AN ANSWER TO A TREATISE WRITTEN BY Dr. CARIER, By way of Letter to his MAJESTY: WHEREIN HE LAYETH down SUNDRY POLITIC CONSIDERATIONS; By which he pretendeth himself was moved, And endeavoureth to move others to be reconciled to the Church of ROME, and embrace that Religion, which he calleth CATHOLIC. By GEORGE HAKEWIL, Doctor of Divinity, And Chaplain to the PRINCE his Highness. B. C. * I cannot but marvel that M. Doctor in inveighing so much against that which he calls the new religion should in quoting thereof forsake the old translation. Mine heart will utter forth a good matter, I will entreat in my works of the King. G. H. Give thy judgements to the King, (O God,) and thy righteousness to the King's son. IMPRINTED AT LONDON by JOHN BILL. 1616. Cum Privilegio. TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY. DREAD SOVEREIGN, HAD this Letter of Dr. Carier been imparted, or the drift of it only reached to your Majesty, it would have deserved none other answer then your majesties private censure; and might well have been buried in silence with the Author of it: But now that it not only aims in particular at all the members of the body Politic, First the Nobles, than the Commons, and lastly the Clergy; but withal is published to the view of the World, and spread through all the quarters of your Land, for the better effecting of that it aims unto; and is not a little magnified by the Romish faction: It must needs argue in us, either want of wisdom in preventing a mischief, or of power in providing for our own safety, or of zeal and sincerity in our love to the Truth, if it should pass without some discovery, aswell of the malicious scope to which it tends, as the weakness of the arguments by which it endeavours to persuade. The main end which it drives at, is either a total reconcilement to the Church of Rome; or if that cannot be, a partial toleration of the Romish Religion. The general means by which it strives to compass this end, are first by working a distraction even amongst those your Subjects, who every way conform themselves aswell to the doctrine, as the discipline of the Church of England, established by public allowance, in making some Puritans, and some Protestants, who in his language 1 Cap. 2. Sect. 41. can endure the state of the Church of England as it is, but could be content it were as it was: (implying thereby the rest to be Puritans) some Caluinists and some temperate men, 2 Cap. 2. Sect. 45. who cannot but in judgement approve the truth of that Religion which he calls Catholic, (thereby implying the rest to be Caluinists) the one he terms the greatest enemies of the Clergy, the other his honest and loving brethren, whereof he professeth he knew many, and himself to be one: whereas in truth if any such there be, the difference should rather have been made betwixt Protestants and Papists, English and Romish Catholics, since they who could be content the Church of England were as it was before the Reformation, can in my judgement be none other than Papists; and those that in their judgement approve the doctrine of the pretended Catholic Religion, can (as far as I apprehend it) been none other than Romish Catholics. Thus those whom we call Papists, he calls Temperate Protestants, and those whom we call Protestants, he calls State Puritans. The second general means for the compassing of his desired end, is an endeavour to work an utter separation betwixt our Church and other reformed Churches, specially those of France, and the Netherlands; whom therefore in contempt he calls Hugonots, and Geux, and their doctrine Caluinisme; intending thereby, (as I conceive) either to weaken our strength, by leaving us to stand single, or, which is worse, to enforce us at length to relapse upon Rome: And to this purpose is he bold to affirm, that their doctrine makes as much against the Religion of England, as that of Rome; whereas the writings of the most learned men, aswell on their, as on our side, our harmonies of Confessions, the testimony of our adversaries, nay, the 3 Impia mysteria & instituta ad calvini praescriptum a se suscepta & obseruata, etiam a subditis servari mandavit, circa med. bull. Pope himself in his Bull against Queen ELIZABETH, your majesties 4 La charité que nous portons aux sieurs estates nos voisins & confederezfaisants profession de la mesme religion avecques nous. Declaration to●chant le faict de Conradus Vorstius, pag. 6. Messieurs les estates doncques estants non seulement nos alliez mais le principallion de nostre conjunction estant nostre uniformité en la uraye religion. pag. 40. Mais lafoy religion dont moy & eux faisons profession n●a esté iugée ●n aucun concile ou nous ayons esté ouys: speaking of those of the reformed religion in France, desense du droit des Rois, pag. 82. Ce qu'●l dit que les heretiques de France, font leur profit de ceste division est fondée sur ceste proposition que ceux de la religion Christienne reformee cest a dire repurgée du papisme sont heretiques ce qui se prowera quand un aura fait un autre euangile ou forgé un au●re bible▪ ib. p. 109 Books, and practise in the matching of that Noble Lady, your daughter, and in permitting those Churches the free exercise of their Religion within your dominions, so plainly evince the contrary, that I wonder, having let fall so foul a blot from his pen, he durst present it to your majesties view: and yet I need not wonder, considering he was not ashamed to tell your Majesty, that for any thing you have written in your Apology, or Premonition, you may when you please, admit the Pope's Supremacy in spirituals: which must needs argue, either that he was merely ignorant what your Majesty had written, or cared not at all what himself wrote; regarding rather the evenness of his Style, and the cadency of his sentences, than the truth of his assertions; like false windows, bearing proportion with the rest of the building, but without light. By the truth of these assertions, your Majesty may make an estimate of the whole piece; in which, if I can judge any thing, I have not met within the narrow compass of so short a treatise, so formally penned, and carrying so fair an outside; so many weak arguments, so many gross mistakes, so many notorious falsehoods, so many irreconcilable contradictions, so many sandy and disjointed consequences: howsoever were his proofs never so strong, so sure, so true, so consonant, so coherent; yet was he a man most unfit to intermeddle in a business of union, and pacification; who was so far engaged to one party, as by his own acknowledgement he was persuaded, 5 Cap. 1. Sect. 20. that all the Religion at this day prescribed, and practised by the Church of Rome, is the true Catholic Religion; and promiseth particularly to justify it from point to point, when time and opportunity should serve: and your Majesty, together with us of the same profession, he rangeth 6 Cap. 1. Sect. 13. among jews, and Infidels, and heretics, for refusing to join with them in the worship of Christ in the Sacrament. But God blessed not his vain project, Mr. Henry Constable dying within fortnight after he came from Paris, by Cardinal perron's appointment, to Liege, to confer with him; and himself a while after in Paris, within a month of his coming thither to confer with the Cardinal; yet as the Apostle speaks of Abel, being dead, he yet speaketh, though in a different manner, and the speech of dead men commonly proves more effectual, more profitable, or more dangerous than that of the living. For your Majesty, there is (God be thanked) no fear at all; the obligations by which you have tied yourself to the Religion established amongst us, being so many and so strong, and withal his motives for inducement to the contrary, so weak; dealing with your Majesty as the devil did with our Saviour, who being beaten from Scripture, fell to the promising of the glory of kingdoms, which notwithstanding was not in his power to perform; only for their sakes, some Reply seemed not unnecessary, of whom it may truly be said, which he falsely affirms of your Majesty, that 7 Cap. 2. Sect. 6. they embrace shadows instead of substances, which as a matter of high commendation, he solemnly protests, he gladly wrote, and so gave it out with all the honour he could of your Majesty: But such kind of commendation, as your Majesty truly telleth Cardinal Perron, is none other, then if a man should commend a soldier for his fair hair, and call him coward to his face. Now because the Letter, (though not without some mark of presumption) is by the Author, not only dedicated, but throughout directed to your Majesty, (as if he meant to fight, neither with small nor great, save only against the King) I was emboldened humbly to submit this my defence of truth to the Royal arbitrement of the same sacred, and unpartial umpire, hoping to find the censure somewhat more favourable, in as much, as I have made bold to borrow the greatest part of my weapons, both offensive and defensive, from the rich armoury of your majesties writings, wherein already, though severed, as in the tower of DAVID, built for defence, hang a thousand shields and all the targets of the strong men: but being ranged into one volume as united forces, they would doubtless have more strength, aswell to assault as to resist, both the tongues and pens of men, and the teeth of time▪ Having lighted my candle then at your majesties torch, I thought myself in duty bound to offer it upon the same altar again. He was your majesties servant, and so am I, both unworthy, though in a different respect; he sworn to serve your Majesty, which how he performed at last, this Letter can best speak, and your Majesty best judge; myself sworn to your Majesty, for the service of your most Noble Son the Prince, my most sweet and gracious Master, whose quickness of Spirit, love of Virtue, and sense of true Religion, though I have now by a good space observed sensibly to grow faster than his years, yet being but tender in age, and consequently not fully ripened in judgement; I tho●ght I might herein do him some service for his better information, to mark out unto him such passages in your majesties writings, as serve for a satisfaction to such passages of the letter as may concern him; hoping thereby he may somewhat the rather be moved to go on as he hath happily begun, till he arrive to that perfection which Pliny commends to trajan, Facere scribenda, scribere legenda. I conclude with that repetition of the prayer of David for you both: Give thy judgements to the King (O God) and thy righteousness to the King's son; that your days may be upon earth as the days of heaven, both for glory and lasting▪ and for your Majesty, with that acclamation of the Romans to their Emperors, De nostris annis tibi jupiter augeat annos. Your majesties most humbly devoted subject and servant, GEORGE HAKEWIL. THE AUTHOR to the Reader. WHAT Dr. Carier was for his rank, the degrees and places of charge he held and passed through (expressed at large in the Printers Epistle, prefixed to his Letter) will speak sufficiently, though I were silent; what for his learning, this Letter will partly testify; and for his other qualities such informations as were offered me, though by men of credit, and I could have gathered out of divers of his Letters and Papers, which I have in mine hands, I chose rather to suppress in silence then to publish: His immoderate Ambition alone, (which himself so freely acknowledgeth in divers places) was doubtless sufficient to corrupt a stronger judgement than his, in matter of Religion; specially being crossed in his designs: That was it, which cast the Angels out of heaven, and Adam out of Paradise, and still casteth most Apostates out of the Church. Ambition sayeth one (whom Master Doctor in his Letter deservedly commendeth for a worthy Gentleman) is like choler, which is an humour that maketh men, active, earnest, full of alacrity and stirring, if it be not stopped: but if it be stopped and can not have his way it becometh adust, and thereby malign and venomous: so ambitious men if they find the way open for their rising, and still get forward, they are busy rather than dangerous; but if they be checked in their desires they become secretly discontent and look upon men and matters with an evil eye; and if they rise not with their service, they will take order to make their service fall with them. Now, what opinion was held of him abroad by Romish Catholics, after his departure from us and our Church, let Pelitier and Fitz-Simon testify, the one in French, the other in Latin. 1 Discourse de la mort du Sieur Carter, etc. La memoire de cest homme de bien (sayeth Pelitier) estant grandement recommendable pour l' innocence & probité de ses maeures; qu' ausi pour le grand zeal qu'il a eu de chercher son salut; Car estant parsonage de singuliere erudition et fort versé en la lecture des Saints Peres, il recogneut en fin dans leurs escrits come dans une glace luisante, la vive image de l' Eglise catholic tant aux points essentielles de la Religion qu' en la policy, et government d'icelle. Hitherto Pelitier; but Fitz-Simon goes further. 2 Britannom. minist. lib. 3. cap. 5. part. 8. Inter quos (sayeth he) nowm sidus Catholicorum omnium gaudio refulgens, ut laudum suarum insistant vestigijs, utque mentem ac linguam sceleri servant 3 This can ill be applied to D. Car●●r, who often took the oath of Supremacy, & more often recognised it in his prayer before his Sermons. iniuratam, praelucet; Cum igiur Ibernis, alijsque omnibus facem praeferat, Reformatorumque (à quibus salutari palinodia defecit) causam gregemque sua fuga condemnet: Caeteris obiter à me 4 Pag. 220. Where among such famous Doctors as were converted lately to the Romish Religion he reckons Dr. Bull for one. superius recensitis accedat, optimoqueiure praecedat Illustrissimus inter Theologos Doctores Cantabrigienses, Beniaminus Carerius, Concionator, ac sacellanus regius, Qui talis Abdemelech seu Regis servus esse voluit, ut simul esset Abdenago seru●s Dei, Verus Beniaminus, utpote mane prava educatione Lupus rapax Christi praedam comedens, vespere verò haeresis eiuratae spolia detrahens dividensque, & salutari ●alinodia dextrae filium se constituens; Verus Barsabas verâ ad fidem conuersione eiusque causa demittens multa, quia dilexit multum; Verum animal quartum simile aquilae volanti, sigillo quarto aperto singulis reformatorum clamitans, Veni & vide, faelix omnino conversio Tarda & sera nimis, sed fama & laud perenni. So that it seemed needful some answer should be made to his treatise, if for none other reason, yet in regard of so great an opinion conceived of his worth and sufficiency: But sure I am of opinion, that had he been a man of that moderation in matter of Religion, (as through this Treatise he would bear his Majesty and the world in hand) he had neither died among the jesuits, as Pelitier testifies in the conclusion of his pamphlet, nor received such a testimony from Fitz-Simon by nation an Irishman, & a jesuit by profession: Howsoever, sure I am that talking of Unity and Peace (the pretended scope of Mr. Drs letter) as terms now stand between us, savours not of a jesuits spirit. We for our parts freely profess, as Mr Casaubon doth in his majesties name. [Let them in whose power it is to perform it, offer us such a peace, of which it may be said, Peace & truth have kissed each other, and the controversy is at an end:] Let them sever human ordinances from divine, superstitious from godly, new from ancient, needless from necessary, I say again (saith he) and with as loud a cry and much earnestness as may be, I proclaim it, that all men may hear me, for as much as concerns his Majesty, and the Church of England, the controversy is at an end. His majesties intent and full resolution is, that they in vain talk or think of Peace, who sunder that heavenly yoke of unity and verity; but (saith he in conclusion, speaking to the Romanists;) their purpose is constantly to maintain all they hold, not to reconcile the minds of well disposed persons, by the reformation of that which is amiss; in which purpose as long as they shall persist, his Majesty professeth once for all, that he will entertain no society, no Communion at all with the Church of Rome: And in this case we stick not to profess with Nazianzen, that there is a kind of holy war, in which who so dies, shall undoubtedly obtain of the chief Bishop of our souls, a Plenary Indulgence for his sins, and ●ith Hillary, Amiable is the name of peace, and lovely the opinion of unity, but who doubts that to be the only Peace of the Church, which is the Peace of Christ? and lastly with Cyprian, [He is not reconciled to the Church, who is separated from the Gospel.] Now because M. Doctor would persuade the ●orld, and his Majesty himself, that at his first entrance into this kingdom, he was more inclinable to reconcilement, and laboureth by promising honour and riches and security to reduce him again to the same pretended inclination, it shall not be amiss (beside that which I have spoken to this point in diverse parts of mine answer) to acquaint the Reader with his majesties protestation (even while matters were yet in a mammering) made to Watson, as himself confessed to the late Earl of Northampton, 5 See the late B. of Lincoln's answer to a nameless Catholic, p. 115. That all the Crowns and kingdoms in this world should not induce him to change any jot of his profession which was the pasture of his soul, & earnest of his eternal inheritance; and as he thus protested at his first entrance, so in the conclusion of one of his last speeches to the Parliament, he showeth himself in this point ever like himself. [ 6 May 21. 1610 I am now out of conscience and for security (saith he) not to forget religion; I spoke to you last as a Prophet, that 'twas likely the Papists had some new plot in hand, now you see it is come to pass, and I will let you know this much, their aim was not at 7 His Majesty there speaks of the French King Henry the IV. him alone, but at other Princes to, whereof I assure you I was one; look that these weeds do not overgrow the corn that Papistry be not increased by one thing too much used among them: They send out their kinsmen, children and servants to Douai, and such like places, these after they have been there nourished, come daily over, and with their poison infect others: This one day will make you smart, if it be not prevented.] And I pray God his Majesty do not prove as true a Prophet in this latter, as the success showed him in the former; how soever, it sufficeth to show his majesties averseness from all manner of reconcilement, things standing in the terms they do: Nay, M. Doctor himself in his Epistle to Casaubon, written since his going over, professeth, that 8 N●s● itaque idexp●ct●●ur a seren●ssimo Reg●, v● palam ●or am vniue● so mundo profiteatur s●met●● ad sidem cog●, non v●deo, quo modo animus Regius in t●m justa 17a, & tanto per●●●lo suo & suorum, posset ad corum par●es propius a●●edere. except it were expected from his Majesty, that he should (in a manner) proclaim to the world, that he was forced to that religion, he saw not how (in so great danger, and just anger) he could possibly draw nearer to them, who well deser●ed the anger, by procuring the danger. M. Doctor than might well have spared his pains of writing to his Majesty to that purpose, considering withal he had by his own acknowledgement received full answer from M▪ Casuabon, that his Majesties' settled determination was (as he had before signified to Cardinal Perron) not at all to shake hands with Rome, whiles her whoredoms and withcrafts yet remain in such abundance. My wish and hearty prayer to God is, and I think not mine alone, but of all good men, neither would I account my life dear to be spent in the furtherance of it, that the miserable rent, and wide wounds, which at this day we see in the Christian world, in matter of Religion, might by some good means be closed up, for the sparing of the effusion of so much Christian blood, the securing of the Crowns of Christian Princes, the settling of so great distraction in Christian minds, the wiping away of the scandal of division, from the Christian profession, and lastly resisting with united forces, the common enemy of the blessed and glorious name of jesus Christ: But as long as the 9 See the relation of the state of religion in these Western parts which it were much to be wished, the Author himself would perfect and publish. Bishop of Rome shall hang the faith of his followers on this Principle [I and my Church cannot possibly err] and with the same stop the mouths of all his opposites, be the force and evidence of their arguments never so clear and strong; I cannot conceive otherwise of such a wish then of an honest desire, but without any apparent hope of success. For if divine authority do concur with them in all their ordinances, if God's Spirit infallibly assist them in all their decisions, what remains there, but only that they teach, we believe, they command, and the world obey? Indeed in human governments where reason is shut out, there tyranny is thrust in; but where God commandeth, to ask a reason, is presumption, to disobey, rebellion: to this miserable necessity have their assertions tied them which they have laid for their eternal foundation; miserable to themselves, and miserable to the whole world; nay, in so many conferences as have been held in this age for pacification, it hath been truly observed, that ere they parted, they plainly discovered, they came not with any such intent, as to yield any thing for Peace, much less for truths sake, but only to assay either by persuasion to reduce, or otherwise by cunning to entrap and disgrace their adversaries; and if some one of them have showed himself more moderate at any time, it hath been his utter disgrace with his own party for ever after. Now for the manner of mine answering, I have set down his text at large in his own words, without altering or adding so much as a syllable (except it were to make sense where I found none) imputing the error thereof to the Printer, rather than the Author, I have followed the Method of his own division, for the most part, both in the Chapters & Sect. The main scope of every Sect. I have answered in the body of my Reply, stretching the force of his Arguments, sometimes beyond the extent of the Letter; & such extravagant matters, as he draws in upon the buy, I thought it sufficient to reply unto, in my marginal notes, so that in one of the two, nothing I think worth the answering hath escaped unanswered; and I shall crave that courtesy of the Reader, if he receive not satisfaction in the one, to have recourse to the other; and this I take to be fair and just dealing without exception; once I am sure I have dealt with him as myself in like case should desire to be dealt withal, which I take to be the safest rule of just dealing. Surely a matter it is of little labour and credit; but less honesty, to deal as Fitz-Simon hath done with Mr. Mason, whose learned and painful book of the lawful 10 Britta●nom. 〈◊〉 pag. 324. Consecration of our Bishops, he pretends he read over and confuted in 15. days; but his chief confutation (as may easily appear to the Reader) stands in denying acts vouched out of the public Register; or as Eudaemon (the common packhorse of Rome) hath lately dealt with my Lord of Salisbury, answering his antilogy, a book of about 60. sheets, full of variety of learning, and evident proof, with a Libel of some three or four sheets at most, which he hath also rather stained, with railing at persons, and catching at words, than made offer to answer so much as one material point; and to speak a truth, I have good reason to think, he rather wrote it that the title might be seen● in the common Catalogue, then that the Book itself might commonly be read; in regard that the work is so slender, and the copies so few, that as it is scarce to be had, so is it scarce worth the reading being had: himself professeth that he wrote it [Ne magni aliquid latere in ●o libro putarent, quem nemo confutasset: Lest men should think some great matter lay hidden in that book, which no man had confuted:] but he that shall compare both, may well say, notwithstanding his answer, that no man hath yet confuted it. Somewhat more wisely and warily hath he dealt with casaubon's Exercitations, answering only the fourth chapter of his first Exercitation, and promising a whole volume to follow after against the rest, in imitation belike of Richard Stanihurst, who hath published his flourish to a future combat with his Nephew Mr. Dr. usher; but I think we shall see the full encounters both of the one and the other, by leisure. Pollicitis dives quilibet esse potest; but Tarda solet magnis rebus inesse fides. An easy matter it is to promise great matters, but not so easy to perform them being promised: For mine own part, I must confess, I have made a larger answer then either the treatise answered deserved, or the state of my body, and my leisure (being to make so often returns from a remote part of the Kingdom to mine attendance in Court) could well permit, or indeed myself at first projected; but I have now found it true in mine own experience, which I have often heard observed by others, to fall out many times in writing, as it doth in building: many alterations and additions present themselves, besides, and beyond the first design. It was written of Fame, but it may as truly be said of this kind of writing, Vires acquirit ●undo. It gathers strength in going, as in eating a man sometimes gets a stomach: which was the reason (together with an expectation, that either some more able pen would have undertaken this encounter, or some matter of greater importance promised by the Author himself, and Pelitier, would ere this have been published to the world) that mine answer hath been differred till now: but if it be well enough, it is soon enough, how well it is, let the reader judge, whom notwithstanding, I shall desire to suspend his judgement▪ till he have heard both parties speak, which request me thinks is but reasonable, considering I have dealt so favourably with the adverse party, as to set down all at full, that he could say for himself: With whom, if I deal in mine answering as if he were still alive, it is to be ascribed to himself, who in the conclusion of his Letter, professeth he sent his soul therein; neither is that I have done herein without example of those, by whose greatness if need were, small faults might be countenanced; it is (I hope) sufficient that I neither intent thereby to wrong the dead, or deceive the living: Neither let it be thought blamable, that being by profession a divine, I have meddled so much in matters of state; it was rather out of the necessity of the arguments to be replied unto, than any desire or disposition of mine own, farther than to make it appear to the world, that the Religion by us professed, is more suitable to the preservation of the civil power, and in special the form of policy established among us, than that religion which dares accuse ours of the contrary; of which I may truly say that (in the terms it now stands) it doth not so much uphold temporal policy, as it is upheld by it, and yet like the ivy which riseth by clasping the oak, hath it at length overtopped the oak of Sovereignty itself: whereas on the other side ours hath hitherto had none other supports, but the mere evidence of truth and divine assistance, and so according to that received principle of nature, being still nourished by the same means as it was first bred, it makes us confident that it will both grow the better and last the longer. Thus commending thee to God's grace, the work to thy charitable censure, and myself to thy Christian prayers, I rest. Thine in our Common SAVIOUR, George Hakewil. ❧ The Publishers Preface to the Reader before Dr. carriers Book. Having exactly perused (good Reader) this Treatise here presented to thy view, and finding it both in stuff and stile to be learnedly and eloquently contrived; I took myself in some sort obliged in Christian duty, to divulge it in print to the world: 1 I can show it in the Authors own Letters, that he had a purpose of publishing it. unwittingly I confess to the Author: howbeit, encroaching upon his charitable consent, who I am well assured is most forward to defray his talon in aught wherein the Catholic Roman religion may be advanced: Of this firm and full resolution he hath made effective proof, not only in words but also in works. The Author, as it is notoriously known, hath gained 2 He hath now gotten more name and fame by running away from us, then by any act that ever he did among us. name and fame among the Protestants, having been a Teacher in their Colleges, a Preacher in their Pulpits, a Doctor in their Schools, a Canon in their Churches, Chaplain to the King his most excellent Majesty, flowing in wealth, supported with the 3 The Credit he had in Court, was won by his hypocrisy. credit of the Court, most likely in short time to 4 He was like enough to aspire to higher preferment: but while he remained like himself, not like to attain it. aspire to higher Ecclesiastical preferments, had he persisted in the course of his former profession: Yet notwithstanding all these worldly allurements, which are in good sooth 5 What inti●ing baits could these be unto him, who by his own acknowledgement, felt the state of his body such, that he could not long enjoy them. wondrous enticing baits to hook and to hold an unstaid soul; Mr. Doctor Carier having from his greener years wallowed himself in the choicest writings of the most learned Protestants, and confronting in his mature age their 6 The wavering was in his brain not in their opinions. wavering opinions with the uniform and settled consent of the ancient Fathers, found the 7 He professeth indeed that he found a large opposition, between the new French, (as he calleth it,) and the old English: but between the English and the R●mish, none at all, or ●o small as it might easily be reconciled. Chap. 2. S●ct. 29. new so opposite to the old, that at length receiving 8 Or rather a counterfeit light from him, who is transformed into an Angel of Light. gracious light from the Father of lights, did tear 9 His own relation shows, how slowly he proceeded in this business, as being in hope of higher preferment, and yet in despair of longer life. at a trice all these forementioned earthly s●ares, resolving not to wander any longer like a lost sheep, but to come to the fold of the Catholic Roman Church; and consequently, choosing like a zealous Moses, to be afflicted with the people of God, then to have the pleasure of temporal sin: These and the like pregnant points are sufficiently debated in this Treatise, which I wish thee (gentle Reader) to peruse with heedful attention, whereby the Author his pains may turn to thy profit, if happily thou be alienated from the 10 Catholic Roman, I take to be as much as Kent and Christ●ndome. Catholic Roman religion, always presenting thy prayers to our Lord Sweet jesus, that he would vouch safe to illuminate thy mind in the passage of thy eternal salvation, that thou mayest prefer light before darkness, truth before falsehood, Catholic Religion before particular opinions, 11 Had Mr. Dr. done so, he had rested where he was. as Mr. Doctor Carier hath done upon such sound and grounded reasons, as he hath opened in this Treatise: And this wishing that good to thy soul, which I wish to mine own, I betake thee good Reader to the direction and protetection of the author, and giver of grace and glory. G. H. IT seems you had not so exactly perused this ensuing Treatise, as in the front you pretend, in as much as you tell us, that the Author thereof from his greener years wallowed himself in the choicest writings of the most learned Protestants; whereas himself in his first chapter and fifth Section, professeth, that when he first took himself to the study of Divinity, setting aside all respect of men then alive, and of Writers that had moved or maintained Controversies, farther than to understand the question that was betwixt them, he fell to the reading of the Church History and ancient Fathers, which had no interest on either side: Indeed he telleth us before this, he read over our English Chronicles, and except this Were his wallowing in the choicest writings of the most learned Protestants, I understand not out of his own relation what was: Once I am sure he affirms mere untruths touching Calvin's doctrine (which I take it he understands by Caluinisme) feigning him to teach, that the Sacraments of the Church be nothing but signs and badges of that grace, which a man hath before, by the carnal covenant of his Parent's faith, and that Priesthood can do nothing but preach the word, which lay men may do also if they will: positions so directly opposite not only to Calvin's words, but his grounds and reasons, that it makes me suspect he never read him nor so much as his majesties either Apology or Premonition; in both which he plainly and largely impugneth the Bishop of Rome's usurped power in spirituals, which the Dr. notwithstanding denieth, Cap. 2. S●●t. 36. and that in his letter to his Majesty himself. But you found the treatise, you say, both in stuff and style, to be learnedly and eloquently contrived: It may be said of eloquence without learning, as of the Nightingale, that it is vox & praeterea nihil, A sounding brass● or tinkling Cymbal: Neither do I see how that can well be called a learned piece of work, which treating of Christian religion, allegeth not so much as one passage of Scripture throughout, nor alludeth to any by way of proof; and quoteth of the Ancients only, S. Augustine twice, but not against us, and S. Ambrose once, but against his meaning, as shall appear in his proper place: and among latter Writers Sir Francis Bacon's Essays, where no such thing as he quotes is to be found, and Calvin's life written by Beza, which rather makes much against himself, then in any sort for him; besides this, he borroweth a sentence or two out of Aristotle's politics, which he fathereth upon the Fathers, and this is the learned stuff you so much brag of. From the work you pass to the Author, who gained fame (you say) amongst the Protestants, having been a Teacher in their Colleges, a Preacher in their Pulpits, a Doctor in their Schools, etc. So was Nicholas amongst the Deacons, and judas among the Apostles, and Reuben among the Patriarches, and Saul among the Prophets, and julian among the Christian Emperors, and Nestorius among the Bishops, and Sergius among the Monks, and Lucifer among the Angels, and Satan among the children of God; He went out from us because he was not of us, for if he had been of us, he would ●aue continued with us. Stella cadens non est stella, cometa fuit. His falling away proves him to have been a blazing but never a fixed star: Which that I have good reason to think, his own words written with his own hand, and taken out of his common place book, shall testify, where he proposes the question. JAN. 5. 1611. An quis possit esse in statu gratiae, quiest extra externam obedientiam Ecclesiae. Which he thus resolves: Catholicus extra externam obedientiam Ecclesiae, vel in Scismate natus, velper loci interdictum eiectus, potest tamen esse in vn●one Catholica. Ergò potest esse in statu gratiae. Potest habere animam perfect unitam. Ergo potest esse in unione Catholica. Potest habere intellect●m unitum, scilicet per veram fidem, & voluntatem unitam, scilicet per veram charitatem. Ergo potest habere animam perfect unitam. Ergo sinon potest habere corpus unitum, est tamen in statu gratiae, modo nihil prius cupiat, quam ut sit etiam in externa obedientia, & abstineat propter commune bonum Ecclesiae, non propter bonum privatum. From whence in my judgement it cannot well be collected otherwise, but that while his body was with us, his soul was united to Rome, and that even before his leaving us, he left no stone unmoved for the public good of that Church. Lastly, for that uniform and settled consent of the ancient Fathers, and those pregnant points and sound and grounded reasons of the Author which the Prefacer pretends; it will easily appear at first view, that the former appears not in this Treatise: and for the latter, they may appear to the unlearned and unstable, who like children are carried about with every blast of vain doctrine; but to such as are sound in the faith which was once delivered to the Saints, and grounded in the principles of Christian religion, I am sure his reasons can neither appear sound nor grounded. Those four quotations of Scripture which are set by the Prefacer in his margin (being more by four then are to be found in the Treatise itself) the thickness of my marginal notes enforced me to omit; and yet if I had figured them as I find them there, the Reader in searching would have miss them, the 11. and 19 of james being put for the 1. and the 17. the 15. to the Heb. for the 11. and Psalm. 83. 12. for 84. 11. But herein it may be he followed the division of the vulgar edition, and the rest I am content to impute to the Printer. Hanc veniam petimusque damusque vicissim. Dr. carriers PREFACE TO HIS LETTER. Most Excellent and Renowned Sovereign, IT is not unknown to all those that know me in England, that for these many years I had my health very ill, and therefore having from time to time used all the means and medicines that England could afford; Last of all, by the advice of my Physicians, I made mine humble suit unto your Majesty, that I might travel unto the Spa for the use of those waters, purposing with myself that if I could be well, I would go from thence to Heydelberge, and spend this winter there. But when I was gone from the Spa to Aquisgrane, and so to Colin, I found myself, rather worse then better than I was before, and therefore I resolved with myself that it was high time for me to settle my thoughts upon another world: And seeing I was out of hope to enjoy the health of my body, at the least to look to the health of my soul, from whence both 1 You might have named Scripture as well as art, but it seems you purposely forbore it, lest you should seem a Caluinist. art and experience teacheth me that all my bodily infirmities have their beginning, for if I could by any study have proved Catholic Religion to be false, or by any means have professed it to be 2 In your 2. chap. & 21. Sect. you affirm the doctrine of the Church of Eng. to be that which is contained in the common prayer book, and Church Catechism, very near agreeing with, or at least not contradicting the Church of Rome. true in England, I doubt not, but the contentment of my soul would have much helped the health of my body: But the more I studied the 3 Had you brought any proof from the Scriptures & ancient Fathers for the truth of that Religion, which you call Cathol. you would have thereby given us some rea●on to think ●ou had indeed studied them. Scriptures, and most ancient Fathers to confute it, the more I was compelled to see the truth thereof, and the more I laboured to 4 Your reconciliation of religion was nothing else but a renouncing of the truth. reconcile the religion of England thereunto, the more I was disliked, suspected, and condemned as a common enemy: And if I would have been either ignorant, or silent, I might perhaps with the pleasures and commodities of my preferments, have in time cast off the care of Religion: But seeing my study forced me to 5 It is marvel you had not imparted; knowledge by writing know, and my place 6 Your place compelled you not to preach points of R●mish doctrine. compelled me to preach, I had no way to avoid my grief, nor means to endure it: I have therefore apprehended the opportunity of my Licence to tramell, that I may withdraw myself for a while from the sight and offence of those in England, which 7 Catholic Religion is not hated in England, but the religion of pretended Catholics is justly restrained. hate Catholic Religion, and 8 You might as fully and ●reely have enjoyed the pre●ence of our blessed Saviour in the unity of the English Church, as the R●mish. freely and fully enjoy the presence of our blessed Saviour, in the unity of his Catholic Church, wherein I will never forget, at the 9 How can there be a daily oblation of that which himself offered once for all. Heb. 7. 27. & 9 28. and 10. 10 daily oblation of his most blessed body and blood, to lift up my heart unto him and to pray for the 10 When his majesty's reasons are answered why he should not be already esteemed in the unity of the Catholic Church, prayer for his admission into it, will be admitted. admission of your Majesty thereinto: And in the mean time I have thought it my 11 Your due●ie would better have appeared in writing somewhat in defence of his majesties writings. duty to write this short treatise with mine own hand, wherein before I 12 Your avowed presence at the daily oblation (as you call it) was a sufficient declaration of your revolt. publish myself unto the world, I desire to show to your Majesty these two things: 1 13 How sufficiently either of these two be showed, I leave it to the indifferent Reader to judge. The means of my conversion unto Cath. Religion: 2 The hopes I have to do your Majesty no ill service therein. I humbly crave your majesties 14 I wonder that any having affiance in his Holiness' pardons, should desire his Majesty's. pardon, and will rest ever Your majesty's 15 He is indeed likely to be a faithful servant to his Majesty, who flies to the tents, and pleads the cause of his sworn enemies. faithful and truly devoted servant, B. Carier. GEORGE HAKEWIL. IT is likewise known to all them that knew you, that for these many years, you have been more sick in mind, then in body, which hath appeared not only publicly in your Sermons and writings; but privately in your Conferences and Letters: where of myself am in part a witness; but they with whom you were longer and more familiarly conversant, can more fully testify it, and though you used many medicines, yet one was wanting, to wit, 1. P●t. 3. 4. a meek and quiet spirit, a thing before God much set by; it being as David's music, which stilled Saul's rage; and this I am persuaded would have done you more good, aswell in regard of the diseases of your body as your mind, than any of your other medicines, or all of them put together: among which your last was the Spa waters, which I grant, you might use by advice of Physicians; but I have withal reason to think the voyage out of his majesties dominions into those parts, was by you intended rather for the fuller & safer discovering of the sickness of your mind, than the recovering of that of your body: which yourself in this very Preface confess upon the matter, in as much as being (you say) suspected & condemned as a common enemy, and having no way to avoid your grief, nor means to endure it, you desired to withdraw yourself from the sight and offence of those who hated Catholic Religion: whereby I presume you mean such as opposed your turbulent courses, labouring under pretence of Catholic Religion, and old English divinity, to bring in, and set up, the new Romish; and considering you stood so affected, it seemeth to me strange you should purpose a journey to Heydelberge, and the spending of a winter there, being so profested an enemy to all Caluinists, except you hoped to convert Abraham Scultet, Or David Parrey: Myself passed one whole winter amongst them, and unless their opinions be since altered, or you had altered yours before your coming thither, or at least concealed them at your being there, you would doubtless before the winter had passed, grown more weary of them then of us: But being (you say) upon the way at Colin, you found yourself worse, and thereupon resolved it was high time to settle your thoughts upon another world, and being out of hope to enjoy the health of your body, at least to look to the health of your soul; So that by your own confession, you made a virtue of necessity, then resolving to settle yourself, when you expected not long after the dissolution of your body; then to fix your thoughts upon God, when you perceived you could not long remain in the world; which as it is less acceptable to God, then for a man to consecrate the flower and strength of his age to him, so is it in the doctrine of the Church of Rome less meritorious in itself, and in reason not so exemplar to draw others: Had you determined to forsake a falsehood, and embrace a truth for the mere love of truth without worldly respects, men would rather have inclined to think that true which you had embraced; had you hoped to rise higher, and live longer, and yet not held your life or hope of honour dear; in regard of that future life and glory which you hoped for by the change of your Religion, you might sooner have induced others to follow your steps: but for a man so ambitious as yourself, by your own acknowledgement, who by striving against the stream, had put himself not only out of hope of rising higher; but almost out of breath to, and all hope of living much longer, to seek that name and fame in dying abroad, which he saw could not be gotten by living at home; it may perhaps work somewhat with those who judge of matters only by events, as Geometricians measure the height of towers by their shadows, and are ready to turn every accident to an argument for their own purposes; but such as judge of events by looking into their causes (which not many love much to busy their brains about, nor are indeed capable of) and frame not arguments to their opinions; but chose submit their opinions to the soundness and force of argument; such I ●ay, I am sure it cannot much move. AN ANSWER TO D. carriers LETTER TO THE King's Majesty. CHAP. I. The means of my conversion to Catholic Religion. BENJAMIN CARIER. 