the family of Medicis, inserting throw all the decree, words which showed that he took not his ground and inducement only upon the power that had been given to him by the parties, but also upon the authority and dignity imperial: In which manner of dealing where he haply satisfied the Pope more than was extended by the faculty given him by the writ of compromisse: he offended him as much immediately after in a matter which was no less grievous to him then the other was agreeable: for, after the Doctors especially assigned had heard and examined the controversy between the Pope and Duke of Ferrara, before whom both the parties had produced many testimonies and inscriptions, with a long course of process and pleading, he pronounced sentence according to their council and relation, that as Modena and Reggia appertained of right to the Duke of Ferrara, so the Pope in receiving of him an hundred thousand ducats, and reducing the tributes to the ancient manner, he should invest him of new in the jurisdiction of Ferrara: Wherein the Emperor laboured to insinuat into the Pope, that where contrary to his promiss made in Bolognia not to pronounce in case he found his cause not to be just, he had given sentence: That he was not to complain against him, but rather to blame the Bishop of Vasona his Nuncio, to whom he always gave signification that he would not pronounce sentence, for that he would not be constrained to pass judgement against the Pope: But he persuading the contrary and interpreting those significations for a discharge of the promiss he had made to give sentence if the right were in him, had pressed so much the publication of the sentence that he was half constrained to it for the regard of his honour: An excuse which the Pope would sooner have admitted, if the sentence and judgement had not been in the same sort and manner, Wherein th'emperor had 
The Pope holdeth himself offended with the Empr 〈…〉.  many times assayed to reduce the matter by accord: But the point wherein the Pope was most offended, was, that the Emperor in pronowncinge upon the matters of Modena and Reggia, had followed a way and taken a course of a judge most rogorous, but in the action of Ferrara wherein the rigour was manifestelye for him, he had done the office of a friendelye Arbitrator and Compromittor: Therefore though he would neither ratify the sentence pronounced, nor accept the payment of the money wherein the Duke was condemned, neither did he at the next feast of Saint Peter accept the tribute which was publicly offered to him according to ancient custom: yet the Emperor forbore not for all that to consign unto the Duke of Ferrara Modena which he had detained in deputation till that day leaving them to decide afterwards the differences between them: So that by reason of that dealing, there was not for many months between the Pope and the Duke of Ferrara, neither an open war nor an assured peace, the Popelying always in watch, to oppress him with conspiracies and surprise, or else to expect the occasion to heap against him an open war with the supportation of greater Princes.  
This year of 1531. brought forth no other accidents, and the tranquillity also went on continuing for the year following, A year more dangerous for foreign wars, then for the emotions of Italy: for, the Turk being kindled with the ignominy of his repulse at Vienna, and no less understanding how th'emperor was entangled in Germany, prepared a right huge and great army, wherein boasting insolently of his forces, he let not to publish that his intention was to constrain th'emperor to come to battle with him: By the rumour and renown of which preparations, both the Emperor put himself in as good order as he could, revoking into Germany the Marquis of Guast with his Spanish regiments and a great band of horsemen and footmen Italyans: And the Pope promised to contribute to him a defraiment of forty thousand ducats for every month, sending for the same expedition as Legat Apostolic, his Nephew the Cardinal of Medicis: And lastly the Princes and free towns of Germany, prepared in favour of th'emperor and for the common defence of Germany, A very huge and mighty army: But the effects answered nothing 
The Turk returneth with shame to Constantinople.  the renown and the fear: for, Solyman who for the greatness of his preparations, and difficulty and distance of the way could not enter into Hungary but very late, did not draw directly with his army where th'emperor was, but exhibiting only a show of war together with certain bragging Cavalcadoes and braveries of horsemen, he returned to Constantinople leaving the enterprise unperfect for want of valour which he had induced and managed with so mighty preparations: Neither did th'emperor show any greater devotion or readiness, seeing that when he understood the Turks drew near, much less that he made out to meet them, seeing upon their retiring he omitted to pursue with all his forces the fair occasion that was offered him to reconquer Hungary for his brother: Only yielding to his importunate desire to go into Spain, he gave order that certain bands of Spanish footmen & some regiments of lanceknights should be converted to thenterprise of Hungary: But that order was immediately disordered by the insolent behaviours of th'italians, who pushed on by certain their Captains disdaining that the authority and conduit of the enterprise was given to others and not to them, so mutined, That having no reason to allege for their tumult and the presence of the Emperor who went thither to appease them, being not sufficient to contain them, They took resolutely and universally their way into Italy, in which disorder they marched with great haste for fear to be followed, and in their way with minds malicious they burned many villages and houses in revenge as they said of the burnings & wasting committed in many places in Italy by the lanceknights: Themperor also returned by the way of Italy, and where he had set down in what order and by what places should pass his Court and all his train, The Cardinal Medicis, carried with humours and passions of youth, would not obey the order generally given to all the train, but in his insolency respecting less the emperors order then his own ambitious will, he advanced and got before together with Peter Maria Rossa upon whom chief was laid the fault of that sedition: This bred no little indignation in th'emperor, either for that he imputed the beginning and discourse of the matter to the Cardinal, or else he feared lest the Cardinal standing ill contented that Alexander his cousin was preferred to the administration of thestate of Florence, would go after the bands of Italians to lead them to trouble the affairs of Tuskane: In which regard he caused to be apprehended by the way, the Cardinal and with him Peter Maria Rossa: But after he had better considered of thimportance of the matter, he wrote letters for the redelivery of the Cardinal to whom as well as to the Pope he protested many excuses: Only Peter Maria remained prisoner, though not long after he was released, working greatly for him with th'emperor, the injury which it seemed he had done to the Cardinal.  
The retiring of the Turk delivered the regions of Italy of a great war that 
Interview of the king of England and French king.  threatened to fall upon them: for, where the French king and king of England with minds full of emulation against th'emperor, had an interview and conference together between Calais and Bolleyne, where taking their grounds that the Turk would abide that winter in Hungary and hold entangled the forces of th'emperor: They consulted that the French king under that opportunity should invade the Duchy of Milan, and having a disposition to draw the Pope to their part by violence and astonishment whom they could never allure by other means, they devised to take from him the obedience of their kingdoms in case he would not consent to that which they desired of him, which was for the action of Milan for the French king, & for the king of England to give sentence on his side in the cause of divorce: And to relate their intentions, they were determined to send to him with sharp commissions, the Cardinals of Tournon and Tarbes both which bore no small authority with the French king: But the news which they received of the retiring of the Turk before the time of their interview was determined, did not only well moderate those devices and their severities, but were also the cause that the king of England would not suffer to pass to Calyce the Lady Anne Bulloyne to celebrated marriage with her publicly in that assembly, Notwithstanding that both the cause was hanging in the Court of Rome, & also he was forbidden by writs Apostolic under pain of very great judgements to innovate nothing to the prejudice of the first marriage▪ But so deep did the French king dissemble that albeit to confirm the mind of the king of England that he would be against the Pope, he imposed by his own authority upon the Clergy of his Realm a tax of tenths, & dispatched the two Cardinals to the Pope, yet not observing the fidelity of his word and promiss, he sent them furnished with commissions far differing from the resolution of the two kings in the beginning.  
The Emperor being comen into Italy with a desire to speak with the Pope, the 
A second interview of the Pope and Emperor a● Bolognia.  place of their meeting and interview was eftsoons assigned at Bolognia, A place which the Pope accepted willingly, the rather for that he would give no occasion to th'emperor to go to the Realm of Naples and by that occasion to make a longer abode in Italy: A matter whereunto albeit th'emperor was induced by the reasons and persuasions of many of his Court, yet it was entirely contrary to his principal intention who desired to make haste into Spain chief for the desire he had to have sons, his wife remaining there: So that those two personages of that estate and greatness met at the end of the year at Bolognia, where were observed between them the same demonstrations of amity and the same offices of familiarity which they used before, but there was no more the same correspondency of wills which had been expressed upon their negotiations the other time: for th'emperor had a great desire to advance the Council, the better to reduce to rest and contentment the regions and peoples of Germany: He offered to dissolve the army living at a great charge both to him and others, But to th'end he might do it with more surety, he insisted to have renewed the last league made at Bolognia, both to comprehend in it all the Italians, and to tax the quantities & rates of money which every particular was to contribute, if the states of Italy were invaded 