1. I Must confess to God's honour, and my own shame, ᴬ that if it had been in my power to choose, I would never have been a Catholic. I was borne and brought up in 1 It was such a schism as the Apostle practised, when certain were hardened & disobeyed, speaking evil of the way of God, he departed from them, and separated the discsples, Acts 19 9 and g●ue the like commandment to others, if any teach otherwise, and consenteth not to the wholesome words of the Lord jesus, and from such separate thyself, 1. Tim. 6. 3, 4, 5. schism, and was taught to ᴮ abhor a Papist, as much as any Puritan in England doth. I had ever a great desire to justify the religion of the state, and had great C hope to advance myself thereby: neither was my hope ever so great, as by your majesties favour it was ᴰ at the very instant of my resolution for Catholic Religion: and the preferment I had, together with the honour of your majesties service, was greater by much, then without your majesties favour, I look for in this world. But although I was a● 2 This ambition of yours was it which being some what crossed▪ or not fully satisfied, caused your apostasy, as it did Arrius his heresy. ambitious of your majesties favour, and as desirous of the honours and pleasures of my Country, as any man that is therein: yet seeing that I was not like, any long while, to enjoy them, and if I should for my private commodity speak, or write, or do any thing against the honour of Christ his Church, and against the evidence of mine own conscience, I must shortly appear before the presence of the same Christ, in the presence of the same his Church, to give an account thereof. Therefore I neither durst any further to pursue my own desire of honour, nor to hazard my soul any farther in the justifications of that religion, which I saw was ᴱ impossible to be 3 Yet himself afterward justifies it, chap. 2. s●ct. 21. justified by any such reason as at the day of judgement would go for payment; and that it may appear that I have not respected any thing so much in this world, as my 4 Do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles? and can either duty or love be expected from such subjects and friends? better is the hatred of an open enemy, than the love of such a friend. duty to your Majesty, and my love to my friends & Country, I humbly beseech you give me leave (as briefly as I can) to recount unto you the whole course of my studies and endeavours in this kind, even 5 Ab ovo vsqu● ad malueg. from the beginning of my life until this present. GEORGE HAKEWIL. 1. ᴬ In saying you would never have been a Catholic, He repeats the same phrase in divers other places. if it had been in your power to choose, you seem to fall upon that opinion which is wrongfully thrust upon Calvin, that we are converted, as it were, by constraint, whether we will or no, and consequently you overthrow both the freedom of will, and the merit of work. ᴮ It seems then your father, who brought you up, did much abhor a Papist, and yet you confess in the next Section that he was a learned and devout man, and that he seasoned you with the principles of piety and devotion. C Your great hopes were indeed always beyond your just de●●rts: yet his Majesty might be drawn to favour you the ra●her, for that hypocritical sermon which you made last before him in his ●happell at Whitehall. ᴰ So it seems you resolved for the pretended Catholic religion before your parting from hence: howbeit before, you bear us in hand, that you got licence to travel to the Spa, only for your health, and afterward you tell us, that you went hence, hoping to find some greater offence in the service of the Church of Rome, than you had done in their books, that so you might return better contented, to persecute and abhor the Catholics at your pleasure: Thus, for your advantage, you turn your tale, as Mariners do their sails. ᴱ No reason at the day of judgement, in all likelihood▪ shall better go for payment, then that which the judge, as a rule to be judged by himself hath left us, and of which we may say, if we be deceived, thou Peter, thou Paul, or thou Christ hast deceived us. But whether on the other side, your human inventions, or as the Apostle calls them, * Coloss. 2. 23. voluntary religion and will-worship, will then pass for currant pay, a juster doubt may be made: of which he might justly say, as he doth to his people by his * Esai. 1. 12. Prophet, Who hath required these things at your hands? B. C. 2. I was borne in the year, 1566. being the son of Anthony Carier, a learned and devout man: who although he were a Protestant and a Preacher, yet did so season me with the principles of piety and devotion, as I could not choose but ever since be very F zealous in matters of 6 Great zeal and neutrality in Religion seldom stand together, as neither do great ze●le and vehement ambition. religion. Of him I learned that all ᴳ false religions in the world were but policies invented for the temporal service of Princes and States: and therefore that they were divers and always changeable, according to the divers reasons and occasions of State. ᴴ But true Christian Religion was a truth revealed of God for the eternal salvation of souls: and therefore was like to God always, one and the same. So that all Princes and States in the world never have been, nor shall be able to 7 We grant as much, t●at the gates of hell shall never utterly prevail against it. overthrow that Religion. This to me seemed an excellent ground for the finding out of that Religion, wherein a man might find rest unto his soul, which cannot be satisfied with any thing but eternal truth. G. H. 2. F A zealous man indeed, yourself confessing in your Preface that you then began to look to the health of your soul, when you were out of hope to enjoy the health of your body: And in the very Section going before, Non bene c●n 〈…〉 una sede morantur ambitio & zelus. that you were as ambitious of his majesties favour, and as desirous of the honours and pleasures of your Country, as any man that is therein: But it seems you dwelled by bad neighbours, who are thus enforced to commend your own Zeal, or else they hold it of none other kind, then that of which the * james 3. 16. Apostle speaks [having strife for her companion and sedition for her daughter,] and if we should grant that you had Zeal though [ * Rom. 10. 2. not according to knowledge,] I rest well assured that this Epistle, in the judgement of the wisest, would not evince the contrary. ᴳ Your father being (as you say) a Protestant and a Preacher in all likelihood, by False Religion, understood the Romish, being indeed the deepest policy invented by men for their own purposes that ever was in the world, [ * L●ke 16. 8. the children of darkness being in their generation wiser than the children of light,] and is in that regard rightly termed by Saint Paul * 2. Thes. 2. 7. [the mystery of iniquity which began to work] in his days, but since hath fully woven those threads, which were then begun to be spun; the Cockatrice is now hatched, which was then only in the egg. And surely I think, not without great reason, the Bishop of Rome hath, or at least wise, formerly had the word Mystery engraven on his diadem, since in the seventeenth of the Revel. at the fifth verse it is foretold, it should be [written on the forehead of the ●reat Whore.] For to pass by other [depths of Satan] as they be called Revel. 2. verse 24. I would know what Religion was ener in the world which invented a policy like to the Pope's dispensations in general, but specially in Marriages, it being hitherto the best stake in his hedge, and without exception the strongest sinew for the tying of Christian Princes unto him, as to their head, they being made many of them by it legitimate, and illegitimate without it: So they stand in a manner bound to defend his authority with the same sword, that they do their own Crowns. And I am verily persuaded, were it not that they lie obnoxious to him in this regard, some of them would not stick so close to him as they do, especially since the publishing of his majesties learned and godly premonition unto them. Farther, what use they make of Confessions for the discovery of all secrets, as well of nature as of States, Indulgences, Canonisations, Consecrations, Of their bloody Inquisition, which like a sharp Northern wind nips the spring of Religion in the bud, Of forging false Authors, and corrupting the true, Of suppressing the books of our Writers, and correcting their own, Of spreading false rumours, and razing all antiquity that makes against them, the world hath long since discovered. Besides all this, they have a bait for every fish, a motive to draw every several humour: for an ambitious disposition they have a triple Crown, or a Cardinal's cap; for a Contemplative, a Monks cloister, or a Friar's cowl; for a working practical head, employment in State affairs, for a Scholastic, preaching & writing, and in writing, some they set to meditations, some to politic discourses, some to cases of conscience, some to commentaries, some to controversies, according to the several point and temper of their wits. Nay he that shall but consider the politic form of government observed in the only order of the jesuits, their rules, their intelligence, their correspondence, their infinite cunning devices how to win some whom they desire for respects to be of their society, or to make their friends, and to disgrace or remove others whom they suspect to stand in theirway, may justly pronounce of them that they have perfectly learned the former part of our saviours lesson, [ * Matth. 10. 1●. Be wise as serpents,] but not the latter, [be ye innocent as doves:] whereas nothing argues the inocency of our cause more, then that it hitherto hath been, and still is supported merely by the goodness of God, and the evidence of truth. ᴴ Surely, if true religion be unchangeable, than the Romish cannot be the true, it having suffered so many changes both in doctrine and practice, that we may now justly question it whether it be the same or no, as the Scholars of Athens did Theseus his ship, after many reparations, we may seek Rome in Rome itself, and not find it. I will instance only in the Mass, which like a beggars cloakehath received so many additions and patche●, that if S. Peter should now live to see a Priest saying Mass, he would without doubt conceive it to be any thing rather than the commemoration of Christ's death▪ or the administration of his Supper: and to speak a truth▪ as long as the traditions of Men are held of equal authority with the lively Oracles and eternal truth of God, it ca●not be, but that religion, which is grounded on them, should be as subject to variation, as are the conceptions of men's minds. So that your ground for the finding out of that religion wherein a ma● might find rest unto his soul is excellent good, but your application erroneous, since there is indeed no rest, but upon eternal truth; and no truth eternal, but that which is divine. B. C. 3. My next care than was after I came to years of discretion by all the best means I could to inform myself, whether the religion of England were indeed the very same, which being prefigured and prophesied in the old Testament, was perfected by our blessed Saviour, and 1 He indeed deliveredit to his Apostles and disciples to continue, but sure we are, it continued not by that succession, and in that Church which you call visible and perpetual, or at least not as he delivered it: the envious man came in the night and sowed tars amongst it. delivered to his Apostles and disciples to continue by perpetual succession in his visible Church, until his coming again: or whether it were a new one for private purposes of Statesmen invented, and by human laws established. Of this I could not choose but make some doubt▪ because I heard men talk much in those days of the change of religion, which was then lately made in the beginning of Queen ELIZABETH'S reign. G. H. 3. I would demand, by M. Doctor's leave, whethermen might not talk as much of the change of religion made in the beginning of Queen Mary's reign, as Queen Elizabeth's? But you will say Queen mary's was a restitution to the ancient: and we reply, that Queen Elizabeth's was a restitution to a more ancient: and most true it is, the most ancient is the most true. So that in this regard we may justly say, [Nos non sumus novatores, sed vos estis veteratores,] and with our Saviour, * Matth. 19 8. From the beginning it was not so. B. C. 4. I was sorry to hear of a change and of a new religion, seeing me thought in reason, if true religion were eternal, the new religion could not be the true. But yet I hoped that the religion of England was not a change, or a new religion, but a restitution of the old, and that the change was in the Church of Rome, which in process of time might perhaps grow to be Superstitious and Idolatrous, and that therefore England had done well to leave the Church of Rome, and to reform itself: and for this purpose I did at my leisure and best opportunity, as I came to more judgement, read over the Chronicles of England, and observed all the a●terations of religion that I could find therein: but when I found there, that the present religion of England was a plain change, and change upon change, and that there was no cause of the change at all at the first, but only that ● King Henry the VIII. was desirous to change his old bedfellow, that he might leave some heirs males behind him (for belike he feared the females would not be able to withstand the title of Scotland) and that the change was continued and increased by the posterity of his latter wives, I could not choose but suspect some thing: But yet the 2 Observe here the great zeal of this man, which himself boasteth of in the 2. S●ction going before. love of the world, and hope of preferment would not suffer me to believe but that all was well, and as it ought to be. G. H. 4. You told us before, that your care was, assoon as you came to years of discretion, by all means you could to inform yourself, whether the religion of England were indeed the very same which being prefigured and prophesied in the old Testament, was perfected by our blessed Saviour, and delivered to his Apostles and disciples: and here you tell us, that when you came to more judgement, for the better informing yourself herein, you read over the Chronicles of England: a proper course indeed, as if a man should read over the Chronicles of England to search, whether the practice of our Architects in building agree with vitrvuius his precepts, or of our husbandmen in manuring their grounds with columella's rules. For mine own part, I should rather have thought, that the readiest way to inform yourself aright, had been to compare the religion of England with the doctrine of the Gospels, Epistles, Acts of the Apostles, and Church history, the end of a Chronicle being not to show every alteration in religion, specially where it is made piece-meal, insensibly, and by degrees, of which a man may say that he sees it is changed, though he saw not the changing, as he sees the grass hath grown though he saw it nor growing, and the shadow in a dial to have moved, though not moving, [ * Matth. 13. 5. 25 The envious man sowed his tars in the night, so that men discovered it then when they sprang up in the morning.] but the sowing of them they could not observe, because it was done cunningly in the night when all men slept, and for a time, they lay hid under the earth. And yet are not our Chronicles so silent, but that they every where lay open the just complaint of our Kings, and groaning of our Clergy and people under the yoke of the Bishop of Rome, as shall more clearly appear, when we come to show what benefit every estate may expect from the restitution of Romish religion▪ But you say▪ you found the religion of England a plain change, and change upon change: But our constant answer is, (that which you profess you hoped to find) that the change was in the Church of Rome, our change being nothing else but the scouring off of that rust, or the repairing of those ruins which we found had insensibly grown upon it. For to suppose that tract of time cannot draw a corruption upon religion, aswell as upon civil affairs, is as if a man should imagine that Castles indeed are subject to reparations, but not Churches: and for your pretended change upon change, we may boldly say, that our Common prayer book hath not received so many changes as your Breviaries, your Portesses, your Legends, your Martyrologies, your Pontificals, your Ceremonials, and specially your Missals have done, and that since our reformation; nay, since the framing and publishing of our Common prayer books in the beginning of the reign of Edward the VI we find no change in any material point at all, save that in their Litany they prayed to be delivered by name from the tyranny and malice of the Pope, which for any thing I know, might as justly, and upon as good reason have been retained by us, as it was by them put in. H Now why Henry the VIII. should cause the first change in religion out of a desire to change his bedfellow, I see not, except you esteem a restraining of the Pope's unlimited power in dispensations to be a change in religion, and indeed it may well be, since now the world is come to that pass, that the Pope's authority, and religion are in a manner as reciprocal, as the definition and the thing defined. And for the change of his bedfellow, it is well known to those that have read over our Chronicles with observation (as yourself pretend you have) that he being married to her at the age of 10. years or thereabout, protested against it when he came to 14. in the presence of Richard Fox Bishop of Winchester, and john Read a public Notary, as appears by a deed under his own hand, being then Prince of Wales, besides the Counsel both of Spain and of France, treating a marriage for the Lady Mary, the one wi●h Charles the Emperor, the other with Henry Duke of Orleans, they both made a doubt whether the marriage of her mother, having been wife to the Kings own brother could be dispensed with, or the children begot in this second bed legitimate, and by Law allowed to succeed to the crown: nay which is more, D. Longland then Bishop of Lincoln the king's Confessor, after it had long slept, revived this Scruple in the king's conscience, the Cardinal being Archbishop of York, and Legate to the Pope, together with the Archbishop of Canterbury, and all the rest of the Bishops (Rochester only excepted, who was then lately made Cardinal, but lost his head before his hat came over) subscribed and sealed to the justness of the divorce, both our 1 It is to be noted that some of these Universities profess in their published instruments, that they took an oath to deliver and to study upon the foresaid questions, as should be to the pleasure of God, and according to conscience, the copy whereof is to be seen in our English Chronicles. Universities, yea, many beyond the Seas to the number of 10. or 12. some of them in Italy itself, and under the Pope's peculiar jurisdiction confirmed it under their common seals, diverse of our 2 After the determinations of these Vniversites were read in open Parliament, there were shown above a 100 books drawn by Doctors of strange regions, which all agreed the King's mar●age to be unlawful. Doctors, being purposely sent to Rome about it, offered dispute before the Pope to prove it, Cranmer in a private conference at Vienna with Cornelius Agrippa (then following the Emperor, & every where admired for his learning) so fully satisfied him that he held the proposition most true, if it could be proved that the Lady Katherine was carnally known of Prince Arthur, whereof the presumptions were great. The one was, that Prince Henry was deferred from his creation, and title of Prince of Wales, by the space of six months after Arthur's decease, upon a supposition that the Lady Katherine might be by him conceived with child: Another was that for this cause the said Lady procured a second Bull from the Pope with this addition [Velforsan cognitam] and peradventure carnally known, which Bull was only purchased to dispense with this marriage. A third presumption was from the report of Prince Arthur's Chamberlain upon certain words spoken by the Prince the first morning that he rose from his bed. A fourth was the relation of the Ambassadors of Ferdinando her father king of Spain, being sent hither purposely to see the marriage consummated, who returned their knowledge of their mutual conjunction by the marks, and that nothing was left unperformed of any nuptial right: And surely they being both of years able enough to accomplish the act, he above 15. and she above 17. laid both in one bed almost five months together, do assure us the certainty of that which in this business is made the greatest scruple. These were the reasons which in appearance moved Henry the VIII. to the removing of his bedfellow, not those which you as fond imagine, as you suggest maliciously. I do not take upon me the clearing of this king from all the blame that is cast upon him: yet I may truly say that strangers have been more favourable unto him, than our own countrymen, he being deeply and bitterly taxed not only by Saunders (from whom nothing but such slanders could be expected) but by a later writer, professing himself of our own Church, to the great content of the Romish faction, whose obligation notwithstanding to the daughter in the censure of wise men might deservedly have purchased some more respective terms of the Father: whereas Thuanus the most unpartial and judicious Historiographer of our age gives this testimony of him, that [he was a Prince of singular natural endowments, and such a one in whom (had he not too much loosed the reins to this pleasure) you could hardly find wanting any perfection. Nay after his divorce from his Queen, and from the Church of Rome, the Bishops which he named (saith he) were honest men and good Scholars, being ever himself a great Patron of learning] which testimony I the rather allege, because the Spanish expurgatory index hath razed it, as also divers other very memorable passages in this Author. B. C. 5. Thus I satisfied myself at School, and studied the Arts and Philosophy, and other human learning, until being Master of Arts, and fellow of Corpus Christi College in Cambridge, I was at last by the Statutes of that house, called to the study of Divinity, and bound to take upon me the Order of Priesthood, than I thought it my duty for the better satisfaction of mine own soul, and the saving of othermen, to look as far into the matter as possible I could, that I might find out the Truth, and having the opportunity of a very good Library in that College: I resolved with myself to study hard, and setting aside all respect of men then alive, or of Writers that had moved or maintained Controversies (farther than to 1 How learnedly you understood the state of the question betwixt us, appears afterward in setting down the opinion of the Church of Rome touching Images. understand the question which was betwixt them) I fell to my prayers, and betook myself wholly to the reading of the 2 No mention at all of reading the Scriptures, that was too base a work for so great a Clerk. Church History, and of the ancient Fathers, which had no interest on either side, and specially ● made choice of S. Augustine, because I hoped to find most comfort in him for the confirming of our Religion, and the confuting of the Church of Rome. G. H. 5. After your perusing the Chronicles of England, you betake yourself to the reading of the Church History, and ancient Fathers, and in special make choice of S. Augustine in whom you find the doctrine of Rome every where confirmed, and ours confuted: But I would fain know whether one main point of the doctrine of the Church of Rome be not the Supremacy of that Sea, and whether a chief feather in that wing be not Appeals from foreign parts. Now whether S. Augustine approved them, I appeal to his practice, being one of those Bishops in the Council of Carthage, who discovered and disclaimed the impudency and forgery of the Church of Rome, in challenging that as right, which some of constraint had performed, and others of courtesy had granted, for which himself with his Fellow-Bishops were excommunicated by the Bishop of Rome, and (for any thing I can find in the Church History) so died. Some of his works I have read, specially those of Christian doctrine, and of them I will be bold to say that they confirm no one point of Romish doctrine controversed at this day: and surely there, if any where, had been the proper place to declare the Bishop of Rome Supreme judge in all controversies. B. C. 6. In this sort I spent my time continually for many years, and noted down whatsoever I could gather, or rather snatch either from the Scriptures, or the Fathers to serve my turn: But when after all my pains and desire to serve myself of Antiquity, I found the doctrine of the Church of Rome to be every where confirmed, & by most profound demonstrations out of 1 How comes it to pass then, that the profound Doctors for proole of many doctrines of that Church, forsake the Scriptures, & fly to traditions? holy Scripture made most agreeable to the truth of Christ's 2 As if in your learning, the Gospel were not Scripture. Gospel, and most conformable to all 3 Belike than we in these cold Northern Climates have no Christian souls. Christian souls, and saw the 4 When those Preachers shallbe named, and their current opinions specified, and the passages quoted, by which they are confuted, I doubt not but the unanswerable consequents will find a sufficient answer, in the mean time you must give us leave to suspect that Dolu● latet in universalibus, falsehood insists upon generals. current opinions of our great Preachers every where confuted, either in plain terms, or by most unanswerable consequence, although mine understanding was thereby greatly edified (for which I had great reason to render immortal thanks to our blessed Saviour, who by these means had vouchsafed to show himself unto me) yet my heart was much 5 We have good reason to think you were not so much grieved for crossing those great preachers you speak of, as that thereby your preferment was crossed. grieved, that I must be fain either not to preach at all, or to cross and var●e from the doctrine which I saw was commonly received. G. H. 6. I have perused your commonplace book, written for the most part with your own hand, and indeed it thereby appears that your noting might more deservedly be termed a snatching, than a gathering, though by your will you solemnly bequeath it as a rich legacy to C.C.C. in Camb. whereof you were a Fellow: but you found the doctrine of the Church of Rome, (you say,) every where confirmed by most profound demonstrations from holy Scripture; in truth I must confess they are so deep, that throughout this treatise they are invisible; but I much desire to know by what profound demonstration from holy Scripture, you would prove the adoration of images, the administration of the Sacrament under one kind, the exercise of public prayer in a language not understood of the people, or lastly the Bishop of Rome's usurpation over the temporals of Princes, unless you bring Bellarmine's profound demonstration to that purpose [Pasce oves meas,] or Baronius [Surge occide & manduca] or the Canonists [fecit Deus duo magna luminaria] much like a profound demonstration I have heard of for proof of the Salic law [the lilies neither labour nor spin] therefore the Crown of France [ne tomb point sur laquenoville] falls not to the distaff: or like that of a Friar, who would needs prove that ten worlds were made in the first Creation, and that out of our saviours words in the Gospel [anon decem factisunt mundi] but he was well answered by his brother in the words following, [Sed ubisunt novem?] and did he not deserve the title of D. profundus trow you, for so profound a demonstration? 1 Such a profound demonsration is that of Bellarmine out of Petrus Damianus, to show the reason why in the Pope's old Seals S. Paul was on the right hand of S. Peter, because forsooth Paul was of the tribe of Benjamin, and Benjamin signifies the son of the right hand, and for this he quotes Gen. 35. and 42. By such like profound demonstrations, you find the doctrine of the Church of Rome made most agreeable to the truth of Christ's Gospel, which for the Sacrament is, * Matth. 26. 27. drink ye all of this,] and for the power of his ministers, * john 18. 36. [my kingdom is not of this world,] words delivered as it seems out of a prophetical spirit, as foreseeing what errors should in after ages spring up in his Church, but you do well to say that those doctrines were made agreeable to this truth: they may be made so, or at leastwise made to seem so, by forging and hammering upon the anvil of men's conceits, howbeit in themselves they are not so, as the bells seem to the child to ring that tune which runs in his head. B. C. 7. Being thus perplexed with myself what course I were best to take, I reflected back again upon the Church of England; and because the most of those Preachers which drew the people after them in those days were Puritans, and had grounded their divinity upon Calvin's institutions, I thought peradventure that they having gotten the multitude on their side, might wrong the Church of England in her doctrine, as well as they desired to do in her discipline, which indeed upon due search, I found to be most true: for I found the Common prayer book, and the Catechism therein contained, to hold no point of doctrine expressly contrary to Antiquity, but only that it was very defective, and contained not enough: and for the doctrine of ᴵ Predestination, Sacraments, Grace, free-will, Sin, the new Catechism and Sermons of those Preachers did run wholly against the Common prayer book, and Catechism therein, and did make as little account of the doctrine established by law, as they did of the discipline: but in the one they found opposition by those that had private interest, in the other they said what they list, because no man thought himself ᴷ hurt. G. H. 7 If our Common prayer Book and Catechism therein contained, hold no point of Doctrine contrary to Antiquity (as you affirm.) Surely the Church of Rome must needs be contrary to Antiquity, in as much as it holds divers points contrary to it: If we should begin with the Preface, which is confirmed by equal authority of State, as the body of the book, it tells us in the very entrance, [there was never any thing by the wit of man so well devised, or so sure established, which in continuance of time hath not been corrupted, as among other things it may plainly appear by the Common prayers in the Church, commonly called Divine Service (the reason is added a little after,) in as much as the godly and decent orders of the Fathers were altered and neglected, by planting in uncertain Stories, Legends, Responds, Verses, vain repetitions, Commemorations, Synodals, that commonly when any Book of the Bible was begun, before three or four Chapters were read out, all the rest were unread.] Another reason is there annexed▪ [that whereas S. Paul would have none other language spoken to the people in the Church, than they understand, and have profit by hearing of the same, the Service in this Church of England these many years hath been read in Latin to the people, which they understand not; so that they have heard with their ●ares only, but their mind hath no● been edified thereby. Now for the body of the Common prayer Book, I will first begin with the division of the Commandments▪ The Church o● Rome joineth the two first in one, the better thereby to cloak their Idolatry in the worship of Images: But the Common prayer Book of the Church of England divideth them into two, therein following (two of the Fathers at most excepted) all Antiquity. The Church of Rome in the doctrine of the Sacrament of the Eucharist, teacheth that we eat and drink the Body and Blood of Christ carnally: The Common prayer of the Church of England in the form of administering that Sacrament, that we do both Spiritually and by Faith feed on him in our hearts, eating and drinking in remembrance that C H R I S T died and shed his Blood for us. The Church of Rome holdeth, that the Oblation of the Body of C H R I S T is to be iterated: The Common prayer Book of the Church of England, that being by himself once offered, he is a full perfect and sufficient Sacrifice for the ●innes of the whole world, which also meeteth with the Romish satisfaction for Venial sins, as they call them, and temporal punishment dew to Mortal. The Church of Rome teacheth, that the outward Sacrament of Water sufficeth to save Infants: The Common prayer Book of the Church of England in the administration of public Baptism, that the working of the holy Ghost is to be joined thereunto. The Church of Rome teacheth, that Laijks and Women may in some cases lawfully baptize: The Common prayer Book of the Church of England in the administration of private Baptism, that none may do it lawfully but the lawful Minister. The Church of Rome teacheth, that children may be confirmed before they come to years of discretion, and are able to yield an account of their Faith: The Common prayer Book of the Church of England in the order set down for Confirmation, teacheth and commandeth the contrary. More might be said to this point, but this shall suffice to show that if the Common prayer Book of the Church of England be in no point of doctrine contrary to Antiquity (as M ●. Doctor affirmeth) then must Antiquity needs be contrary to the doctrine of the Church of Rome, in as much as the doctrine thereof, and our Common prayer Book are contrary each to other. But you further add that though it contain no point contrary to Antiquity, yet is it very defective, and containeth not enough. Indeed we confess that we go not so far as the Church of Rome; but so far as we have warrant. We pray to God in the Name of CHRIST, they to God & to Saints. We pray for the living, they for the living and the dead. We acknowledge 2. Sacraments, they to those two add five more. We make the Communion of the Eucharist properly a Sacrament, they a Sacrament and a sacrifice, and that propitiatory. We hope to be saved by the merits of Christ, they by his merits and their own: the principal ground of all these additions is, that we make Scripture the only rule of faith, they both Scripture and traditions: and by mingling the water of their own inventions with the wine of the Gospel, they have made the Law of Christ of none effect. And surely if defect may justly be imputed to us, excess may much rather to them, who in their Pontifical spend seven leaves in the largest fol. only about the benediction of bells (which is indeed little different from Baptism) and many hundreds about such fopperies and trifles, as wise men among themselves cannot but laugh at, and yet dare not speak against, and good men pity, though they cannot remedy. I I marvel what doctrine of predestination, grace, free-will, or sin you find in the Common Prayer book, or Catechism therein; the end of the one being not to set down doctrinal positions, but the exercise of religious acts, and of the other, as briefly as may be, to instruct children in the principles of Christian religion, not men of riper age in the controversies. K It is to me strange, that you dare write thus to his Majesty, who made it known to the world by his pen (when other Christian Princes and Churches were silent) that he thought himself hurt by the pestilent subtleties of Vorstius, howbeit he were not under his dominions, & by Legate his own subject, who was burnt at London for Arianisme some few years since. But surely I am clearly of opinion that his Holiness would take it much more to heart, and think himself more hurt, if a Friar should preach against his power in deposing Kings, and disposing of kingdoms, then if he denied the eternal generation of the second person in Trinity from the first, or the procession of the third from the other two. B. C. 8. This truly was an increase of my grief: for knowing diverse of those Preachers to be very 1 It seems then your Puritan (for you tell us before, those preachers were such) may be a very honest man, yet afterwards you tell us their principles are such as overthrow all honesty. honest men, and such as I did love with all my heart, I was very loath to dissent from them in private, much more loath to 2 As loath as you were to oppose them in public, yet you did as far as you durst, as yourself afterwards confess. oppose them in public: and yet seeing I must needs preach, I was loathest of all to oppugn mine own conscience, together with the faith wherein I was 3 The faith in which you were baptised, is the ●ame which now is professed in the Church of England, and that I am sure no man expected, you should oppugn. baptised, and the souls of those to whom I preached, nevertheless having gotten this ground to work upon, I began to comfort myself with hope to prove that the religion established in England was the same, at the least in part, ᴸ which now was, and ever had been held in the Catholic Church, the defects whereof might be supplied, whensoever it should please God to move your Majesty thereunto, without abrogating that which was already by Law established: which I still pray for, and am not altogether out of ᴹ hope to see, and therefore I thought it my duty, as far as I durst, rather by ᴺ charitable constructions to reconcile things that seemed different, that so our souls might be for ever sa●ed in unity, then by malicious calumniations to maintain quarrels, that so men's turns might for a time be served in dissension. G. H. 8. L How then can we be esteemed heretics, who broach their own fantasies, since holding as the Church of England doth, we hold the same that the Catholic Church hath ever held? M Truly you had little reason to hope to live to see thos● unwarrantable Supplies (you speak of,) by his majesties command, aswell in regard of your own infirmities of body, as his majesties strong resolution of mind to the contrary: but it may be your intelligence deceived you: sure we are your hope failed you. N Touching your opinion of Reconciliation, whether it may be thought to proceed of charity, or arrogancy, as also whether it be probable, or in a manner possible, as the case now stands, I shall have fitter opportunity to discuss hereafter, then in this place. Yet give me leave by the way to tell you, that in my judgement you call that Unity, which is indeed distraction, it tending to nothing else but a rent and a drawing of us further from other reformed Churches, and ne●rer to the Church of Rome: for if this were not your meaning, the same charitable constructions would have served to reconcile things that to you (looking through the false spectacles of prejudice & passion) seemed very different betwixt us & other reformed Churches abroad, much better, & easier then for the reconciling of those main & broad differences, which are indeed betwixt us and the Church of Rome. Of which I fear I may too truly say, as Abraham doth to the rich glutton in hell, * Luke 16. 26. between you and us there is a great gulf set; so that they which would go from hence to you can not, neither can they come from thence to us.] I speak in regard of Reconciliation in differences of Religion; for otherwise but too many are suffered to go from hence thither, and having sucked their poison, to return again at their pleasures, for the vomiting of it out amongst us, notwithstanding the sharp penalties and great gulf set between us. B. C. 9 In this course although I did never proceed any farther than law would give me leave, yet I found the 1 I had thought before that a Puritan and a Caluenist, & a creature of Schism in your language had been all one. Puritans and Caluinists, and all the creatures of Schism to be my utter enemies, who were also like the sons of Zeruiah too strong for Daui● 2 If David himself be a Schismatic, as you make him, how were the creatures of Schism to strong for him? himself, 2. Sam 3. 39 but I well perceived that all 3 Those whom you call temperate men, we may suspect to be neutrals, made of lincie whoolsie, neither hot nor cold, but halting between two opinions, 1. Kings 18. 21. temperate and understanding men, who had no interest in the Schism, were glad to hear the truth 4 That which you call honest preaching of the Truth, we take to be the nearest approaching that may be to Rom● gates. honestly, and plainly preached unto them: and my hope was by patience and continuance, I should in the end unmask 5 Herein you failed not, in that at last you unmasked your own hypocriosie. hypocrisy, and gain credit to the comfortable doctrine of Antiquity, even amongst those also, who out of misinformation and prejudice did as yet most mislike it. And considering with myself that your right to the Crown came only by ᴼ Catholics, and was ancienter than the Schism, which would very fain have utterly extinguished it, and that both your ᴾ disposition by nature, your amity with Catholic Princes, your speeches, and your proclamations did at the beginning, all tend to peace and unity, I hoped that this endeavour of mine to enforce Catholic Religion, at the least as far as the Common prayer Book and Catechism would give leave, should be well accepted of your MAJESTY, and be as an introduction unto farther peace and unity with the Church of Rome. G. H. 9 O His majesties right to the Crown is double▪ the one from his mother lineally descending of the first match of the Lady Margaret daughter to Henry the VII. and sister to Henry the VIII. Kings of England, with james the fourth King of Scotland, his majesties great Grandfather, who though she embraced that Religion in which she was brought up, being never acquainted with any other, yet as his Majesty observeth in his monitory Preface to the Christian Princes, [she disliked some of the superstitious Ceremonies, and abhorred those new opinions, which the jesuits call Catholic.] His second right above any other pre●endor was from his father▪ descended of the second match of the said Lady Margaret with Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angush, being brought up in Q. Elizabeth's Court, whose father the Duke of Lenox professing the reformed religion, as well appeared by his practice in his life, in receiving the Sacrament after the manner of the reformed Churches, and by the confession of his faith in the hearing of many ministers at his death, in all likelihood his majesties father himself should be that way affected, though Cardinal Bellarmine upon the relation of I know not whom, would fain have it otherwise. And whereas you say that schism would fain have extinguished his majesties right, it is well known, that those whom you call schismatics, were the chief instruments under God to preserve his Majesties not only right, but life; against the fury of some, whom you call Catholics, both before his mother's death, and since. P From his majesties progenitors, you come to his own disposition by nature▪ his amity with Catholic Princes, his speeches, his Proclamations, which all tended at the beginning (you say) to peace and unity: True indeed it is that his Majesty by nature is disposed to mercy, his amity with Christian Princes argues his charity, and heroical ingenuity, void of jealousy & suspicion, even where occasion may seem to be given, his speeches and Proclamations were not bloody; yet all this could not serve your turn, as a sufficient warrant to endeavour a peace with the Church of Rome in matters of religion: no more than a league with the great Turk for traffic should give occasion of joining with him in Mahometisme: but had you withal with the other eye reflected a little back upon his majesties education from his very Cradle, the choice of his alliance in marriage, his counsel to his son touching the matter of religion in the first book of his Basilicon Doron, his exposition published upon the 7. 8. 9 and 10. verses of the 20. chapter of the Revel. or lastly his subscription to the confession of his faith, in the year 1581., as soon as he came to years of discretion: you would have had little reason to have presumed so far upon him for hearkening to any peace with the Church of Rome, * 2. King. 9 ●. ●●. as long as her whoredoms and witchcrafts r●maine,] yet in such abundance, and being offered cure, (●hat we might know she is Babylon) she hath, and still doth wilfully * jerem. 51. 9 refuse to be cured. But the sandy ground of the vain presumption will yet more lively appear, if the form of that subscription be well considered: in which having rehearsed and renounced the chief points of Popery, as namely, the Pope's usurped authority over the Scriptures, over the Church, over the civil Magistrate, and the consciences of men, his devilish mass, his blasphemous Priesthood, his profane sacrifice for the quick and the dead, and, in a word, the erroneous and bloody decrees of the Council of Trent, he promiseth and sweareth by the great name to the Lord God, to persevere in that faith, and to defend it all the days of his life, to the utmost of his power, under pain of all the Curses contained in the Law, and the danger both of body and soul, in the fearful day of judgement: and further straightly chargeth and commandeth all his officers and ministers, to make the same subscription themselves, and to take it of others under their charge, and lest we should think that arriving to riper age he altered his judgement, in his instructions to his son, he gives us this assurance, As for the particular points of religion (saith he) I need not to dilate them, I am no hypocrite; follow my footsteps, and your own present education therein. B. C. 10. But when after my long hope I at the last did plainly perceive that God for our sins, had suffered the devil, the athour of dissension, so far to prevail, as partly by the furious practice of some desperate Catholics, and partly by the 1 You might more properly have applied fiery to your desperate Cath. for such was their practice. fiery suggestions of all 2 There needed no great violence to aggravate the heinousness of that plot. violent Puritans, he had 3 How comes it then to pass that notwithstanding all this in the next chap. you so earnestly labour the conversion of his Majesty, and the whole Realm.. quite diverted that peaceable and temperate course which was hoped for, and that I must now either alter my judgement, which was impossible, or preach against my conscience, which was untolerable; Lord, what anxiety and distraction of soul did I suffer day & night! what strife betwixt my judgement, which was wholly for the Q peace and unity of the Church, and my affection which was wholly to enjoy the ᴿ favour of your Majesty, and the love of my friends, and Country: this grief of soul now growing desperate, did still more and more increase the infirmities of my body: and yet I was so loath to become a professed Catholic, with the displeasure of your Majesty, and of all my honourable and loving friends, as I rather desired to silence my judgement with the profits and pleasures of the world, which was before me, then to satisfy it with reconciling myself unto the Catholic Church. But it was Gods will, that ever, as I was about to forget the care of religion, and to settle myself to the world among my neighbours, I met with such humours, as I saw by their violence against Catholics and Catholic religion, were like rather to waken my soul by torture, then bring it asleep by temper: and therefore I was driven to S recoil to God and to his Church, that I might find rest unto my soul. G. H. 10. Q Certainly for their sins it was, that God suffered them to plot so barbarous a design, but, for our good, we hope, if in nothing else, yet in working in us a stronger hatred of that religion, which produceth such effects, and in awakening us to beware of the like mischievous plot again, if it be possible the like may be plotted: we excuse not ourselves, but in this business we have rather tasted of God's mercy, which we deserved not, then of his judgements which we must acknowledge we deserved. R Quis tulerit Gracchos deseditione querentes? what patient ear can endure him talking of nothing but peace and unity, who did ever blow the coals of dissension, both in Court and Country, as well in the College: where he lived a fellow, as in the Church where he was a Canon. S So it may well be gathered out of your own words, Ex ore●tu● condemnaberis, serve nequam, Luke 1●. 22. that the chief ground of your grief was, that you saw your ambitious humour was now crossed, in as much as you could not keep the old wont, and withal rise to place of honour. T Your apostasy, and forsaking the faith, and Church, in which you were baptised, you call a recoiling to God and to his Church; neither will I much stand upon it, since we know that Antichrist must sit in the Temple of God, bearing himself as God. B. C. 11. And yet because I had heard often, that the practice of the Church of Rome was contrary to her doctrine, I thought good to make one trial more, before I resolved, and therefore having the advise of diverse learned Physicians, to go to the Spa for the health of my body, I thought good to make a virtue of necessity, and to get leave to go the rather for the satisfaction of my soul, ᵛ hoping to find some greater offence in the service of the Church of Rome, than I had done in her books, that so I might return better contented, and persecute and abhor the Catholics at home, after I should find them so wicked and idolatrous abroad, as they were in every pulpit in England affirmed to be. For this purpose before I would frequent their Churches, I talked with such learned men as I could meet withal, and did of purpose dispute against them, and with all the 1 What needed any great wit or learning for the justification of that doctrine which by your own confession holds no point expressly contrary to antiquity. wit and learning I had, both justify the doctrine of England established by Law, and object their superstition and idolatry, which I thought they might commit either with the images in the Church, or with the Sacrament of the Altar. G. H. 11. That is a truth, to avouch the practice of the Church of Rome to be more gross than her doctrine, (howbeit we must confess her doctrine, in many points, to be very gross) appears by this, that the better and wiser sort among themselves, both in their judgements and writings, condemn many fopperies usually practised by the people, and winked at by their guides: as their hallowing of grains, and medals, and beads, by touching some supposed Relic, with opinion of merit, Their praying to feigned Saints, and believing forged legends and miracles, Their permitting of public Stews, and a Priest to keep his concubine under a yearly rent, which Espencaeus wisheth were falsely thrust in among the grievances of Germany, Their setting of certain rates upon the most grievous sins before they be committed, as appeareth in their Taxa Camera, Their allowing of Sanctuaries for wilful murder, Their ordinary buying and selling of souls in Purgatory, as a man would buy an horse in Smithfield, Lastly the making of ghosts to walk and talk at their pleasure, of images to move, to weep, to sweat, to speak when they list, are matters which the modester sort dare not defend, and yet the most impudent cannot well deny; and surely for mine own part I must confess, that nothing so much moved me to a loathing of their religion, as the beholding of their practice, their whole worship wherein we differ, either consisting in apish ridiculous gestures, or in a mere outward formality, or directed wholly to the greatness and gain of the Clergy. And I have heard some English gentlemen affirm, that being induced by subtlety of argument to the entertaining of some doctrine of the Church of Rome, the sight of her whorish countenance, and the licentious lives of her chief Prelates, even in Rome itself, hath wrought them to a distaste of it, as supposing that a face so artificially painted and composed, could not stand with simplicity of truth, nor such lewdness in living with soundness in doctrine, which Adrian the VI by nation a Netherlander, one of the best Popes of latter days, acknowledged to be the chief cause of so much scandal in the world, and so general and eager a desire of reformation, as appears in his instructions to his Nuntio to be delivered to the States of Germany assembled in Diet, and recorded by Espencaeus in his Commentary on the first of Titus, and therefore promiseth that he would begin with the reformation of his own Court, as our Saviour did with the Temple: but his disposition being discovered, and his intent known, order was taken that he should not proceed in that business, being shortly after cut off by untimely death. So that if you had so pleased, you might have found the practice of the Church of Rome much more gross than her doctrine, aswell for exercise of their religion, as for the lives of their Clergy and religious men: neither needed you to have undertaken a voyage to the Spa for that purpose, in as much as you had made, or at least, might have made trial thereof, at your being in France with an honourable person employed thither by his Majesty. In the last words of your Section going before this, you tell us that you were driven to recoil to God, and his Church, that you might find rest to your soul, and here within 10. lines you tell us▪ that you got leave to travel beyond the Seas, hoping to find some greater offence in the service of that Church, than you had done in her books, in her practice, then in her doctrine: and yet both your instances in the Section following, and conference with learned men argue their doctrine, rather than their practice. B. C. 12. Their common answer was, that which by experience I now find to be true, viz. that they do abhor all idolatry and superstition, and do diligently 1 To allow the people images for religious use, and then to admonish them that they take heed of idolatry, is as if a man should put an hungry horse into a goodly pasture, and then command him not to eat, or a child upon the top of a l●dder, and then bid him take heed of a fall. admonish the people to take heed thereof, and they use images for none other purpose, but only for a 2 Why do they cover them in Lent then? devout memory and representation of the Church triumphant, which is most fit to be made in the time and place of prayer, where after a more special manner we should with all reverence have 3 We should indeed have our conversation amongst the Saints in heaven, but not amongst their images on earth. our conversation amongst the Saints in heaven. G. H. 12. It appears by resting satisfied with this answer, that either your wit and learning were very slender to object, having, as it seems, scarce looked into later writers, so much as to understand the state of questions controversed between us (which notwithstanding you pretend before in your fifth Section) or else your will forestalled by prejudice, was very apt to receive satisfaction with any answer. For what novice is there so meanly studied in Controversies, who knows not that the Church of Rome hath hitherto practised, and still doth profess, that the use of Images in their Churches, is not only for memory and representation, as you affirm, but for worship and adoration: and withal commandeth her Pastors in that Catechism which they call the Roman, to teach the people so. Nay, which is more, they both give, and maintain to be due, the same adoration to the sign of the Cross, and neither less nor more, M. Hooker in his 5. book of Ecclesiastical policy, Sect. 65. then is due unto Christ himself, which opinion (as a moderate and judicious writer hath well observed) howsoeever they endeavour to varnish and qualify with distinctions, which the Schools in speculation have bolted out, pretending that the Cross, which to outward sense presenteth visibly itself alone, is not by them apprehended alone, but hath in their secret surmise or conceit, a reference to the person of our Lord jesus Christ; so that the honour, which they jointly do to both, respecteth principally his person, and the Cross but only for his persons sake: yet the people not accustomed to trouble their brains with so nice and subtle differences in the exercise of religion, are apparently no less ensnared by adoring the Cross, than the jews by burning incense to the Brazen serpent, and in actions of this kind, we are more to respect what the greatest part of men are commonly prone to conceive, than what some few men's invention can devise in construction of their own particular meanings. His majesties own words to this purpose are excellent and worthy observation. [But for worshipping either of them saith he, speaking of Relics or Images,) I must account it damnable Idolatry, I am no Iconomachus, I quarrel not the making of images, either for public decoration, or men's private uses: but▪ that they should be worshipped and prayed unto, or any holiness attributed unto them, was never known of the ancients: and the Scriptures are so directly, vehemently, and punctually against it, as I wonder what brain of man, or suggestion of Satan, durst offer it to Christians: and all must be salved with nice Philosophical distinctions: as, Idolum nihil est, and they worship forsooth the Images of things in being, and the Image of the true God, but the Scripture forbiddeth to worship the image of any thing that God created: It was not a nihil then that God forbade only should be worshipped, neither was the Brazen serpent, nor the body of Moses a nihil, and yet the one was destroyed, and the other hidden, for eschewing of Idolatry: yea, the image of God himself is not only expressly forbidden to be worshipped, but even to be made. The reason is given, that no eye ever saw God: and how can we paint his face, when Moses, the man that ever was most familiar with God, never saw but his back parts? Surely since he cannot be drawn to the view, it is a thankless labour to mar it with a false representation; which no Prince, nor scarce any other man would be contented with, in their own pictures. Let them therefore that maintain this doctrine, answer it to Christ at the latter day, when he shall accuse them of Idolatry, and then I doubt, if he will be paid with such nice Sophistical distinctions.] Hitherto his Majesty, than which, I see not what could be to this point more fully and clearly spoken. B. C. 13. And for the blessed Sacrament, they do not worship the Accidents which they see, but the Substance which they believe: and surely if Christ be there truly & really present, (as your Majesty seemeth to grant he is) he is as much to be worshipped as if we saw him with our bodily eyes: neither is there any more Idolatry in the one then in the other. If our blessed Saviour himself should visibly appear in person, as he was upon the earth, jews and Infidels would hold it for Idolatry to worship him, and would crucify him again, and so would all heretics also, who refuse to worship him in the Sacrament where he is really present. G. H. 13. You tell us, that the people do not worship the accidents which they see, but the substance which they see not: but the question is, whether they rightly believe the substance of Christ's body to lie hidden, and as it were buried under those Accidents? which I am sure Saint Augustine (on whom you so much rely) is so far from defending, or else the adoration of Images before mentioned, that in diverse places he maintaineth the clear contrary to both. And to grant that after the words of Consecration pronounced, the body of Christ is there folded or kneaded up in a bodily manner, yet whether the Priest that pronounceth them, be rightly Ordered, and if he be, whether he pronounce them with the intent that the Church intends, they may justly make a doubt, and consequently a question, whether their worship be idolatrous or no: for in such cases by confession of all, in stead of Christ's body, they worship the bread: for our parts, we constantly believe him to be in heaven, and not in the bread, whereas we make a just doubt whether a great part of them, who believe him to be in the bread▪ do with like constancy believe that he is in heaven. You further add that if he be truly and really present (as his MAJESTY seemeth to grant) he is as much to be worshipped, as if we saw him with our bodily eyes. But indeed it is not the seeing of him with our bodily eyes, that makes the matter, or gives occasion of worshipping, for then a blind man could not worship him at all, nor a seeing man in the dark; but the believing of him to be present in a bodily manner. We believe him then with his MAJESTY (it being Calvin's opinion expressed in the very self same terms) to be truly and really present; but in a manner Sacramental, not bodily, and consequently not to be worshipped there, as being not wrapped up under the accidents of bread, but triumphing in heaven. And here by your leave how submissively soever you would seem in other places to carry yourself towards his Majesty, you make bold to put the title of Heretic upon him, and to rank him among no better than ●ewes and Infidels: But our just defence is, that after the way which you call Heresy, we give more true and lawful honour to our blessed Saviour than you, casting all that religious worship which you give to the blessed Virgin, to Angels, to Saints, to the bread in the Eucharist, to Images, to Relics, to the Cross▪ and all that opinion of Merit, of Supererogation, and Satisfaction, which you ascribe either to yourselves, or others, wholly and solely upon him, either as God, or as Man, or as Mediator betwixt God and Man: only we deny to give that honour to his Image, or the bread in the Eucharist, which is as essentially due to him, as to them undue. B. C. 14. After divers other objections 1 I told you before you were prepossessed with prejudice, which made you object so weakly. not so much because I was not, as be cause I desired not to be satisfied, I came to the Pope's supposed pride and tyranny over Kings and Princes, and told them of the most horrible Treason intended and practised by Catholics against your MAJESTY, which hath not yet been judicially condemned by the Church of Rome. They all seemed to 2 Had it taken effect they would have abhorred it as Sixtus did the Friars murdering of Henry the III. of France in the Consistory of Cardinals, where he compares it to the work of our Redemption. abhor the fact, as much as the best Subiests in the world, and much more to favour and defend the authority of Kings and Princes than Heretics do. And they said that although your Majesty were out of the Church, yet they doubted not but if 3 A likely matter that his Majesty should make complaint in a judicial proceeding to him, in whom he professeth that he acknowledgeth no right of proceeding judicially in the censure of his own Subjects. complaint were made in a judicial proceeding, that fact should be judicially condemned. In the mean time it was sufficient 4 All those Writers whom you call Catholics, do so condemn it, as they seem rather to think it unfortunate in the success, then mischievous in the plot. that all Catholic writers did condemn it, and that the Pope by his Breve had condemned it, exhorting the Catholics of England to all Christian patience and obedience, and as for any 5 What authority this is, will appear in Pius his Bull, whose words are these, And him alone hath he made chief over all nations and kingdoms, who may alone root out, destroy, scatter, waste, plant, and build that the faithful people knit together with the band of mutual charity, might be kept in the unity of the Spirit. other authority or superiority of the Pope, than such as is spiritual and necessary for the unity of the Church, I have met with none that do stand upon it. G. H. 14. You well say they seemed to abhor the fact, it being of the nature of those whereof Tacitus speaks, Quae nunquam laudantur nisiperacta, which are never commended till they are ended, had it taken effect according to their designs, for the setting up of their Religion among us, it had undoubtedly been recorded a most happy and fortunate success, which now by abortion only and miscarriage, is styled an horrible Treason. And if they defend the authority of Kings and Princes, much more than they, whom they call Heretics, I would fain know how it comes to pass, that more of those Prince's w●om you call Catholics, permit within their Dominions the public exercise of Religion to those Heretics, than the contrary. Surely in my judgement it is an evident argument, that Christian Sta●es conceive reason to be more jealous of the one, then of the other, neither is the reason far to be sought, ●ince the one acknowledgeth no Supreme foreign power which the other doth: but the Pope (you say) condemned the Powder-plot by his Breve. I much desire to see that Breve of the Popes which condemns it. I suppose it is most like to be found on the backside of Constantins donation, as an Ambassador of Venice told the Pope touching his right to the Adriatic Sea, or we may say of it, Brevis esse laboro obscurusfio, he is so brief and obscure in it, as we can find no such matter. Two Breves of Clements I remember I have heard of for the withstanding of his majesties entrance to the Crown, and two others of Paulus V. against the taking of the oath of allegiance (which I marvel M. Doctor never vouchsafed so much as once to remember through his Letter) but any against the Powder-plot, I cannot call to mind I have seen, or so much as heard of. Lastly whereas you bear us in hand, that the Pope's favourites stand upon none other authority for their Master, than such as is spiritual and necessary for the unity of the Church, I guess their meaning to be Bellarmine's [indirect power in temporals, or temporal power in ordine as spiritualia, in relation to spiritual duties,] which is in truth upon the matter, as much as can be demanded by them, and more than must be granted by us; it reaching to the deposition of Princes from their thrones, and the disposition of their Crowns, when his Holiness shall judge it fit for the unity of the Church, as well appeared in his Bulls, both against King Henry the father, and Queen Elizabeth the daughter. And thus far Cardinal Perron that peaceable man, and your great Patron, expressed himself in the last assembly of the three estates of France, for which the Pope gave him, and the rest of the Clergy, who stuck to him in that business, as great thanks, as if they had saved Saint Peter's ship from sinking: both the Cardinal and the Pope supposing as it seems, [that those sparks flew into France from the fire of England.] howsoever sure it is they were quenched by the water of Tiber. B. C. 15. So that whereas my 1 How could your hope be such, since your resolution was to the contrary, as appears by your own words in divers passages before. hope was that by finding out the 2 Yourself within a few lines after, acknowledge you found many. corruptions of the Church of Rome, I should grow further in love with the Church of England, and joyfully return home, and by inveighing against the Papists, both enjoy my present preferments, and obtain more and more, I saw the matte● was like to fall out clean contrary. It is true indeed that there are many corruptions● in all States; God hath not his wheat field in this world wherein the devil hath no tars growing, and there are not tars 3 So that it seems by your own confession the greatest corruptions are to be found in the Church of Rome, seeing by God's wheat field in your understanding, can be meant none other, but that Church, in which, in your opinion, grace most aboundeth. more rank than those that grow among the wheat: for optimi corruptio pessima, and where grace aboundeth, if it be contemned, there sin aboundeth much more. But seeing my reading and experience hath now taught me, that the truth of Christian Religion taught and practised at this day in the Church of Rome, and all the obedient members thereof, is the very same in 4 Belike than you saw some broad difference in the circumstance. substance which was prefigured and prophesied from the beginning of the world, perfected by CHRIST himself, delivered to his Apostles, and by them and their Successors perpetually and universally practised until this day, without any ᵂ substantial alteration, and that the new religion in X England wherein it doth differ, hath no ground, but either the pleasure of the Prince and Parliament, or the common cry and voice of the people, nor no constancy or agreement with itself, what should I now do? It is not in my power not to know that which I do know, nor to doubt of that which I have spent so much time, and taken so much pains, and bestowed so much cost, and made so many trials to find. And I know if I should yield to be reconciled to the Church, I should be in this world in all likelihood 5 You made sure work for that, by carrying over store of moneys with you, & by obtaining pensions from the Pope, the Q. Mother of France, and Cardinal Pe●●on. utterly undone, and which grieved me more, I should be rejected of your Majesty my most redoubted Lord and Master, and despised by all my dear friends and lovers in England. G. H. 15. W The Church of Rome holds indeed the substance of Christian Religion in profession, but yet by consequence shakes the foundation of it, as it holds the death of Christ to be satisfactory for sin, and yet adding thereunto her own meritorious satisfaction consequently by the latter, she overthrows the former, for [ * Gal. 2. 21. If righteousness be by the Law, than Christ died without a cause:] and in reason impossible it is, if traditions be held of equal value with the Scriptures, for the constituting of substantial points, but that in short time there should ensue a substantial alteration, and he that knows not that the Church of Rome holds many things now, as parts of the Catholic faith, which it helds not in former ages, knows little what hath been anciently held, or now is. X If by the religion of England you understand that, which is by Law established) as in common construction you cannot otherwise be understood,) you condemn yourself out of your own mouth, in as much as you acknowledge before, that the religion established by law in England, was the same (save only it was somewhat defective) which now is, and ever had been held in the Catholic Church: and yet here you say, it hath no ground, but the pleasure of the Prince and Parliament, whereas in truth we build upon the Rock of the Scriptures, but you upon the sand of traditions, and which of us hath the sounder foundation, I appeal no farther, than reason itself to judge. You as though you were not yet [ * Col. 2. 20, 21, 22 dead from the ordinances of the world, burden yourselves with traditions, as touch not, taste not, handle not, which all perish with the using and are after the commandments and▪ doctrines of men: but we have a most sure word of the Prophets, taking heed thereto] according to S. Peter's counsel, [ * 1. Pet. 1. 19 as to a light that shineth in a dark place,] and as our ground is sure; so is our agreement constant, and uniform in all points material and necessary to salvation: whereas in the building of your tower of Babel, such diversity of languages is heard, that there is hardly any exposition of Scripture, or point in controversy, which hath not been, or is called into question, either directly or by consequent, by some that lived and died in that Church, which you call Catholic, as will easily appear to him, who shall turn over the volumes of of Cardinal Bellarmine, which is the true reason, as I suppose, that his works are not allowed to be read of all, but of public professors, and such others as have special permission from their Superiors. B. C. 16. These were my thoughts at the Spa: which did so vex and 1 It may be those afflictions served to free you from Purgatory, as you presume in the conclusion of your letter, otherwise I see not, why you should afflict yourself for choosing the only supposed means of your salvation. afflict my soul, as that the waters could do my body no good at all, but rather much hurt; nevertheless I 2 You disputed with such learned men as you could meet with, and yet avoided the company of catholics, you promise his Majesty to remember him at the daily oblation, and yet you abstained from their Churches. avoided the company of Catholics, abstained from the Church, and did both dispute and write against the Church of Rome, as occasion was offered. I still hoped that time would give better counsel, and therefore resolved to go from the Spa to Heidelberge, to do my duty there; in the mean time, I thought with myself, it may be, God hath moved his majesties heart to 3 That which you call peace, is a betraying of 〈◊〉 the truth, and 〈◊〉 that which you call a reconciliation, is a rent from foreign reformed Churches. peace and reconciliation, I know his disposition was so in the beginning, and I remember M. Casaubon told me, when I 4 I marvel who gave you authority to bring M. Casaubon over from France. brought him out of France, that his errand was nothing else but to mediate peace between the Church of Rome and the church of England. Therefore I thought, before I would submit myself to the Church of Rome, I would write unto M. Casaubon such a letter as he might show unto your Majesty, containing such conditions as I thought might satisfy your Majesty, if they were performed by the Church of Rome. The copy of which letter is too long here to set down: But when M. Casaubon answered me, that he knew your Majesty was 5 Having received this answer, What moved you to be so saucy and importunate to move his Majesty the second time to entertain Society with that Church. resolved to have no society with the Church of Rome, upon any condition what soever, and that it would be my undoing if those my letters should come to your majesties hands, or of those that bore the sway, I began to despair of my return into England, unless I would overthrow both the health of my body and the quiet of my mind, and either utterly damn mine own soul, and greatly endanger not only my living and credit, but my 6 Though you loved that Romish religion well, you loved your life better. life itself also, by reason of your majesties displeasure, and the severity of the Statutes made and in force against Catholics and Catholic Religion. G. H. 16. The better counsel, which you expected, and held you in suspense, was in all likelihood so●●●●ewes of a Bishopric, or a Deanery, for the quieting of your perplexed thoughts: and therefore it may be thought, you resolved to go to Heidelberge to do your duty there, that so you might procure letters of recommendation; for otherwise I cannot imagine what errand you should have thither, being scarcely known (for any thing I can learn) to the Prince Palatine, or the Princess, except it were out of the like gadding humour, as you had of going into Scotland, as being publicly employed, though it had been upon your own private charge. What his majesties disposition in the affairs of religion might well be presumed to be at his first entrance, if we should judge by reason, & not by affection, I have already touched in the 9 Section of this chapter, so far as I presumed it might suffice to content any reasonable man: yet for further satisfaction (because you harp still upon the same string, and press the same point afresh, I will relate his majesties own words touching that business, as he uttered them in Parliament, the first day of the first Parliament of his majesties reign. ●As for mine own profession (saith he) you have me your head now amongst you, of the same Religion that the body is of, as I am no stranger to you in Blood, no more am I a stranger to you in Faith, or in the matters concerning the house of God: and although this my profession be according to my education, wherein I thank God I sucked the milk of God's truth with the milk of my nurse, yet do I here protest unto you, that I would never for such a conceit of constancy, or other prejudicate opinion, have so firmly kept my first profession, if I had not found it agreeable to all reason, and to the rule of my conscience: and again in the next leaf, for the part of the clerics, I must directly say and affirm, that as long as they maintain one special point of their doctrine, and another point of their practice, they are no way sufferable to remain in this Kingdom. Their point of Doctrine is, that arrogant and ambitious Supremacy of their he●● the Pope, whereby he not only claims to be spiritual head of all Christians, but also to have an Imperial civil power over all Kings and Emperors, dethroning, and decrowning Princes with his foot as pleaseth him, and dispensing and disposing of all Kingdoms and Empires at his appetite. The other point which they observe in continual practice is, the Assassinates and Murders of Kings, thinking it no sin; but rather a matter of salvation to do all actions of rebellion and hostility against their Sovereign Lord, if he be once our sed, his Subjects discharged of their fidelity, and his Kingdom given a prey by that three Crowned Monarch, or rather Monster their head, and a little after, having wished it would please God to make him one of the instruments for effecting a general Christian Union in Religion, if they would leave and be ashamed of such new and gross corruptions of theirs, as themselves cannot maintain nor deny to be worthy of reformation, he turneth his speech again to the Papists under his dominions, willing them to be admonished, that they presume not too far upon his lenity, because (saith he) I would be loath to be thought a Persecutor, as thereupon to think it lawful for them daily to increase their number and strength in this Kingdom, whereby if not in my time, at least in time of my posterity, they might be in hope to erect their Religion again. No let them assure themselves, that as I am a friend to their persons, if they be good Subjects, so am I a vowed enemy, and do denounce mortal wars to their errors, and that as I would be sorry to be driven by their ill behaviour from the protection and conservation of their bodies and lives, so I will never cease as far as I can, to tread down their errors and wrong opinions: for I could not permit the increase and growing of their Religion, without first betraying of myself and mine own Conscience, secondly, this whole Isle, aswell the part I am come from, as the part I remain in, in betraying their liberties, and reducing them to the former slavish yoke, which both had casten off, before I came amongst them: and thirdly the liberty of the Crown in my posterity, which I should leave again under a new slavery, having found it left free to me by my Predecessors, and therefore would I wish all good Subjects, that are deceived with that corruption: First, if they find any beginning of instinction in themselves of knowledge and love to the Truth, to foster the same by all lawful means, and to beware of quenching the spirit that worketh within them; and if they can find as yet no motion tending that way, to be studious to read and confer with learned men, and to use all such means as may further their resolution, assuring themselves (which by the way is worth our observation) that as long as they are disconformable in Religion from us, they cannot be but half my Subjects, nor be able to do but half service, and I to want the best half of them, which is their souls. And here I have occasion to speak to you my Lords the Bishops; for as you my Lord of Durham said very learnedly to day in your Sermon; Correction without instruction is but a tyranny, so ought you and all the Clergy under you to be more careful, vigilant, and diligent than you have been to win souls to God, aswell by your exemplary life, as doctrine. And since you see how careful they are, sparing neither labour, pains, nor extreme peril of their persons to divert (the devil is so busy a Bishop) you should be the more careful and wakeful in your charges. Follow the rule prescribed by Saint Paul, Be careful to instruct and to exhort, in season and out of season: and where you have been any way sluggish before, now waken yourselves up with a new diligence in this point, remitting the success to God, who calling them at the second, third, tenth, or twelfth hour, as they are alike welcome to him, so shall they be to me his lieutenant here. ● Hitherto his Majesty. Now would any man of common understanding (Mr. Dr. excepted) from hence gather, or think it gatherable, that his Majesty had a disposition at his entrance to become a Papist, or to tolerate the exercise of Popery, or to be reconciled to Rome, or to submit himself and his Realms to the yoke of the Bishop thereof? if these or the like inferences may from so many and plain words, so many and forcible arguments to the contrary, be deduced, I must confess I know not what belongs to Logic: and for other passages in the same speech, which seem to favour your cause, you must either injuriously wrest them from the author's meaning, or make them by reasonable construction suitable to these. Howsoever, yourself being a Churchman, and one of those whom he sharply taxeth, [for changing their coats through curiosity, affectation of novelty, or discontentment in their private humours,] cannot possibly be ranked amongst them [to whom as to minds only retaining the liquor they first drank in, out of his special clemency he proposeth more favourable conditions] and yet among these too, he hath since discovered an unnatural disposition, whom he hoped to find by moderate & gentle usage, in the matter of natural subjection, quiet and well minded men,] and therefore no marvel if his Majesty be since more exasperated, and farther off from any reconciliation with that Religion then before. But Mr. Casaubon, you say, told you that his errand hither was nothing else, but to mediate peace between the Church of Rome, and the Church of England. It is certainly false that Mr. casaubon's errand was by his Majesty intended to b● such, and most unlikely to be true, that it was by Mr Casaubon so reported to you, considering his direct and express writings, both before his coming over, and since, against the chief Patrons and controversed points of the Church of Rome, and among the rest, in the conclusion of his Epistle to Cardinal Perron, where he assures him from his Majesties, mouth, and in his name, [that his constant purpose and full resolution was, as long as the Church of Rome yielded not to antiquity and truth, to entertain no society with her at all, which you might have read before your departure, and spared the pains of writing to M. Casaubon, whom that I may yet more fully clear from this imputation, being not able now to speak for himself, I will here set down his Letter, written with his own hand to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury, upon this very occasion, in which he terms the report no better than the slander of a wicked Apostate. Illustrissimo & Reverendissimo Praesuli, Domino Cantuariensi, totius Angliae Primati, & Domino meo, summa obseruantia colendo. Illustrissime Reverendissime Domine, HEri quum essem in Aula, ostendit mibi Regia Maiestas librum à Carerio sibi missum, in quo mira quaedam de me narrantur; puto Serenissimum Regem tuae Reverentiae illa ostendisse. Ego Dei gratia puto me sic vixisse, & priusquam in hoc regnum venirem, & postquam veni in Angliam, ut curare non debeam quid perditus apostata de●me garriat aut scribat; apparet ipsum grauissim● iratum esse mihi propter Epistolam quam illi scripsi, ut ab hoc insano consilio eum revocarem: propterea id agit ut meum nomen apud Regiam Maiestatem & tuam Reverentiam infamet. Sedspero meliora & de Regesapientissimo, & de te (Illustrissime) Presul; apud quem si mihi opus esse apologia crederem, omnia omisissem, ut tuae Reverentiae praesens me purgarem. Sed non puto adeo infoeliciter mecum agi, ut in●andi apostatae calumniae aliquid apud te contra existimationem meam valeant. Si iusseris, statim adero, et ad omnia tuae Reverentiae satisfaciam. Interim quam sim occupatus in colophone imponendo operimeo, narrabit tuae Reverentiae Vederburnus noster, verè pius juvenis, & tua benevolentia, Presul (Illustriss.) non indignus. Deus immortalis te servet Ecclesiae suae. In Musaeo XIV. Kal. jan. MDCXIII. Tuae Illustriss. Reverentiae obseruantissimus cultor, ISA. CASAUBONUS. Right Reverend, & my Gracious Lord, YEsterday being at Court, the KING'S MAJESTY showed me a book sent him from Carier, wherein certain strange things are reported of me. I think his MAJESTY hath showed them unto your Grace. I hope I have by the grace of GOD so lived, both before I came into this Kingdom, and since I came into England, that I ought not to care what a forlorn Apostate prattleth, or writeth of me. It appears he is very angry with me for a letter I wrote him, to reclaim him from that mad course: thereupon he goes about to traduce me to the KING'S MAJESTY and your Grace. But I hope better both of that most wise KING, and of you most renowned Prelate. Unto whom if I thought there were need of Apology, I would, laying all other things aside, in person purge myself unto your Grace. But my case, I trust, is not so unhappy, that the slanders of a lewd Apostate should be of any force with you against my reputation. If you command, I will forthwith repair unto you, and satisfy your Grace unto the full. In the mean time, how busily I am occupied about the conclusion of my work, my friend Vederburne, a very religious young man, and not unworthy of your Grace's favour, can show your Grace. God Immortal preserve you unto his Church. From my study, Decemb. 19 1613. Your Grace's most respective observer, ISA. CASAUBON. And that it may appear how averse he was from union with that Church, I will hereunto add a former Letter, written likewise to my L. Grace of Canterbury, touching the same business before he was thus provoked by D. Carier, upon occasion of a Letter written to the same effect from the Doctor to him. Illustrissime & Reverendissime Domine, MItto Reverentiae Epistolam de quâ inaudivisti. Ego acceptam Epistolam, ut Regi communicaretur, putavi premendam, neque ostendendam cuiquam mortalium. Non enim possum probare consilium viri illius eruditi qui epistolam scripsit. Quare respondi illi statim, & multis cum illo egi, ut ab eo proposito desisteret. Multas rationes ei attuli cur certò crederem, amentiam esse, aut poti●s furorem, boni aliquid sperare à Romano Phalari (nam hoc verbo usus sum) qui nostra mala, si quae sunt inter nos ridet. Proposui ei ob oculos, quam essent alieni proceres Romanae Ecclesiae ab omni aequitate▪ imprimis Bellarminus, de cuius impietate plura ad eum scripsi. Posui illi ante oculos, quanto cum suo periculo patronum Papae videretur agere. Attuli testimonia Matthaei Paris de summâ Angliae infoelicitate, quando Papae Ro. paruit. Addidi exemplum illius Narbonensis, qui nuper ad Ser. Regem similis argumenti librum miserat: me iussum à Rege loqui eum librum detestatum esse, & D. Regem voluisse in latere libri animaduertere. Posthaec quid factum sit Carerio nescio. Hoc ego volui Reverentiae tuae significatum. Sed expectabam donec ad urbem redijsses: nam me libri mei editio domi tenet. Sunt alia quaedam gravia de quibus acturus sum cum tuâ Reverentiâ post unum aut alterum diem, Deo volente. Qui te servet Illustrissime Domine. Londini, VIII. Eid. Sept. MDCXIII. Tuae Reverentiae obseruantiss. cultor IS. CASAUBONUS. Right Reverend, & my Gracious Lord, I Send unto your Grace the Letter whereof you have heard. The Letter was sent me with intent it should be communicated unto the King, but I thought it fitter to be suppressed, and to be showed unto none. For I cannot approve the drift of that learned man who wr●te the Letter. Wherefore I answered him forthwith, and with many words advised him to desist from that purpose. I brought him many reasons why I certainly believed, it was folly, or rather frenzy to hope for any good from the Romish Phalaris, (for that very term I used) who laughs at our evils, if there be any amongst us. I laid before his eyes how averse the Peers of the Romish Church are from all equity: specially Bellarmine, of whose impiety I wrote at large unto him. I set before his eyes with how great danger to himself he seemed to become the Pope's Patron. I alleged testimonies of Matthew Paris of the great misery of England when it was under the Pope's obedience. I added the example of that Narbonois, who of late sent unto the King's MAJESTY a book of the like argument: that being commanded by the KING to say my mind, I professed my detestation thereof, and that it was his majesties will to have some animadversions set in the margin of the book. After which, what became of Carier, I know not. This I thought good to signify unto your Grace: but I expected until you were returned unto the City: for the publishing of my book stays meat home. I have other weighty matters whereof to advise with your Grace within this day or two, God willing, who preserve you my gracious Lord. London. Sept. 6. 