Katherine de Medicis.  by the French: He desired also to have Katherine the Pope's Niece married to Francis Sforce, aswell to press the Pope by a greater necessity to look to the preservation of that state, as also to break the practice of parentage that was solicited with the french king: Of all these matters not one was acceptable to the Pope, seeing the confederation was a motion contrary to the desire he had to stand a new●er so much as he could between the Princes of Christendom: Wherein both he doubted many dangers generally, and especially he feared lest the French king taking his example and instigation by the king of England, would deprive him of the obedience of his kingdom: Touching the convocation of a Council, it was no less grievous to him then before for the ancient causes and impressions: And for parentage with the Duke of Milan, it pleased him nothing at all, for that he interpreted it to a mean to take an open hatred with the French king, with whose second son he had a vehement desire to conjoin his Niece. These matters were drawn into negotiation and counsel, but principally was solicited the point of the confederation, In which action running many months, were deputed for th'emperor, Cno●os, the great Commander of Leo, Granuelle, and Prato, his chief counsellors: And for the Pope were delegate the Cardinal Medicis, james Saluiatio, and Guicciardin: Who as they refused not to go through with the confederation, for that it was all one to uncover the Pope's intention, and to give th'emperor cause to conceive justly a great suspicion of him, So they made instance to have the Venetians sounded and to be drawn to consent to it, alleging that both without them the defence of Italy would be but weak, and that jointly with them should be protected with more reputation the common affairs if the defence were continued upon the renown of the former confederation: Where, if there were resolved an other without them, it would deliver to the world an opinion that between th'emperor, the Pope, and Venetians were apparent matter of discord: In this regard the Venetians were solicited to condescend to a new confederation for the universal defence of all the regions of Italy, for that by the first league their obligation extended no further than for the affairs of Milan and Naples: Themperor also wished with great desire that they might be bound to the defence of Genes, where it was thought that when the war was on foot, the French men would be apt to recontinue their former invasion, a matter which they might pretend to do lawfully by reason of their rights and interests particular, without prejudicing the contracts of Madrill and Cambray. But the Senate of Venice refused absolutely to renew the confederation, or to amplify the obligations contained in the same, A matter which brought no small discontentment to th'emperor, though they affirmed to observe inviolably that conjunction: But th'emperor was so much the more importunate, and so refuted all reasons that were alleged to the contrary, that the articles of the confederation began to be commoned upon: And for the more effectual handling of things there were summoned all the Pottentats of Italy who sent Ambassadors to this negotiation: They were required to enter the league, and to contribute in case the war went on, every one according to his power and possibility, wherein they made no difficulty or resistance, but laboured severally to ease the demand of the contribution: Only Alfonso d'Este reasoned with them that it was not reasonable he should enter into a league to defend the states of others, if first he were not assured of his own: he alleged there could no accord be made to warrant him against the Pope, nor to enter league with him: neither could he promiss to contribute with his treasure to the defence of Milan and Genes, if necessity compelled him to exspend it continually to keep bands of soldiers within Modena and Reggia, and also for the surety of Ferrara: Upon which reasons was derived a new practice and labour to accord him with the Pope: who bearing a mind far estranged from that motion, and yet not willing to oppose himself so apparently against the instance of th'emperor, he proponed conditions very hard and impossible to be observed, affirming that if he should leave Modena and Reggia to Alphonso who otherways would not come to accord, he would that Alfonso should reacknowledge & hold them in chief of the sea Apostolic: A matter which for that it could not be done in such sort as to be judicially available without the consent of the electors and Princes of thEmpire, reduced the Emperor to a difficulty which had no issue: This brought the Emperor to entreat the Pope, that at the lest during the league, he would be bound not to vex the state which Alfonso held, Insomuch as after many importunities and disputings the Pope consented to assure him for xviij. months: And so at last was resolved the conclusion of the league passed and contracted upon S. Mathiewes day, A day always happy to th'emperor: This league and confederation contained 
A league for the defence of Italy.  an obligation of th'emperor, the king of romans, and all the other Pottentats of Italy except the Venetians, for the defence of Italy: Only the Florentines were not otherways named then in the same manner they were expressed in the league of Conguac, and that to th'end not to trouble their entercoursse and trades in the Realm of France: it was set down with what proportion of soldiers every one should be concurrant, and with what quantities of money to contribute for every month: Themperors rate was thirty. thousand ducats, The Pope for him and the Florentines was taxed at twenty thousand, The Duke of Milan at fifteen thousand, The Duke of Ferrara at ten thousand, the Genoese at six thousand, the state of Sienna at ten thousand, and the city of Lucquay at a thousand: And to th'end to be found prepared against all sudden & unlooked for invasions until defence might be made with the contributions afforenamed, it was agreed that immediately should be levied a loan of a sum of money almost equal to the taxations, and that not to be expended unless the preparations to invade Italy were manifestly discerned: There was also set down a small contribution yearly for thentertainment of those Captains that remained in Italy, and to defray certain pensions to the Swyzzers to stop that nation for giving aid of men to the French king: Over this league was declared captain general by common consent, Antho. de Leva, with ordinance that he should remain in the Duchy of Milan. Touching the general council there was nothing concluded to the liking of th'emperor, who still solicited the Pope 
The Pope will not ●arken to ● council.  to sand out present summons for it: But he refused to accomplish the motion alleging that as in that ill disposition of the time and men's minds, there would be danger jest the kings of England and France would not appear, So if the council were celebrated without them much less that there could be introduced either union or reformation of the Church, seeing it was to be feared jest things would devolve to a manifest schism: Only he was content to sand out Nuncioes to all Princes to induce them to so holy a work: But albeit th'emperor made a question to him what would be the issue of things if those two Princes did descent from them without just cause, and pressed him in that case to intimat the council, yet he could never dispose him to it, So that his Nuncioes were assigned and sent out with a very slender hope to bring back any good conclusion. Themperor was no better satisfied touching the negotiation of the parentage, for that when the two Cardinals which the French king had sent were comen to Bolognia and had eftsoons recontinued the negotiation of the marriage with the second son of France, The Pope gave answer to the offer made for the Duke of Milan and exhibited by the Emperor: That whereas the French king had long time before made an overture 
The Pope refuseth to give his Niece in marriage to the Duke of Milan.  of marriage for his son, & he had hearkened to the motion by the consent of th'emperor declaring at that time his good consent and liking, he should now do too great a wrong to the French king if during the negotiation he should give his Niece in marriage to one of his enemies: But he persuaded him that that practice was artificially introduced by the French king to entertain him, and not with intention to conclude it, seeing there was between the parties so great disagreement and inequality of degree and condition: Lastly he assured him that he would not commit so great an offence to the king, if he saw not before, the practice and solicitation altogether broken: And the Emperor for his part being not to be persuaded that the French king would adjoin his son to a match so far unequal to him, encouraged and advised the Pope, that for the better uncovering of the king's dissimulations, he would press the Cardinals to sand for a procuration to contract them, which accordingly was accomplished in few days and exhibited in very ample form: By which readiness and resolute meaning not only was lost all hope of affinity with Francis Sforce, but also the solicitation with the French king was pursued with so much the more importunity, and to it was further added according to the devise between them long before, that the Pope and the French king should contract together at nice, A city of the Duke of Savoy standing upon the river of Var and separateth italy from Provence. These matters were not a little discontenting to th'emperor, aswell for a suspicion he had that between the Pope and French king were concluded a greater conjunction to his prejudice, as also for that he was jealous that in the Pope remained not some secret memory and impressions of his imprisonment, of the sack of Rome, of the mutation of Florence, and of other wrongs: To these he adjoined the passion of disdain wherein he judged that the honour which the Pope had done to him in making two journeys to Bolognia to speak with him, would stand derided and diminished if he should make a voyage by sea so far as nice to meet with the French king. But in vain were these suspicions and the causes of them, though he could not dissemble them, for that in the Pope's mind was vehemently nourished and affected the desire of that affinity, being haply moved more with ambition and appetit of glory in that being of a house almost simple and private he had obtained in recompense of a bastard Nephew of his, A bastard Daughter of so mighty an Emperor, and now in exchange of his Niece legyttimate, he had honoured his house with the second son of France lawfully borne and orderly assured: Then that he was induced which many counseled him, that by the mean of that parentage he might give cooler of right (though more apparent than true) to the French king, to enter for his son and for his Daughter in law upon the estate of Florence: To these discontentments of th'emperor, may be added also as a full accomplishment of his disliking, That where he made instance to the Pope to created three Cardinals exhibited by him, he obtained only and that with difficulty the calling of th'archbishop of Bary, the Pope making his excuses upon the contradiction of the Colleague of Cardinals: The Emperor stood little appeased in the readiness which the Pope showed to make a secret confederation with him, wherein he promised to proceed judicially to pronounce judgements and censures and all other things that might be done by right against the king of England and against the Lady Anne Bolleyne: And they were bound to make no new confederations or accords with Princes without reciprocal consent one of an other.  
Thus th'emperor departed from Bolognia the day after the conclusion of the confederation, being now no less assured in himself that the said marriage would go on together with thinterview between the Pope and the French king, Then he had reason to doubt some greater conjunction: And being embarked at Genes he passed into Spain with this resolute intention that if the marriage of Katherine de Medicis were celebrated with the second son of France, he would dissolve and break the match made between his Daughter and Alexander de Medicis: Not many days after the Pope departed to go to Rome being accompanied with the two French Cardinals and nothing troubled with the new confederation: for that as he was excellent in simulations and practices in which he was not surmounted with fear, so he had told them that upon concluding the league the spanish army was to dissolve & decasse, A matter which would turn more to the benefit of the french king, than the league or confederation could do him hurt, seeing that aswell for the obligations it contained as for the observancy and executions of the same, many difficulties might happen and sundry impediments arise.  
Thus the solicitations and practices begun, were continued between them: And as the French king was desirous in regard of his honour and for ambition more than for other needful matter, that the person of the Pope might come to nice, so to allure him the more, he promised not to require of him any confederation, nor to incense him to war, and much less to draw him from terms of justice in the cause of the king of England, nor to importune him to created new Cardinals: Nevertheless he was somewhat pushed on by the incitation of the king of England who had now solemnly married the Lady Anne Bolleyne, by whom having by due order of time procreated a Daughter he had, to the prejudice of the Daughter of his first wife, declared her Princess of the Realm of England, A title which is transferred to such as are most nearest the Crown: By reason of which action the Pope not able to dissemble so great a contempt against the sea Apostolic, nor refuse to grant justice to th'emperor, had with the vows and justifications of the Consistory published that king guilty of the crime of contempt: A matter which moved the king of England to desire with more importunity both the parentage and interview of the Pope with the French king, hoping much in that king to remedy his cause, and that if the Pope were induced to common upon new matters against th'emperor, he would desire to restore him and to draw him to their conjunction, and so almost to constitute a triumvirate to give laws to the things of Italy: At last his going was concluded but not to nice, for some difficulty interposed by the Duke of Savoy touching the consigning of the castle to the Pope, having in likelihood no inclination to displease the Emperor: But the place was changed to Marseilles greatly to the pleasing and appetite of the French king, who interpreted it not a little to his honour to reduce the interview into his kingdom, Neither was it discontenting to the Pope, as one that desired to satisfy him more with demonstrations to please his ambition, then with effects according to true meaning. The Pope caused to be published a brute that he went to this interview principally to solicit an universal peace: secondly to persuade an enterprise against the Infidels: thirdly to reduce and call back to good ways the king of England: and lastly and only for common and general interests, and to establish some good form in the universal affairs: But being in deed not able to dissemble the true cause of his journey, before he departed he sent his Niece to Nice upon the galleys which the French king sent to him, accompanied with the duke of Albania uncle to the young Lady: Which galleys after they had delivered the Lady to Nice returned to the port Pisan, and took in the fourth of October the 