1613. Your Grace's most respective observer, ISA. CASAUBON. B. C. 17. There is a statute in England made by King Henry the VIII. to make him supreme head of the Church in spiritual and Ecclesiastical causes, which Statute enjoins all the subjects of England, on pain of death, to believe and to swear they do believe that it is true: and yet all the world knows, if King Henry the VIII. could have gotten the Pope to divorce Queen Katherine, that he might marry Anne Bullen, that Statute had never been made by him: and if that title had not enabled the King to pull down Abbeys, and religious houses, and give them to Lay men, the Lords and Commons of that time would never have suffered such a Statute to be made. This Statute was continued by Queen Elizabeth to serve her own turn, and it is confirmed by your Majesty to satisfy other men, and yet your Majesty yieldeth the Church of Rome to be the 1 In what sense Rome may be termed the mother church, see in mine answer to the 45. Section. mother Church; and the Bishop of Rome to be the chief Bishop or 2 His Majesty termeth him the Patriarch, but not the Primate of the West. Primate of all the Western Churches: which I do also verily believe, and therefore I do verily think he hath, or aught to have some spiritual jurisdiction in England, and although in mine younger days the 3 Where was your great zeal then to swear against your conscience for fashion? but did you not take it again when you came to years of discretion at the taking of your degrees, at your institution in your Benefices, at your admittance to your Prebendry and Chaplenship, and oft recognise the truth of the sum of the said oath in your prayer before every sermon you made? How then comes it now to pass that you would not take it again to gain the greatest preferment in the world, but that you were out of hope to get any, or by your own confession long to enjoy it? fashion of the world made me swear, as other did, (for which I pray God forgive me) yet I ever doubted, and I am now resolved, that no 4 The Bishops in K. Hen. the 8. time thought themselves as good Christians as yourself, yet they took it, or at least made a show of taking it with a good conscience, besides you call th● consciences, or the Christianity of your honest brethren of the Clergy into question, who have taken the same oath it may be more than once, and yet being good Scholars (as you pretend) they could not be ignorant what offence they incurred in taking it. Christian man can take that oath with a safe conscience, neither will I ever take it to gain the greatest preferment in the world. G. H. 17. The Statute, here intended, can be none other, than the Statute 26. of H. VIII. Cap. 1. for that is the first Statute that meddleth with the Supremacy; which Statute is, as the Common Lawyers term it, Statutum declaratiwm, not introductiwm novi juris: as doth clearly appear by the Preamble, which hath these words: [Albeit the King's Majesty justly and rightfully is and aught to be taken and accepted supreme head of the Church of England, and so is recognised by the Clergy in their Convocation, yet nevertheless for corroboration and confirmation thereof, Be it enacted, that the King shall be taken, and accepted Supreme head, etc.] So that the Doctor is foully mistaken to say that there was a Statute made by K. Henry the VIII. to make him Supreme head: for it was his ancient right that made him so, and it was his Clergy that had acknowledged him to be so, before the making of this Statute; nay the very phrase and letter of this Statute itself doth purposely renounce the power of making, and assumes only the authority of confirming. Whereby it is clear that Henry VIII. made not a statute to make himself Supreme in Ecclesiastical causes, as Mr. Doctor affirmeth; but to confirm those Statutes and Rights, which his noble Progenitors as justly challenged to belong to their Crown, as the Bishops of Rome unjustly pretended to be annexed to their Mitre. And where he says, that the Statute which (according to his understanding made him Supreme head) did also enjoin the Subject to believe and swear it t● be true, it is manifest, that there is not any mention at all of any oath in that Statute: but it is true indeed, that in the 28. of Henry VIII. chap. 10. there is an oath of Supremacy ordained, the refusal whereof by some certain persons enjoined by that Act to take it, was made high Treason. And herein again is the Doctor deceived, nay which is worse seeketh to deceive others; for only some certain persons were bound by that Statute to take the oath, and not all the Subjects of England, as he falsely surmiseth. Anno 35. Henry VIII. cap. 1. the oath of Supremacy ordained by 28. was repealed, and a new form of oath prescribed and extended to more persons, but never to all in general. The same Parliament Cap. 3. enjoineth that the stile of Supreme head be received and used, and this was all that was done by Henry VIII. in the point of Supremacy by way of Statute: So that to say as Master Doctor doth, that all the Subjects in England are bound upon pain of death to believe the Supremacy, is a malicious fiction in two respects: First touching the persons enjoined to take the oath, and liable to the punishment; and then again as touching the offence, for that belief alone, which is a secret inclination of the mind known only to God, the searcher of the heart, and not issuable nor tryable by any Law human, should be made an offence punishable by death; is in itself so absurd, as it cannot but appear to be a false imputation to charge our Lawmakers therewithal. Lastly, whereas he says that Henry the VIII. would never have made that Statute, if he could have gotten the Pope to have divorced Queen Katherine that he might have married Anne Boleine it is clear, and all the world may know, that if King Henry would have joined with Francis the French King in the war of Naples against Charles the Emperor, the Pope would not have stuck to have given way to that divorce: for the better procuring of which Combination he did not only refer this Matrimonial cause to the hearing and determining of his Legates: but gave Campeius a secret Bull in his bosom, as witnesseth 1 Master D●●lington in his inference upon guicciardini's Degression, Page 3. Francis Guicciardin in the 19th Book of his History (a Catholic in his profession, no man more a reporter of things he saw, no man truer, and a creature of the Popes employed in honourable charges) the Copy of it is to be seen in 2 Page 200. Anti-Sanders, dated in the year 1527. the 17th of December, and the fifth year of Clement the seventh's Popedom, wherein he infringeth the former 3 Which Dispensation was first granted contrary to the opinion of all the Cardinals of R●me being Divines. Hall. ann, H●nry 8. dispensation, affirming that (the King could not continue in such Matrimony without sin:) whereupon he decreed that after the declaration of the nullity of the former marriage, and the King's absolution, it should be lawful for him to marry another. This Bull he forbade him to show to any, save only to the King and Cardinal Wolsey, his fellow Commissioner in that business: and though openly he commanded him to handle the cause with all expedition, yet secretly he willed him to protract the time, promising that himself would watch an opportunity to publish the Decree; so the King and Queen were cited to appear before them in May following, at which time after some debating of the cause, they protracted the sentence till the beginning of August, and after many delays, finding that King Henry could not by hope of the divorce be drawn to side with the French, the Pope commanded Campeius to burn his Bull, and to return home: whereby it appears that King Henry might easily have had the nullity of his marriage with Queen Katherine ratified at Rome, without taking the title of Supreme head, if he would have yielded to the Pope's conditions. But the Lords, you say, and Commons would never have suffered such a Statute to be made, had not that title enabled the King to pull down Abbeys and Religious houses and give them to Lay men. I would fain know then what moved the Bishops to give way to it, who had no share in that division, yet had they with the consent of the Clergy, passed it in Convocation, before it was so much as proposed in Parliament, and for the Commons a very little share fell out to their parts. And if ●he assuming of that title were indeed so needful (as you pretend) for the supressing of those houses: by what authority did Cardinal Wolsey dissolve some, and the King by his example more, before that title was by him publicly assumed? Now for Queen Elizabeth, it is true that she revived those Statutes of Supremacy enacted by her father, and repealed by her sister, but not without divers exceptions, as may appear by the books; in so much as a new form of Oath was established by her, which is the Oath at this day in force, the refusal of which upon a second offering by such as stand convicted of a former refusal, is by the Statute of 5● Eliz. cap. 1. made high Treason, and it is none otherwise. Nay further, by an express proviso in that Statute, none are compellable to take the Oath the second time but Ecclesiastical persons, and some few others, especially named in that Statute, neither doth she take to her in that or any other Statute the title of Supreme head, but of Governor, by which what she understood, herself expressed in her Injunctions, and her Clergy in their 37. Article confirmed 4 In the year 1562. and again in 1571. in two several Convocations, where they thus speak, [Where we attribute to the Queen's Majesty the chief Government, by which title we understand the minds of some slanderous folks to be offended, we give not to our Princes the ministering either of God's word, or of the Sacraments, the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queen, do most plainly testify: but that only prerogative which we see to have been given always to all godly Princes in holy Scripture by God himself, that is, th●t they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal, and restrain with the civil sword, the stubborn and evil doers,] neither do I see how Osorius in his Epistle to her can be interpreted to afford her less, where he professeth, that all Kings are Pro part suaiuris divini Vicarij, Vicars of God's Law in their places. From Queen Elizabeth you pass to his Majesty, and tell him, that he confirmed the same Statute to satisfy other men, arguing therein his Majesty of great weakness, either as being not able to judge what he did, or as being carried by others against his own judgement. But that his MAJESTY did it advisedly, and rather to satisfy himself, than others, appears by this, that he was invested with the same power, which that Statute gives him, before his receiving of the Crown of England, and since himself with his own pen hath thus both justified and 5 Apol. for the Oath of allegiance. p. 108. explained it [if these examples (saith he) sentences, title and prerogatives, and innumerable other in the old and new Testament, do not warrant Christian Kings, within their own dominions, to govern their Church aswell as the rest of their people, in being Custodes utriusque tabulae, not by making new Articles of Faith (which is the Pope's office as I said before) but by commanding obedience to be given to the word of God, by reforming the Religion according to his prescribed will, by assisting the Spiritual power with the Temporal sword, by reforming of corruptions, by procuring due obedience to the Church, by judging and cutting off all frivolous questions, and Schisms (as 6 Eusebius lib. 3 de vita Constant●i. Constantine did) and finally by making decorum to be observed in every thing, and establishing orders to be observed in all indifferent things, for that purpose, which is the only intent of the Oath of Supremacy; if this office of a King (I say) do not agree with the power given him by God's word, l●t any indifferent man, void of passion, judge.] But yet his Majesty (you say) yieldeth the Church of Rome to be the Mother Church, and the Bishop of Rome to be the chief Bishop or Primate of the Western Churches. Indeed his Majesty in his first speech in his first Parliament, called after his entrance to this Kingdom▪ is pleased to acknowledge the Roman Church to be our Mother Church, this M. Doctor is content to urge, but to conceal that which he addeth, [defiled with infirmities and corruptions, as the jews were when they crucified Christ, and as I am none enemy (saith he) to the life of a sick man, because I would have his body purged of ill humours; no more am I an enemy to their Church, because I would have them reform their errors, not wishing their throwing out of the Temple, but that it might be purged and cleansed from corruption, otherwise how can they wish us to enter, if their house be not first made clean?] Herein Mr Doctor dealing with his Majesty, as the devil did with our Saviour, he pressed that out of the Psalm which made for himself [ * Psal. 91, 11. He will give his Angels charge over thee] but suppressed that which made against him [to keep thee in all thy ways] now if any man farther desire his majesties meaning in calling Rome the Mother Church, he hath fully expressed himself in his Premonition, [Patriarches (saith he) I know were in the time of the Primitive Church, and I likewise reverence that institution for order's sake: and amongst them was a contention for the first place. And for myself (if that were yet the question) I would with all mine heart give my consent that the Bishop of Rome should have the first seat, I being a Western King would go with the Patriarch of the West] whereby it is clear that his majesties meaning was, and is, to yield the Bishop of Rome over other Western Bishops, (in case they should meet i● Council,) a priority in sitting, not a superiority in commanding, a primacy or 7 Such a precedency hath the Emperor before Christian kings, but no command over them. precedency in order, not a supremacy in power, and jurisdiction, it being the mark which Mr. Doctor drives at, and from thence labours cunningly but maliciously to infer, contrary to his majesties both mind, and words. I conclude this point with a Reverend 8 B. Bilson part 2 of Christian subjection, p. 237. Prelate, [His Vicarship to Christ must be proved by stronger and plainer evidence than you have yet showed, before we may grant it, and for his Patriarkeship (saith he) which you now take hold of, by God's law he hath nne in this Realm, for ●ixe hundred years after Christ, he had none; for the last six hundred (as looking to greater matters) he would have none: above and against the sw●rd, which God hath ordained, he can have none, to the subversion of the faith, and oppression of his brethren: in right reason and equity he should have none, you must seek farther for subjection to his tribunal, this land oweth him none. B. C. 18. There is another statute in England made by Queen Elizabeth, and confirmed by your Majesty, that it is 1 This penalty was not inflicted for taking Orders, but for returning after Orders taken, such a penalty did Solomon impose and execute upon Shimei, 1. King. 2. death for any English man to be in England, being made a Priest by authority derived, or pretended to be derived from the 2 There is less doubt of the Episcopal being of our Bishops, then of those that derive their being from the Popes, in regard of their manifold schisms, and if it came to scanning, the Archbishop of Canterbury hath fairer evidence to show for his right to that See, than the Bishop of Rome to the Popedom; nay the Pope to the Bishopric of Rome. Bishop of Rome. I cannot believe that I am a Priest at all, unless I be derived by authority from Gregory the great, from whence all the Bishops in England have their being, if they have any being at all. G. H. 18. The Statute intended is the 27. of Eliz. Cap. 2. which indeed, in the body thereof, hath words sounding to that purpose; but the sense is maliciously perverted, and the inference thereupon; for he that shall read through that Statute, and consider all the parts, shall clearly perceive, that thereby none other Priests are intended then Popish Priests, made and ordained by Popish Bishops, and not such as Mr. Doctor was, made in England by any of our Bishops here: Though perhaps it were true, that our Bishops did derive their first authority from Gregory (which we do not yield unto,) considering that Augustine from whom they are pretended to derive it, was not consecrated by him, but by Aetherius Archbishop of Arles, (if we may believe our own Venerable Bede) for the title of the Statute is, An Act against Jesuits, Seminary Priests, and such other like disobedient persons, and the preamble of the act hath these words, [Whereas divers persons, called or professed Jesuits, Seminary Priests, and other Priests, which have been, and fro● time to time are made in the parts beyond the Seas, by or according to the order and rites of the Romish Church, have of late years comen, and been sent into England, etc.] So that if according to the rule [Praefatio est clavis Statuti,] we shall interpret the body by the title, or preamble, howsoever the words in the body of the act be somewhat general, yet what Priests are intended by the Lawmakers, is evident enough; and except M. Doctor were a Priest according to the Order and Rites of the Romish Church, by shaving, anointing, and imposition of hands by a Popish Bishop, and that since the first year of Queen Elizabeth, he needed not to have feared the danger of the Law. B. C. 19 There is another Statute in like manner made and confirmed, that it is death to be reconciled by a Catholic Priest to the Church of Rome, I am persuaded that the Church of Rome is our mother Church, and that no man in England can be saved, that continues wilfully out of the visible unity of that Church, and therefore I can not choose, but persuade the people to be reconciled thereunto if possibly they may. G. H. 19 This Statute also is either purposely or ignorantly mistaken, and is not distinct from that following, but are both one, namely 23. Eliz. cap. 1. The title of it is, [An Act to retain the Queen's majesties Subjects in due obedience] and the preamble recites that [whereas divers ill affected persons have practised to withdraw the Queen's Subjects from their natural allegiance.] the purueiw of the Act followeth that [all persons which shall put in practice to ●bsolue, persuade or withdraw any of the Queen's subjects from their natural obedience to her Majesty▪ or to withdraw them for that intent, from the religion established, (and so forth) shall be traitors, and the person willingly absolved, or withdrawn, as aforesaid, to be likewise a traitor.] so that the withdrawing of the Subject from their natural obedience, or for that intent, from the religion established, is the offence made treason, and not simple exhorting to the Romish religion, as is alleged: And yet to speak a truth, I see not how any exhortation to an absolute submission of the understanding and the will to the Bishop of Rome's jurisdiction, which now is made the only essential form of that religion, can well be severed from such an intent. But Rome (you say) is the mother Church, and no man in England can be saved, that continues wilfully out of the visible unity of that Church. Where if you term it the mother Church in that sense that his MAJESTY doth, we embrace it; but if your meaning be, that she is our mother, either in regard that we received the first life, or still should receive the nourishment of religion from her, we deny it; our nation being first converted to the Christian faith by joseph of Arimathea, who entombed the Corpse of our Saviour, and lieth himself interred at Glastenbury, together with twelve disciples his assistants, where they first preached the Gospel, as Gildas affirmeth in the life of Aurelius Ambrose, and Malmesbury in the Book, entitled, The Antiquity of Glastenbury, written to Henry of Bloys, brother to King Steven, and Abbot of the same place; and it is consented unto by the learned Antiquaries of later times, as namely, Mr. Cambden, john Bale, Matthew Parker, Polydore Virgil, and others, grounding themselves upon the authority of the best approved, and most ancient writers: and withal considering our keeping of Easter, and other Ceremonies were after the fashion of the Eastern Church, and not of the Western, at the coming of Austin. I may very well conjecture that our first conversion to Christian religion was from the jews, or Grecians, and not from the Romans: so that if Rome be rightly termed o●r mother Church, it must be in regard of later supplies from Eleutherius and Gregory, not of our first Conversion: howsoever the holy City being now become an harlot, we have no more reason to reverence her as a mother: but as a strumpet (till she repent and amend) to shun●e all union with her. S. Paul writing to the whole Church of Rome, and giving them their due praise for their devotion and zeal, and entering at last into the rejection of the jews, for their unbelief he warneth expressly the Romans in these words, [ * Ro●. 11. 18, etc. Boast not thyself against the branches, and if thou boast thyself, thou bearest not the root, but the root thee. Thou wilt say, the branches were broken off, that I might be grafted in, well: through infidelity they are broken off, and thou standest by faith: be not high minded, but fear. For if God spared not the natural branches, take heed lest he spare not thee. Behold therefore the goodness and severity of God: toward them which have fallen, severity; but towards thee goodness, if thou continue in his goodness; otherwise thou also shalt be cut off.] Now whether the Apostle spoke generally to the Gentiles, and inclusively to the Romans, or namely to the Romans, and proportionably to the rest, it is all one to us, one of the twain he must needs. Origen saith upon these words of Paul, [I say to you Gentiles.] Now he plainly turneth his speech to the Gentiles, but chiefly to those of the city of Rome that believed S. Paul.] speaking then to the Romans, no man may except the Romans, and they being included, his admonition to them, if there could be no danger in them of swerving from the faith, was utterly superfluous, and the condition implied ridiculous, and the commination odious, and the reason frivolous. Now that which S. Paul there threatened, we find come to pass; so that we cannot, we dare not join hands with her; nay we are so far from believing, that none can be saved, that continues out of the visible unity of that Church: that on the other side, we constantly believe, that the means to be saved, is to separate ourselves from the unity of that Church, till she separate herself from her errors, specially since in your understanding, the continuing in the visible unity of that Church, is in a manner nothing else, but the acknowledging of the Bishop of Rome to be the visible head of it: and if none can be saved without that, what shall become of your honest brethren of the English Clergy? whom you profess you are so far from condemning, as you do account yourself one of them? what of so many millions of souls in the Eastern and Western Christian Churches, more in number by many degrees, than those that yet continue in that visible unity, and better both in life and belief, than those who acknowledge it, or the visible head himself of it. B. C. 20. There is another Statute in like manner made and confirmed, that it is death to exhort the people of England to Catholic religion, I am persuaded that the religion prescribed and practised by the Church of Rome is the true Catholic religion which I will particularly justify from point to point, if God give time and opportunity, and therefore I can not choose but persuade the people thereunto. G. H. 20. For the Statute here pretended, I have already answered that it is none other than a branch of the former: And for your promise of justifying from point to point the religion prescribed and practised by the Church of Rome, if it be performed, when we shall see it published, I doubt not but a Confutation will be found as particular and plain, and more true, than your justification: but in the mean time, I cannot but wonder what you can say more herein then hath often been said by as earnest, and more learned Proctors of that Church then yourself▪ Besides, how comes it to pass you should be suddenly expert, and so peremptorily confident in all the controversed points, except you were resolved in most of them before your parting hence: I remember Duke Humphrey discovered a notable piece of knavery in a beggar, who pretending blindness from his birth, undertook to judge of colours instantly upon the recovery of his sight; this your vain offer to justify all points in controversy presently upon your breathing of outlandish air, cannot but give us just occasion to suspect the like hyopocrisie. Lastly, if the religion prescribed and practised by the Church of Rome be in all points the only true religion, why would his holiness permit the exercise of ours with little, or no alteration, as afterward you bear us in hand, upon conditions his MAJESTY, on the other side, would admit of his supremacy, and the Mass. B. C. 21. It may be these are not all several Statutes; some of them may be members of the same, ( 1 He that examines the writings will easily find you wrote without book. for I have not my books about me to search) but I am sure all of them do make such felonies and treasons, as were the greatest virtues in the Primitive Church, and such, as I must confess myself I cannot choose, if I live in England, but endeavour to be 2 Such a Catholic then as yourself (the S●ate standing as it doth) can by your own confession be no good subject. guilty of, and then it were easy to find 3 As if only Puritans were at the making of those Statutes, or they alone make care and conscience of the execution of them. Puritans enough to make a jury against me, and there would not want a 4 A marvel it is that a man of your age and experience should conceive or affirm that to belong to the office of a justice of Pe●c●, which appertains to the judges or justices itenerant. justice of peace to give sentence, and when they had done, that which is worse than the persecution itself, they would all swear solemnly, that D. Carier was not put to death for Catholic Religion, but for felony and treason, I have no hope of protection against the cruelty of those laws, if your Majesty be resolved upon no conditions whatsoever, to have society at all, nor no Communion at all with the Church of Rome; and therefore while the case so stands, I dare not return home again. But I cannot be altogether out of 5 Your hope must needs be grounded upon a vain presumption of some strange and sudden alteration in his Majesty considering his full resolution, and your many infirmities, but your hope is perished with yourself, and so may all they who entertain the like. hope of better news before I die, as long as I do believe that the Saints in heaven do rejoice at the conversion of a sinner to Christ, and do know that your Majesty by you● 6 You speak as if the natural birth of a man gave him interest in the Saints of heaven▪ whereas there they put off all carnal affections, and become like unto the Angels. birth hath so great an interest in the Saints in heaven, as you shall never cease to have, until you cease to be the son of such a mother, as would rejoice more than all the rest, for your 7 The Saints of heaven have no knowledge of the particular conversion of a sinner, by any ordinary intuition, but by revelation extraordinary. conversion, and therefore I assure myself that she with all the rest do pray, that your Majesty before you die, may be militant in the Communion of that Church, wherein they are 8 Many Saints no doubt are triumphant, which were never militant in that Church, which acknowledgeth the Pope her head. triumphant. And in this hope I am gone before to join my prayers with theirs, in the unity of the Catholic Church, and do humbly pray your Majesty 9 Where no offence is committed, there needs no pardon to be either demanded or granted. to pardon me for doing that which was not in my power to avoid, and to give me leave to live, where I hope shortly to die, unless I may hope to do your Majesty 10 The service you intended, was nothing else but a plotting with the P●p● and his factors, how you might betray the liberty of your Country, and submit your Sovereign's neck to the yoke of his service. service, and without the prejudice of any 11 Unless the Church of Rome draw nearer to us, than hitherto she hath made she● of, it cannot be, but with the prejudice of all the honest men in England, and honesty itself, that a nearer union betwixt her and the Church of England should be concluded, then already there is. honest man in England, to see some unity betwixt the Church of England and her mother the Church of Rome. And now having declared the means of my coversion to Catholic religion, I will briefly also show unto you the hopes I have to do your Majesty no ill service therein. G. H. 21. It is true indeed that those Statutes which you allege are not several in themselves, but members of the same. And it appears well, though you had not professed it, that at the writing hereof you had not your books about you, you affirm things uncertain so confidently, and things certain so falsely: But you are sure (you say) they make such felonies and treasons, as were the greatest virtues of the Primitive Church: whereas we are more sure, that the greatest virtues and fattest sacrifices▪ and shortest cut to heaven (as they are now esteemed in the Church of Rome) were in the Primiti●e Church held none other, but murders, and parricides, and felonies, and treasons [Thou dost promise (saith 1 Contr● literal Pat●●. 2. c. 92. Augustine to Patilian) that thou wilt reckon many of the Emperors and judges, which by persecuting you, perished, and concealing the Emperors, thou meanest two judges or deputies, why didst thou not name the Emperors of thy Communion? wert thou afraid to be accused as guilty of treason? where is your courage, which fear not to kill yourselves?] To say the Emperors perished for persecuting, was treason in his time: in our age you think it much, that reproaching of Princes as tyrants and heretics, and aiding the Pope with your persuasions, absolutions, and rebellions to take their Crowns from them, should be punished, or adjudged treason, howbeit a certain truth it is, that there is no conspiracy so pernicious, and dangerous to the state, as that which is whispered into men's ears, and conveyed into their hearts upon a sense of devotion, and outwardly covered with a show of religion, notwithstanding as true it is that in England none are put to death for Catholic religion▪ no nor for the Romish, which you call Catholic, as hath been at large justified in a book, written by a 2 This Book was written by my L. Burleigh▪ L. treasurer, wherein he proves, that no Romish Catholics were then executed, but for justifying the Bull of P●us V. which Card. Allen replied unto, but so weakly, as the truth is thereby strengthened. Peer of the Realm, entitled, the defence of the justice of England, and is verified by his Majesty in his Apology for the Oath of Allegiance in the very entrance of his answer to the Pope's first Breve, where he not only cleareth himself at large from this imputation, but the late Queen, that blessed defunct Lady (as he there calleth her) [in whose proceedings (saith he) who list to compare with an indifferent eye the manifold intended invasions against her whole kingdom, the foreign practices, the internal public rebellions, the private plots, and machinations, poisonings, murders, and all sorts of devices, daily set abroach, and all these wares continually fostered and fomented from Rome, together with the continual corrupting of her Subjects, aswell by temporal bribes, as by fair and spacious promises of eternal felicity, and nothing but book upon book, publicly set forth by her fugitives for approbation of so holy designs; who list (I say) with an indifferent eye to look on the one part upon these infinite and intolerable temptations, and on the other part upon the just, yet moderate punishment of a part of these heinous offenders, shall easily see that that blessed defunct Lady was as▪ free from persecution, as th●y shall free these hellish instruments from the honour of Martyrdom] And against his Majesty maintaineth the same in his Premonition to Christian Princes, not far from the conclusion: [As for the cause of their punishment, saith he, (speaking of Romish Catholics) I do constantly maintain that which I have said in my Apology, that no man either in my time, or the late Queens, ever died here for his Conscience: for let him be never so devout a Papist, nay though he profess the same never so constantly; his life is in no danger by the Law, if he break not out into some outward act expressly against the words of the Law, or, plot some unlawful or dangerous practice or attempt: (Priests and Popish Churchmen only excepted) that receive orders beyond the Seas; who for the manifold treasonable practices that they have kindled and plotted in this country are discharged to come home again under pain of Treason after their receiving of the said orders abroad; and yet without some other guilt in them then their bare home coming, have none of them been ever put to death.] Hitherto his Majesty. 3 This sam● poi●t is against confirmed by his Majesty in his book D● dro●● d●s R●ye●. Pag● 113. Whereas on the otherside we justly complain that they execute our professors, though strangers, for Religion, and only for Religion, and in that most bloody and barbarous manner, specially where the Inquisition is in force, that whore of Babylon being drunk, and yet not filled with the blood of the Saints: And whereas you impute cruelty to our Laws, what tragical cruelties were exercised in Queen Mary's days, even upon women and children? nay, which is most odious and unnatural upon women great with child, I pray, God as well forget, as some yet alive well remember. Now as you hold and handle our Martyrs worse than Traitors▪ So your most notorious Traitor's must stand registered in the Calendar of Martyrs. Not many days before Garnet suffered, there came to visit him at his lodging in the Tower, certain choice Divines, amongst whom the chief were▪ My Lords the Bishops of Bath and Wells, of Lincoln, and Leichfield, as now they are; among other questions one of them proposed this, Whether if the Church of Rome, af●er his execution, should declare him a Martyr, he did approve thereof, he deeply sighing, and shrinking up his shoulders, made this answer. [Me a Martyr? O what a Martyr! but the Church will n●uer do it, and I pray God it be never so much as thought upon: Indeed if I had died for the Catholic Religion, and (unhappy man!) had been acquainted with nothing else, but that which was revealed me in Confession, I might perhaps seem not unworthy the honour of Martyrdom, and merit the judgement of the Church: but now as the case stands, I must acknowledge my fault, and confess the sentence of death pronounced against me most just; Then again doubling and trebling his sighs, and showing tokens of unfeigned sorrow, I would to God (sayeth he) what is done, might be undone, I could wish that any other chance had befallen me, rather than my name should thus be stained with the blot of Treason, which offence, though most grievous, yet I distrust not, but it may be washed away with the tears of repentance, and that Christ will have mercy on me. Sure I am, that if I had all the world in my power to bestow, I would willingly give all, that I might be freed from the guilt and imputation of treason, which lies heavy upon my conscience, & shall stand recorded in the sentence of my condemnation.] Notwithstanding all this, is he recorded a Martyr, apologized by Eudemon, and by Delrio paralleled with Denis the Areopagite. What would Mr. Doctor say to this now? had we not some reason here to swear, that Garnet was not put to death for Religion, but for Treason? The like might be verified of Campian, who in the year 1580. came covertly into England, in the company of Robert Parsons, with a Faculty obtained of Gregory the XIII. conceived in these very words. Petatur à summo Domino nostro explicatio Bullae declaratoriae per Pium Quintum contra ELIZABETHAM, & ei adhaerentes; Quam Catholici cupiunt intelligi hoc modo, ut obliget semper illam, & haereticos; Catholicos verò nullo modo, rebus sic stancibus sed tum demum quando publica eiusdem Bullae executio fieri poterit. Has praedictas Gratias concessit summus Pontifex Patri Roberto Parsonio, & Edmundo Campiano in Angliam profectur is die 14. Aprilis 1580. present Patre Oliverio Manacro, Assistente. Let Petition be made to our highest Lord that some explication be made of the declaratory Bull of Pius Quintus against ELIZABETH and her adherents, which the Catholics desire so to be understood, that it may bind her, and heretics, but Catholics by no means, as the case now stands, but then only, when the said Bull may publicly be put in execution. These Faculties the Highest Bishop granted to Robert Parsons and Edmund Campian, being bound for England, the 14. of April 1580, in the presence of Oliver Manacar, Assistant. Here again I would demand of Mr. Dr, how many of the Romish profession are ready to swear solemnly (as the old Romans did in the Deifying of their Emperors) that he is now a Saint, and that he died a glorious Martyr, not for treason but for religion? But were not Harte, and Horton, Rishton, and Bosgraue of the same religion, Priests by their order, and some of the same society, and yet died not for it? Are there not at this present divers Seminary Priests at Wisbich, and Baldwin the famous jesuit in the Tower? Certainly if there be any fault in their usage, it is, that they find too much mercy, their merciless disposition toward us having so lately, so fully, and so often been tried. I will conclude this point with a case of conscience wherewith your Romish Priests were to arm themselves & their disciples in the reign of Q. ELIZABETH, in case they should be apprehended, and examined to the 55. Article, when th● question is demanded, Whether notwithstanding the Bull of Pius the 5th, that was given out, or any Bull that the Bishop of Rome can hereafter give forth, all Catholics be bound to yield obedience, faith and loyalty to Queen ELIZABETH, as to their lawful Prince and Sovereign, this resolution is framed: Qui hoc modo interrogat, illud quaerit; Anid potuerit S. Pontifex facere, cui quaestioni quid debeat Catholicus respondere clarius est, quam ut à me h●c explicetur: sirogatur ergo Catholicus, Credis Romanum pontificem ELIZABETHAM potuisse exauthor are? respondebit, non obstant e quovis metu mortis, credo, questio enim haec ad fidem spectat, & exigit confessionem fidei. He that demandeth this question, asketh in effect, Whether the Pope might do it or no? to the which demand, what a Catholic ought to answer, it is plainer, then need here be further expressed; if therefore a Catholic be asked, Do you believe the Bishop of Rome may deprive Queen ELIZABETH of her Crown? he must answer, not regarding any danger of death, I believe he may, for this question is a point of faith, and requireth the profession of our faith. If any such Cabal (only the names changed) run yet as current among such as be reconciled to the Church of Rome at this day (as I know nothing to the contrary, but it may) if Mr. Dr. had returned, & upon his return, endeavoured to have framed his Proselytes to those, or the like conditions, he might justly have suffered for it, without any aspersion, either of persecution upon his majesties government, or cruelty upon his Laws, howsoever it hath been discovered by the 4 Ego intraproximum (trimestro ●el s●mestre) tot (puta quinque vel sex) reconciliavi, pro quibus spondere ausi● quod quaecunque occasi● inciderit a part n●stra ●●turi sint omnes, T●rt. Torti 138. Missives of of some such reconcilers sent to their General, that [for so many as they have reconciled, they dare swear, upon what occasion soever may fall out, they will be ready to side with them;] and for such, for mine own part, I dare not swear, being convicted and sentenced, that they die for religion: But yet I commend Mr. Doctor's wit above the zeal he boasteth of, that he thought it fitter to stay there and dispute the matter with his pen, then by coming over, and practising put his person in hazard. And herein (as through his whole discourse) he plays the Politician, choosing rather to sleep in a whole skin, then to resist unto blood, and to endanger his body for the gaining of souls. CHAP. II. The hopes I have to do your MAJESTY no ill service in being Catholic. B. C. 1. MY first hope is, that your Majesty will accept of that for the best ᴬ service I can do you, which doth most further the glory of our blessed Saviour, and mine own salvation. ᴮ Indeed there are kingdoms in the world, where the chief care of the governor is, non quam bonis praesit, sed quam subditis. Such were the heathen kingdoms, which S. Augustine describes in 2. de Civitate Dei, Cap. 20. In such Common wealths the way to be 1 I suppose your meaning is to be accounted so. a good Subject, is not to be a good man, but to serve the times and turns of them that bear the sway, whatsoever they are. C Butler if it be true, that (as 2 I have not met with any that teacheth it but holy Father Aristotle, in the entrance of his politics. some holy and learned Fathers teach) in a well ordered government there is eadem foelicitas unius hominis, ac totius civitatis, than I am sure it must needs follow, that in a Commonwealth truly Christian, there is ●adem virtus boni viri, ac boni civis. And therefore being a Minister and Preacher of England, if I will rather serve your Majesty then myself, and rather procure the good of your kingdom, than mine own preferment, I am bound in duty to respect and seek for those things above all other, that may advance the honour of God, and the salvation of my own soul, and the souls of those which do any way belong to my charge. And being sufficiently resolved that nothing can more advance the honour of our Saviour, and the common salvation, then to be in the unity of his Church, I have done you the best service I could at home, by preaching peace and reconciliation; and being not able for the 3 That which you call the malice of the times was the just censure of your superiors procured by your own malice against the truth. malice of the times to stand any longer in the breach at home, I think it safest in this last cast, to look to mine own game, & by my daily prayers and 4 What service could you do by dying, but by removing a dangerous instrument. dying to do your Majesty the same service in the unity of the Church, 5 So than you seem to confess that for religion you were of the same mind long before you went hence, as since you have declared yourself, which notwithstanding in divers other places you contradict. which by my daily preaching and living, I endeavoured to do in the midst of schism. G. H. 1. A In furthering the glory of God, you shall do others as much, and in saving your own soul, yourself more service, than his Majesty: but if you pretend both, and in the end perform neither, it is the worst piece of service you can do. B I suppose there is no governor in the world (who deserves that name) but that a chief part of his care is, to make his subjects at leastwise morally good, that so he may find them the more obedient, and some of those very heathen kingdoms, which S. Augustine describes in his books of the city of God, specially that of the Romans, yielded more rare examples of moral goodness, namely of justice and temperance, than it doth at this day, though it profess Christ. And for the serving of the times and turns of those that bear the sway, I doubt not but as many may be found in those kingdoms which you call Catholic, who are as able and willing to do it for their own advantage, as amongst the heathen themselves. C It is true that the happiness of the whole State extends to every particular member of the same, in as much as they all belong to the same body: but that the happiness of every particular member, should reach to the whole body of the State, is not alike certain. But to grant both, I must confess my dullness, I conceive not how from thence it follows, that the virtue of a good man and a good citizen is always and necessarily the same. Once I am sure that 1 Pol. lib. 3. cap. ●. Aristotle who defends the one denies the other, & In method hist. ut apparet in 〈◊〉 ex purgatory. Bodin both a Christian, & a Catholic of your own, in my judgement truly observes, [that the best men for the most part are the worst Statesmen, in as much as being carried up to heaven by contemplation, they shun society, and seek out deserts and solitary places for their abode.] And I would fain know of your Monks, and Friars, and hermits, and Anchorites, who presume by their virtue and goodness, not only to merit for themselves, but to supererogate for others, what good they do as members for the Common wealth, but only by means of that imaginary Supererogation, which is no less hard for a wise man to believe, then for a good to perform. But to let pass the examination of the truth of both those positions, and the dependence of the later upon the former, your inference thereupon to justify yourself and your own proceedings, is both in itself more untrue, and in regard of the premises more loose and inconsequent; in as much as by leaving your station, and betaking yourself unto, and consulting with the enemies of his Majesty and the State, for the ruin and destruction of both, (which you mask under the glorious titles of honour of our Saviour, common salvation, unity, peace, reconciliation, service to his Majesty, good of his kingdom,) you neither perform the part of a good Common wealth's man, not yet of an honest man, & consequently endanger (as far as in you lieth) not only the happiness of the State in which you lived, & Church in which you were baptised, but of your own together with them: but above all a marvel it is, that acknowledging yourself a member of the Church of Rome, you notwithstanding still profess yourself a Minister of the Church of England, since your common opinion of us is, that amongst us there is no lawful calling to the Ministry, no succession or conferring of holy Orders, no Ephod, no Teraphim, but that our Ministers are in the state of Lay-men and none other. Of this cunning dealing, I can conceive none other reason, but that you may with more ease, and least suspicion, convey your poison into the reader's mind. B. C. 2. And although it be sufficient for a man of my profession to respect only matters of heaven, and of another world: yet because this world was made for that other, 1 That is, you have put off a Divine to put on a Statesman, but the proverb is, Monachus in aula, piscis in arido, and your own saying is, that false Religion is but a policy for the temporal service of Princes. I have not regarded mine own estate, that I might respect your Majesties therein: And after long and serious meditation what religion might most honour your Majesty even in this world, I have conceived undoubted hope, that there is no other Religion that can procure true honour and 2 What security did it procure to Henry the four and the 7. Emperors, or to Chilperike, Phil. lebel, Lewis the XII. or the 2. last Hen. of France, and if there be no security, but in that religion, what religion is that, which will admit of no security in any but itself? security to your Majesty, and your posterity in this world, but the true Catholic Roman Religion, which was the very same, whereby all your glorious Predecessors have been 3 They were advanced by the grace of God, and their own right, not by the Roman Religion, which in a manner is all one with the Bishop of Rome's authority, by which Histories record how king john and divers other his majesties predecessors aswell of England as France, and Scotland have been advanced and protected. advanced and protected on earth, and are everlastingly blessed in 4 Why then, if the Roman Religion had remained amongst us, should they still have been prayed for, as if they had remained in Purgatory. heaven. G. H. 2. The devil howbeit he be rather a Politician, then of any other profession, yet when he came to tempt our LORD took upon him the habit of a Divine: but you in tempting the LORDS anointed, lay aside the habit of a Divine, and wholly take upon you the person of a Politician: But herein if I should tell you, you played Phormioes' part before Hannibal, you would think your deep Policy much impeached. Now as you differ from the Devil in that he turned himself in appearance into an Angel of light, being indeed a Spirit of darkness, but you being an Angel in profession, turn yourself into a tempter: so in this you both agree, as if you had learned your method from him, and proposed him as your pattern, that as he being beaten from Scripture, betook himself (as being his last refuge) to the showing of the kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them to our Saviour, promising him all, if he would but fall down and worship; so you perceiving belike all other arguments to be spent in vain, at length you purpose to try what use may be made of the devils last motive, by promising his Majesty all worldly honour and security for himself and his posterity, if he would but fall down and worship your Lord the Pope: but as the devil promised that which was none of his to give; so doth your Lord too, in the disposing of those kingdoms, and the glory of them which no way belong unto him, except it be by the title of being heir apparent to the god of this world, and the prince that ruleth in the air: but were it not for fear of interrupting of your deep and serious meditations, I should make bold to put you to the question, whether these were the baits that Saint Peter angled with to catch souls, or the weapons that Saint Paul fought with when he professed, that they were not carnal, but mighty through God to cast down holds: they proposed not honour and security to the disciples of CHRIST, but hazard and baseness. I insist the longer upon this argument because the whole following discourse is stuffed with nothing else but reasons of this nature, as if in the profession of Religion, not the sincerity and truth of it were so much to be regarded, as those secular and temporal commodities which sometimes attend it, as the shadow doth the body. His majesties own words to his son of fresh & blessed memory touching this point are most remarkable, worthy to be written in letters of gold, and to be engraven in a pillar of brass or marble. [If (sayeth he) my conscience had not resolved me; that all my Religion presently professed by me and my Kingdoms, was grounded upon the plain words of the Scripture, without the which all points of Religion are superfluous, as any thing contrary to the same is abomination, I had never outwardly avowed it for pleasure or awe of any flesh.] I take his meaning to be either for love, or fear of any mortal man, or rather for any worldly and fleshly consideration, whether it were to gain and make advantage by entertaining and embracing it, or to lose and suffer disadvantage by rejecting and opposing the contrary. I speak not this as if (by God's grace) as much and more, both honour and security did not wait upon our Religion as upon the Romish, but only to show that these are no sufficient inducements to draw so much as a private man, much less to move the divine and noble spirit of a Christian prince, (specially such a prince as hath often showed himself able to judge of reasons of a higher strain) to the accepting of a new belief, and another form in the service of God, but only the plain demonstration and clear evidence of the truth of that belief and necessity of that form. B. C. 3. The first reason of my hope is, the promise of God himself to bless and honour those that bless 1 All this must be understood of the Church of Rome, which first curseth, and then by all means laboureth to confound such as oppose against her, imputing her own devilish plots to Gods working. his Church, and honour him, and to curse and confound those that curse his Church and dishonour him; which he hath made good in all ages. There was never any man, or City, or State, or Empire so preserved and advanced, as they that have preserved the unity and advanced the prosperity of the Church of Christ, nor any been made more miserable and inglorious than they that have dishonoured Christ, and make havoc of his Church by Schism and heresy. G. H. 3. To grant that which you assume, that the Church of Rome is the only true Church; this argument drawn from temporal blessings is sometimes false, uncertain always: and your assertion, that never any man, or City, or State was preserved & advanced, as they that have preserved the unity, and advanced the prosperity of the Church of Christ, is very broad and too large, considering it extends even to Solomon himself, who though he advanced the Church, yet can it not properly be said that he advanced the Church of Christ, nay out of the Church who were ever more prosperous & successful in their affairs, than Augustus and trajan? Of the former of whom it is said, that he found Rome of Brick, and left it of Marble: of the later that he raised the Roman Empire to the highest pitch of glory, and spread the power of their Command unto the farthest borders, and largest circuit that ever before or since hath by them been possessed: for the kingdom of Dacia he subdued, Armenia, Parthia, and Mesopotamia made subject, Assyria, Persia and Babylon conquered, passed Tigris, and stretched the confines of the Roman Empire unto the remotest dominions of the Indies, which never before that time had seen the Roman Banners, or so much as heard of their name; besides his moral virtues were such, that in the choice of a new Emperor, they ever wished for one more happy than Augustus, better than trajan: and yet this man with whom for outward prosperity no Christian Emperor can be balanced, was not only out of the Church, but an enemy to it, & raised against it the third, and one of the hottest persecutions of the ten. For further proof hereof, I refer the reader for this point to S. Augustine's first 10. books of the City of God, and surely he that shall duly consider the flourishing greatness of the and Grecian, but especially the 1 See Lipsius his admiranda or de magnitudine Remani Imp. Roman Monarchy, will easily discover the lightness of this reason, and the vanity of the assertion. I speak not to detract from the Christian and truly Catholic religion, even in regard of outward blessings, but only to prove that God bestows them sometimes upon the good, thereby to show that absolutely and in themselves they are not bad: sometimes again upon the bad, to show that in themselves they are not good, and takes them sometimes from both, to show that in their own nature they are indifferent. B. C. 4. If I had leisure, and books, it were easy for me to enlarge this point with a long enumeration of particulars: but I think it needless, because I cannot call to mind any example to the contrary, except it be the State of Queen Elizabeth, or some one or two others lately fallen from the 1 It is rather Rome that is fallen from the unity of Christ's Church. unity of the Catholic Church, or the State of the great Turk, that doth still persecute the Church of Christ, and yet continues in great glory in this world: but when I consider of Queen Elizabeth, I find in her many singularities; she was a woman, and a 2 You are somewhat more favourable to her herein, then Bocius in his 12. book and 3 chapter of the signs of the Church; Terenixa passim pradicatur ex illicito coitu, ac propterea, fuitincemitijs Angliae publicis decretum ut illi defunctae in regno possent succedere ex huiusmodi concubinatunati. A most malicious lie. maiden Queen, which gave her many advantages of admiration, she was the last of her Race, and needed not care what became of the world after her days were ended: she came upon the 3 She came upon the religion professed and established in her sister's reign, which you call remainders of devotion, and we deny it not: but how comes it to pass that her sister was so unfortunate, if the only coming upon her remainders made Q. Elizabeth so happy? remainders of devotion and Catholic religion, which like a Bowl in his course, or an Arrow in his flight, would go on for a while by the force of the first mover, and she had a practice of 4 That which you call maintaining of war amongst her neighbours, his Majesty in her ensuing Epitaph terms the relieving of France, and supporting the Netherlands: he might justly have called it the setting up of a just King in his own kingdom, and the freeing of a free Estate from the unjust usurpation of a foreign power. maintaining wars among her neighbours, which became a woman well, that she might be quiet at home, and whatsoever prosperity or honour there was in her days, or is yet remaining in England, I can not but ascribe it to the Church of Rome, and to Catholic religion, which was for many hundred years together the first mover of that government, and it is still in every settled kingdom, and hath left the steps and shadow thereof behind it, which in all likelihood cannot continue many years without a new 5 For fear of failing, we are yearly supplied with a new Mission of shavelings from the fountain: but sure I am persuaded if this current were stopped, our peace and prosperity would be both more honourable and certain than it is. supply from the fountain. G. H. 4. Why you should join Queen Elizabeth with the great Turk, I see no reason, but only for the justifying of Rainolds his book of Caluino turcism. Otherwise a marvel it is that you would instance in her happiness, whom the Pope in his Brief declared a miserable woman, and yet her government was not more happy, than her sisters (who notwithstanding she submitted her neck to the Roman yoke) was unfortunate, howbeit in her own disposition, she is reported to have been a gracious and virtuous Lady, instance may be brought in the bringing in of a foreigner, the frustrating of the great hope of her conception, her short and bloody reign, extraordinary dearths, and hurts by thunder, and fire, and lastly the loss of Calis, the last footing we had in France, being held by her predecessors the space of about 250 years: whereas Queen Elizabeth oppugned and accursed from her very Cradle by the Church of Rome, their thunderbolts returned upon their own heads, and herself like a tender plant after a thunder shower prospered the more, and being no less full of honour than days, she was gathered to her fathers as a ripe sheaf of corn that is carried into the barn, in so much that her Successor our most renowned SOVEREIGN, in admiration of her singular virtues and excellencies, erected to her everlasting memory a princely Monument in the magnificent Chapel of her grandfather Henry the seventh; inscribed with this ensuing Epitaph of her greatness. Sacred unto memory Religion to its primitive sincerity restored, Peace thoroughly settled, Coin to the true value refined, Rebellion at home extinguished, France near ruin by intestine mischiefs relieved, netherlands supported, Spain's Armado vanquished, Ireland with Spaniards expulsion and traitor's coercion quieted, both Universities Revenues by a law of provision exceedingly augmented, finally all England enriched, and xlv. years most prudently governed, ELIZABETH, a Queen, a Conqueress, a Triumpher, the most devoted to piety, the most happy after lxx. years of her life, quietly by death departing, hath left here in this most famous Collegiate Church, (which by her was established and refounded) these remains of her mortality, until at Christ's call they shall again rise immortal. She died the xxiv. of March, the year of Salvation MDCII. of her reign xlv. of her age lxx. For an eternal memorial. Unto ELIZABETH, Queen of England, France, and Ireland, daughter of King Henry the VIII, grandchild to K. Hen. the VII, great grandchild to K. Ed. the IIII, the mother of this her Country, the Nurse of Religion and Learning, for perfect skill of very many languages, for glorious endowments, as well of mind as body, and for regal virtues beyond her Sex. A Prince incomparable, JAMES of Great Britain, France, and Ireland King, inheritor both of her Virtues and Kingdoms, to her so well deserving, piously hath this erected. Which I have the rather set down at large, aswell for the reverence I bore her memory (in whose reign it is not the least part of my comfort that I was borne and baptised) as to commend to posterity his majesties Royal disposition, in giving her right so far, as were it not authorized by his princely testimony, future ages would think it fabulous, but specially to show that he ascribeth all her honour and prosperity, not to the Church of Rome, as Mr. Doctor doth, or to the religion by him called Catholic, but to her devotion and piety, and the restoring of religion to its primitive sincerity: For with it as she made the entrance of her reign, so doth he of her Epitaph, both esteeming it as the head spring from whence all that ensuing happiness did flow and was derived; neither can it in mine understanding be otherwise ascribed to Rome, then in granting that the reputation and renown which she wan was in part gained and much increased by escaping (through God's especial providence ever watchful over her) the manifold treasons, and frustrating the barbarous attempts that were hatched at Rome, and to be acted by Romish vassals, aswell against her person as estate: which made her greatest enemies confess [the finger of God is here] and surely had not Rome endeavoured by might and main to quench and eclipse her light; witness the Bull of Clement the 7th, while she was yet in her mother's womb, and afterward of Pius and Sixtus, and Cardinal Comoes' letter to Parrie, and Cardinal Allens book to the Nobility of England in the year 1588. I am clearly of opinion the beams of her honour had not shined so clearly and gloriously to the world, as they did. Lastly, those singularities which you bring of being a woman, a maiden Queen, and the last of her Race, they were indeed advantages of admiration: but such in my judgement, as rather show that she was blessed from heaven, then by any earthly means, in as much as living and dying both without the help of an husband, and hope of an heir from her own body, she notwithstanding projected and effected so great matters, and so much good to the State she governed. B. C. 5. As for the honour and greatness of the Turk and other Infidels, as it reacheth no farther than 1 That is, as far as the drift of your reason proposed in the 2. and 3. Section of this Chapter. this life, so it hath no beginning from above this world. And if we may believe S. Ambrose in Luc. 4. & alib●, those honours are 2 To confer is not properly by a bare permission, but by donation. conferred rather by God's permission, than his donation, being indeed ordained and ordered by his providence, but for the 3 kingdoms may be bestowed upon wicked men for many other reasons besides the sins of the people: as to be a scourge to other States, or for some other temporal service which either their predecessors had done or themselves might do▪ or last as S. Jerome notes, God thereby invites them by his bounty that themselves should be converted from their own sins. See T. Fitz●herbert of this poi●t in his treatise of Policy and Religion, part. 1. ca 17. sins of the people, conferred by the Prince that ruleth in the air. It is true that the Turkish Empire hath now continued a long time, but they have other principles of State to stand upon; the continual guard of an 4 His ordinary guard in Constantinople, and there about, are but 24. thousand, and though many of them be taken from the breasts of their Christian mothers, yet is it not the greatest part as you avouch. hundredth thousand Soldiers, whereof most of them know none other Parents but the Emperor, the tenure of all his Subjects, who hold all in Capite, ad voluntatem Domini, by the service of the Sword, their enjoined silence and reverence in matters of Religion, and their facility in admitting other Religions, aswell as their own to the hope of salvation and to tolerate them, so that they be good Subjects. 5 Their facility in admitting other religions aswell as their own to hope of Salvation, should in reason rather weaken their Empire then fortify it, and those other principles of great importance rather serve to make a tyrant, then to increase or maintain a temporal Christian government. These and such like are principles of great importance to increase an Empire, and to maintain a temporal State: But there is no State in Christendom that may endure these Principles, unless they mean to turn Turks also, which although some be willing to do, yet they will neither hold in Capite, nor hold their peace in Religion, nor suffer their King to have such a guard about him, nor admit of Catholic Religion so much as the Turk doth G. H. 5. You might with the Turk aswell have joined the King of China, the Sophy of Persia, the Chame of Tartary; the great Magore, Presbyter john & the like, whose estates few Christian Princes exceed, or can match in riches and greatness: But that they should have their estates Conferred on them by the Prince that ruleth in the air, neither Ambrose affirms it, nor is it in itself true▪ Saint Ambrose his words are these, A Deo, potestatum ordinatio, amalo, ambitio potestatis: The ordaining of the power is from God, but the ambitious desire, not the conferring of it, from the devil. Indeed it is his challenge in that chapter, [To whomsoever I will, I give it,] speaking of the power and glory of earthly Kingdoms; but it is the voice of God speaking in the person of wisdom, Rom. 13. in the 8 th'. of the Proverbs, [By me Kings reign,] and Saint Paul teacheth us, [There is no power, such as himself lived under, but of God,] to which purpose it is well said of S. Augustine (whom M. Doctor pretendeth to follow most among the ancients) [Qui dedit Mario, De civit d●i. lib. 5. Cap. 21. ipse & Cesari: Qui Augusto, ipse & Neroni: Qui Vespasiano vel patri, vel filio, suavissimis imperatoribus, ipse & Domitiano crudelissimo: & ne per singulos ire necesse sit, Qui Constantino Christiano, ipse apostatae juliano: He that gave it to Marius, gave it to Caesar: He that gave it to Augustus, gave it to Nero: He that gave it to Vespasian▪ the father or his son most sweet Emperors, gave it also to Domitian the most cruel: and that I should not need to reckon up the rest in particular, He that gave it to Constantine the Christian, gave it to julian the apostata.] So then in Saint Augustine's opinion God did not only order those honours by his providence, as you would have it, but confer them by his bounty. Neither have we any reason to think, but that he who called Cyrus his Shepherd and his Anointed, and gave him the treasures of darkness, and assured Nabuchadonosor by his Prophet, that himself had given to him a Kingdom, and power, and strength, and glory, may as truly be said to have conferred that government upon the Turk which now he holds. But it seems you aim through the Turks sides to strike at Queen Elizabeth, and through her at King james, Infidels and Heretics being in the Roman language ranked together: So that their king domes being not by God's donation, they might lie loose, and by occasion fall as it were by excheate to his holiness gift. Your reasons of the largeness and long continuance of the Turkish Empire are as far from the purpose, as your whole discourse is from any sound Divinity: for not to stand upon the sifting of the truth of them, which in some of them may not unjustly be questioned, your inference is that such principles are of great importance to increase and maintain a temporal estate: But the point is, whether any can be of sufficient importance to uphold any estate, when God for the dishonouring of his CHRIST is purposed to ruin it, and as the Psalmist speaks [of a fruitful land to make it barren for the iniquity of the people that dwell therein] before you speak of a Supernatural judgement of God in destruction, and here of a Natural and human invention for preservation, which can hold no more proportion with the former, than a Venice glass with an iron pot, or an earthen vessel with a brazen. Lastly, what states you should mean that are willing to become Turkish, I know not; but what they are that enjoy their estates in capite Ecclesiae ad voluntatem Domini Papae, and enjoin the greatest silence, and outward reverence in matters of Religion, and withal are content to admit the toleration of jews and Turks too, in their Dominions, rather than of Christians, yourself when you wrote this could not be ignorant. Nay, some of the Popes themselves, as namely Alexander the VI and Paulus the III. if we may credit Thuanus, had secret commerce with the great Turk against the Christian Princes, and the former of them, if iovius, and Guicciardin mistake not, took under hand of the Turk Baiazet's two hundred thousand Crowns, to kill his brother Gemen. And Alexander the III. wrote to the Sultan, that if he would live quietly, he should by some sleight murder the Emperor Fredrick Barbarossa, and to that end sent him the emperors picture. B. C. 6. It is most true which I gladly write, and so give out with all the honour I can of your Majesty, to speak that I think there was never any Catholic king in England, that did in his time more embrace and favour the true body of the Church of England, than your Majesty doth the 1 Since it was first a Church, there were never so many able labourers in it, nor religion so sincerely preached and professed, as by God's grac● it is at this day: so that it rather deserves the name of a body, and yours of a shadow. shadow thereof that is yet left: and my firm hope is that this your desire to honour our blessed Saviour in the shadow of the Church of England, will move him to honour your Majesty so much, as not to suffer you to die out of the body of his true Catholic Church; and in the mean time to let you understand, that all honour that is intended to him by 2 By Schism and Heresy you understand schismatics and heretics, and among them you rank his Majesty: Such is the great▪ honour you do him, as the jews dealt with Christ, so do you with his anointed, they said, Hail King of the jews, and they 〈◊〉 him with the●r rods. john 19 3. schism and heresy, doth redound to his great dishonour, both in respect of his realla, and of his mystical body. G. H. 6. You honour his Majesty much indeed, in giving out that he embraceth a shadow in stead of a substance, as Ixion did a cloud in stead of juno, and jacob blear-eyed Lea in stead of Rachel, but in truth of the Church of Rome we may safely say, that with Esop's dog in snatching at the shadow, she hath lost the substance of religion, she hath so covered over all the parts of divine service with the leaves of ceremonies, that hardly is the fruit itself to be seen, she hath so bepainted the face of God's worship, that not easily is the native complexion thereof to be ●ound. The Poet spoke it of the women of his time, Pars minima est ipsa puellasui. But we may more truly affirm it of the Romish religion, her ornaments and apparel are such, that a man may seek Rome in Rome, and her religion in her religion, and not find either. I will give but one instance for all. Bellarmine in the conclusion of his controversies of the Sacrament of Baptism, maketh no less than twelve ceremonies to march before it, five to assist, and five to hold up the train, of which some are profane, the greatest part ridiculous, and few or none (wherein we differ) so much as known to the primitive Church. Now if the Church of England have scoured off the dross, and pared away the superstition, and novelty, retaining the substance, together with the most comely and ancient ceremonies, aswell in this Sacrament, as in other parts of divine service, and his Majesty follow her therein, shall he therefore be said to embrace the shadow and not the body? whereas in truth if ever King of England embraced the body of religion without respect to the shadow of vain and needless ceremonies, it is his Majesty, which while he doth, there is little fear (by God's grace) of his dying out of the body of Christ's true Catholic Church, whose head is, not the Bishop of Rome, but Christ himself, understood in the 10. of S. john's Gospel [and there shall be one sheepfold and one shepherd.] B. C. 7. For his real body is not (as the ubiquitaries would have it) every where, aswell without the Church as within, but only where himself would have it, and hath ordained that it should be, and that is amongst his Apostles, and Disciples, and their successors in the Catholic Church, to whom he delivered his Sacraments, and promised to continue with them until the world's end: So that though Christ be present in that Schism, by the power of his deity (for so he is present in 1 Observe the moderation of this reconciler, who would bear the world in hand that Christ is none otherwise present among us in our Churches, than he is among the devils in hell. hell also) yet by the grace of his humanity (by participation of which grace, only there is hope of salvation) he is not present there at all, except it be 2 If they shall say unto you, Behold he is in the secret chambers, believe it not. Mat. 24. 26. in corners, and prisons, and places of persecution: and therefore whatsoever honour is pretended to be done to Christ in schism and heresy, is not done to him, but to his utter enemies. G. H. 7. By the real body of Christ, I suppose you understand the natural, his mystical body being also real, but not natural: and I see not but this natural body may as well be every where (wherein you tax the Ubiquitaries) as in heaven and on earth, and upon earth in ten thousand places at the same instant, which the Church of Rome maintains: but it seems by confining of him to the Church on earth, your purpose is to exclude him from heaven; and surely mine opinion is (God forgive me if I think amiss) that a great part of those who profess his natural body to be here, doubt much of his being there. And for the grace of his humanity (as you call it) thus much no Christian man will deny, that when Christ sanctified his own flesh, giving as God, and taking as man the holy Ghost, he did not this for himself only, but for our sakes, that the grace of sanctification and life which was first received in him, might pass from him to his whole race; as malediction came from Adam unto all mankind. That which quickeneth us is the spirit of the second Adam, and his flesh that wherewith he quickeneth; our corruptible bodies could never live the life they shall live, were it not that here they are joined with his body which is incorruptible, and that his is in ours as a cause of immortality, and as little doubt there is but that this vital and saving grace which flows from the humanity of Christ, is imparted unto us by means of the Sacraments, they being sensible instruments for the conveying of those blessings to our souls, which are in themselves incomprehensible. And for that Sacrament which is most properly said to impart life unto the receiver (as the other doth food and sustenance) it is acknowledged by those very men, who are otherwise most bitter and uncharitable towards us, that children baptised with us, are thereby made capable of eternal salvation, as far forth as if they had received that Sacrament in that Church, & after that form which they call Catholic, & consequently you are enforced (out of the strength of your own principles) to grant (howbeit out of malice you labour to deny it,) that the grace of Christ's humanity is not only present with us in corners and prisons among your complices, but in our public congregations in a more special manner, then by the power of his deity, by which he is as well present among the devils in hell, as among the Pope & Cardinals, assembled in consistory for the subversion of states and ruin of kingdoms: yet to affirm, that he is none otherwise present in that Church (except in corners and prisons and places of persecution) but only by the power of his deity, and not at all by the grace of his humanity, I will neither be so unadvised as to deliver, nor so uncharitable as to conceive; howbeit I have good reason both to conceive and to deliver thus much, that the honour which you pretend you do him in your will-worship, cannot but redound to his great dishonour, nay our assurance is, that being successors of his Apostles and Disciples in doctrine, as you are of the pharisees in traditions, the promise of his presence to the world's end, as well by the sanctification, as the direction of his holy Spirit, is rather made to us than you. B. C. 8. And for his mystical body, which is his Church and Kingdom, there can be no greater dishonour done to Christ, then to maintain Schism and dissension therein▪ What would your Majesty think of any subjects of yours, that should go about to raise 1 Who are more guilty of this, than your Priests and Jesuits? civil dissension or wars in your Kingdom, and of those that should foster and adhere unto such men? It is the fashion of all rebels when they are in arms to 2 Was not this the pretence of Thomas P●r●y Earl of Northumberland, and Charles Nevil Earl of Westmoreland, when they took arms, and raised forces against their Sovereign in the year 1569. and yet sent out Proclamations and Commissions in her name? which notwithstanding they ceased not to be Popish traitors, howbeit the Spanish expurgatory index labours to clear them from that imputation, as also the Earl of Desmond, and a notorious traitor of Ireland, by rasing that testimony of them in M. Cambden, who justly records them so to posterity. pretend the safety of the king, and the good of the country; but pretend what they will, you cannot account such men any better than traitors; and shall we believe that our blessed Saviour the King of kings, doth sit in heaven, and either not see the practices of those that under colour of serving him by reformation, do nothing else but 3 Who have served their own turns most, and raised more sedition, the Clergy of Rome, by their unjust usurpation, or the Clergy of England by their just reformation, I leave to the world to judge. serve their own turns, and distract his Church, that is his kingdom on earth by sedition? or shall we think that he will not in time revenge this wrong? verily he seeth it, and doth regard it, and will in time revenge it. G. H. 8. We as willingly grant, as you are ready to prove, that a great dishonour is done to Christ, by maintaining Schism and dissension in his Church, which ought to be without seam, as his coat. But we demand, who were the authors of this Schism? they which departed not from the Church itself, but from the corruptions thereof, or they who stiffly maintaining those corruptions, enforced this departure? when jacob was driven to depart from Laban by his ill usage, was the breach in jacob, or in Laban? when God commandeth his people to go out of Babylon lest they should partake of her sins and plagues, doth the going out of the people make a Schism, or the sins of Babylon? It is true that we have forsaken that society which we held with Rome, but no farther than Rome it sel●●●ath forsaken Christ: and howsoever she pretend the hon●●● of Christ, as rebels do the name of the King and State, yet in truth she is Antichristian in persecuting the members of Christ, and as in many other things, so chiefly in challenging that universality of power and infallibility of judgement to herself, which is only due to our Saviour. And shall we think that he will not in time revenge this wrong? It cannot be but that [her sins are come up to heaven, and God hath remembered her iniquities, and in due time that command will take place, Reward her as she hath rewarded you, and give her double according to her works, and in the cup that she hath filled to you, fill her the double; in so much as she glorified herself, and lived in pleasure, so much give ye to her of torment and sorrow: for she saith in her heart, I sit being a Queen, and am no widow, and shall see no mourning▪ Therefore shall her plagues come at one day, death, and sorrow, and famine, and she shall be burnt with fire: for strong is the Lord God, which will condemn her.] And thus our assurance is, that your threats shall return upon yourselves, verily he seeth it, and doth regard, and will in time revenge it. B. C. 9 But I 1 This is the hope and prayer o● you all, as long as you want strength, but if you had that once, we should quickly hear you change your note, and sing another song. In the mean time we can account your prayer none other then as theirs in the last Psalm, save one who have the praise of God in their mouth, and a two edged sword in their hands, either be what you would seem, or seem to be what indeed you are. hope and pray that he will not revenge it upon you nor yours: but rather that he will show that your desire to honour him, is accepted of him, and therefore will move you to honour yourself and your posterity, with bestowing the same your favour upon his Church in the unity thereof, which you do now bestow in the Schism, and that he will reward both you and yours for the same, according to his promise, not only with everlasting glory in heaven, but also with long continued temporal honour and security in this world, and this is the first reason of my hope grounded upon the promise of God. G. H. 9 You are herein somewhat more mannerly in words, though little less malicious in heart then Dr. Bishop, a bird of the same feather, who in an Epistle directed in like manner to his MAJESTY as yours is, spares not to speak out, but tells him plainly [when they see no hope of remedy, the state being now settled, and a continual posterity like to ensue of one nature and condition, God knoweth what that forcible weapon of necessity may constrain and drive men unto at length:] But thanks be unto God the Father of our Lord jesus CHRIST, who hath so fixed and established the Royal heart of our gracious Sovereign, as that neither his bloody threats, nor your sugared promises, can move it one point from the centre of that truth which himself hath still professed, and in which his posterity are trained up. And thus the weakness of the foundation, upon which the first reason of your vain hope is grounded, is discovered. God in his promises is always most sure, but this your reason pretended to be grounded thereupon most unsure, since neither the true Religion is found at this day in that Church which you call Catholic▪ neither are temporal blessings always annexed to that Religion which is indeed true. Thus much you might have learned of Hall the jesuit, who after the discovery of the Powderplot, recites unto Littleton for his comfort certain examples of Heretics overcoming Catholics in battle, and Infidels overthrowing Christians, or of father Robert Parsons in his Reply to his MAJESTY touching Queen ELIZABETH'S happiness; [outward felicities (saith he) are worldlings arguments, no necessary improvements of God's blessing,] howbeit Father Robert Bellarmine makes it one of the 15. and Bozius one of his 100 notes of the true Church: but much rather and better might you have learned it of the Prophet David, who was so sorely perplexed with this point, that till he went into the Sanctuary of God, and there upon consultation with him understood the reason of it, he was well nigh at his wit's end, saying to himself in a kind of despair, [ * Psal. 73. Than have I cleansed mine heart in vain, in vain have I washed mine hands in innocency.] Yet if the argument were infallible, God hath approved the truth of his majesties Religion by those manifold outward blessings and miraculous deliverances, which of his merche he hath vouchsafed him: So that his Majesty might justly take up that of the same Prophet in another place, [ * Psal. 103. Bless the Lord, O my soul, and forget not all his benefits: who redeemeth thy life from destruction, who crowneth thee with loving kindness, and tender mercies] and our hope and unfeigned prayer to God is, that whiles his Majesty ceaseth not in this manner to honour God, God will not cease in like manner to honour him and his posterity, with many blessings in this world, and in the next with eternal happiness. B. C. 10. The 1 In the front of this reason, you seem to disstinguish it from the former, but in the pursuit of this Section you merely confound them. second reason of my hope that Catholic Religion may be a great means of honour & security to your majesties posterity, is taken from the consideration of your neighbours, the Kings and Princes of Christendom; among whom there is 2 In saying so, you cannot but put his Majesty to rebuke also, there being the like, & none other reason of him and of other Kings, who have disclaimed union with Rome. no state ancient and truly honourable, but only those that are Catholic: The reason whereof I take to be, because the 3 I marvel much where those rules were to be found, for the space of the first 300. years after Christ, and whether the greatness and Majesty of the great Turk, or King of China be not beyond all the rules that Catholic Religion delivereth in that kind. rules of Catholic Religion are Eternal, Universal, and Constant unto themselves, and with all so consonant to Majesty, and Greatness, as they have made and preserved the Catholic Church reverent and venerable throughout the Christian world for these thousand and six hundred years, and those temporal states that have been conformable thereunto have been always most honourable, and so are like to continue until they hearken unto Schism. And as for those that have rejected and opposed the rules of Catholic Religion, they have been driven in short time to degenerate, and become either tyrannical or popular. Your Majesty I know doth abhor tyranny, but if Schism and Heresy might have their full swinge over the Seas, the very shadow and relics of Majesty in England should be utterly defaced, and quickly turned into Helvetian or Belgian popularity: for they that make no conscience to profane the Majesty of God, and his Saints in the Church, will, when they feel their strength make no bones to 4 What they are that despise government, and speak evil of those that be in authority, his Majesty is not now to seek. violate the Majesty of the King, and his children in the common wealth. G. H. 10. Having opened your entrance to a second reason in show, but indeed the same with the former, you tell us that among all the Kings and Princes of Christendom, there is no state ancient and truly honourable, but only those that are Catholic; wherein you do the King of Denmark and Sweden, specially the former, great honour, in consideration belike of his near alliance to his Majesty, as also to all the secular Princes of Germany, (the house of Austria and the Duke of Bavaria only excepted) and among the rest the Prince Elector Palatine of Rhine, his majesties son in law is most bound to thank you, and it seems you conceived so much by intending your journey to Hydelberg: and good reason you should have been welcome, considering you make both him and all the rest of the Kings and Princes of Christendom that have forsaken Communion with the Church of Rome, to be both base and tyrannical: whereas I may be bold to say it, that at this day there are none more moderate in their governments, than those whom you call Schismatics, and of them the greatest part were never so flourishing, as since they renounced society with that Church, specially the Heluetians and Belgians, in whom you instance, being grown more rich, more powerful and politic in their affairs, than ever before: And for popularity the Heluetians had it long before any change of religion, and those very Cantons which call themselves Catholic, retain that form and none other unto this day: And for the Belgians it appears by the Prince of Orange his apology, that they ever challenged their freedom as due by the Capitulations between them and their governors the Dukes of Burgundy, and now at last after so much Christian blood spilled (as all the world knows) in the Articles of peace concluded between the King of Spain and them, they are declared a free State. Now whether they make any conscience of profaning the Majesty of God, let their published Confessions which testify, and he that compares their practice with that of the Italians, may easily judge of the tree by the fruits, whether we regard the profanation of his Majesty in the blaspheming of his Name, or the disgrace of his word, or the unsanctifying of his day; & for his Saints they all agree (I speak for the main body of their guides and professors) in giving them as much honour as they are lawfully capable of, or would themselves willingly receive; and if this be the heresy you mean, we profess it hath had its full swinge over seas already, but do not yet perceive that thereby the Majesty of our King is any way violated, but rather strengthened and increased. Lastly, whereas you tell us that you take the reason of all this to be, because the rules of Catholic religion are eternal, universal and constant to themselves; I grant there is and aught to be a mutual dependence betwixt religion and civil policy, the one both giving and receiving life and strength unto, and from the other: yet true religion meddleth not so much with the temporal state, as to hinder or further the proceedings of it, otherwise then by the force of the word and the power of Ecclesiastical censures: but that which you call the Catholic religion, hath (like the ivy that grows into the wall) so incorporated and entwisted itself into the bowels of those States where it is settled, that it can hardly be rooted out, or removed without endangering the bodies of the States themselves, which cannot but give us just occasion to suspect, that it is for the most part in the points controversed between us, nothing else but a policy invented of men, to serve their own turns. And consequently according to your own rule set down in the second Section of your first chapter, a false and counterfeit religion. And in truth when we shall come to examine the rules of that Church, we shall find that they are not so consonant to the Majesty and greatness of temporal Princes, as you pretend, but rather tend to the trampling of their Majesty under foot, and laying their honour in the dust, and to the advancing and raising of the greatness of the Bishop of Rome to the utmost pitch and possibility of height. Some of these rules which make so much for the Majesty of Kings are brought by Bellarmine, and by his Majesty truly observed and quoted in the latter end of his Apology for the Oath for Allegiance, which because they are so pat to this present purpose, I will crave pardon to borrow and annex hereunto: they are twelve in all, a fit number for the Jesuits Creed, or to make up a full jury to pass a verdict upon Mr. Doctor's Assertion. 1 De La●ci●▪ cap. 7 That Kings are rather slaves than Lords. 2 De Ponti. Ro. lib. 1. cap. 7. That they are not only subjects to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but even to Deacons. 3 Ibidem. That an Emperor must content himself to drink, not only after a Bishop, but after a Bishop's Chaplain. 4 Ibidem & de Cler. cap. 20. That Kings have not their authority nor office immediately from God, nor his Law, but only from the law of nations. 5 De Pontif. lib. 3. cap. 16. That Popes have degraded Emperors, but never Emperor degraded the Pope: nay, even * Lib. 5. cap. 8. Bishops that are but the Pope's vassals, may depose Kings, and abrogate their laws. 6 De Laicis, cap. 8. That Churchmen are as far above Kings, as the soul is above the body. 7 De Pontif. lib. 5. cap. 8. That Kings may be deposed by their people for divers respects. 8 De Pontif. lib▪ 2▪ cap. 26. But Popes can be deposed by no means: for no flesh hath power to judge of them. 9 De Pontif. lib. 4. cap. 15. That obedience due to the Pope is for conscience sake. 10 D● Clericis, cap. 28. But the obedience due to Kings is only for certain respects of order and policy. 11 Ibidem. That those very Churchmen that are borne and inhabit in Sovereign Princes countries, are notwithstanding not their Subjects, and cannot be judged by them, although they may judge them. 12 Ibidem. And that the obedience that Churchmen give to Princes even in the meanest and mere temporal things, is not by way of any necessary subjection, but only out of discretion, and for observation of good order and Custom. His majesties inference hereupon is this: These contrarieties (saith he) between the Book of God and Bellarmine's books, have I here set in opposition each to other, [ut ex contrarijs juxta se positis veritas magis elucescere possit:] and thus far I dare boldly affirm, that whosoever will indifferently weigh these irreconcilable contradictions here set down, will easily confess that Christ is no more contrary to Beliall, light to darkness, and heaven to hell, than Bellarmine's estimation of Kings is to Gods, by whom they are called (as his Majesty noteth before) * 2. Sam. 7. 14. The sons of the most High, nay, * Psal 82 6. Gods themselves, * 1. Sam. 24. 11. The Lords anointed, * 2. Chro. 9 8. Sitting in his throne, * 2. Sam. 14. 20. The angels of God, * 2. Sam. 21. 17. The light of Israel, * Isay 49. 