Interview of the Pope and fr. king at Marseilles.  person of the Pope with a train of many Cardinals, whom with a happy navigation they brought in few days to Marseilles: There he made his solemn entry, and after him entered the French king, who had visited him before by night: They were lodged in one Palace, and exercised reciprocally one upon an other right great offices and demonstrations of amity, And the king who especially laboured to insinuate into his favour and to win him, besought him to send for his Niece to come to Marseilles, which being performed with a willing readiness in the Pope, who forbore to prevent the king in that motion to show that he would first debate of the common affairs, so soon as the Lady was come the contracts went on which were immediately confirmed and made perfect by the consommation of the 
Katherine de Medicis married to the second son of France.  marriage, to the incredible gladness of the Pope: Who albeit with such art solicited his affairs with the king, that the king reapposed a wonderful confidence in his words, and honoured him with a singular affection: yet both contrary to th'opinion of all men and especially against th'expectation of th'emperor, no article or capitulation was passed between them: Only the Pope showed himself always well inclined and desirous that the state of Milan might be converted to the Duke of Orleans husband to his Niece: A matter also vehemently thirsted after by the king for a hatred & despite he bore to the Emperor and his greatness & fortunes, But much more for that the duke of Orleans having to his share an estate of that appearance & greatness, he thought that thereby would be quenched the occasions of contentions between his children after his death▪ which otherwise he feared might fall amongst them for the title of the Duchy of Britain▪ An estate which the king in the year before contrary to the covenants made by king Lewis with those people, had annexed and united to the Crown of France, whereunto he induced the subjects of that state to consent more by his kingly authority then of their proper inclination and william. Moreover in this interview much less that the king could obtain any favour of the Pope in the cause of the king of England, seeing being discontented with the incivilities of the Agentes of that king whom he found in the Pope's chamber protesting and appealing from him to the Council, he told the Pope that it should nothing offend him if he pursued that king and his cause according to the rule of justice: yea he was so moderate in his demands and dealings, that in nothing did he offend the mind of the Pope, saving that more to satisfy others of his Court and counsel then to content himself, he solicited him to created three Cardinals: A matter not a little discontenting to the Pope, not so much for thinstance which th'emperors Ambassador made to the contrary, as for that he interpreted it to an action of great consequence both for th'election of other Popes hereafter, and for the disobediences which might happen in his life and after, to add so many Cardinals to the French nation being at that time six in number: Nevertheless to prevent a greater evil with satisfying the lesser, he accomplished the king's demand, making to be concurrante in the action of that creation, a brother of the Duke of Albany to whom he had before promised the cardinals Cap: In all other regards they seemed to stand firm and assured in all sorts of fidelity and satisfaction, and in that good estate of inclination and amity the French king was not curious to communicate with him many of his counsels, and especially his determination to stir up against th'emperor certain Princes of Germany, and chief the Landgrave van Hesse and the Duke of Wittenberg, who the summer following drew into commotion: And so with these actions and demonstrations of amity and office, after they had passed a month at Marseilles, the Pope returned upon the same Galleys that brought him: But being with great storms and tempests of sea arrived at Savona, where reapposing no more confidence neither in the provisions of the galleys, nor in the industry and experience of those that governed them, he sent back again the same galleys that had delivered him out of his first perils, and took his course to Civitavecchia in the galleys of Andre Dore, from whence being returned to Rome with a right great reputation and wonderful felicity, especially to such as had seen him prisoner in the Castle of Saint Angeo, he rejoiced as it were at his will in the full favour of fortune, feeling notwithstanding in the secret apprehensions of his spirit and mind the change that was speedily to happen to him, In which impression he seemed to foresee and discern his last end: for it is certain that 
The Pope knoweth his end.  almost assoon as he was returned from his voyage to Marseilles, from whence he seemed to bring certain predictions and comettes of his death, he caused to make the Ring with all other habits accustomed to bury Popes, assuring his familiars with a mind well reposed & resolute, that his latest days could not be deferred for any long time. Nevertheless nothing retiring for all those impressions, from his cares & studies accustomed, he solicited as he thought for the greater surety of his house, to build a very strong Citadel within Florence, not knowing how soon was to end the felicity of his Nephews: of whom being mortal enemies one to an other, Hippolito the Cardinal died before the end of the year of the Pope's death, not without suspicion of poison, And Alexander the other Nephew who commanded at Florence was (not without a great note of indiscretion) secretly slain by night in Florence by the hands of Laurence one of the same family of Medicis.  
The Pope sickened about the beginning of summer, whose grief in the first apprehension was the pains of the stomach, which drawing with them to passions of a fever & other accidents, kept him long time vexed & tormented, sometimes seeming to be reduced to the point of death, and sometimes so eased and relieved, that he gave to others but not to himself a kind of hope of recovering. And during the time of his malady the Duke of Wittenberg by the aid of the Landgrave van Hesse and other Princes, concurring also the money of France, recovered the Duchy of Wittenberg which the king of Romans possessed: By which occasion fearing a greater combustion they came to composition with the king of Romans against the will of the French king, who well hoped that th'emperor in regard of those emotions would stand entangled with a long and tedious war, and that happily their armies being victorious would descend upon the duchy of Milan. In like sort about that time Barbarousso Bascha & captain general to Solyman of all his Navies 
Barberossa a● Thunis.  and armies by sea, passed to the conquest of the kingdom of Thunis: In his way thither he skowred along the shores of Calabria, and ran up above Caietta, where setting on land certain bands of his soldiers, he sacked Fondy, with such a fear and astonishment to the Court and peoples of Rome, that it was supposed that the City of Rome had been left abandoned if in that course of victory they had passed on further: This accident was kept from the knowledge of the Pope, who being no 
Death of pope Clement the seven.  longer able to make resistance against his malady, exchanged this life for a better the xxv. of September, leaving behind him in the Castle of Saint Angeo many rich stones and jewels, more than was expected of him, and in the Chamber of the sea Apostolic infinite offices, contrary to custom and good order, but in the treasury a very small store of money, wherein he beguiled the opinion of all men: He was raised from base degree to the place of the Popedom with a wonderful felicity, but in managing the place he proved a very great variation of fortune, wherein if both the properties of fortune be evenly balanced the one with the other, the worse fortune without all comparison was far more familiar with him then the better: For as there could happen to him no greater infelicity than the adversity of his imprisonment, for that with his own eyes he beheld with so great a ruin and destruction, the sack of Rome, A desolation which his fortune suffered him to bewail with pity and compassion, but not to turn away or remedy the harm: So also by him moved the general desolation of his natural country, to the which by how much more he was bound by perpetual obligations, by so much greater was his adversity to be a chief instrument in the ruin of the place where he had taken his first being: He died hated of all the Court, suspected to most Princes, and for the discourse of his life, he left behind him a renown rather hateful then acceptable: for he was accounted covetous, of little fidelity, and naturally far of from doing pleasures to men: And in that humour albeit during his time of Pope he created xxxj. Cardinals, yet upon none of them did he impose that dignity to content himself, but was drawn as it were by the violent law of necessity and to please others: yea he called to that dignity the Cardinal of Medicis, not of his proper and free election, but at the contemplation and persuasion of others, and at a time when being oppressed with a dangerous malady, if he had died, he had left his friends and kindred in the state of beggars and deprived of all aid: Nevertheless he was in counsel very grave, and in his actions much foreseeing: Touching passions and affections a conqueror of himself, and for the faculty of his mind and spirit of great capacity and power, if tymerousnes had not oftentimes corrupted his judgement. Immediately after his death the Cardinals 
Creation of Pope Paul the third.  going the same night into the Conclave, elected in his place with full voice, Alexander of the family of Farnesa, a Roman by Nation, and for his time the most ancient Cardinal of the Court: In which election their voices seemed conformable to the judgement and instance that Clement had made, the person elected being moste worthy to be preferred before all the others to so sovereign a degree, for that he was both furnished with doctrine and good learning, and fully replenished with good appearances and customs: And for the Cardinals they were so much the more forward to pass th'election in his person, by how much for the greatness of his age being already upon the threescore and seventh year, and supposed to bear a weak and unsound complexion (which opinion he nourished with art) they hoped he would not sit long in the seat. But touching his actions and operations whether they answered th'expectation conceived of him, or whether they were worthy of the incredible gladness which the people of Rome took to have after the end of an hundred and three years, and after the succession of thirteen Popes, a Pope of blood and nation a Roman, and of language and education of one familiarity with themselves: it standeth in the testimony and relation of those who are to writ of the accidents happening in Italy since his election: So is to be verified the sentence of the proverb, that The office setteth out the dignity of the person that manageth it.  
The end of the twentieth and last Book.    

 

   

A TABLE OF THE MOST PRINCIPAL AND GENERAL MATTERS CONTAINED in the history, digested according to the order Alphabit.  

A  ASensible and apparent token of the ruin of Princes, when they esteem themselves more than they are, and make their enemies less than they found them. 
21.  A good proppertie of wisdom in parents to find out the disposition of their children. 
52.  A thing very dangerous for men to govern by examples, if there be not etc. 
52.  A resolute part of a Councillor. 
59  All things earthly are subject to their seasons of revolution, and in mortal felicities can be no assurance nor perpetuity. 
88  Arms do little advance where policy is not concurrant, and victory bringeth a very short glory where the government is unperfect. 
88  Attempt upon the town of Novaro. 
96.  Army of the confederates. 
99  Alfonso king of Arragon dieth. 
115.  A voice mistaken defeateth an enterprise. 
135.  An error familiar with Princes ambitious, to measure the event of things more by etc. 
189.  Aluiano taketh Bybienna. 
201.  After the seeds of adversity be sown, there is no long expectation for the fruits etc. 
229.  A weak surety whose foundation is builded upon the blood of innocents, & a lamentable example to purge surmised suspicion by unlawful murder. 
255.  All violent attempts being set forth without council, at the beginning seem mighty, but etc. 
265.  Accord between the french king and the Florentines. 
265.  Aretza rebelleth against the Florentines in favour of Peter de Medicis. 
267.  Among virtuous men reconciliation hath this property to knit with greater surety of faith & constancy the hearts that have lived in separation. 
280.  Anthony de Leva. 
287.  Ambition hath infinite operations, & in this it abuseth the imaginations of men, that etc. 
304.  Aluiano being sent to secure Friull, giveth the overthrow to thAlmains. 
399.  Aluiano taken prisoner. 
422.  Ambition is a busy humour for that in whom it ruleth, it maketh them hard to be contented with things which they have etc. 
476.  An accident which made the Cardinals departed from Pisa. 
555.  Army of the confederates. 
578.  Actions of the Pope. 
676.  Army of the league passeth the river of Paw. 
802.  Alexandria taken by th'imperials. 
825.  Army of the league before Milan. 
989  Army of the league come before Milan the second time. 
1002.  A wicked act. 
1076.  Alexandria taken. 
1078.  Accord between the Pope & th'emperors Agents. 
1085.  Anthony de Leva recovereth Pavia. 
1110  Andrew Dore leaveth the pay of the french. 
1117.   

B  Beginning of the war. 
36.  Beginning of the wars of Pisa. 
72.  Battle of Taro. 
102.  Beginning of wars in Naples under king Lewis the xii. 
267.  Bart. Aluiano cometh to the succours of consalvo. 
323.  Bressia taken and sacked. 
574.  Bressia rendered by the french to the Viceroy. 
619.  Bishop of Gurcy at Rome. 
620.  Bart. Aluiano captain general of the Venetians. 
641.  Bart. Aluiano taketh Pesquiero and other places. 
641.  Battle of Marignan. 
703.  Beginnings of new troubles. 
729.  Battle of Pavya wherein the French king is taken prisoner. 
902.  Barbarousse at Thunis. 
1183.   

C  Creation of Pope Alexander. 
4.  Corruption of Cardinals in th'election of the Pope. 
Ibid.  Confederation between the Pope, the Venetians and Duke of Milan. 
11.  Confederation between the king of France and Lod. Sforce. 
19  Confederation between the Pope and Alfonso king of Naples. 
28.  Conjectures against the subtleties of Lod. Sforce. 
39  Cardinal S. Petri ad vincla gives a new life to the expedition of Naples. 
41.  The Colonnoys for the French k. 
46.  Cardinal S. P. ad vincla persuadeth the Pysans not to revolt. 
56.  Capitulations between the French k. and the Florentines. 
59  Capitulations between the Pope and French king. 
63.  Cardinal Valence the Pope's son. 
64.  Complaints of the Pysans before the French king. 
74.  Confederate league against the French king. 
87.  City of Naples riseth to let in Ferdinand. 
112.  Capitulations between the French king and the Florentines. 
118.  Covenants between Ferdinand king of Naples and the Venetians. 
146.  Camylla Vrsin slain. 
154.  consalvo surpriseth the French. 
156.  Caesar sendeth Ambassadors to Florence. 
164.  Caesar is comen to Pisa. 
167.  Caesar marcheth to Lyvorna. 
Ibid.  Caesar leavieth his camp from Lyvorna. 
168.  Caesar excuseth his sudden departure 
168.  Caesar stealeth in haste into Germany. 
169.  Capitulations between the Pope and the Vrsins. 
172.  consalvo entereth Rome. 
Ibid.  Cardinal Valence killeth his brother the d. of Candia being both the Pope's sons. 
179  Castle of Genes rendered to the Duke of Milan. 
181.  Cardinal of Valence the Pope's son renownceth his profession. 
203.  Cardinal of Valence made Duke of Valentynois. 
204.  Council of Melchior Trevisan. 
209.  Conclusion of the league between the French king and Venice. 
213.  Count Caiezza leaveth the Duke of Milan. 
226.  Cardinal Askanius leaveth Milan abandoned. 
242.  Cardinal Askanius betrayed & taken. 
Ibid  Cardinal Askanius delivered over to the French men. 
Ibid.  Council of S. Gregory against ambition. 
249.  The chances in war are diverse, and have in them many hidden fortunes which neither the wisdom of etc. 
253.  Capitulations between the D. Valentynois and Florentines. 
256.  Computation of the French army. 
257  consalvo retireth to Barletto. 
274.  Confederation against Valentynois. 
278  Capitulations between the Vrsins and D. Valentynois. 
280.  Cardinal Vrsin made prisoner. 
283.  Combat between twelve French men against twelve italians. 
289.  consalvo in Naples. 
297.  castles of Naples taken by the spanish. 
300.  Cardinal Amboise aspireth to the Popedom. 
311.  Cardinal S. Petri ad vincla made Pope. 
314.  Complaints of the French. 
331.  consalvo deserveth the title of great captain. 
324.  Confederation between the Pope, king of Romans and the French king, against the Venetians. 
338.  consalvo aideth the Florentines. 
346.  Capitulations between Ferdinand and Philip. 
355.  The condition of empery and dignity is jealous. 
356.  Continuance of the history of julio d'Este. 
364.  City of Genes rebelleth. 
365.  Contents of the French army. 
372.  Continuation of the wars of Pisa. 
412.  Contract between the French king, king of Spain and the Florentines. 
413.  Convention between Caesar and the French king. 
477.  Chaumont besiegeth the Pope within Bolognia. 
496.  Chaumont retireth from before Bolognia. 
499.  Contention between the Florentines & rebellious Cardinals. 
553.  Council of Pisa transferred to Milan. 
555.  Confederates at the succours of Ravenna 
582.  The Confederates army. 
585.  cardinals council the Pope to hearken to peace. 
590.  Cardinal de Medicis escapeth from the French. 
600.  Conquest draweth with it ambition, insolency, and covetousness, & with etc. 
605  Castle of Genes taken by the Genoese. 
619.  Creation of Pope Leo the tenth. 
633.  Coronation of the Pope. 
634.  captain Martin's words to the Swissers. 
644.  Cardinal of Zion persuadeth the Swizzers in an oration. 
700.  Capitulations between the French king and king Catholic. 
725.  Confederation between the Pope and French king. 
735.  Charles the u chosen Emperor. 
768.  Commotions' in Spain. 
775.  Confederation between the Pope and th'emperor against the French king. 
781.  Captains of the league take council together. 
790.  castle of Milan rendered by the french 
842.  Cardinal Voltero prisoner. 
852.  Confederation between the emperor, the king of England, the Duke of Bourbon. 
855.  Cardinal Medicis is created Pope and taketh the name of Clement the seven. 
866.  Claim of the kings of England to the crown of France. 
876.  Confederation between the Pope and th'emperor. 
910.  Conspiracy against th'emperor. 
935.  Capitulations between the confederates against th'emperor. 
935.  Castle of Milan rendered to th'imperials. 
1004.  Cremona rendered to the confederates. 
1014.  The Confederates resolve to invade Naples. 
1040.  Confederation between the French king and king of England. 
1070.  Cardinal of York in France. 
1073.  Cardinal Campeius Legate in England 
1114.  Covenants between Andre Door and th'emperor. 
1119.  Causes of the ruin of the Cardinal of York. 
1139.  Capitulations between th'emperor, the Venetians, & Duke of Milan. 
1161.  Creation of Pope paul the third. 
1183   