23. The nursing fathers of the Church, with innumerable such styles of honour, wherewith the old Testament is filled; and as for the New Testament, Every soul is commanded to be subject unto them, even for conscience sake. All men must be prayed for, but specially Kings, and those that are in authority. * Rom. 13. 5. The Magistrate is the minister of God to do vengeance on him that doth evil, * 1 Tim. 2. 2. and reward him that doth well: yea, we must obey all higher powers, but specially Princes, and those that are supereminent. * Rom. 13. 4. Give unto Caesar what is Caesar's, and to God what is Gods: Matth. 22. 11. So that we may justly conclude out of his majesties true collections, and just inferences, that the rules of holy Scripture which we make our principal and only infallible level, aswell in matter of manners as of doctrine, are indeed most consonant to the majesty and greatness of Kings; but the rules of that religion which you call Catholic, as they are reported by Bellarmine, (next his Holiness, the chief pillar and Proctor thereof this age hath aforded) most disconsonant and repugnant thereunto. I cannot but wonder then what Mr. Doctor meant to write thus to his Majesty, who having so particularly and exquisitely published his mind to the world in this point, it must needs argue gross ignorance and negligence in him, not to have read or observed what was by him written, or a strong presumption of his own ability with one breath of his mouth, or blot of his pen to persuade his Majesty to the contrary. B. C. 11. I know well that the Puritans of England, the Hugonots of France, and the Geuses of Germany, together with the rest of the Caluinists of all sorts are a great faction of Christendom, and they are glad to have the pretence of so great a Majesty to be 1 Neither the Dutch nor the French acknowledge his Majesty their chief. their chief; and of your posterity to be their hope: But I cannot be persuaded that they ever will or can join together to advance your Majesty or your children further than they may make a present gain by you, they are not agreed of their religion, nor of the principles of universal and eternal truth, and how can they be constant in the rules of particular and transitory honour, where there is nullum principium ordinis, there can be nullum principium honoris: such is their case, there is a voice of confusion among them as well in matters of State, as of Religion: their power is great, but not to edification: they join together only 2 They join together against the visible Monarchy of the church, or rather the tyranny of the Pope which you call order, but good it can not be, being not from God. against good order which they call the common enemy, and if they can destroy that, they will in all likelihood turn their fury against themselves, and like devils 3 I desire to learn where you find that the devils torment one another: once we are sure, if they did but help to cast out one another, their kingdom could not stand. torment, like serpents devour one another: in the mean time of they can 4 You seem to intend the Netherlands, which notwithstanding was never a kingdom, nor their Burghers Princes: but how the Pope hath turned the ancient kingdom of the Romans into a new State, and made himself of a Priest, a temporal Prince, we are not ignorant. make their Burghers Princes, and turn old kingdoms into new States, it is like enough they will do it, but that they will ever agree together to make any 5 Neither can I persuade myself that your Catholics will ever join together to make one King over them all, though the Jesuits it may be both desire and endeavour it. one Prince, King or Emperor over them all, & yield due obedience unto him further than either their gain shall allure them, or his sword shall compel them, that I cannot persuade myself to believe: and therefore I cannot hope that your Majesty or your posterity can expect the like honour or security from them, which you might do from Catholic Princes, if you were joined firmly to them in the unity of Religion. G. H. 11. His Majesty neither needs nor desires advancement from foreign parts, or parties: yet we cannot but acknowledge that those whom you call 1 The word Geuse in their language signifies a beggar. Geuses of Germany (a nick name first imposed on the Netherlanders by Barlamont a Spanish factor) (who withstood the bringing in of the Spanish Inquisition among them, and upon occasion of that name, took for their device a wallet and a dish, with this Inscription; Faithful to God and the King even to bear the Wallet: Inferring thereby, that they were better Subjects than Barlamont and his adherents) are more able upon all occasions to second his Majesty, specially upon the Seas, than any other State in Christendom. What service they did us in the year 1588. by keeping the Prince of Parma from joining with the Spanish fleet, which had swallowed us up in conceit, it is well known, and no doubt but being confederates and friendly used, they would be ready upon like occasion to perform the like friendly office. And for those whom you call Catholics, I would know how many of them labour to advance their confederates farther than it stands with their own advantage or reputation. In matter of Religion the Netherlander, Helvetian, and French differ not at all: and from some States of the higher Germany, they differ not so much as the French Catholic, from the Romish and Spanish, in as much as the latter admit of the Council of Trent, the former not so: and again, (which is another notable and main point of difference) the former submit the Pope to a general Council, the latter not, but as they have made him transcendent over Kings; so have they over Bishops too, not only single, but assembled in Synod. So that upon the matter they were as good keep themselves at home, and save so much travel and charge: But to grant those (whom notwithstanding you call Caluinists without exception or distinction) were not agreed of their own religion, yet to say that the rules of particular and transitory honour depend upon the principles of universal and eternal truth, it can by no means be admitted as a true principle, since those rules by reason may be, and by practice are as certain and constant amongst Infidels as Christians. No people were ever more punctual and precise in terms of honour then the ancient Grecians and Romans, yet were they we know without God in the world, without the knowledge of universal and eternal truth. And the same may be justified of many of the Eastern princes at this day: but I cannot but marvel at your folly (specially taking upon you to play the Statesman) in telling his Majesty that the Caluinists will never agree together in making any one king over them all, as if any Prince in Christendom were so senseless as to expect it, or they so mad as to offer it, considering they are all either under the obedience of other Sovereigns, or free Estates of themselves: And yet no doubt but as great security may be expected from them, as from your Catholics, though his Majesty were united to them in Religion, in as much as they maintain not the lawfulness of equivocation, nor acknowledge any superior power able to assoil them from the obligation of their oaths, and solemn promises. What reason hath his Majesty (if he were as firmly joined to them in the unity of their Religion, as the Pope himself could desire) to expect greater security from them than his Predecessors found at the hands of their Ancestors, or themselves upon occasion and opportunity find at the hands each of other? Nay if they find no security many times from the Popes themselves, who are the pretended heads of that Religion, with what assurance can they expect it one from another, being thereby only linked together as members unto that head? It hath been said of some of them, how justly I leave to those who have made trial, that they neither sing as they prick, nor pronounce as they write▪ nor speak as they think: the latter of which (if we may credit Comines) might justly be verified of Lewis the XI. of France, who made show of devotion in the unity of that religion, no man more, in so much that he would often swear by, and kiss his Nostredam of lead which he ever wore as a brooch in his hat, yet what little security other princes of the same religion found at his hands in their contracts with him, the same historiographer who was well acquainted with his secrets, witnesseth, and were he silent, yet his counsel given to his son Charles the eight, that he should learn no more latin but this, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit regnare, would speak as much; which lesson is indeed only recorded of him, but it may rather be wished, then thought that it is not learned and practised of the greatest part of the great ones in the world; Machiavel's name being hateful and odious to all, but his rules and precepts too much embraced of some. B. C. 12. The third reason of my hope that Catholic religion should be most available for the honour and security of your Majesty and your children, is taken from the consideration of your subjects, which can be kept in obedience to God and to their king by no other religion, and least of all by the 1 Bellarmine chargeth not only Calum with this opinion, but Zuinglius and Kellison, Melancthon, who were not Caluinists. Caluinists: for if their principles be received once, and well drunk in, and digested by your Subjects, they will openly maintain that God hath as well predestinated men to be 2 Surely that Pope who in his Conclave told his Cardinals that the dominican friar murdered the French King by the will of God, by his ordinance, by the aid of the Almighty, by his special help, spoke little less, yet is that oration verified by Warmington a Romish priest, sometimes Chaplain to Card. Allen, from whom himself got a copy. traitors, as to be kings, and he hath as well predestinated men to be thieves, as to be judges, and he hath as well predestinated that men should sin, as that Christ should die for sin; which kind of disputations I know by my experience in the country, that they are ordinary among your country. Caluinists, that 3 They might quickly be as learned as yourself in the Scriptures, for any thing appears in this Epistle. take themselves to be learned in the Scriptures, especially when they are met in an 4 Belike yourself were present to take your part of the ale, or you had good intelligence with the alewise. alehouse and have found a weaker brother whom they think fit to instruct in these profound mysteries: and howsoever they be not yet all so impudent as to hold these conclusions in plain terms, yet it is certain they all hold these principles of doctrine from whence working heads of greater liberty, do at their pleasures draw these consequences in their lives and practices: and is this a religion fit to keep subjects in obedience to their Sovereign? G. H. 12. Your third reason to persuade his Majesty to the renouncing of his own religion, and the embracing of yours is, by bearing him in hand that none other will keep his subjects in obedience, and least of all the Calvinistical. But is it possible so learned and so wise a man as you take yourself to be, should write in this manner, and withal remember that your letter was directed to his Majesty, who hath long since 1 1 In his speech in Parliament after the Powder treason. proclaimed it to the world that [no other sect of heretics, not excepting Turk, jew, nor Pagan, no not even those of Calicute, who adore the devil, did ever maintain it by the grounds of their religion, Mark (by the grounds of their religion) that it was lawful or rather meritorious (as the Romish Catholics call it) to murder princes, or people for quarrel of religion: And although particular men of all professions of religion, have been some thieves, some murderers, some traitors, yet ever when they came to their end and just punishment, they confessed their fault to be in their nature, and not in their profession, these Romish Catholics only excepted.] And if that be your religion which we find maintained by the chief pillars and Doctors of your Church, and determined to be Catholic by your Popes and Cardinals, surely we have as little reason to entertain your doctrine, as we have good reason ever to be jealous of your practice. Your doctrine is, That the Pope, if he think good, may excommunicate and depose kings, and dispose of their kingdoms, by absolving their subjects from their allegiance, and setting foreign princes to invade there dominions, as if they held not their Crowns from God, but from him, and as if they were to write no more in their styles, by the grace of God, but by the Pope's grace, king of such or such a kingdom. Your doctrine is, that treason delivered under the seal of confession is not to be discovered, though it be to the endangering of your sovereigns person, & the subversion of the whole body of the State. Your doctrine is, That as many Churchmen as are in the Kingdom (which in most is a third part, in some more) they are all exempted from the coercion of the civil Magistrate, being for punishment, whether in body or in estate, only liable to the censures of Ecclesiastical courts, which have both dependence upon the Pope's authority, and direction from his Canon Law. Your doctrine is, That as many Bishops and archbishops as are any where consecrated, aught to take their oath to be true and loyal to their good Lord and holy Father of Rome, to the utmost to execute and further his Commands, without any limitation or reference to the authority of their Sovereign Lord the King, as may appear by the tenor of the oath here ensuing, which I have annexed, to the end the Reader may judge whether this be the only Religion (as Mr. Doctor pretendeth) to keep Subjects in obedience to their Kings. [I john Bishop or Abbot of A. from this hour forward, shall be faithful and obedient to S. Peter, and to the Holy Church of Rome, and to my Lord the Pope and his Successors Canonically entering. I shall not be of counsel, nor consent that they shall lose either life or member, or shall be taken or suffer any violence or any wrong by any means. Their counsel to me credited by them, their messengers or Letters, I shall not willingly discover to any person. The Popedom of Rome, the rules of the holy Fathers, and the regalities of S. Peter, I shall help, retain & defend against all men. The Legate of the Sea apostolic going and coming, I shall honourably entreat. The rights honours, privileges, authorities of the Church of Rome, and of the Pope and his Successors, I shall cause to be conserved, defended, augmented and promoted. I shall not be in Counsel, Treaty, or any act in the which any thing shall be imagined against him or the Church of Rome, their rights, states, honours or power: And if I know any such to be moved or compassed, I shall resist to my power, and assoon as I can, I shall advertise him, or such as may give him knowledge. The rules of the Holy Fathers, the decrees, ordinances, sentences, dispositions, reservations, provisions, and commandments apostolic, I shall keep to my power & cause to be kept of other. Heretics, Schismatics and Rebels to our Holy Father and his Successors, I shall resist and persecute to my power. I shall come to the Synod when I am called, except I be let by a Canonical impediment. The lights of the Apostle I shall visit personally, or by my deputy: I shall not alien or sell my possessions without the Pope's Council, so God me help and the holy Evangelists.] No marvel then that Henry the eight when he commanded the form of this Oath to be publicly read in Parliament, complained to the Speaker Sir Tho. Audely and some others, whom for that purpose he sent for, that he had thought the Clergy of his Realm had been his Subjects wholly, [but now we have well perceived (sayeth he) that they are to us but half Subjects, or indeed scarce Subjects at all.] Finally, your doctrine is, that the Christians in the primitive Church abstained from taking arms, not so much for conscience sake, as because they wanted strength: which must needs open a wide gap to the people, upon any humorous discontent, when they once feel their own strength, like an untamed horse to cast their rider if they may; and that I may speak in your own phrase, to make no bones of violating the Majesty of the king and his children, and is this a Religion fit to keep Subjects in obedience to their Sovereigns? Whereas our doctrine on the other side is, That the persons of princes are sacred, and by God's ordinance privileged from all violence: and for their actions, that they are only accountable to God, their Crowns and Sceptres not disposeable by any; but by him who set the one upon their heads, and the other in their hands, who hath the name written on his thigh, King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, (who as job speaketh) [ * job. 12. 19 21. leadeth Princess away spoiled, and overthroweth the mighty, and again he poureth contempt upon Princes, and weakeneth the strength of the mighty.] Lastly, our doctrine is, that the subjects duty is not by any dispensable, but by him alone, who by his divine providence subjecteth them to that power. Now whether of these doctrines, ours or yours is most likely to keep men in obedience, even our enemies shall be our judges: Yet this to be your doctrine your books witness, and no man of learning and ingenuity among you will deny. But for our doctrine you pretend the opinions of Caluinists, and those country Caluinists, and those met in an Alehouse, not in plain terms, but by consequences gathered, not by sober or settled brains upon judgement, but by working heads of greater liberty at their pleasure, and that not in their books or speeches, but in their lives and practices. Thus the mountains swell as if we should have a giant borne; but at length after much expectation we have a little mouse brought into the world. What Mr. Doctor, are there no principles in the Romish Catholic Religion, from whence working heads, of greater liberty, do at their pleasures draw the like dangerous consequences in their lives and practices? If there be none, how comes it to pass that there are so many of that profession by whose deeds a man may safely guess, they say in their hearts there is no God? If there be any, why do you so pathetically exclaim against Caluinists, as if they stood single in this bill of indictment? Shall we accuse our Blessed SAVIOUR, because he is to some a rock of offence, or his precious Word, because to some it proves a savour of death unto death? and if we must acquit him, and lay the fault where it is, on them who draw poison to hurt themselves out of the sweetest flowers, and dazzle their own eyes by looking on the comfortable beams of the Sun, surely you have no reason in my judgement in this case (as by yourself it is opened) to accuse our doctrine. I am not ignorant that all the Pope's chiefest Proctors lay it confidently to our charge, In 1. 2. d. 129. n. 2. In 1. jac. That we make God the author as well of sudas his treason, 10. reas. cap. 8. as Paul's vocation; Demonst. 1 3 7. aswell of David's adultery as joseph's chastity; Lection. 8. par. ●. as namely Vasquez, De sig. lib. 3. cap. 5. Fevardentius, Campian, In h●● epist. to Cham. Hayus, Panigirolla, Bozius, Ignatius, Armandus, Kellison, Possevin, Bellarmin. In his Survey. l. 5. c. 2. But I will be bold to say it, there is none of our writers of note, even among them, who are reputed the most zealous followers of Calvin, Bib. sel. li. 8. c. 11 have written any more in this point then Occam, De amis. gra. lib. 2. cap. ● 3. Hugo de Sancto Victore, Lib. 3. q. 12. Gregorius Ariminensis, de sac. l. 1. pa. 4. c. 12. Cardinal Cameracensis Medina, Durandus, Bannes, Scotus, Thomas, and Bellarmine himself, who as his Majesty rightly observeth in the Catalogue of his contradictions set down in his Apology, 2. d. 34. q. 1. art. 3. manifestly opposeth himself touching his opinion in this point, 1. q. 13. art. 1. pa. 1 9 3. in the Book and Chapter before quoted, 1 2. q. 93. art. 6. pa. 4 96. in as much as he affirmeth in the 3. Section thereof, 2. d. 37. q. 1. that God doth not incline a man to evil either naturally or morally, 1. par. q 49. ar. 2 Lib. 1. dist. 41. In 9 ad Rom. lect. 3. and in the tenth Section of the same Chapter avoucheth the clean contrary, namely, that God doth not incline to evil naturally but morally: and in the same place he is bold to say, that God not only permitteth wicked men to do many evils, but that by a figure he commandeth it, and exciteth men unto it, as a huntsman setteth the dog upon the Hare, by letting go the slip that held the dog: Nay, he further addeth, he fits as precedent over the wills of wicked men: he ruleth and governeth them, Torquet ac flectit in eyes invisibiliter operando. he boweth and bendeth them by working invisibly in them, and that positively, as he acknowledgeth within a few lines, though before he deny it: These very words of Bellarmine doth Kellison reprehend in Calvin, in the 1. Chap. of his book of his Survey, the same man maketh Calvin to teach that God is the only sinner, in as much as he doubteth not to say, that the will of God is the necessity of things, whereas indeed they are S. Augustine's words, de Gen. ad lit. lib. 6. cap. 15. and so rightly quoted by Calvin, though Kellison profess S. Augustine have no such thing in the place by him alleged. So that if they had the charity to interpret the speeches of our men as gently and favourably as they do their own, there would appear little difference, or none at all, and I will undertake to show, if I be put to it, that many speeches and passages go for currant and Catholic doctrine among them, which if they should be alleged out of Calvin, would be censured as heresy: but it seemeth the ground of the song which Mr. Doctor here descanteth on, was taken out of Kellison in the forenamed book and chapter, where he allegeth Caluins words to be these, but falsely quoted out of his 37. Book: [I grant that thieves and murderers, and other evil doers are the instruments of God's providence, whom the Lord doth use to execute those judgements which he hath himself determined,] as if Calvin said any more, or so much herein then S. Peter hath given him warrant for, in the 4 chap. of the Acts, where he thus speaketh, [ * Vers. 27. 28. Of a truth against thy holy child JESUS whom thou hast anointed, both Herod and Pontius Pilate with the Gentiles and people of Israel were gathered together, for to do whatsoever thy hand and thy counsel determined before to be done.] or joseph in the 45. of Genesis, comforting his brother, * Vers. 5. God did send me before you to preserve life: or job when the Chaldeans had robbed him of his cattle, and slain his servants, * Cap. 1. 21. The Lord hath taken away: or the Prophet Esay, where he likeneth the King of Assyria to an * Cap. 10. 15. Axe, to a Saw, to a Rod, to a Staff moved and directed by the hand of God, for the execution of his judgements: wherefore let Kellison either accuse these holy penmen of God, and teach them to correct their manner of speaking, or let him cease to accuse Calvin for this passage, who there in affirmeth no more, nor so much as they do. To conclude, what we maintain in this point touching the will or cooperation of God in sin or with sinners, is among many others fully and clearly delivered by the pens of the most Reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury his Grace, now being, in the last of his six solemn Lectures, read in the University of Oxford, for his degree of Doctorship, of Doctor Abbot now L. Bishop of Salisbury in his answer to Doctor Bishop's preface to his second part, of Doctor Morton Deane of Winchester in the first Book and 25. Chap. of his Cath. Apology, of Doctor Feild Deane of Gloucester in his third Book and 23. Chapter of the Church, and lastly of my late worthy Colleague Doctor White, in the 41. Digression, and 50. Paragraph of The way to the Church. The sum of all is this, that about and concerning sin God doth three things; first as a cause universal he sustaineth and upholdeth the being and moving, both of the nature and actions whether good or bad of all mankind: Secondly, by withdrawing his grace which should lighten the understandings and soften and mollify the hearts of men: Thirdly by giving way to Satan, to work upon them, and no way either strengthening them against him, or weakening his force: Fourthly, by ordinating sin, which is nothing else but the disposing and directing of it in such manner and measure, as to him seemeth best, that it stretcheth itself no further or otherwise, either for time or place, or persons, than his good pleasure willeth: sometimes he turneth it to another end then the person doing it thought of, sometimes he maketh way for it by shutting up and stopping all other passages by which it might break forth, sometimes he punisheth one sin with another, as pride is punished with envy, he being not the author of envy, as it is sinful, but as is it carries a sting with it, implying a contrariety between it and the soul of man, which maketh it bitter and afflictive. Fiftly and lastly, by occasioning sin accidentally, as when God doth that which in itself is good, and yet knoweth through the evil disposition which is in men, it will give occasion to increase their wickedness, and make it greater than it was before. This I take to be the substance and effect of that we hold touching this point, and I doubt not but the undertaking of my deceased fellow Chaplain may be made good, in showing every parcel of this doctrine in the writings of those, who either live or died in profession, members of the Church of Rome. To conclude then, God predestinateth no man to be a Traitor or a Thief, but foreseeing he will be so, he determineth to make use of their theft or treason for the advancement of his own glory, and the advantage of his Church and children, he being in himself so good as he would suffer none evil in the world, were he not withal so powerful, as out of every evil to draw some good, as by the same power he brought light out of darkness and caused water abundantly to flow out of the hard and dry rock. B. C. 13. Here I know the great masters of schism will never leave objecting the 1 Foelix scelus virtus vocatur, had it taken effect, that which now is styled an horrible treason had been a most honourable and meritorious act. horrible treason of certain Catholics against your Majesty, which if the 2 It was the devil indeed that wrought it, it being beyond all human invention, yet you cannot deny, though you are unwilling to grant it, that he used none but pretended Catholics for his instruments in that business. devil had not wrought to their hands, they had had little to say against Catholics before this day: But I humbly entreat that the fact of some few men may not for ever be objected against the truth of a general rule. It is not the question, which religion will make all your subjects true, but which religion is most likely to make all true. It is certain there be traitors against God and man of all religions, and Catholics as they are the 3 The latter we easily believe, but leave you to prove the former. best subjects; so when they fall to it, they are the worst traitors. But if we will look upon examples, or consider of reasons, the Catholic is the only religion, which as it doth duly subordinate kings unto 4 It may be by God you understand him, who exalts himself above all that is called God, and by lawful obedience as much, and as far as he shall think fit. God; so doth it effectually bind subjects to perform all lawful 5 Whether our religion or yours bind subjects, more to the performance of their duty, let my answer to your 12. section make proof. obedience unto their kings. I will not repeat examples, because the ancient are tedious, and the present are 6 Indeed the fresh examples of the death of the 2. last Henr. of France, and the infinite tr●●●sons against Q. Elizabeth, and our present Sovereign, cannot be but odious to all good Christians. odious: but if there can be but one king named in all the world, that did ever receive honour from Caluinists, farther than to be their champion or protector, until their turn were served: then I may be content to believe that your Majesty and your family shall receive 7 Perpetuity of kingdoms is only from God, but yet may his Majesty more justly expect perpetuity from his subjects, who acknowledge none other Sovereign, than those Princes from theirs, who acknowledge them deposeable by a foreign power. perpetuity from them, But if your Caluinists do profess to honour you, and all other Caluinists do overthrow their kings and princes wheresoever they can prevail, I can hardly believe that yours mean any more good earnest, than the rest. There is certainly some other matter that they are contented for a time to honour your Majesty, it cannot be their religion ties them to it, 8 Their religion being grounded only upon the lively oracles of God, cannot but tie them more effectually to itself then your human traditions. for it doth not tie them to itself. There is no principle of any religion, nor no article of any faith, which a Caluinist will not call in question, and either altogether deny or 9 We assume no liberty of expounding articles of faith at our pleasure, as his Majesty hath declared it in his book against Vorst. but a freedom by Christ, from the rigour of the Law, from the guilt and punishment of sin, and from observing human traditions as religiously, as divine ordinances. expound after his own fancy: and if he be restrained, he cries out by and by he cannot have the liberty of his conscience, and what bound of obedience can there be in such a religion? G. H. 13. The world is now come to a good pass, that those who object the heinousness of horrible treasons, shall carry the title of the great masters of schism: But notwithstanding we be held Schismatics for our labour, we will not leave to object it, and not only to object it, but cry and thunder against it, being as his Majesty hath rightly observed [not only a crying sin of blood, but a roaring and thundering sin of fire and brimstone:] and the rather for that we do not therein so much object the fact of those who were to be the actors in it, as the rules of those their ghostly fathers and spiritual guides, who were acquainted with it, and consenting to it, 1 Garnet by Eudaemon. some of whom have since been apologized by the pens of Romish writers, and 2 Greenwell and Gerrard. other some protected and countenanced in or by the court of Rome itself. One reports it that the Pope caused the massacre of Paris (what time in divers places of France were murdered about 60000 persons) to be painted in his palace, it should seem ad perpetuam rei memoriam, lest so extreme wickedness should be forgotten. So no doubt should this Powder work have been painted by it, if it had not miscarried, save that no art could have imitated the confusion, no colour have represented so barbarous cruelty. What stain could shadow the blood of so royal Princes? what red were sufficient to paint the blood of so many and noble Christians? what black the darkness of that day? what azure the unmercifulness of that fire? what devise, what invention could have expressed the woeful cry of the innocent, and the infernal noise of the blow? it was the uttermost point of all villainy, beyond which is terra incognita, no man can devise what should be between Hell and it: and shall they then be reputed masters of schism who object the foulness of a treason by your own confession so horrible? then let our greatest Bishops, our wisest counsellors, our gravest judges, and our Sovereign himself, be all accounted the great Masters of schism, who describe it by so much more lively than others, in as much as they looked more narrowly into the particular veins and bowels of the plot, were more capable to conceive the vast extent of the mischief likely to have ensued upon it, and lastly were more sensible of the horror of it, in regard of their own danger. Yet thus much we all conceive, that if all the devils and damned spirits in hell, together with all the reprobates on earth, should meet in Conclave, and set all their inventions awork to the uttermost, they could never find out again the like hellish and damnable design. But had not the devil (you say) wrought this to their hands, we had little to say against Catholics before this day: As if the Bull of Pius Quintus, the intiteling of the Spaniard to the kingdom of Ireland, the rebellion of Northumberland and Westmoreland were now quite forgotten, or the practices of Sommeruile set awork by Hall a Seminary Priest of Spain, furnished at the Pope's charge, with fifty other resolutes, of Throgmorton, solicited by Bernardine Mendoza, the Spanish Leaguer Ambassador lying in London, of Parry, encouraged by Cardinal Comoes' persuasion, of Ballard and Babington, together with twelve other gentlemen emboldened by the same Mendoza, of Stanley apologized by Cardinal Allen, of Cullen an Irish fencer hired by Stanley for thirty pound, of Lopez a physician and Portugal by birth, set a work by Christopher de Moro, a special counsellor of the king of Spain, for a jewel of gold garnished with a great diamond, and a large ruby in hand, and the promise of 50000. crowns more to be pay●d, of York and Williams enticed by Holt a jesuit, and Owen an English fugitive, and Spanish pensioner, & lastly of Squire animated and instructed by Walpoole, were not yet fresh in memory: besides infinite other conspiracies of Romanists plotted against the State and person of our late renowned Sovereign. Had not her Majesty just cause then to complain as she did, in open Parliament, That she knew no creature breathing, whose life stood hourly in more peril than her own, and that even in the first entrance into her estate, she entered into infinite dangers of life, as one that was to wrestle with many and mighty enemies? And that it may appear to the world, that his Holiness could not plead ignorance or innocency in these proceedings, I will hereunto annex the copy of the Cardinal's letter to Parry translated out of the Italian original, very worthy in my judgement not to be buried in forgetfulness, but to be commended to the knowledge of succeeding ages. SIr, his Holiness hath seen your Letter of the first, with the assurance included, and cannot but commend the good disposisition and resolution, which you write to hold toward the service and benefit public, wherein his Holiness doth exhort you to persever, with causing to be brought to effect that which you promise; and to the end you be so much the more holpen by that good Spirit which hath moved you thereunto, his Holiness doth grant you Plenary judulgence, and remission of all your sins, according to your request, assuring you that beside the merit that you shall receive therefore in heaven, his Holiness will further make himself debtor to acknowledge and require your deservings by all the best means he may, and so much the more in that you use the more modesty in not pretending any thing. Put therefore to effect your holy and honourable determinations, and attend your health, and to conclude, I offer myself unto you, heartily wishing all good and happy success. From Rome, the 30. of jan. 1584. At your disposing, N. Card. of Como. Now if this be not directly to make God the authou of treasons, as well as of kingdoms, to persuade men that they are moved thereunto by the good Spirit, that they are not only satisfactory for sin, but meritorious, holy, honourable, for mine own part I know not what is. But to proceed, who were they, but pretended Catholics, that were authors of the Prince of Aurenge his untimely death? of that bloody and barbarous massacre in France, of which 1 It was the speech of Christopherus Thua●●●s reported by jacobus Aug. his son. one of their own Catholic historians writes, Excidat illa dies aevo, nec postera credant Saecula. And were not Philopater and Doleman, and Rossaeus Peregrinus the bastards of Creswell and Parsons, and Reynolds long since censured here at home, and lately the seditious books of Mariana, Becanus, Suarez, all Romish Catholics, and Jesuits, condemned to the fire by the high Court of Parliament of Paris? and yet notwithstanding all this and much more that might be brought to this purpose out of his majesties Apology, would you now bear him and us in hand, that had it not been for the Powder-treason, we had had little to say against Romish Catholics before this day? Certainly it must needs argue (when you thus wrote) either your extreme ignorance in not understanding the passages of our estate, or extreme malice in publishing the contrary to that which in my judgement you could not but understand. But you demand, one king to be named in all the world that ever received honour from Caluinists, farther than to be their champion and protector, until their turn were served; as if you were ignorant what honour Calvin himself yielded to Francis the first, in his Epistle prefixed to his institutions, howbeit he were rather a persecutor, than a protector of that profession, as appeared by his commending the destruction of Mirandol and Cabrieres to the Parliament of Provence, howbeit afterward he repented himself of the fact, and gave charge to Henry his son, to do justice upon the murderers: Henry the III they forsook not to the last being persecuted, and at last murdered by the leaguers: and as for Henry the IV. surnamed the great, they not only stuck close to him in all his distresses, when his Romish Catholic subjects banded themselves against him, but when he had quitted his own and their religion, and of their champion became a great patron and benefactor of the jesuits, their most malicious opposites; yet did they not cease to honour him still as much as any his most loyal and loving subjects, both living, by their pens and tongues, and persons, and states, and being dead with their tears, and desire of search to be made, and justice to be done upon such as should be found to have any finger in his death: Or if you were ignorant of these foreign examples, yet could you not but remember that here at home Edward the sixth, and Queen Elizabeth of famous memory, and our present gracious Sovereign, received as much honour from those whom you call Caluinists, as ever any prince in the world, from his pretended Catholic subjects, and that not so much for the serving of their own turns, as for conscience sake, and the performance of their duties. What turn can they now expect to be served from Queen Elizabeth being gathered to her fathers, yet doth her name remain always honourable among them, and the memorial of her precious, as the remembrance of josias, [ * Eccles. 49. 1. like the composition of the perfume that is made by the art of the Apothecary, sweet as honey to all mouths, and as music at a banquet of wine.] whereas many of her Romish Catholic subjects endeavoured what they could to have taken her heart blood from her being living, and still endeavour what they can to take her good name from her being dead. At his majesties entrance some of them pretended to honour him, none more, but it was for the serving of their own turns, in hope of a toleration: for when once they saw the constancy of his majesties mind, and the vanity of their own hope, they hoped to have served him and his posterity such a turn, as should have sounded through the Christian world, and have made the ears of him to tingle, that should have heard it: whereas they who received not that satisfaction at the conference of Hampton Court, which they desired, and hoped for, continue notwithstanding faithful and loyal Subjects to their Sovereign. Lastly for Queen Mary though they could expect no good turn from her in regard of their profession, but rather all the shrewd turns that her misguided zeal, and the malice of others could heap upon them, yet the Norfolk and Suffolk Protestant's, were her strongest furtherance to attain the Crown, and afterward the rest as well as they, ceased not to honour her as far forth as the honour due to God would give them leave, except some few, who opposed themselves not so much against her Person or Government, as against the marriage with a foreigner, whose power they feared would be prejudicial to the Realm, and yet was not this attempt neither seconded or approved by the main body of that profession: [But all other Caluinists (you say) do overthrow their Kings and Princes wheresoever they can prevail,] in which passage can none other be intended but the Netherlanders, of whom touching this point, I will say no more, that they are now after the wasting of so much treasure, and the shedding of so much Christian blood, declared a free estate by him, whose Regal right you pretend they overthrow. Lastly, those whom you call Caluinists, either deny, or call into question as few principles of Religion or Articles of Faith, as any Romish Catholic: nay, I will be bold to say it, and ready to make it good, that the former maintain some of them strongly, which the latter overthrow, if not in plain terms and directly, yet at least indirectly and by consequence, by establishing their own Articles: Unknown to the Apostles and the Primitive Church, they make the Articles of our Christian Creed of none effect; and for exposition which concerns not points in difference between us, and the Church of Rome, if I can judge any thing, your Writers differ more among themselves, and assume to themselves a greater liberty in expounding then ours: and if they be restrained of their Allegorical, Tropological, and Anagogical interpretations, (as impertinent many times to the point in hand as wide from the scope of the Text) they will presently cry out that we despise the authority of the Church, when it may be they have wrested the meaning of one or two latter Fathers against the stream of Antiquity; and what bond of obedience can there be to God or to Kings for God's sake in such Religion? B. C. 14. It is commonly objected by Statesmen that it is no matter what opinions men hold in matters of Religion, so that they be kept in awe by justice and by the sword. Indeed for this world it were no matter at all for Religion, if it were possible to do justice and to keep men in awe by the Sword: In Military estates while the Sword is in the hand there is the less need of Religion; and the greatest and 1 You seem to mean the ancient Romans, who made more conscience of an Oath (in which particular act of Religion you afterward insist) then the Romish Catholics at this day. most martial estates that ever were, have been willing to use the Conscience and reverence of some Religion or other, to prepare their Subjects to obedience: but in a peaceable government, such as all Christian kingdoms do profess to be if the reins of Religion be let loose, the sword commonly is too weak, and comes to late, and is like enough to give the day to the Rebel. And seeing the last and strongest bond of justice is an Oath, which is a principal act of Religion, and were but a mockery if it were not for the punishment of Hell, and the reward of Heaven; it is unpossible to execute justice without the help of Religion, and therefore the neglect and contempt of Religion hath ever been, and ever shallbe the forerunner of destruction in all settled States whatsoever. G. H. 14. Having now spent your powder and shot in discharging your three substantial reasons, and the Apologizing of the Powder-treason; for the filling up of your paper, but to the abusing of his majesties leisure and patience, you here begin a fresh with a solemn discourse of the necessity of Religion for a well ordered Commonwealth, under colour of meeting with an objection of Statesmen, that it matters not what opinions men hold in matters of Religion, so they be kept in awe by justice, and by the sword: But these Statesmen I take to be of Machiavel's sect, who, of what nation he was by birth, and of what religion by profession, we are not ignorant. The ancient Romans indeed being themselves. Lords of the world, became vassals to the Idols of all nations, by admitting the free use of their diverse Religions of them all, holding that (as it seemeth) the most perfect Religion, which refused none as false: neither is the Turk much different from that opinion, howbeit he prefer his own Religion before all others: but all other Statesmen who are so conversant in affairs of State, as they neglect not Christanitie, can not but hold the Christian religion alone, admittable in Christian commonwealths. Now as we grant in all States some Religion necessary, and in Christian States only the Christian admittable: So with all we confess an Oath to be a principal act of that Religion: But how it is abused by Romish Catholics for serving their own turns, by Dispensations, by equivocations, and Mental Reservations, both Histories witness, and we have had too great experience: By which means that which indeed should be the surest and strongest band of truth & justice, and as the Apostle speaks, [ * Ebr. 6. 