D  Duchy of Britain invested in the crown of France. 
24.  Death of Ferdinand king of Arragon. 
27.  Duke of Calabria marcheth towards Calabria. 
37.  Death of john Galeas Duke of Milan. 
48.  Dom Federyk answereth the French king. 
84.  Death of Goe Otto a Turk and kept in refuge by the Pope. 
85.  Duke of Venice reasoneth in favour of the Pysans and prevaileth. 
143.  Declination of the French in the kingdom of Naples. 
156.  Duke of Candia general of the Pope's army. 
170.  Duke of Milan practiseth against the Venetians touching Pisa. 
176.  Disorders in Florence for the government. 
177.  Duke of Milan prosecuteth his practice against the Venetians. 
183.  Death of king Charles the eight. 
184.  Death of Savonarola. 
185.  Duke of Venice answereth the Florentyn Ambassadors. 
197.  Doings of the French king during the war of Pisa. 
203.  Duke of Milan being made astonished with the league, soliciteth an accord. 
215.  Duke Valentynois taketh Ymola by the aid of the French. 
236.  Descending of the Turk. 
Ibid.  Duke Valentynois taketh Furly. 
237.  Disorders in the French government in Milan. 
238.  Duke of Milan made prisoner by the treason of the Swissers. 
242.  Duke Valentynois besiegeth Faenza. 
250.  Duke Valentynois leavieth his camp. 
Ibid.  Duke Valentynois disdaineth to be repulsed. 
251.  Duke Valentynois taketh the Duchy of Vrbyn. 
269.  Disorders in Florence touching the government. 
272.  Duke Valentynois with the french k. 
274.  Duke Valentynois great with the french king again. 
275.  Duke of Vrbyn recovereth his estate. 
278.  Duke Valentynois demandeth succour of the French king. 
Ibid.  Death of Cardinal Vrsin. 
283  Descending of the Swyzzers into the Duchy of Milan. 
291.  Duke Valentynois for the french k. 
310.  Duke Valentynois arrested by the Pope. 
318.  Discourse upon the navigations of the Spaniards. 
328.  Death of king Federyk. 
339.  Death of Elizabeth Queen of Spain. 
340.  Death of Cardinal Askanius. 
345.  Dissimulations very dangerous in the persons of great men. 
354.  Death of king Philip. 
363.  Death of Duke Valentynois. 
365.  Dyot of Constance. 
376.  Deliberation of the Venetians. 
394.  Deliberation of the Venetians. 
410.  Defeat of the Venetians. 
422.  diverse opinions touching the fall of the Venetians. 
430.  Description of Padua. 
445.  Description of Verona. 
458.  Death of the Count Petillano. 
460.  Descending of the Swizzers to the Duchy of Milan. 
483.  Duke of Ferrara goeth to Rome to demand pardon of the Pope. 
603.  Duke of Ferrara in danger to be prisoner at Rome. 
Ibid.  Disposition of Princes to the war. 
634.  Desire of Pope Leo to chase the french king out of Italy. 
638.  Death of king Lewis the 12. 
684.  Death of Aluiano. 
709.  Death of the king Catholic. 
714.  Death of the great captain. 
Ibid.  Duchy of Vrbyn returneth to the obedience of the natural Duke. 
732.  Description of the city of Pezero. 
733.  Death of john ja. Tryunlce. 
761.  Death of Law. de Medicis. 
766.  Disorder in an army breeds more danger than the sword of th'enemy. 
798.  Death of Pope Leo the tenth. 
813.  Duke of Vrbyn and the Baillons before Sienna. 
823.  Death of Pope Adrian. 
857.  Death of Prospero Colonno and his qualities. 
868.  Duke of Bourbon cometh to Milan being not able to do any thing in Burgundy. 
869.  Defendants of Pavya in necessity. 
894.  Duke of Bourbon in Spain. 
943.  Death of the Marquis of Pisquaro. 
943.  devices of Princes against the power of th'emperor. 
944.  Duke of Bourbon goeth out of Milan & leaveth there Antho. de Leva. 
1035.  Duke of Ferrara persuadeth the D. of Bourbon. 
1036.  Duke of Bourbon draweth his army directly to Rome. 
1059.  Duke of Bourbon slain at the assault of Rome. 
1061.  Death of the Viceroy Don Hugo Moncado. 
1105.  Duke of Brundswike in Italy for th'emperor. 
1110.  Death of Monsr Lawtrech. 
1122.  devices of the Pope to restore his house in Lombardy. 
1137.  Death of Pope Clement the seven. 
1183.   

E  Estate wherein Italy was anno 1490. 
1  Ambassadors of Milan persuade the french king to the voyage of Naples. 
14.  Ambassadors of Florence confute the complaints of the Pysans. 
75.  Encownter of Soriano. 
171.  Ambassadors of the Florentines at Venice. 
196.  Elder son of king Federyk sent into Spain. 
262.  Experience declareth this to be true, that that which many desire succeedeth rarely, for that th'effects of human actions, etc. 
273.  Exploits of the french armies beyond the mounts. 
320.  Themperor speaketh in the Dyot. 
377  Enterprise of Bolognia by the Pope & king of Arragon. 
565.  English men at Fontaraby against the french. 
624.  Estate of human felicities subject to emulation, and nothing of more difficulty to mortal men then to bear well the height and greatness of fortune. 
629.  English army afore Tournaye. 
665.  Elephants presented to the Pope. 
682.  Interview of Pope Leo and the french king in Bolognia. 
711.  Emperor in England. 
775.  Election of Pope Adrian the sixth. 
822.  Emperor Charles married to the daughter of Portugal. 
951.  Emperor writeth to the Pope touching the french king's delivery. 
964.  Emperor ill contented. 
976.  Execution at Naples. 
1132.  Emperor sendeth to the Prince of Orange to invade the Florentines. 
1147.  Emperor at Genes. 
1148.  Emperor taketh the crown at Bolognia. 
1165.  Employ sacked by the Marquis of Guast. 
1168.  Interview of the king of England and French king. 
1176.  interview of the Pope and French k. at Marselles. 
1181.   