16. an end of all strife,] is become the matter of quarrel, and a mere vizard for injustice and falsehood to mask under: and by the same means, as the Romish Religion is grown odious to us; so for their sakes, both ours and theirs, (going both under the common name of Christians) is in that respect grown odious to the very Turks, who observe an oath made by the name of their Mahomet more inviolably, than we by the Name of CHRIST one to another; as well appeared by our King Henry the third, who being a great exactor upon the poor Commons, as ever was any king before him, or since, and thinking thereby to win the people sooner to his devotion, most faithfully promised them once or twice, and thereunto bound himself with a solemn oath, both before the Clergy and laity, to grant unto them the old liberties and Customs of Magna Charta, and Charta de Foresta, perpetually to be observed, whereupon a Quindecim was granted to the King: but after the payment was sure, the King trusting the Pope's dispensation for a little money to be discharged of his oath and covenant, went from that he had promised, and solemnly sworn before. In like manner the said King at another time being in need of money, signed himself with the cross, pretending and swearing deeply in the face of the whole Parliament, that he himself would go in person against the Saracens: but as soon as the money was fingered, small care was taken for the performance of the oath, being so put in head by certain about him, that he needed not to pass of that perjury, for so much as the Pope for an hundred pounds or two, would quickly discharge him thereof, as Matthew Paris reports it, who lived at the same time, and was often in Court with him, this was then the account (which by reason of the Pope's easy dispensations) Kings made of their oaths to their Subjects. The like account by the same means did Charles the 9th. of France and the Queen his mother make of their oath taken to the King of Navarre, the Prince of Condie, the Admiral, and the rest of the Protestant profession, at what time his sister's marriage was made more red with their blood then his wine; but this blood crying for vengeance, himself at his death issued blood at all the passages of his body: Neither did Subjects make any other reckoning of their oaths, taken to their Kings, if they had the like dispensations, or Kings to Kings, or Subjects to subjects: And if this be not to make a mere mockery of oaths (which should be made * jere. 4. 2. in truth, in judgement and in justice,) and consequently of religion, as if indeed there were no punishment of Hell, no reward of heaven, I conceive not what is: and by your own rule this contempt of religion cannot but in time draw on the destruction of those States, which thus under pretence of religion and obedience to their holy Father, neglect and contemn it. Lastly, if they esteem so little of oaths made one to another, what should we expect at their hands, to whom they hold Faith is not to be held, be it never so solemnly plighted: whereas * Gen. 21. Abraham made conscience of his oath taken to Abimelech, and * Gen. 31. jacob to Laban, both Idolaters; and so did they again, though Idolaters or Infidels, to jacob and Abraham. But let such as maintain that position, That faith given or sworn to Heretics or Infidels is not to be held, call to mind what success it took at the battle of Varna in Bulgaria, in the year of our Lord 1404, what time Ladislaus the young King of Polony, by the dispensation of Pope Eugenius, and the persuasion of julianus his Nuntio, broke his Oath and League made with Amurath the second, Emperor of the Turks: in which battle the King (his horse being first killed under him) was stricken down and slain, the Pope's Bishops that were in the field to encourage the soldiers, fleeing to save themselves fell into bogs and Marshes, and there perished: julianus the Cardinal, which with the Pope was the chief doer in breaking the League, was found dead in the way, being full of wounds, and spoiled to his naked skin, and all the ditches and trenches were filled with the blood of Christians: A memorable spectacle of God's vengeance upon the breach of oaths made even to Infidels. Discite justitiam moniti, & non temnere Divos. B. C. 15. The devil that intendeth the destruction aswell of bodies as of souls, and of whole States as of particular men, doth not commonly begin with men's bodies, and with matters of State, but being himself a Spirit, and the father of lies, he doth first insinuate himself into men's understandings by false principles of religion: whereunto he hath the more easy entrance, because he hath persuaded their 1 Is not this Romish opinion which holds it sufficient to believe as the Church believes, so that they live morally well? but for ourselves we have had experience, that where our religion most prevaileth, and men are brought to the knowledge of the truth, there barbarism & incivility are the more banished. governors to believe, that it is no great matter what opinions men hold in matters of religion, so that they look well into their actions, and keep them in obedience: Which persuasion is all one, as if the enemy that besiegeth a city, should persuade the garrison that they might surrender the Castle to him well enough, and keep the base town to themselves. But when the devil hath prevailed so far, as by the matters in the first truth, that is of religion, to get the understanding in possession, which is the Castle, as it were, and watchtower of both the soul and body, and state, and all, he will peradventure dissemble his purpose for a while, and by slandering of the truth, and pleasing them with the trifles of the world (which by God's permission are in his power) make men believe that the world is amended: For, 2 The words of the Poet are, nemo repent fuit turpissimus. nemo repentè fit pessimus, but shortly after when he seeth his time, he will out of his 3 In stead of the arsenal, you should have said the capitol. arsenal of false apprehensions in the understanding, send forth such distorted engines of life and actions, as will easily subdue both bodies, and states, and goods, and all to his devotion. G. H. 15. This Section together with your former (for any thing I can gather) serve only to make a large portal to a little Cottage, and wide Gates to a City that may run out of it: you fetch a great swinge to strike a little blow, and a full career to leap over a straw. It is throughout a mere flourish, & rather intended, as it seems, to amaze the reader, as Mountebanks do their hearers with arsenals of apprehensions, and distorted engines of actions, then to teach him the plain and simple truth, scarce so good as a Metaphor, which I have heard tending to the contrary of yours, that if the Faux of our concupiscence, should once give fire to the powder of our appetite, it were likely to blow up the Parliament house of our reason. The scope you drive at (as I conceive) is this, that the understanding being misinformed in religion, produceth answerable effects in the conversation, which we as easily grant as you unnecessarily go about to prove. The heathen Philosopher could tell us, Se●●c. frag. [Si cui intueri vacet quae faciunt, quaeque patiuntur superstitiosi, inveniet tam indecora honestis, tam indigna liberis, tam dissimiliasanis, ut nemo fuerit dubitaturus furere eos si cum paucioribus furerent: nuncsanitatis patrocinium est insanientium turba. If a man had the leisure to look on those things, which men possessed with superstitious opinions, both do and suffer, he should find them busied about matters so unbeseeming honest minded men, so unworthy of free & ingenuous spirits, so unlike the effects of sober and settled brains, that a man would swear they were stark mad, were but the number of them less that went a madding, whereas now the only cloak to palliate and patronize their madness is, the multitude of mad men.] Which words sound to me, as if the mark they shoot at, had been the practice of the present Church of Rome, issuing from their false and superstitious opinions touching God's worship: In which, whether we consider the things they do in the administration of their Sacraments, about the relics of dead men, in setting forth the feasts of our Saviour and the Saints, or what they suffer in Pilgrimages, in Penances, and the like, if the same things were acted but by few in number, which now by long custom and common consent are grown familiar to them, being practised by multitudes, I cannot judge them so unwise, but themselves if they stood by and looked on would judge them mad. I have heard of a Turk, who coming to Rome, and beholding their most abominable and licentious disorders at their Carnevals, and presently upon it their counterfeit sadness, and hanging down their heads like a bulrush upon Ash-wednesday (so named for the ashes which they took) he conceived that the sprinkling of ashes had been a special remedy for the curing of madness; but to the matter. It is true indeed that where Idolatry and ungodliness goeth before, there a giving up to a reprobate sense and worldly lusts follow after, as S. Paul rangeth them in his first to the Romans, and his second to Titus: Yet on the other side it is as true, that upon the putting away of good conscience in the entertainment of worldly lusts, as often ensues a shipwreck of Faith, in opening a gap to ungodliness, as we learn of the same Apostle. 1. Tim. 1. I have observed it in mine own experience, and so I think have others, that few have forsaken our Religion to embrace the Roman, but such as have been first in their lives notoriously debauched, or extremely thirsty and ambitious of honour and preferment, beyond the opinion of other men, and their own desert. And whether more distorted engines of actions be sent forth from the arsenal of Romish apprehensions, or English, in regard of Religion, let the barbarous Massacre of France, and the untimely death of their two last Henries, the often attempts upon the person of our late happy and famous Queen, and of late the damnable Powder-treason intended against our gracious SOVEREIGN and the State, and lastly, the cruelty and ambition, the unnatural, and unmeasurable lust, even of those nations which are most zealous of the Pope's greatness, and are therefore accounted most Catholic, decide the controversy. It was a good answer which was returned by one of our side to a pretended Catholic, demanding what reason he had, not to embrace that Religion: why saith he? Because it teacheth a man to eat his God, and kill his King. And in any Religion whatsoever, it is not so much the knowledge of the truth, which maketh an honest and happy man, as the practice of that we know. The devil himself when we have done our best, will know more than we: howbeit it is certain we must endeavour to know the will of God, before we can do it, and therefore the good Angels are so much more forward and constant in the execution of his will than we, as they know it better than we: [ * 1. Cor. 13. 12. We see through a glass darkly; but they face to face: We in part know; but they even as they are known.] B. C. 16. The Calvinistical preacher, when he hath gotten his honest abused and misguided flock about him, 1 By this it appears you intended the publishing of your letter at the writing of it. will cry out against me for this Popish collection, and call God and them to witness, that he doth daily in his Sermons exhort men to good works, and to obedience to the King's MAJESTY: and am not I and my brethren (sayeth he) as 2 M. Doctor himself in the 8. Section of his 1. Chapter. confesseth, that he knoweth divers very honest men of these Preachers. honest and as civil men as any Papist of them all? for mine own part 3 Having made them before the Seeds-men of Sedition, and Authors of all error in doctrine, and corruption in manners, it is then good time of day to tell us you will not accuse them. I will not accuse any Caluinist though I could, neither can I excuse all Papists though I would: Iliacoes inter muros peccatur & extra: But I must never forget that most true and wise observation, which the noble and learned 4 Sir Francis Bacon is more beholding to you for quoting his Essays, than S. Matth▪ for alleging his Gospel, or S. Paul for his Epistles: but I am sure he is too noble a Gentleman, to hold it any commendation to be quoted or commended by such as yourself. Sir Francis Bacon maketh in one of his first Essays, viz. [that all 5 If they utterly fail in the Precepts of the first Table, they may well be called Heretics, rather than Schismatics. Schismatics utterly failing in the precepts of the first Table, concerning the Religion and worship of God, have necessity in policy to make a good show of the second Table, by their civil and demure conversation toward men: for otherwise they should at the first appear to be, as afterwards they show themselves to be, altogether out of their ten Commandments: and so men would be as much ashamed to follow them at the first, as they are at the last.] It is a sure rule of policy, that in every mutation of State, the authors of the change will for a while show themselves honest, rather of spite then of conscience, that they may disgrace those whom they have suppressed: but it doth never hold in the 6 Since the first reformation, above a generation hath passed, and yet by your own acknowledgement there remain divers very honest men even among those whom you labour most to disgrace. next generation. You scarce hear of a Puritan father, but his son 7 In your construction a Puritan and a Caluinist are reciprocal▪ and you make all the reformed Netherlanders, the Heluetians, the French, and the greatest part of the English to be Caluinists: so that the greatest part of all their sons must prove Papists or Atheists, or else your observation fails. proves either a 8 Reformers you tell ●s before commonly degenerate in the next generation, and here you show us, how by turning Papists or Atheists, as if Papism, and Atheism were so near of kin, or ●o resembling in condition, that the one might easily be mistaken, for the other; or th● one prepared away to the other. Catholke, or an Atheist. Mutinous soldiers whiles the enemy is in the field will be orderly, not for love of their general; but for fear of their enemy: but if they be not held in the ancient discipline of wars, they will upon the least truce or cessation quickly show themselves. G. H. 16. Whatsoever fond conceit your idle brain fancieth to itself, or your pen paints forth to others, touching our Preachers whom you term Calvinistical, we may freely speak it, and thank God for it, that this Island affords as many learned sufficient Preachers, and that in a more substantial conscionable fashion, than all the Pope's hierarchy: it may seem a bold assertion, but he that in foreign parts hath seen, and observed the apish action, and heard the ridiculous and unsavoury tales of their Friars, who are commonly their most famous Preachers, will undoubtedly grant as much: Nothing so frequent with them as fictions against Lutherans, and Caluinists, of fables out of their golden legend, devised by leaden brains, and uttered by brazen foreheads: whereas the word of God, the only means of rightly informing the understanding, and convincing the conscience, they either use not at all, or very sparingly, and that commonly in Latin, without quotation of verse or chapter, as if they feared indeed the people should have too much knowledge of it, whereas S. Paul professeth that * 1. Cor. 14. [he had rather speak five words in the Congregation to the instruction of others▪ then ten thousand in a strange tongue.] But herein he scarce shows himself a good Catholic, and a marvel it is the index expurgatory had not wiped it out. Now for the piece of the Sermon which you put into the Calvinistical Preachers mouth▪ that himself and his brethren and their flocks were as honest civil men, as any Papist of them all, howsoever you are pleased to play the jester, and make yourself merry in such kind of flouting, yet I may truly say, and I think it will not be denied, that many of those preachers and their brethren, are honester men than the Pope and his brethren the Cardinals, whose excessive pride and luxury, had it not been counterballanced by the feigned humility of the Friars, impossible it is that their kingdom could have stood thus long, which made Panigirolla (as I suppose) when he came to speak of Sanctam Ecclesiam in his sermons at Turim in Savoy, to fetch the word sanctam from 1 The same conceit hath Charron in his book de trois v●r●te, lib. 3. c. 12. sancio, sancis, sancivi, distrusting as it seems to prove the Romish Church the true Catholic by the mark of sanctity and holiness, which he saw rather to agree to the Caluinists then to them; otherwise it was impossible he should so childishly wrest the meaning of the Apostles, the ordinary sense of the Latin word, the only sense of the Greek word, and the common consent of all antiquity: And it seems yourself foresaw so much when you tell us, you could not excuse all Papists, though you would. And for mending the matter, you press us with the authority of Sir Francis Bacon's Essays, that all Schismatics failing in the precepts of the first table, concerning the worship of God, have necessity in policy to make a good show of the second Table, by their civil and demure conversation towards men: But herein in my judgement you do that noble and learned gentleman (as you deservedly stile him) some injury in applying his observation (if it be his) against the religion which himself professeth: whereas in truth it fits itself more properly to your Romish Catholics here at home among us, who pretend some of them great show of moral virtue and civil honesty, specially in matter of mortification and charitable works, whereas they mangle the precepts of the first Table in their number, making of four but three, and of those three they break the first and second, in worshipping the Blessed Virgin, Angels, Saints, Relics, Images with divine worship, and in special the Crucifix and Sacramental Bread, professedly with the same kind of worship which is due to Christ as God, and what account they make of the other two, their little reckoning of blaspheming and profaning God's Name, and God's day, give but too sufficient demonstration to the world. But to be plain with you, I find no such words in Sir Francis Bacon's Essays printed the year 1612. 2 I have since found words to that purpose in his Meditation●s sacrae, but not as M. Doctor quoteth them. which upon this occasion I have revised, there being only one of religion, and that the very first which speaks so wittily, so learnedly, so fully against your drift in this place, and the former section, which shows how the devil out of the arsenal of false apprehensions, sends forth the distorted engines of actions, (they be his own words in that place:) as I cannot but hold it both a fence and a grace to insert it into mine answer whole and entire, (as himself hath delivered it:) lest I should do him injury by mangling it. [The quarrels and divisions for religion, (saith he) were evils unknown to the heathen▪ and no marvel, for it is the true God that is the jealous God, and the gods of the heathen were good fellows: but yet the bounds of religious unity are so to be strengthened, that the bounds of human society be not dissolved. Lucretius the Poet when he beheld the act of Agamemnon, enduring and assisting at the sacrifice of his daughter, concludes with this verse, Tantum religio potuit suadere malorum. But what would he have done if he had known the Massacre of France, or the Powder treason of England? Certainly he would have been seven times more Epicure and Atheist than he was: nay, he would rather have chosen to have been one of the mad men of Munster; then a partaker of those counsels: For it is better that Religion should deface men's understanding, than their piety and charity, retaining reason only but as an Engine and Chariot-driver of cruelty and malice. It was great blasphemy when the devil said, I will ascend and be like the highest: but it is a greater blasphemy, if they make God to say, I will descend and be like the Prince of darkness: And it is no better, when they make the cause of Religion descend to the execrable actions of the murdering of Princes, butchering of people, and firing of States; neither is there such a sin against the person of the holy Ghost, (if one should take it literally) as in stead of the likeness of a Dove, to bring him down in the likeness of a Vulture or Raven; nor such a scandal to their Church, as out of the Bark of S. Peter to set forth the flag of a Barge of Pirates and Assassins. Therefore since these things are the common enemies of human society, Princes by their power, Churches by their decrees, and all learning, Christian, Moral, of whatsoever Sect or opinion, by their Mercury rod, aught to join in the damning to Hell for ever these facts, and their supports▪ and in all counsels concerning Religion, that counsel of the Apostle would be prefixed, [Ira hominis non implet justitiam Dei.] The same noble gentleman speaketh much to the same purpose in his Essay of Superstition, as [that it erecteth an absolute tyranny in the minds of men, it hath been the confusion and dissolution of many States, an● bringeth a new Primum mobile▪ that ravisheth all the Spheres of government. The master, saith he, of Superstition is the people, and in all superstition wise men follow fools, & arguments are fitted to practise in a reversed order.] And thus I hope by this time Mr. Doctor hath gained little to the advantage of his cause from the true and wise observations of Sir Francis Bacon. Lastly, for your instance in Mutinous soldiers, I cannot conceive whither your discourse tends, but to show that more honesty is yet left amongst us, then in those of your profession, and is like to be as long as we fear the assault of a common enemy, which is like to be as long as you remain in opinion and condition like yourselves. B. C. 17. And as for their exhortations to obedience to your Majesty, when they have first infected the understanding of your Subjects with such principles of rebellion, as have disturbed and overthrown all other States where they had their will, it is a ridiculous thing to think upon such exhortations, and all one as if a fantastical fellow finding a 1 You tell us before of sure rules in policy, and mutinous Soldiers, and here you show your skill in Cowh●rdship, that we may know you are aliquid in quolibet, though nihil in toto. herd of young cattle in a close, should first break down the hedges, and then cry aloud to the cattle, they do not venture to go out, not seek any fatter Pasture, for fear they be put in the pound, and if they chance to feed where they are, because they have no experience of other, and to tarry in the Close for an hour or two, than the unhappy fellow should run to the honour of the cattle, and tell him what great service he had done him, and how he had kept his cattle in the Close by ●is goodly 2 Notwithstanding those charms your Romish catholics cannot be kept within their bounds, charm the charmer never so wisely. charms & exhortations. Let them say what they list, of their own honesty, and of their exhortations to obedience, 3 Mutato nomine de tuis ●abula narratur. as long as they do freely infect the people's souls with such false opinions in religion, they do certainly sow the seeds of disobedience & rebellion in men's understandings, which if they be not prevented by your majesties giving way to Catholic religion, will in all likelihood spring up in the next generation to the great prejudice and molestation of your MAJESTY, and your posterity; so that whether I do respect heaven or earth, mine own soul or the service of your Majesty, God or your neighbours, or your subjects, my assured hope is that by joining myself to the Catholic Church, I neither have done nor shall do any ill duty or service unto your Majesty. G. H. 17. You say that our exhortations to obedience are ridiculous, the understanding being once infected with such principles of rebellion as we teach: Had you vouchsafed to have stooped to the nominating of those principles in particular, you had dealt ingenuously, and given some matter of reply: but as you would show yourself a politician in the whole body of your discourse, so do you specially in this, that throughout you insist upon universals, which not only dazzle the eyes of their vulgar Reader, but yield starting holes of evasion to the author. What your Principles are, and what ours touching obedience to the civil Magistrate, I have already opened in mine answer to the twelfth and thirteenth Sections of this Chapter. Now the remedy, you say, to prevent the mischief likely to ensue upon such doctrine, is, the admission of Catholic religion, as if we never heard nor read of any rebellion abroad nor at home raised from the professors of that religion during the space of a thousand six hundred years, for so long you say hath it lasted, whereas in truth, if that be true, where our religion hath yielded one rebel (to speak within compass) yours hath yielded a thousand: and if the Principles of our religion, as the case now stands, induce men to rebellion, surely in common reason it should much rather do so, if a contrary be once admitted to confront it: So that whiles you pretend to persuade his Majesty to the safest course, you advise him in all likelihood to the most dangerous. Whether his Majesty then respect heaven or earth, his neighbours abroad or his subjects 〈◊〉 home, his securest course will be to maintain and allow that only religion which he professeth, and consequently in labouring to draw him to the contrary you cannot but do him very ill service. B. C. 18. But perhaps there is such opposition both in matter of doctrine and matter of State, as it is impossible that ever there should be any reconciliation at all betwixt the Church of England and the Church of Rome; of which I humbly pray your Majesty to give me leave to show to you what I have observed. G. H. 18. Your imaginary possibility of reconciling England with Rome, is a fond speculation of an idle brain, and nothing else but a Castle built in the air, whether we consider (as a later writer of our own hath well observed) 1 D. Hall in his Roma irreconcili●●il●●. the indisposition of the parties, or the quality of the Controversies, or the difficulty of the means. For the first of which were we never so peaceably disposed, yet such a stiff averseness there is in the Romanists, that they suffer not their adherents to join with us in any religious exercise, against which notwithstanding themselves can no way except. They excommunicate their Subjects who travel or traffic into our countries; they straightly charge them not to read or keep any of our Books, though merely tending to the practice of piety, no nor the Bible itself, without special leave, though of their own translation: And for us, they esteem no better of us then of jews or Turks; nay to the jews they allow Synagogues within Rome itself, whereas us they persecute with fire and sword; and for the Turks they hold their Alcoran in nothing inferior, and in some things much bette● than our religion, or our Translation of the Bible: No marvel then though Cassander by labouring to mediate a reconcilement, howbeit he were set a work by Ferdinand and Maximilian, both Emperors, hath carried away blows on both sides, which it seems Bellarmin in his 3. book and 19 Chap. of Laiks, thought he well deserved, helping to lay on load upon him. The second thing that makes us irreconcilable, is the quality of our controversies, they being not verbal differences, as some would have, but material, and that of the highest nature, no less than the redemption of mankind, and the justification of a sinner, but above all that (upon which the rest depend) of the Bishop of Rome's power in judging and determining in●alliblely of all controversies arising in matter of religion, we may be sure they will ever while they are able, without yielding an inch, as stiffly maintain, as we justly oppugn: which the latest writings of their Jesuits have given us so sufficient occasion (by advancing and enlarging this power to the utmost) to be confident of, that we need make no farther doubt of that matter. The third thing which makes us irreconcilable is the difficulty in the means of reconcilement, which in the judgement of the wisest is in likelihood the definition of a general Council, or nothing. But who shall call this Council? and prescribe the time and place of meeting, and persons that shall meet? who shall sit as Precedent in it? what shall be the rule of disputing? and means of executing what is determined? we shall need a former Council to define. B. C. 19 It is true that the breach hath continued now these many years, and it is much increased by so long continuance: so that it was never greater than it seems to be at this day, nor never more dangerous to deal withal. For if a man do but go about to stop it, there ariseth presently a great and fearful noise, and roaring of the waters against him; but yet nevertheless the greatness of the noise ought not to discourage us; but rather to give us hope, that though it be wide, yet it is but shallow, and not far from the bottom, as proceeding from affection, which is sudden and violent, and not from judgement, which is quiet, constant, and always like itself▪ For if a man ask in cold blood, whether a Roman Catholic may be saved, the most learned Churchman will not deny it: and if a man ask whether a Roman Catholic may be a good Subject, the most wise Statesman will easily 1 If others might be good Subjects, yourself could not be so, in as much as, in the last Sect. of the 1. cha. you confess, that living in England, you could not choose but be guilty of the breach of many of our Statutes. grant it. May we be both saved? then we are not divided in God. May we be both good Subjects? then we are not divided in the King. What reason is there then that we should be thus hotly and unplacably divided? G. H. 19 The increase of the reformed Churches (which you call a breach) so that their strength was never greater, nor more dangerous to deal withal then at this day, though the disciples of Rome grieve and gnash their teeth at it, and consume away to see it, yet have we good reason to thank God for it, in as much as neither the devil, nor the Pope, neither Rome nor the gates of Hell with all their bloody Persecutions, their holy Leagues, and mischievous Combinations, could ever yet prevail against it: Nay hitherto, the more they have laboured to quench it, and trample it under foot, the more hath it shined like a bright torch, and flourished as the Palm tree, which the more it is pressed down, the more it spreadeth. Their blood hitherto hath proved the seed of the Church, and that which S. Augustine speaks of the first Christians may be verified of them, [they were mangled, they were scourged, they were stoned, they were burned, they were multiplied,] and because you cannot with all your malice and power and policy destroy it, we argue with Gamaliel that it is from God: neither can you justly call that sudden or violent, which as yourself before confess hath now continued these many years, and hath increased by continuance, whereas sudden things in their ordinary course, and by discourse of reason last little, and by continuance rather decrease, it being proper only to natural motions to gather strength and fortify themselves in going. And for that great roaring of the waters which you pretend, though it be a noise fearful to you, yet to us is it acceptable, as being occasioned not so much from the shallowness of the waters themselves, as from the stops and opposition of others, and their own concurrence, to remove and bear down by all lawful means that which is opposed for the stopping of their current. But the reason which you add why we should think them shallow, as proceeding rather from affection then judgement, is this, because if a man ask (you say) in cold blood, whether a Roman Catholic may be saved, the most learned Churchman will not deny it: Wherein if we be more charitable to you, than you are to us, in passing censures of damnation, it should in my judgement rather argue the goodness of that Religion from whence such charity flows towards men's persons, then be urged as a proof for the approbation of that erroneous doctrine, which in itself it condemns. The Turk is too liberal in admitting all Religions to the hope of salvation, and on the other side you are too niggardly and sparing in shutting out all from the hope thereof, which receive not the mark of the beast in their foreheads or hands. We desiring to run a middle course betwixt both extremes, as we shut out all such who directly deny the merits of CHRIST: so do we pass a favourable censure on those who deny him not of malice, but of ignorance, and that not directly but by consequence. It is true that S. Paul hath in the fifth to the Galatians, [▪ If ye be circumcised CHRIST shall profit you nothing,] That is, if a man put his trust in Circumcision, or in any thing else beside Christ, (though with Christ) in the matter of justification, he is abolished from Christ, and the merit of his death and Passion. Now what confidence the Romanists put in their own satisfaction for venial sins and temporal punishment, either in this life or in Purgatory, due to mortal, their writings testify: but yet our assurance is, that many of them when they come to make their last account betwixt God and their own Conscience, and thoroughly consider of the weakness and corruption of their own nature, for the uncertainty of their own proper righteousness, and for the avoiding of vainglory, according to Beauties' advise, Lib. 5 de Iusti●. cap. 7. they rest wholly in the alone mercy and goodness of God, renouncing in particular that merit of work which their Church in general for her own advantage maintaineth, and teacheth them to maintain. Or lastly God of his graciousness may accept of their repentance for unknown sins, and consequently for their erroneous opinions, which by reason of their education they unwittingly embrace; yet this charitable construction of ours can be no sufficient warrant for us, either to shut our eyes against a known truth, or to open our ears to hearken to any motion of reconcilement to a known error. Now whether a Roman Catholic may be a good subject, wholly submitting himself to Romish positions, I refer the reader to his majesties speech in Parliament in the year 1605 (who should know what belongs to his own state) and to mine answer, to the 12. Sect. of this Chapter; a part of his majesties very words in that speech are these: [I therefore do thus conclude this point, that as upon the one part many honest men seduced with some errors of Popery, may yet remain good & faithful subjects: 1 Of this rank was M. Doctor, as appeareth in the 19 Sect. of his first Chap. where he promiseth to justify all the present doctrine of the Church of Rome from point to point. so upon the other part none of those that truly know and believe the whole grounds and school conclusions of their doctrine, can ever prove good Christians or faithful subjects.] If then we be so far divided both in God and in the king, how can we but be utterly divided in ourselves? B. C. 20. Truly there is no reason at all, but only the violence of affection, which being in a course, cannot without some 1 Here your rules of policy failed you, in as much as violence of affection is rather by time to be qualified, then withstood by force. force be stayed: The multitude doth seldom or never judge according unto truth▪ but according unto customs, and therefore having been bred and brought up in the hatred of Spaniards and Papists, cannot choose but think they are bound to hate them still, and that whosoever speaketh a word in favour of the Church of Rome or of Catholic religion, is their utter enemy: and the Puritanical Preacher who can have no being in charity, doth never cease by 2 Who they are that blow the coals for the burning of others, and warming of themselves, if I were silent, the stones of the Parliament house would speak. falsifications and slanders to blow the coals that he may burn them, and warm himself. But if your Majesty shall ever be pleased to command those makebates to hold their peace a while, and to say nothing, but that they are able to prove by sufficient authority before those that are able to judge, and in the mean time to admit a 3 You might have done well to have persuaded the Pope or the King of Spain, to have held such a conference in their dominions. conference of learned and moderate men on either side, the people who are now abused, and with the light of the Gospel held in extreme ignorance, are not yet so uncapable, but they will be glad to hear of the truth when it shall be 4 How simply and evidently your Postillers and Friars use to deliver the truth in their Sermons, we are not ignorant, but whom you should mean by your honest men, but yourself and your companions, we know not. simply and evidently delivered by honest men; and then they will plainly see that their light of the Gospel, which they so much talk of, is but a counterfeit light in a thieves lantern, whereby honest men's eyes are 5 Who they are that dazzle men's eyes, and rob their purses, your glorious outside in God's worship, and your infinite tricks to get money, sufficiently testify. dazzled, and their purses robbed: and it will also appear, that there is not indeed any such 6 How reconciliable the differences between us are, I have declared in mine answer to the 18. Sect. of this chap. irreconcilable opposition betwixt the Church of England and the Church, as they that live by the schism do make the world believe there is, neither in matter of doctrine, nor in matter of State. G. H. 20. You farther endeavour to prove in the entrance of this Section, that the division of the Church of England from the Church of Rome ariseth rather from affection then judgement, in as much as the multitude doth seldom or never judge according to truth: but according unto customs. Now whether it be the Church of England or the Church of Rome that stands upon multitude, and that multitude upon custom, the Bishop of Rome himself shall be the judge; nay not only your multitude, but the chiefest pillars of your Church stand most upon it: if you had but looked into your great 1 Lib. 4. de mili. Eccles. cap. 5. Cardinals notes of your Church, you should have found antiquity or custom to have been the second, howbeit both 2 De salute Indorum, lib. 2. c. 18. Acosta and 3 Lib. 4. epist. 1. Xaverius in their several writings made the Indians standing upon their customs, the chief difficulty of their conversion to CHRIST. It was Symmachus the Pagan's argument in his Epistle to Theodosius the Emperor, recorded by 4 Lib. 5. epist. 30. S. Ambrose: [servanda est tot saeculis fides nostra, & sequendi sunt maiores nostri, qui secuti sunt foeliciter suos. Our religion which hath now continued so many years is still to be retained, and our ancestors are to be followed by us, who happily traced the steps of their forefathers;] and is not this Mr. Doctors own argument to persuade his Majesty to the Romish religion in the 2. and 10. Sect. of this Chapter, how comes it then to pass that in this place he finds fault with those that judge according to custom, and makes it a popular error? teach that a while, and indeed we may be brought to shake hands with Rome, she standing upon a pretended truth of antiquity, but we upon the antiquity of truth, in as much as our Saviour said not, I am antiquity, but I am truth: And S. Cyprian his blessed Martyr, Antiquity without truth, is nothing else but ancient error. Now the reason you give that our multitude judge according to custom, is because that they being bred and brought up in the hatred of Spaniards and Papists, can not choose but think they are bound to hate them still. We might give the same reason with more show of truth, of your multitude, trained up in the hatred of those who you call Lutherans and Caluinists, whom they are taught to hate more than ours, either a Spaniard or Papist; which two, what reason you have to couple together, I understand not, except it be to justify the front of Puentes his book, Chronicler to the King of Spain, which sets forth Rome as the Sun, with this inscription, Luminare maius ut praesit urbi & orbi▪ and Spain as the Moon, with this, Luminare minus ut subdatur urbi, & dominetur orbi, over both is written, Fecit Deus duo magna luminaria; and in the midst between both are the arms of Rome and Spain knit together, with this motto, In vinculo pacis, under the one is set Rome as a conqueror, and under the other Spain as a warrior, both supporting between them the ball of the world, under which is this title: [Tomo Primero de la conueniencia de las dos Monarquias Catholicas la de la Iglesia Romana, y la del Imperio Espanol, etc.] Neither are we ignorant who they are that do not whisper it in corners, but publish it to the world in their books, that GOD MADE TWO GREAT LIGHTS. ☉ The greater, to be the Sovereign of the City, and the World. ☽ The lesser, to be ruled by the City, and to overrule the World. IN THE BOND OF PEACE. THE FIRST VOLUME OF THE CONVENIENCY OF THE TWO CATHOLIC MONARCHIES; THAT, OF THE CHURCH OF ROME, and the other, of the Spanish Empire: With a Defence of the Precedency of the Catholic KINGS of SPAIN, before all the KINGS of the World. TO THE MOST GLORIOUS PHILIPPO ERMENIGILDO OUR LORD, EMPEROR OF THE KINGDOMS OF SPAIN, AND SIGNIOR OF THE GREAtest Monarchy that ever hath been amongst men, from the Creation of the World, to this age. AUTHOR, Mr. Fr. IVAN de la Puente, of the Order of the Predicants, Chronicler to the Catholical Majesty, Calificador to the Inquisition, and Prior of S. Thomas in Madrid. 1612. We have the true resemblances of royal lineages. ROME SPAIN IN MUTVALL AID. At MADRID, Out of the King's Print. P.P. fe. FECIT DEUS DVO LUMINARIA MAGNA Luminare maius ut praesit Vrbi et Orbi Luminare minus ut subdatur urbi et dominetur orbi In vinculo pacis TOMO PRIMERO DE LA conveniencía de las does Monarquías Catolícas la de la Iglesia Romana y la del Imperío Espanol y defensa de la Precedencia de los Reyes Catolicos de Espanna a todos los Reyes del Mundo. ALL GLORIOSISIMO FILIPO Ermenigildo nuestro Sennor Emperador de las Espan̄as y Sennor de la maior Monarquia que antenído los hombres des de la creacíon hasta el Síglo present. Author el Maestro fr: ivan de la Puente de la orden de Predicadores Chronísta de la Madge ᵃ Catolíca Calífícador dela Inquisicíon y Príor de S to Tomas de Madríd. 1612. as there is one head who guides all in spiritual: so there should be but one (to do well) See Lipsius in the conclusion of his book de Mag. Rom. in all Christendom to govern all in civil affairs: and not unlikely Mr. Doctor, when he thus joined Spaniards and Papists together, might secretly aim at some such matter, and yet are not the Pope and the Spaniard so firmly united between themselves, but that Charles the V. was content to wink (at least) at the sacking of Rome by Charles Bourbon, then under his pay: and Philip the II. his son, being one of the pretenders to the Crown of Portugal, refused to stand to his Holiness arbitrement in the decision of that controversy: and they both while they lived were, and this present king yearly is accursed, at least inclusively, for withholding the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily, as being of right, parts of S. Peter's patrimony. But all that is objected against the Papists or Spaniards, are in your account the falsifications and slanders of puritanical Preachers, howbeit, who they are that labour by that means to disgrace their opposites, let the Pictures forged and printed, of our feigned persecutions, in covering your Catholics with Bears skins, and baiting them with dogs testify, and your reports which myself have heard from your Friars in their Pulpits of our strange barbarism, as well in manners as religion, as if no spark of civility, or knowledge of God, were left amongst us. It is your practice, if not your doctrine, Calumniare audacter, semper aliquid haeret: Be bold to lay on load with slandering, somewhat will always stick to; though the wound be closed and cured, some scar will ever remain: though a man purge himself never so sufficiently, yet such is the nature of slander, that it runs faster, and spreads farther than the purgation. Many who heard the one, never heard of the other; or if they heard it, through malice and natural corruption they more willingly hold fast and entertain the one, than the other. I have heard it credibly reported, that a Spaniard coming to Oxford, and seeing the Trinity pictured (long ago) in the Divinity school window, he wondered at it, considering he had been taught by their Preachers that we denied and blasphemed the Trinity. And here the Pamphlet written and published of beza's death and revolt, which himself lived to answer with Bezarediviws, though it be famously known, yet it is not amiss to revive it, being so notable and shameless an imposture. Touching your motion to his Majesty for the silencing of those Preachers, upon whom, for speaking freely against the abuses of the Church of Rome, you bestow the livery of makebatess, it is not unlike for the manner of it to Philip's capitulating with the Athenians, that for the better negotiating of a peace, they would be content for a while to deliver over their Orators into his custody: But Demosthenes finding himself to be chiefly interessed in that business, told his citizens that it was as much, as if the wolves should desire to have the dogs in their keeping that guarded the sheep. His Holiness may permit and countenance, and by rewards encourage his Jesuits and Friars to speak and write what they list of Kings & Princes, and namely, of his Majesty, our most renowned Sovereign, (witness the railings and slanders of Pacenius, Christanovie, Becanus, Coquaeus, Eudaemon, Schoppius, Rebullus, Parsons, Coffeteau, Peletier, Gretser,) their pens may walk at liberty, their tongues are theirs they ought to speak, what Lord shall them control: But his Majesty shall do well to bridle and restrain his most painful and dutiful Ministers, who stand in the watchtower, and keep Sentinel to descry the incursions of the enemy, and to discover such false Prophets as come to us in sheeps clothing, but within are ravening wolves: or if they be not silenced, they must say nothing but what they are able to prove by sufficient authority, before those that are able to judge; as if our Bishops were ignorant that it belonged to their charge to take notice of the preaching of unsound doctrine within their Diocese, and accordingly to censure it, or knowing what is their duty in that behalf, they were more unwilling or unable to perform it, than Doctor Carier, and his College of Critics; and in the mean time a conference must be had of learned and moderate men on either side, such belike as yourself, like Metius Suffetius, lukewarm, halting betwixt two opinions, rowing to the shore and looking to the Sea, holding with the hare and running with the hound, who publicly pray for the King, and privately work for the Pope: true learning we reverence, and Christian moderation we highly esteem; but * 1. Tim. 6. 