F  Ferdinand king of Arragon. 
2.  French king sendeth Ambassadors to the Pope, Florentines, and Venetians. 
30  Florentines answer the French Ambassadors. 
32.  French king angry with the Florentines answer. 
32.  French king prayeth amity of the Venetians. 
33.  Foreshows of the calamities of Italy. 
40.  French king doubtful to go thorough with th'enterprise of Naples. 
41.  French king in Ast. 
43.  French king described. 
Ibid.  French king visiteth john Galeas Duke of Milan. 
48.  French king in mind to return into France. 
49.  Florentines discontented with Peter de Medicis. 
54.  French k. draweth towards Florence. 
57  French king entereth Florence. 
58.  French king at Syenna. 
60.  French king entereth Rome. 
63.  French king kisseth the Pope's feet. 
64.  French king entereth Naples. 
70.  French king maketh offers to Dom Federyk. 
84.  French king sendeth an army to invade Yschia. 
84.  French king useth negligence in ordering the things of Naples. 
88  French king taketh council what to do against the league of confederates. 
90.  French k. crowned king of Naples. 
92.  French king aspireth to the surprising of Genes. 
98.  French kings attempts upon Genes speed evil. 
110.  Ferdinand to reconquer his kingdom of Naples. 
Ibid.  French pocks & their beginning. 
128.  Factions breed insurrections. 
135.  French navy arrive at Caietta. 
147.  French king maketh a posting pilgrimage to Towers and Saint Dennys. 
149.  French king determineth to sand Tryuulce into Italy as his Lieutenant. 
150.  The french begin to decline in Naples. 
154.  The french sand to capitulat with Ferdinand. 
157.  Ferdinand dieth. 
158.  Federyk made k. of Naples. 
159.  Florentines have small hope to be succoured by the fr. king. 
165.  Florentines sand answer to th'emperor 
165.  French king maketh peace with his neighbours. 
204.  French king requireth Pisa in trust. 
205  French king descendeth into Italy. 
224.  French men take divers pieces in the Duchy of Milan. 
Ibid.  Florentines put paul Vitelly to death. 
233.  French king being at Milan compoundeth with the most part of the potentates of Italy. 
234.  French king returneth into France having first set order in the Duchy of Milan. 
237.  French men abandon Milan. 
239.  French men afraid to assault Pisa. 
247.  French k. sendeth aid to the Pope. 
249  Faenza yielded to the Duke. 
253.  French king commandeth the D. Valentynois to departed from the lands of the Florentines. 
256.  Federik in mind to commit himself to the honour & clemency of the french king. 
261  French and Spaniards do disagree upon the dividing of Naples. 
266.  Florentines have recourse to the french king. 
269.  French king in Ast. 
273.  Fortune hath a free will to come & go when she listeth etc. 
287.  Florentines in the country of Pysa. 
303.  French king prepareth mightily against the king of Spain. 
306.  Francis Piccolomini made Pope. 
312  Faenza taken by the Venetians. 
318.  Florentines broken by the Pysans. 
347.  Florentines debate whether they should besiege Pisa. 
348.  Florentines army before Pisa. 
350.  First defeating of the Genoese. 
372.  French king entereth as a Conqueror into Genes. 
373.  French king prepareth against the Venetians. 
414.  French army returneth to the Duchy of Milan. 
532.  French king taketh Bolognia into his protection. 
533.  French king demandeth succours of the Florentines. 
561.  Frenchmen defeated by the Swissers. 
646  French king marrieth the Lady Mary, sister to the king of England. 
676.  Francis the first cometh to the crown of France. 
685.  French king assumeth upon him the title of Duke of Milan. 
685.  French army. 
691.  French king returneth to France. 
713  Fano besieged. 
733.  Francisco Maria sendeth to defy Law. de Medicis. 
736.  French k. aspireth to be Emperor. 
762.  Fontaraby taken by the french. 
780.  Francis Guicciardin general of the army. 
789.  Fault of Monsr de Lawtrech. 
805.  French men before Parma. 
814.  French men before Milan. 
827.  Frenchmen break up before Milan. 
864  French king before Pavya. 
884.  French k. sendeth the D. of Albany into Naples. 
887.  French king will not follow the council of his Captains. 
897.  French k. marrieth th'emperor's sister. 
963  French king complaineth upon th'emperor. 
968.  French men besiege Naples. 
1102.  Fight at sea between th'imperials and the french. 
1105.  Ferdinand elected k. of Romans. 
1171  French king and the king of England ill disposed to th'emperor. 
1173.  French king inciteth the Turk against th'emperor. 
Ibid.   

G  Good estate of Italy before the troubles. 
2.  Great men do seldom hold it any breach of justice to be revenged of him that doth the first injury. 
20.  Gilbert Bourbon Duke of Montpensier the king's Lieutenant in Naples. 
91.  Great cruelties of the french men. 
260.  The great captain confirmed in the Duchy of S. Angeo. 
363.  Genoese sand to solicit for pardon. 
372.  Gentlemen of Venice go to the succour of Padua. 
444.  Great is the force of a multitude and people beginning to vary and change, & so much the more etc. 
596.  Genes at the devotion of the French king. 
642.  Genes taken by th'imperials. 
833.  Genes returneth to the obedience of the fr. king. 
1077.  Genes taken by Andre Dore. 
1125.   

H  how and when great shot came first into Italy. 
45.  Horrible act of a Cardinal. 
352.  Hope rather prolongeth than satisfieth etc. 
490  Humility of two Cardinals. 
650.   

I  Intention of the Author. 
1.  Impudence of the Pope to justify his children. 
10.  john jacques  goeth to the french king. 
67.  jeronimo Savonarola esteemed for a Prophet in Florence. 
82.  jeronimo Savonarola a Freare Preacher in Florence. 
97.  In wars there is no further assurance of the soldier mercenary than he findeth surety of his pay etc. 
155.  Intelligence & faction which Pe. de Medicis had in Florence is discovered. 
180.  In matters of enterprise wise men will debate all things at large etc. 
205.  In matters of danger, discretion and council, are remedies no less assured than courage and discretion etc. 〈…〉 
215.  Insatiable lust of Duke Valentynois. 
260.  In all human actions there is nothing which with less peril may not temporize and expect then rebellion etc. 
268.  In matters of war it is a dangerous error to transgress direction, etc. 
279.  Imaginations of the french king. 
356.  In matters of enterprise nothing is more hurtful than delays, and nothing more hindereth etc. 
454.  In times of peril wise men fear all things, and do hold it necessary for their surety to hold a suspicion etc. 
553.  jealousy against joh. ja. Tryuulce. 
760.  imperials take the castle of Saint Angeo. 
898.  imperials draw near to Pavya. 
900.  imperials determine to accord with the Pope. 
908.  In worldly things there is no assurance till the end be known, & all mortal men & their actions are put under an estate of incertainty and errors. 
990.  Inhabitants of Milan ill handled by the Spaniards. 
996.  Inhabitants of Milan implore the compassion of the Duke of Bourbon. 
998.   

KING  King of Naples sendeth out his force. 
35.  King of Naples sendeth out an army to take the city of Genua. 
36.  Kingdom of Naples beginneth to conspire. 
64.  Kings of France and Spain divide between them the kingdom of Naples. 
252.  King Philip faileth out of Flaunders into Spain. 
354.  King Philip cast by casualty of sea upon the coast of England. 
355.  King Philip promiseth to redeliver to the king of England, the Duke of Suffolk. 
355.  Kings of Arragon & France have interview together. 
381.  King of Arragon taketh the Realm of Navarre. 
625.  King of England sendeth to the french king not to pass into Italy. 
692.  King of England for th'emperor. 
840.  Katherine de Medicis. 
993.  King of Hungary overthrown in battle by Solyman. 
1017.  Katherine de Medicis. 
1042.  Katherine de Medicis. 
1177.  Katherine de Medicis married to the second son of France. 
1181.   

L  Laurence de Medicis praised for his virtues and government. 
2  League for twenty years between the king of Naples, Duke of Milan and Venetians. 
3.  Law. de Medicis dieth. 
4.  Lodowyke Sforce is jealous over the amities between Pe. de Medicis and tharragons'. 
5.  Lod. Sforce insinuateth envy into the Pope against the Aragon's and Medicis. 
8.  Lod. Sforce seeketh to draw the Pope to his purposes. 
14.  Lewis Duke of Orleans entereth Genes and preserveth it. 
37.  Lod. Sforce goeth to visit the French king in Ast. 
44.  Lod. Sforce Duke of Milan by usurpation. 
49.  Lawrence and john de Medicis with the french king. 
50.  Lod. Sforce beginneth too late to fear the greatness of the french. 
85.  Lod. Sforce sendeth haughty messages to the D. of Orleans. 
95.  Lod. subtle in dissembling. 
130.  Lod. vaunteth himself to be the son of fortune. 
144.  Lod. will aswell serve his turn upon the k. of romans for his ambition, as he did of the fr. k. in his necessity. 
160.  Lodowyk persuadeth Caesar to go to Pisa. 
161.  Lewis Duke of Orleans succeedeth to the crown. 
185.  Lewis the 12. king of France entiteleth himself Duke of Milan. 
189.  Librafatta taken by paul Vitelly. 
200.  Lod. strengtheneth himself against the king. 
223.  Lod. moostereth all the inhabitants of Milan, and laboureth to reconcile the hearts of the people. 
225.  Lod. abandoneth Milan. 
228.  Lamentations made at Venice for the overthrow. 
423.  Last action of the Florentines against the Pisans. 
433.  League of Caesar and the french king against the Venetians. 
466.  Leguaguo taken by Chaumont. 
475.  Lantern of Genes razed by the people. 
678  Law. de Medicis joaseth thoccasion of the victory. 
740.  Law. de Med. is hurt. 
741.  Lightning upon the castle of Milan. 
785.  Loda taken by th'imperials. 
833  Lady Alenson treateth with th'emperor for the french king's delivery. 
938  Lie given to th'emperor by the french king. 
1091.  League for the defence of Italy. 
1178.   

M  Marriage of Blanch Maria Sforce with th'emperor Maximilian. 
Fol. 25  Manifest aspiring of Lod. Sforce to the Dukedom of Milan. 
48.  Mountpensier leader of the vanguard. 
50.  Marquis of Pisquaro slain. 
113.  Mountpensier stealeth from Naples. 
115.  Monsr Trimovilles opinion touching the peace. 
123.  Marquis of Mantua in the kingdom of Naples for the Venetians. 
149.  Mountpensier dieth. 
157  Monsr d'Aubigny consenteth to departed the kingdom of Naples. 
158.  Matters of enterprise do for the most part nourish their proper impediments. 
182.  Monsr Beaumond a chief leader of the french armies. 
246.  Monsr Beaumond sendeth to demand Pisa in the king's name. 
247  Monsr de la Palissa made prisoner. 
289.  Monsr d'Aubigny overthrown & taken prisoner. 
295.  Malice is infinite in her actions etc. 
358.  Marquis of Mantua prisoner. 
437.  Maximilian returneth into Germany. 
451.  Monsr Chaumont against the Venetians. 
468.  Marquis of Mantua escapeth out of prison. 
488.  Myrandola besieged. 
504  Myrandola yieldeth to the Pope. 
507.  The Man that aspireth is apt to believe all things that are conformable to his hope, and oftentimes etc. 
525.  Monsr de Foix his army. 
578.  Monsr de Foix encourageth his soldiers to the battle. 
583.  Minds thirsting after glory are infinite in opinion and weening etc. 
588.  Monsr de Foix slain. 
588.  Maximilian Sforce restored to Milan. 
623.  Martin Luther against the Pope. 
771.  Martin Luther. 
781.  Monsr d'Escud before Reggia. 
784.  Marquis of Mantua for the Pope. 
780.  Monsr Lawtrech before Pavia. 
829.  Many impediments do follow the deliberation of great causes, and etc. 
851.  Moderation and temperance of th'emperor upon the news of the victory. 
915.  Manner of the delivering of the french king. 
966.  Many errors in popular commotions etc. 
983.  Monsr Lawtrech Captain general of the league. 
1072.  Miserable condition of the city of Milan. 
1099  Many difficulties in the french army. 
1119.  Montian misseth to surprise Andre Dore. 
1130.  Monsr Saint Pol prisoner to Antho. de Leva. 
1143.  Milan rendered by th'emperor to Francis Sforce. 
1162.   

N  New Princes have new councils, and of new councils commonly resort new effects. 
20.  Number of the french king's army. 
45.  Nocero taken by Ferdinand. 
137.  New practices between the kings of France and Spain. 
180.  New castle of Naples assaulted. 
301.  Necessity is mighty to bend those hearts that are invincible against all other means etc. 
362.  Nothing can satisfy the ambition of man. 
489.  Nothing more unworthy then to add to a natural cruelty, a great authority etc. 
506.  Number of the dead at the battle of Ravenna. 
588.  Nothing flieth faster away than occasion etc. 
614.  Novaro's besieged by the french. 
643.  No certainty in the councils of mortal men, and less expectation of their worldly events etc. 
729.  Not greater enemy to great men then too great prosperity for that it taketh etc. 
778.  Necessary for Captains in war to change councils according to the variation of accidents etc. 
192.  Nothing more hard then to avoid destiny etc. 
940.  Nothing more subtle than occasion, which being taken and applied draweth with it good issue, but etc. 
1011.  New government established in Genes. 
1128.   

O  Oration of Antho. Grymany. 
206.  Occasion doth much to induce the minds of soldiers, but example is it that confirmeth their virtue, making them etc. 
288.  Overthrow of the Duke of Atry. 
294.  Overthrow & death of Monsr de Nemours. 
296.  Oration of Nicholas Foskarin. 
388.  Oration of Andrew Gritty. 
391.  ordinance house in Venice on fire. 
415  Oration of Antho. justinian to Caesar. 
427.  Oration of Leonard Loredan. 
440.  Oration of . 
510.  Overture of the council of Pisa. 
543.  Order of the frenchmen at the battle of Ravenna. 
583.  Of all voluble things there is nothing more light than reapport, and in times of Mutation etc. 
640.  Overthrow of the Venetian army. 
657.  Overthrow of the french near Tyrewaine. 
663.  Occasions of contention between the Emperor and french king. 
768.  Overthrow of the Swissers. 
832.  Oration of Andrew Gritty. 
844.  Oration of George Cornaro. 
847.  Oration of the Bishop of Osmo touching the taking of the french king. 
916.  Oration of the Duke of Alba touching the french king's imprisonment. 
920.  Occasions given to th'emperor of new emotions. 
933.  Oration of the Chancellor. 
952.  Oration of the Viceroy. 
956.  Oftentimes ingratitude and reproach are far more ready than the remuneration or praise of good works. 
1057.  Occasion why the king of England refused the Lady Kathe. of Arragon, his wife. 
1092.   

P  Pope innocent the eight dieth. 
4.  Pope Alexander the sixth stained with many vices. 
5.  Peter de Medicis heir to Laurence. 
5.  Preparations in France for the wars of Italy. 
23.  Pope commandeth the french king not to pass into Italy. 
39  Peter de Medicis cometh to the french king. 
52.  Peter de Medicis accordeth with the french king. 
53.  Peter de Medicis fleeth out of Florence. 
55.  The Pisans offer to revolt. 
55.  Pope is jealous of his own safety. 
61.  Persuasions of some Cardinals to depose the Pope. 
63.  P. Antho. Soderin reasoneth touching a form of government for Florence. 
77:  And against that opinion reasoneth Guido Antho. Vespucci. 
80.  Pope commandeth the french king to go out of Italy. 
118.  Peace between the french king and the confederates. 
122.  Prince of Orange speaketh. 
125.  Peter de Medicis at thinstigation of the confederates determineth to return to Florence. 
133.  Pisa in the protection of Venice. 
144.  Prince of Bisignian compoundeth for himself and others. 
158.  Peter Capponi. 
163.  The Pisans begin to disclaim from the Duke of Milan. 
164.  Peter de Medicis determineth once again to return to Florence. 
178.  Peter de Medicis aided by them of Syena. 
178.  Peter de Medicis faileth of his enterprise. 
178.  Pope abominable in the lust of his daughter. 
179.  Pope investeth Federike in the kingdom of Naples. 
180.  Philip Duke of Savoy dieth. 
181.  Pope apt to dispense with all things for the greatness of his son. 
190.  paul Vitelly captain general of the Florentin army. 
191.  The Pisans not keeping th'accord are besieged by the Florentines. 
220.  Pisa is besieged. 
231.  paul leavieth the siege. 
233.  The Pisans take Librasatta. 
248.  Pope createth twelve Cardinals at one time. 
251.  Pope giveth th'investiture of the realm of Naples to the French and Spaniard indifferently. 
258.  Prospero Colonno adviseth king Federike to adventure the battle. 
259.  paul Vrsin strangled. 
284.  Philip Archduke of Ostrich in France. 
292.  Peace between the kings of Spain & France. 
293.  Proverb upon the Pope's dissembling. 
305.  Pope Alexander the sixth dead. 
307.  Pope Pius the third dieth. 
314.  The Pope complaineth to the Venetians. 
317.  Peter de Medicis drowned. 
325.  Peace between the Turk and Venetians. 
327.  Peace betwne the french king and king of Spain. 
351.  The Pope deviseth to win again Bolognia. 
357.  The Pope will go in person to th'enterprise of Bolognia. 
360.  The Pope & Venetians incite the k. of romans to make war upon the french king. 
376.  Pope ratifieth the treaty of Cambray. 
412.  Pope's Bull against the Venetians. 
418.  The Pope's soldiers in Bolognia. 
425.  Pisa rendered to the Florentines. 
434.  The Pope threateneth the Duke of Ferrara. 
468.  Pope's deliberation to chase the french out of Italy. 
479.  Pope's army against Ferrara & Genes. 
682.  Pope in person at the camp before Mirandola. 
505.  Pope maketh overture of a new council to break the council of Pisa. 
534.  Pope holden for dead. 
539.  Pope pursueth his enterprise to chase the french king out of Italy. 
540.  Pope maketh league with the Venetians and king Catholic. 
545.  Pope depriveth of the hat the rebellious Cardinals. 
547.  Pandolffo Petruccio counseleth the Pope. 
552.  Pope's army retireth from before Bolognia. 
570.  Peter Soderin reasoneth in the council. 
612.  Purposes of Pope julio the second and his death. 
631.  Pope seeketh to appease the king. 
649.  Padua besieged by the Viceroy. 
653.  Provisions of the french against the k. of England. 
661.  Preparations of the french against the Duke of Milan. 
688.  Peter Navarre before the castle of Milan. 
707.  Pope giveth the Duchy of Urbin to Laurence de Medicis, his Nephew. 
721.  Pope's enterprise upon Ferrara. 
769.  Pope executeth joh. Pa. Baillon. 
774.  Pope Leo the cause of the war. 
778.  Pope's Captains and th'emperors take council to pass further. 
800.  Provinces of Italy are taxed for conservation of the Duchy of Milan. 
839.  Pope Adrian the sixth cometh to Rome. 
839.  Pope counseleth th'emperor & french king to peace. 
889.  Pope sendeth to visit the french king being prisoner. 
914.  The Person of the french king led prisoner into Spain. 
930.  The Person of the fr. king extremely sick in the castle of Madrill. 
937.  Pope Clement the seven. makes a league against th'emperor. 
949.  People of Milan rise up against th'imperials. 
971.  Pope, Venetians, and french king make league together. 
978.  Pope moveth the confederates to invade the realm of Naples. 
1008.  Provisions of th'emperor against the consederats. 
1009.  Prince of Orange with the lanceknights. 
1029.  Pope loseth courage, and why. 
1048.  Pope accordeth with th'imperials. 
1049.  Pope being abandoned of all hopes, compoundeth with th'imperials. 
1067.  Passion of spite and disdain is commonly more strong in him that recovereth his liberty then in an other that defendeth it. 
1069.  Plague in Rome. 
1070.  Pope goeth out of prison. 
1085.  Pope thanketh Monsr Lawtrech for his delivery. 
1087.  Pope's excuses to the consederats. 
1112.  Pope's intention touching Florence. 
1113.  proceedings of Monsr Saint Pol in Lombardy. 
1124.  Pope at accord with th'emperor. 
1143.  Peace between th'emperor and french king negociated in Cambray. 
1145.  Pope maketh offers to Malatesta. 
1152.  Pope & th'emperor at Bolognia. 
1158.  Prince of Orange slain. 
1169.  Pope holdeth himself offended with th'emperor. 
1174.  Pope will not hearken to a council. 
1178.  Pope refuseth to give his Niece in marriage to the Duke of Milan. 
1179.  The Pope knoweth his end. 
1182.   

Q  Quarrrell between the families of Colonna and Vrsin. 
192.  Qualities of Pope Leo and Clement. 
946.   

R  Realm of Naples beginneth to reclaim the name of the Aragon's. 
91.  Rebellion increaseth by occasions. 
365.  Rashness hath no society with discretion. 
368.  The Rebels of Genes yield to the french king. 
373.  Ravenna sacked. 
589.  Resolution of the treaty of Mantua by the confederates. 
608.  Return of the Medicis to Florence. 
609.  Resolution of the war against the frenchmen. 
787.  Rhodes taken. 
840.  Rhodes rendered to the Turk. 
841.  Rights and pretensions of the family of Est. 
912.  Rome taken and sacked. 
1061.  Resolution of the imperials within Naples. 
1104.   

S  subtleties of Lod. Sforce. 
23.  Siege of Novaro. 
116.  Shifts of Lod. Sforce to break the peace. 
130.  Such is the rage of ambition and so sweet thinsinuation of rule and empery etc. 
132.  Such as are not accustomed to adversities, have lest rule over their passions etc. 
179.  Such is the mutability of men mercenary, that as etc. 
201.  So busy is the humour of treason that in whom it aboundeth, it rageth without respect to the etc. 
225.  Such as have their destruction determined are seen to decline by degrees etc. 
226.  Sorrows of king Federike redoubled. 
260.  Strange affection of a son. 
261.  Such a passion is sudden fear, that it makes men run not whether council directeth them, but etc. 
270.  So importunate is the passion of revenge in the minds of mortal men, who etc. 
300.  Such a thing is fear that ofrentimes it makes men forgetful above shame and all other obseruancies etc. 
324.  So infallible is the law of justice to take revenge upon wrongs, not observing the presence of times etc. 
333.  Seeds of new wars. 
353▪  Submission of the rebels of Genes. 
373  So full of quarrel is adversity and so infinite is the malice of the world that etc. 
440.  Such is the failty of man's nature, that the suddeinnes of peril is more terrible than the danger itself, and by how much it etc. 
469.  Swizzers what people they be. 
558.  The Seat of Ravenna. 
580.  Swissers rise for the Pope against the frenchmen. 
596.  Such is the instability of mortal things, that they are neither certain in themselves for an universal failty in all humane actions, nor can be made assured etc. 
597.  Swissers seek to stop the passage of the frenchmen. 
691.  Situation of Fossambrono. 
737.  Siege of Pavia. 
792.  Swizzers levied by the Pope would not march against the french king. 
806.  Soldiers of the league pass the river of Adda. 
808.  Swizzers would leave the french army for that they were not paid. 
830.  So mighty is necessity that in cases of extremity it makes tolerable all those things which in all other conditions are full of difficulties. 
839.  Such is the infirmity of treason that it hath no further assurance than the party hath confidence. 
862.  Such are the damages of an universal negligence that even amid perils that be manifest and apparent they take away the study and care of things that most concern safety and defence. 
882.  Sorrows & fears in France for thimprisonment of the king. 
924.  Solyman Ottoman in Hungary. 
1005.  Sack of Pavia. 
1079.  Second interview of the Pope & Emperor at Bolognia. 
1176.   

T  The title of the house of Anjou to the kingdom of Naples. 
12.  The name of Johan a name unhappy to the kingdom of Naples. 
12.  The estate of the realm of France under king Charles the eight. 
13.  The thoughts of Ferdinand king of Naples. 
21.  The way which the french army took to Naples. 
50.  Tumult in Florence. 
55.  The young king Ferdinand speaketh in great sorrow to the multitude. 
68  Two particular causes of quarrel between Florence and Genes. 
73.  The pretended title of the Duke of Milan to Pisa. 
73.  Tarenta & Caietta are rendered to Federike new king of Naples. 
169.  The french king determineth to set upon Genes. 
169.  The french prepare new enterprises against Italy. 
173.  Title of the french king to the Duchy of Milan. 
188.  Truce between the Florentines & Syennoys. 
198.  There is nothing endureth so small a time as the memory of benefits received, and the more great they be etc. 
204.  The town of Milan yieldeth to the frenchmen. 
229.  The french king cometh to Milan. 
229.  The taking of Cassina. 
230.  The estate of Romagna in the time of Duke Valentynois. 
235.  The incerteinty of fortune transferreth to one that which she taketh from an other, not regarding the equity of causes etc. 
230.  Those authorities are unjust whose means to come to them are unlawful etc. 
245.  Truce between the french king & king of romans. 
251.  To men afflicted with sorrow it is one consolation to know th'uttermost of their mishaps, and when etc. 
261.  That man erreth less who promiseth to himself a change of th'affairs of this world, than he that persuadeth that they are always firm and stable etc. 
298.  Truce between the kings of Spain & France. 
320.  There is no possibility to avoid that which the everlasting council of God hath determined, nor any reason to pull on the destiny of things till times be accomplished. 
333.  Truce between the kings of Spain & France. 
334.  Testament of Queen Elizabeth of Spain. 
341.  The seat of dominion very casual where it divolueth by election. 
365.  Truce between Maximilian & the Venetians. 
402.  Thassembly of Cambray. 
407.  The armies affronted one an other in the field. 
420.  Tyrewaine besieged by the English. 
662.  Tournay taken by thEnglish. 
650.  Treaty of peace between England and France. 
675.  Treaty between the french king and Swizzers, broken. 
693.  Titles of th'empire to the Duchy of Milan. 
782.  The Taking of Milan by the league. 
810.  Ten thousand Swissers descend into the Duchy of Milan for the fr. king. 
825.  Thencounter of Bicocquo. 
831.  Treaty of Madrill touching the delivery of the french king. 
961.  Truce between the Pope and th'emperor. 
1020.  Tumult in Florence. 
1055.  Thimperial army issueth out of Rome. 
1095.  The Turk returneth with shame to Constantinople. 
1175.   

V W.  Venetians neuter. 
39  Victory, when it is not assured with moderation and discretion is oftentimes defiled with some accident unlooked for. 
84.  Virginio Vrsin & Count Petillano being the king's prisoners, show reasons to be redelivered and their reasons are disproved by Monsr de Ligny. 
93.  Venetians and Lod. Sforce prepare to stop the french kings returning into France. 
95.  Venetians in mind to rescue the Pisans. 
131.  Virginio Vrsin in pay with the french king. 
137.  Venetians in mind to take upon them the defence of Pisa. 
141.  Thestate of Venice debateth upon the action of Pisa. 
141.  Virginio Vrsin prisoner. 
157.  Venetians send Ambassadors to the french king. 
190.  Vicopisan rendered. 
196.  Venetians careful to secure the Pisans. 
200.  Venetians take council whether they should join with the french king or not. 
206.  Where things are divided the surety is intricate, and where be many competitors to one thing etc. 
258.  Vitellozzo and the Vrsins made prisoners by treason. 
282.  Vittellozzo & Lively de Fermo strangled. 
282.  The Vrsins against Valentinois. 
312.  Valentinois distressed by the Vrsins. 
314.  Venetians answer the new Pope. 
317.  What happened to the frenchmen as they would have passed Garillon. 
321.  When extremities & perils be at hand, it happeneth oftentimes that confidence is turned into fear, and when etc. 
322.  Vain fears in many cases are far more hurtful than hasty confidence or credulity etc. 
322.  Valentinois prisoner by consalvo. 
334.  Venetians look to themselves. 
414.  The Venetians army. 
418.  Venetians recover Padua. 
433.  Venetians army at Vincensa. 
453.  Venetians army upon the country of Ferrara. 
454.  Venetians absolved. 
463.  The Vincentins yield to discretion. 
474.  Venetians recover most part of their towns. 
486.  Verona besieged by the Venetians. 
486.  The warning of a mischief brings with it his remedy, & the harm that is looked for before hand etc. 
489.  Wars denounced against th'emperor by the kings of England & France. 
1089.   

Y  It hath been always true that wisemen have not at all times a discretion & judgement perfect. 
7.  It happeneth not always that in taking away th'occasions th'effects do cease. 
11.  It is dangerous to use a medicine stronger than the nature of the disease or complexion of the patient will bear. 
11.  It is familiar with Princes to hold for suspected the greatness of their neighbours. 
18.  It is hard to assure any thing that dependeth upon the will of an other etc. 
199.  It hath been a custom with the Princes of the world to entertain one an other with vain hopes etc. 
299.  It is seen often in the course and practise of worldly affairs, that the falling of one man is the rising of an other. 
852.   
The end of the Table.