20. Science falsely so called, bend to the patronage of falsehood and neutrality, under the vizard of moderation, to the reconciling of error to truth, is but the abusing of fair and honourable Titles, to base and malicious ends, which imputation you labour to fasten upon us, as if by the light of the Gospel we held the people in extreme ignorance, whereas the Prophet David tells us, that * Psal. 119. 105. the word of the Lord was a lantern to his feet, and a light unto his paths: and S. Peter, * 2 Pet. 1. 19 You have a most sure word of the Prophet, to which you do well that you take heed as unto a light that shineth in a dark place; but you bear us in hand, that the light of the Gospel holds men in extreme ignorance. Zachary prophesied of his ●onne the Baptist, that * Luke 1. 79. he was ordained to give light to them that sit in darkness and in the shadow of death, to guide their feet into the way of peace, and the Baptist himself of CHRIST, that he was * john 1. 9 that true Light which lighteth every man that cometh into the world: But you tell us, that it serves to dazzle men's eyes, and rob their purses: And no doubt, had you lived among the Pharisees in the time of CHRIST, or john the Baptist, you would have called their doctrine a counterfeit light in a thieves lantern, aswell as ours, being in substance the same with theirs. And for ignorance, I may be bold to say it, with a thankful acknowledgement to God for it, that a good part of our people are more expert in the Scriptures, and are better able to yield an account of that faith which is in them, than many of your Prelates and Priests, whereof some bear the name of the brotherhood of ignorance, and all (at least by your practice) acknowledge her the mother of devotion, in as much as you * Rom. 1. 18. withhold the truth in unrighteousness: like Aesop's dog, you neither eat hay yourselves nor suffer others to eat it: You pretend the key of Knowledge, but you neither enter in yourselves nor suffer others to enter; you neither read nor esteem the Scriptures yourselves as you ought, nor suffer the people to read them, but seal them up in an unknown language to the use of a few, with whom you please to dispense. B. C. 21. For matter of doctrine there is no reason that your Majesty or the Kingdom should be molested or burdened for the maintenance of Caluinisme, 1 A most notorious untruth, if by Caluinism● you understand Calvin's doctrine. which is as much against the Religion of England, as it is against the Religion of Rome, and will by necessary consequence overthrow not only 2 How Calvin's doctrine overthrows all these, or any of these, let his books testify. the Catholic Church, the Communion of Saints, and the forgiveness of sins, but also all the Articles of the Creed, save only so much as the 3 Will the Turk believe Christ to have been the Son of God by eternal generation? or to have been conceived by the holy Ghost? or to have risen from the grave by his own power the third day after his burial? or visibly to have ascended into heaven? or that from thence he shall return again, to judge the quick and the dead? or is Calvin charged by any adversary to overthrow any of these, so much as by consequence? where then is M. Doctor's moderation? Turk himself will be content to believe, which will be easy to prove upon better 4 I think we shall expect long before that leisure be offered. leisure. The doctrine of England which is contained in the Common prayer book, and Church Catechism, confirmed by act of Parliament, and by your majesties Edict, wherein all Englishmen are 5 If all English men, than yourself were baptized in that doctrine, in which notwithstanding you were not confirmed as you ought, or at lea●t wise it was not sufficiently confirmed in you. baptised, and aught to be confirmed, and therefore there is some reason that this should be stood upon. But this doctrine, in most of the main points thereof, as hath been 6 It was touched indeed but not proved. touched before, and requireth a 7 That just treatise will prove nothing else but an unjust calumny, if by Caluinisme you understand Calvin's doctrine. just Treatise to set down in particular, doth much differ from the current opinions and Catechisms of Caluinisme; doth very near agree with, or at least not 8 My Table of comparison here annexed to mine answer, will manifest many plain contradictions, and that in the mainest points of doctrine. contradict the Church of Rome, if we list with 9 We profess the patience of doves, but not of asses, such as you would prove us to be, if you make us in that to believe what you promise to prove. patience to hear one another, and those points of doctrine, wherein we are 10 It is the obstinacy of the Church of Rome, that enforceth us to be at wars with her. made to be at wars with the Church of Rome, whether we will or not, do rather argueth 11 Whether the contradiction of the doctrine (which you here confess, but denied before) rather argue the corruptions of State, from whence they come, then are argued by the grounds of that Religion, whereupon they stand, we shall have fitter opportunity to examine in the Sections following. corruptions of the State, from whence they come, then are argued by the grounds of that Religion whereupon they stand, and the contradiction of doctrine hath followed the alteration of State, and not the alteration of State been grounded upon any truth of doctrine. G. H. 21. We are now come to one of the main points you drive at (howbeit you seem only to glance at it in passage, and to draw it on upon the buy) which is to put us off from all fellowship and communion with those Churches, who acknowledge Calvin to have been an excellent instrument of God, in the abolishing and suppressing of Popery, and the clearing and spreading of his truth, that so being separated from them, we may either stand single and be encountered alone, or return again to our old bias, and relapse upon Rome, and so through Calvin's sides you strike at the throat and heart of our Religion: For our parts, we all wish with the Reverend & learned 1 My Lord of Ely. Prelate of our own Church, that you were no more Papists than we Caluinists, no more pinned on the Pope's sleeve, than we on Caluins, whom we esteem as a worthy man, but a man, and consequently subject to human error, and frailty. We maintain nothing with him because he affirms it, but because from infallible grounds he proves it; whereas the Pope's bare assertion with you is proof sufficient. You are so sworn to his words, that they are of equal or higher authority with you then Pythagoras his precepts with his Scholars, ipse dixit, is enough for your warrant: but for us, we embrace Calvin as himself doth author's not divine, usque ad arras, so far forth as with divine he acordeth, and no farther. This is our judgement of Calvin: but to say that the doctrine which he maintains, is as much against the Religion of England, as it is against that of Rome, is a desperate assertion, and such as can never be made good, did all our fugitives lay their heads together, and were all their wits turned into one. And I much marvel what you meant, pretending so much tenderness of conscience, and diligence in search of the truth, to suffer your malice so far to prevail upon your judgement, as to let so foul a blot, so manifest a falsehood to drop from your pen, and not only so; but to present it to the scanning of so learned a Prince, and to publish it to the view and censure of the world: For if Calvin's doctrine be as opposite to our Religion as to the Romish, then must it needs follow that either ours and the Romish agree in one: or that ours is as distant from Caluins as Caluins is from the Romish; both which to be untrue appears aswell by the testimony of all other Romish writers, and the authority of the Pope himself in his 1 The words of the Bull are these, Impia mysteria & instituta ad calvini praescriptum à se suscepta & obseruata etiam à sub ditis s●ruari mandavit. Bull against Queen ELIZBAETH, as those whom they term Lutherans, who 2 Observe their ye●rely Catalogues that come from the Mart of Frankfurt. ever range us among the Caluinists, as also of our own writers, and those of foreign Churches by you termed Calvinistical, because with him they join in profession of the same truth: the manifold 3 I have in mine hands Letters written from Beza to Archbishop Whitgift, and from him again to Beza, wherein they both acknowledge that we agree in the substance of true religion. Letters by them written, and Books dedicated to our late blessed Queen, our Bishops and Noble men, by French and Helvetian Divines, specially of Zurich and Basil, testify to the world, that they then held their religion to be the same with ours, and ours with theirs: and for any thing I know, neither theirs nor ours is since changed, save only some such neutrals as yourself labour to draw us nearer to Rome than they can be drawn, or the truth itself will permit that we should. Among many other testimonies I will only instance in two, the one an Helvetian touching our conformity with foreign reformed Churches in former times, the other a French man touching the present: the Helvetian is Bullinger, who dedicating his Commentaries upon Daniel to Horn, Bishop of Winchester▪ jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, Sands, Bishop of Worcester, Parkhurst, Bishop of Norwich, and Pilkington, Bishop of Durham, in his Epistle Dedicatory professeth he did it chiefly to this end, that posterity might understand their indissoluble knot of friendship, and the mutual consent between England and Suisserland in matter of Religion, howbeit they were removed far asunder in situation of place. The French is Peter Moulin, who in defence of his majesties Book against Coffeteau acknowledgeth that we had enough sufficient men of our own to defend the Cause, but that he undertook the work to let the world know, that the same Confession which his Majesty had made was also theirs, and that they and the truth were assailed in his Person and Writings. But what need I stand upon the particular testimonies of private men, since the Confessions of our Churches are extant to be compared, as well in the Book, entitled, The Harmony, as in that other termed The body of Confessions? In the mean time to give the Reader some satisfaction, I will set down the doctrine of the Church of England in points of difference together with Calvin on the one side of it, and the Romish on the other, that so we may make some estimate whether Caluinisme be as opposite to the Religion of England, as to that of Rome. Now for the doctrine of the Church of England, I will not extend it so wide as to the Books and Lectures of our Bishops, and public professors, the lights and guides of our Church and Universities, nor yet contract and confine it, as Mr. Doctor doth, within the narrow compass of the Common prayer Book and Church Catechism, the book of Canons, and therein Nowel's Catechism, Can. 79. being confirmed and allowed by public authority. But above all I very much marvel Mr. Doctor's memory should so far fail him, as quite and clean to forget the Book of Articles, solemnly agreed upon by the Reverend Bishops and Clergy of this kingdom, at two several meetings or Convocations of theirs in the years of our Lord 1562, and again 1604, and lately again confirmed by two several Canons, the 5, and 36 in number, since himself subscribed to them at the taking of his Orders, if not of his Degrees, and living a long time as Chaplain in house with Archbishop Whitegift, and since keeping his ordinary turns of waiting at Court, and residence at Canterbury, he could not be ignorant of them, nay, I can show it under his own hand, which argues he fought against the light of his own conscience, that setting down the differences between the Old English, and New French divinity, as he calls it, he quotes divers of those Articles for the doctrine of the Church of England, and besides, professing himself so skilful in the Statutes, Eliz. 13. he could not but know that The Book of Articles and Injunctions, is by them aswell confirmed and authorized, as The Book of Common Prayer, Art. 35. 36. in which Articles are also allowed and ratified The second Book of Homilies and holy Orders; so that whatsoever is doctrinally delivered in any of these, may safely be called, The doctrine of the Church of England: But for the present I will content myself with the Book of Articles only, and for the doctrine of the Church of Rome, with the Canons and positions of the Tridentine Council and Catechism, and for calvin's doctrine, with that specially which he hath delivered in his 4. Books of Christian Institutions. Here followeth the Table of differences. B. C. 22. For when the breach was resolved on for the personal and particular ease of Henry the VIII. and the 1 How could it be for the ea●e of his later wives and their children, since the breach was made upon the taking of his second wife, or ●ather his first (if his marriage with Queen K●ther●ne were a nullity) and that before he had any child by her. children of his later wives, it was necessary to give every part of the Commonwealth 2 Yet hereafter you go about to prove, that in temporal respects the Romish religion is the fittest to give contentment to the several members of the State. contentment, for which they might hold out in the heat of affection, and study to maintain the breach, otherwise it was likely that in the clearness of 3 That untimely growing together, would rather have been a cause of festering and rankling, so that the breach is kept open rather upon judgement then upon affection. judgement it would quickly have grown together again, and then the authors thereof must have been 4 You make the King the author of it, who should have excluded him or called him to an account? excluded and given account of their practice. G. H. 22 Howbeit Henry the VIII. actually indeed made that breach with Rome, which continues at this day (and is like to do till Rome by her reformation endeavour to make it up) yet they certainly err, who seek the cause of it, only in him and in his times, or fixing their eyes upon his person & quarrel, look not up to the state and course of former ages: for as no wise man would assign the cause of death to some accident falling out in the last point and period of life, but to some former distemper or intemperancy: so the reasons of unhorsing the Pope, and rejecting his authority with the general applause of all the estates of the Realm, having been so long an● so deeply rooted in men's minds, are not to be searched for in the personal and particular proceedings of Henry the VIII. but in the ancient Records and evidences of our Histo●ians, who all complain of the spurring, and galling, and whipping of our land by those Italian riders, until like balaam's ass, she turned again, opened her mouth to complain, and being out of all hope of relief by complaint, cast her rider. As many witnesses we have hereof well near, as Writers since the last 600. years: as many clear testimonies as there be leaves in Mat. Paris, the most learned and sufficient Writer (unless you will except William of Malmesburie) that those times afforded. It was a memorable speech of Robert Grosteed Bishop of Lincoln, who lived 358. years since, in the time of Gregory the IX. Celestine the four Innocent the four and Alexander the VI who lying upon his deathbed, the very night of his departure, making a lamentable and bitter complaint to the Priests and Monks that stood about him, of the miserable estate of the Church, and laying the burden of so great a mischief upon the Pope's shoulders (whom therefore he called Heretic and Antichrist) at length he yielded up his soul unto God with these words in his mouth, [Non liberabitur Eccles●a ab Egiptiaca servitute, nisi in ore gladij cruentandi. The Church will never be freed from this Egyptian slavery, but by the point of a bloody sword.] Thus did this holy man foresee and foretell, as it were by a Prophetical Spirit, that which we see accomplished: So that Henry the VIII. served only as a midwife to bring to the world that birth, wherewith our country had been in travel many years before; and had not he been borne, some other means would have been found out for the doing of that which he did; and what we see already done in England, will also undoubtedly be brought to pass in other Nations, when their measure is full, and God will. In the mean time that the truth of this assertion may the better appear, I will add to those examples, and instances brought to this purpose by his Majesty in his Premonition, two others (in my judgement very observable) the one of William surnamed the Conqueror, the other of Henry (for his learning) surnamed Beauclerke his third son, and second Successor in the Kingdom, both out of the Manuscripts of that noble Antiquary, Sr Robert Cotton knight Barronnet. The father thus writes to Gregory the VII. commonly known by the name of Hildebrand, upon notice given him from his Legate Hubert, that he was to do him fealty, and ●o pay him money as his ancestors had done. [Hubertus Legatus tuus (Religiose Pater) add me veniens, ex tua part me admonuit, quatenus tibi & successoribus tuis fidelitatem facerem, & de pecunia quam antecessores mei ad Romanam Ecclesiam mittere solebant melius cogitarem; unum admisi, alterum non admisi; fidelitatem facere nolui, nec volo; quia nec ego promisi, nec antecessores meos antecessoribus tuis id fecisse comperio.] Hubert your Legate (Religious Father) coming unto me, advertised me as from you, that I was to do fealty to you, and your Successors, and that I should bethink myself better of the money which my Predecessors were wont to send to the Church of Rome; the one I admitted, the other I admitted not. The fealty I would not perform, neither will I, because neither myself promised it, nor do I find that my Predecessors performed it to yours. Upon which occasion as it may well be supposed, Gregory 7 Re●● lib. 7. ●pist. 1. 〈◊〉 3. council. pa. 1244, edit. B●●ij. the Pope returned this answer to his Legate Hubert, after signification; how little he esteemed money without honour given him; he comes to the person of the King in these terms. [Multa sunt unde Sancta Romana Ecclesia adversus eum queri potest, nemo enim omnium Regum etiam Paganorum, contra Apostolicam sedem hoc praesumpsit tentare, quod is non erubuit facere.] There are many things whereof the holy Roman Church may complain of against him, in as much as none of the Pagan kings have attempted that against the Sea apostolic, which he hath not blushed to put in execution. Now for Henry the son, who in this regard swerved not from his father's steps, part of Pope Paschals letter unto him, runs thus. [Paschalis servus servorum Dei, dilecto filio Henrico, illustri Anglorum Regi, Salutem & Apostolicam benedictionem. Cum de manu Domini largiùs honorem, divitias, pacemque susceperis, mir amur vehementius, & gravamur quod in Regno potestateque tua beatus Petrus, & in beato Petro, Dominus honorem suum iustitiamque perdiderit. Sedis enim Apostolicae nuncij, vel literae praeter iussum Regiae Maiestatis, nullam in potestate tua susceptionem vel aditum promerentur, nullus inde clamour, nullum inde judicium ad sedem Apostolicam destinatur.] Paschal the servant of the servants of God, to our beloved son Henry, the most renowned King of England, health and Apostolical benediction. sithence you have plentifully received honour, riches and peace, from the hand of the Lord, We exceedingly wonder, and take it in ill part, that in your Kingdom, and under your Government S. Peter, and in S. Peter, the Lord hath lost his honour and right, in as much as the Nuntios and Breves of the Sea apostolic, are not thought worthy entertainment or admittance in any part of your Dominions, without your majesties warrant, No complaint now, no appeal comes from thence to the Sea apostolic. To which the King (after terms of complement,) replies in in this manner. [Eos honours, & eam obedientiam, quam tempore Patris mei antecessores vestri in Regno Angliae habuerunt, tempore meo ut habeatis volo; eo videlicet tenore, ut dignitates, usus, & consuetudines, quas pater meus tempore antecessorum vestrorum in regno Angliae habuit▪ ego tempore vestro in eodem regno meo integrè obtineam. Notumque habeat Sanctitas vestra, quod me vivente, Deo auxiliante, dignitates & usus regni Angliae non minuentur: Et si ego (quod absit) in tanta me deiectione ponerem, Optimates mei, imo totius Angliae populus id nullo modo pateretur. Habita igitur (Charissime Pater) utiliori deliberatione, ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra, ne (quod invitùs faciam) à vestra me cogatis recedere obedientia.] That honour and obedience which your predecessors had in the Kingdom of England during the Reign of my father, my will is you should have in my time, with this condition, that myself fully and wholly enjoy all the Dignities, Prerogatives and Customs, which my father enjoyed in the said Kingdom, in the time of your predecessors; and I would your Holiness should understand, that during my life the digninities and prerogatives of the Crown of England, by God's grace, shall not be minished▪ and if I should so far abase myself (which God forbid) my Lords and Commons would by no means endure it: wherefore (most dear Father) upon better advice, let your gentleness be so tempered toward us, that I be not enforced (which I shall unwillingly do) to withdraw myself from your obedience. Whereby it appears, that Henry the first began to hammer and beat upon that which Henry the last, by God's appointment, in the fullness of time brought to perfection: and though these two Kings, the Father and the Son, gave way to some part of the Pope's jurisdiction, as I showed before; Yet hereby it appears it was a burden unto them. B. C. 23. Therefore to the Lords and 1 Were not those favourites favourers of the Romish religion? favourites of the Court, was given the lands and inheritance of the Abbeys and religious houses, that having once as it were washed their hands in the bowels and blood of the Church, both they and their posterity might be at utter▪ defiance therewith; and so having overthrown and profaned the good works of the 2 If they were Saints, why did you still pray for them, as if they had been in Purgatory. Saints, it was necessary for them to get them chaplains, that might both dispute, preach, and write against the merits of good works, the invocation of Saints, 3 Of these two last you may say as they in the 19 of the Acts, who made silver shrines for their great Goddess Diana, By this craft we have our wealth. the sacrifice of the Altar, prayer for the dead, and all such points of Catholic doctrine, as were the grounds of those Churches and religious houses, which they had overthrown and profaned: And it was not hard for those Chaplains by some show of Scripture, to prove that which their Lords and followers were so willing to believe. G. H. 23. The Abbeys and Religious houses were grown to that height of idleness, the mother of ignorance and luxury, within themselves, and by reason thereof into that contempt and base estimation with the people, that it was high time some blood should have been drawn from their swelling veins; specially considering the little use the Commonwealth had of them, but chiefly for that they were so far degenerated from the primitive institution: Their number was great, it being 645. monasteries of men and women, accounting the Priories and Friaries, besides chantries and free Chapels; their seat commonly in the fairest and fattest part of the land, their revenues amounting to an inestimable sum, as in the original book thereof taken by Commission, and given to the King may appear; though at their dissolutions their values were favourably and far under rated, in so much as in the reign of Edward the first, a statute of Mortmain was made for the restraining of that excess: And had not Henry the fifth been wisely diverted upon the French wars by Archbishop Chichly, he had in all likelihood prevented Henry the eight in diminishing, if not demolishing those houses; being s●t on by his Parliament held at Leicester, in the beginning of his reign▪ in which a bill was exhibited, complaining how their revenues given for devotion, were most desorderly wasted upon Hounds, and Hawks, and Horses, and Whores which if better employed, would serve for the defence of the land, and honour of the King, and suffice for the maintenance of fifteen Earls, fifteen hundred Knights, six thousand two hundred Esquires, and one hundred alms-houses, for relief of impotent and diseased persons, and besides all this to the King's Coffers, there would thereby yearly accrue, twenty thousand pounds. And to speak a truth, Cardinal Wolsey was the man who by pulling down the smaller, both showed and made a way to the King, Henry the eight, for taking the like order with the bigger. Neither did he think his hands less bound towards his own subjects, than the Pope and French King did theirs, for the rooting out of the rich and powerful order of Templars through Christendom, accusing them of like grievous and unnatural offences, as were in open Parliament laid to the charge of our monastical professors, upon the relation of such Commissioners, who were appointed to make search to that purpose: no marvel then that as after the dissolution of that order (which fell out in the reign of Edward the second, as Thomas de la More reports is, who at the same time lived as an officer in his Court) the heirs of the donors, and such as had endowed them with lands re-entered upon those parts of their ancient patrimonies: so in the downfall of Monasteries, the Lords took their share of those lands which their ancestors had formerly bestowed to piou●●vses, but were at that time very much abused by the possessors. But a great part of them, about, or somewhat above 600. years since, were thrust into the possessions of married Churchmen, by 1 M. Cambden in his description of Worcestershire. Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury, so that if every bird had his feather at their dissolution, the greatest part of their lands had returned to the Clergy, or at least their impropriations, which were as improper to them, though they held them by dispensation, as now it may well be disputed, they are to the 2 By the common laws of England it is evident, 〈◊〉 no man 〈◊〉 he be Ecclesiastical▪ or have Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, can have inheritance of tithes. My L Cook● in his fi●t part of reports 2● Ed. 3. lib. Ass. pl. 75. possessors of them: A part whereof notwithstanding are so far off from being at defiance with your Church, that they are professed Roman Catholics. And in Queen Mary's days among all those that entirely embraced that Religion, not so much as one was found that could be drawn to disgorge those sweet morsels they had devoured, or to make restitution of a foot of land, though the Queen herself (the rather to draw them on) had offered all she held in possession. Then was your doctrine of good works, your Invocation Saints, your sacrifice of the Altar, and your prayer for the dead restored, which were the grounds (you say) of those religious houses: yet the land which had been their maintenance, was not restored. And as the reviving of those doctrines could not serve to give new life unto the carcases of those ruined houses, so the ruining of those houses was not the cause (as you pretend) of the impugning of those doctrines, since they were impugned (by the confession of your own Writers) by the Waldenses, by the Albingenses, by Wicliffe, by hus, by Luther, by Zuinglius, by Calvin, before those houses fell, and continued for the most part, during all the reign of Henry the eight, as may appear by the six articles, commonly called the whip with the six cords. And for any thing I find▪ he altered nothing (excepting the taking down of Monasteries and the Pope's authority) but only the translation of the Bible, and the singing and reading divine service in our mother tongue: so that it is clear to any indifferent judgement, that the contradicting of those doctrines rather caused the ruin of those houses, than their ruin (as you would bear us in hand) the contradicting of those doctrines. And it were no hard matter, not by show of Scripture, but by Scripture itself, to prove their unsoundness: But an harder I am sure it were, for his Holiness Chaplains, from thence to prove their soundness, in that sense as they are now defended in the Church of Rome, howbeit you are as willing to believe the truth of them for the 3 Were not the fire in Purgatory (in which the ●oules of those dead are supposed to be) very hot, the fire in the Popes and Monks kitchens would quickly be very cold. advantage you reap by them (specially by the sacrifice of the Altar, and prayer for the dead) as any can be upon the like reason to believe the contrary. B. C. 24. To the Commons was given great hope of relief for their poverty, ease of subsidies, and the burden of so great a Clergy, and many other 1 Your pompous and empty shows in God's service well deserve that title of goodly gay nothings. goodly gay nothings: And for the present, they should have liberty, and the benefit of the common Law, that is leave to live by such Laws as themselves list to make, and to contemn the authority of the Church; which although it were for their benefit every way, yet because it crossed their affections, like wayward children they could never abide it: and was not this reason enough for them to hold out the breach, and to study Scripture themselves, that they might be able to confute Confession, 2 Satisfaction and penance I take to be both one in the language of Rome, though you seem to put a difference between them. Satisfaction, Penance, and to declaim against that tyranny of the Church of Rome, whereby themselves and their forefathers had been kept in awe and 3 Whether the people were kept in obedience by the Pope's authority, let the manifold troubles by his means raised, testify. obedience unto God and their kings? G. H. 24. The Commons might have been disburdened of their Subsidies, had those revenues and treasures which came, or might have come to the Crown by the downfall of monasteries, been employed as they might have been: the plates and wires of gold of Beckets' only shrine, together with the pearls and precious stones of inestimable value, filling two great chests: But God so ordered the matter for their laying of sacrilegious hands, (as it may be thought) upon those tenths which by himself were consecrated to himself, that neither it, nor the rest prospered, neither was the king thereby much enriched, nor the Commons relieved, it being like the dead fly in the box of ointment, or the Coloquintida in the Prophet's pottage. Now for the people's liberty in making laws at their own pleasure, to live as they listed, it is a matter fond surmised and published of you, not promised by the State, nor demanded or expected by them. The Laws Ecclesiastical were in King Henry's time, and by his authority appointed to be compiled and digested, by a certain company of Bishops and other divines joined in Commission, with Civil and Canon-Lawyers, to the number of 32. but this work being le●t imperfect by the death of that king, was afterward finished in the days, and by the command of his son Edward, which myself have seen, though by the untimely death of that king also, it never yet received public allowance. And for other laws, as the world knoweth, they neither could nor can make any without the consent of the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the approbation of the king. And lastly how the laws of your Church crossed their affections, let their often and dangerous rebellions for the restoring of them testify, there being none in truth more fitting to the humour of a natural minded man, as may appear by this, that a man of no religion, and like white paper, or sponged tables apt to receive any impression, will sooner embrace yours, than any other in the world. From this you digress to their studying of the Scriptures, that they might be able to confute confession, satisfaction, penance, and to declaim against that tyranny of the Church, whereby themselves and their forefathers had been kept in awe and obedience to God and their king. For their studying of the Scriptures, it is indeed a great eyesore to you, because thereby your malice in withholding your followers from reading them, and withal your burdensome traditions thrust upon them for your own honour and gain, but to their pain and grievance, are clearly discovered and discerned, from that which before you call eternal truth; but to them nothing can be more profitable, or to their guides more comfortable, so it be done with reverence and sobriety, and (as our Preface to the Bishop's Bible exhorts) [not so much to dispute and contradict, as to learn and obey] as being a practice which both our Saviour himself, and his Apostles, and the holy Fathers of the Primitive Church, (specially S. Chrysostome) in divers homilies often and earnestly exhort their hears unto. And for the confutation of those points you name, I am of opinion (and I think not without reason) that many of our people are better able by Scriptures to confute them, as they are now held and used amongst you, than your greatest Bishops and Cardinals are from thence able to prove them, of whom some have not sticked to profess that they thought that time which they passed in reading the Scriptures to be of all other the most unprofitably spent, preferring Tully's Orations before Paul's Epistles, and Aristotle's ethics before Solomon's proverbs. B. C. 25. To the Clergiemen that would turn with the times, beside the possibility of present preferment by the alteration, was given shortly after leave to marry, & to purchase, and to enjoy the profit and pleasure of the world, as well as the laity, and what 1 What carnal minded Priest or Monk would not rather entertain variety of Concubines than be tied to one wife. carnal minded Monk or Priest would not with might and main keep open the breach after he was once plunged in it rather than to be in danger to forego so pleasing a commodity: Hence did arise a necessity of speaking and writing against Vows, Vrginitie, Poverty, Fasting, Praying, Watching, Obedience, and all that austerity of life, which is by the Laws of the Church required in a monastical and Priestly conversation. G. H. 25. Little hope was there given for the present to the Churchmen that yielded to the King for matter of preferment, since the Abbots and Priors were not only turned out of doors, but their houses razed, and their goods and lands confiscated. And for the Bishops, none of their places thereby fell void, they all (Rochester only excepted) jointly concurring with the king in casting off the Romish yoke: and for their marrying & purchasing, neither of them were permitted, during the reign of king Henry, who lived & reigned somewhat above 14. years after the breach with Rome: Howbeit if we may credit Mr. Cambden, an unpartial Antiquary, Churchmen were not forbidden marriage in England till the year 1102. [then Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury (sayeth he) offered violence both to nature and to the Scriptures] which he writes upon occasion of one Ealphegus, a Priest famous for his learning, who was married and dwelled in the South part of Devonshire: And further he allegeth the words of Henry of Huntindon touching that act of Anselm [He forbadwives to the English Priests, being never before forbidden, which to some seemed a thing very decent, to others as dangerous, lest whiles they aimed to a purity above their reach▪ they might fall into horrible impurities, to the dishonour of CHRIST'S Name, and their profession.] Those words of Cambden before quoted, together with these of Huntindon by him alleged, are commanded to be razed by the Spanish Index: Sacerdotibus magna ratione sublat●s nuptias, 〈◊〉 restitu●nd●● vider●. But they might aswell have razed those of the●I ●I. in Platina, avouching that he saw great reason why Priests should be restrained of marriage; but greater why it should be restored them, or those of Cassander [by that over rigorous and unseasonable constitution (speaking of restraint of marriage in Churchmen) we see much grievous and abominable scandal to have arisen in the Church,] or those of Mantuan touching S ●. Hillary, Bishop of Poitiers in France. Non tibi progenies nocuit, non obfuit uxor Legitimo coniuncta toro— Or lastly those of the same Poet, speaking of the father of Nazianzen. Praesule Patre satus, nam tunc idiura sinebant, — non horruit illâ Tempestate Deus Thalamos, cunabula, toedas. And in another place of the father of Basil, and Gregory Nyssen, Tutius esse volunt qua lex divina sinebat Isse viâ, veterumque sequi vestigia patrum: Quorum vita fuit melior cum coniuge, quam nunc Nostra sit exclusis Thalamis, & coni●gis usu. And if marrying be allowed them, I see no reason but they should withal be allowed purchasing, as they are and always have been in the Eastern Church, * 1▪ Tim. 5. 8. he being worse than an Infidel that provideth not for those of his own household. To conclude we neither speak nor write against lawful Vows, but the rashness of them, and impossibility in performing them: Not against true Virginity; but the feigned show of it, and the preferring it by so many degrees before the honourable estate of marriage: Not against necessary Poverty, but the voluntary choice of it, when more good may be done by possessing and using those means God hath sent us: Not against Fasting; but the Pharisaical use of it, and making it part of divine worship: Not against Praying; but the performance of it in a strange tongue, rather for custom then for conscience, rather by number then by weight, in drawing near unto God with our lips, when our hearts are far from him: Not against Watching; but the pretended apish imitation and merit in it: Not against Obedience; but the abuse of it in the enterprising of damnable and desperate attempts. Lastly, not against austerity of life; but incivility, and that show of wisdom which S. Paul censureth in the second to the Col. Consisting in voluntary Religion and humbleness of mind, and not sparing the body. You do well to add that all these are required in a Monastical conversation, but how they were or are performed, God knows, and the world not undeservedly suspects. B. C. 26. Upon these conditions, the Lords, the Commons, and the Clergy were content to believe, that the King was Supreme head of the Church of England: Not that they did think so indeed, or that they desired to augment his authority; but that they might be protected by him, & freely enjoy those commodities which they thought schism had brought unto them, and feared the unity of the Church might again take from them: Hence did arise a necessity of inveighing against the Pope and the Church of Rome, as against Antichrist and Babylon, and the greatest enemies of the State of England: Insomuch that that Clergy man was most acceptable to them, and in their opinion most worthy of preferments, that could most confidently preach and write the most foul and monstrous assertions of the Pope, and the Church of Rome, though they were never so false. 1 Those doctrines being set on foot, and maintained (as I have showed before) long before our division from Rome, might well cause it; but could not be caused by it. These and such like are those temporal respects, which would fain seem the daughters of those doctrines which themselves have brought forth, and to be divided from the Catholic Church by doctrine, when they themselves have caused the doctrine of division. G. H. 26. Upon these conditions, you say, that the Lords, and Commons, and Clergy, were content to believe, that the King was supreme head of the Church of England, whereas yourself before confess, that these conditions were afterward granted to the Clergy, who notwithstanding, were the forwardest in persuading the King to accept and assume that title, as may appear by the book set out by the whole Convocation of England, entitled, The Institution of a Christian man, besides the Treatises of divers particular Bishops to the same purpose, as namely Stephen gardiner's discourse of true obedience, together with Bonner's Preface annexed to it, Longelands' Sermon, and Tunstals Letter to Cardinal Poole, all which are extant to be read and seen at this day, and surely he that shall observe their vehement protestations, specially of Gardener, whom I hold the most sufficient among them for learning, and withal the soundness and weight of the reasons, which they enforce against the Pope's pretended jurisdiction, will easily believe, that they thought in very deed as they wrote, that their minds and their pens concurred in one. But from hence (you say) arose a necessity of envying against the Pope and the Church of Rome, as against Antichrist and Babylon, as if his Holiness had never been graced with the title of Antichrist, before Henry assumed his title of supreme head; nor Rome called Babylon before England was freed from that Babylonish captivity. Whereas your famous Cardinal hath none other proof from Scripture, that S. Peter was ever at Rome, but by expounding Rome to be the Babylon, from whence he dated his first Epistle: And when the several marks of Antichrist shall be applied to any so properly, as to the Bishop of Rome, I will confess he is injuriously so styled; in the mean time, I can hardly imagine any so foul and monstrous assertions, which some of your Popes have not deserved, even by the confession of your own Writers, it being enough to make a modest man blush in reading, and relating that which they blushed not to act, nay boasted of being acted: in so much as I doubt not, but I may confidently affirm, that neither the Catalogue of Emperors, taking in the Heathenish among the Christians, nor any one succession of Kings in the world, since the first creation of it to this present age, ever afforded so many monsters of men, so many incarnate devils, so expert in all kind of villainies, as that of your Popes: neither can any one King or Emperor be named, whom some of your Popes have not outstripped. And what needed then any imitation of your side, in feigning false assertions, where true were so plentiful? B. C. 27. In all these and all other doctrine of division, men have received great countenance and encouragement from Geneva: For although M. john Calvin were never any good subject, or friend to Bishop, 1 You had small reason to make him an enemy to Dukes, save only for not betraying his City to the Duke of Savoy. Duke, or King, yet he did so fit the common people with new doctrine, that no Gospel can be so 2 Why his doctrine should be so pleasing to the common people, I see no reason but only the force of truth, since it restraineth them of much liberty, which the Romish affordeth. pleasing to them, nor so light some as his: for finding Geneva to be fallen out both with their Bishop, who was their ancient Prince, and their Duke, to whom they 3 They were fallen out with their Duke, and yet pretended to him, whereas in truth the Duke pretended to them, not they to him. Duke Amadius indeed got that donation from Pope Martin, but neither himself nor any of his successors could ever enjoy the possession, and as I hear Philibertus their present Duke publicly renounced his pretence unto it, in the last assembly of the Protestants of France at Grenoble. pretended against their Bishop, and to be all in a combustion amongst themselves for want of government, although he were then a stranger, and a very 4 Better an young reformer than an old apostate. young man, of some six and twenty or seven and twenty years old at the most, yet he thought good upon the opportunity to give the venture, and to step in himself to be founder of a new Church and state amongst them: And for that purpose, he 5 He found the substance of it in the Scriptures, though not the form or method. found them such a Catechism, as they might easily contemn all ancient learning and authority, and save themselves by a strong fancy, which he called 6 Your faith of Rome comes not so far as a strong imagination, it contents itself with a bare speculation or naked apprehension, some reprobates going as far in believing, and all devils farther. faith: And this pleased the Burghers of Geneva so well, that they called a meeting, and caused all the Citizens to swear, that that Catechism was true, and all 7 B●zaes words are, Eiurato pal●m Papatu, by which I take to be understood, the renouncing of the Papacy or the Pope's authority, not the swearing of all Popery to be false: or the abi●●ing of a man's hope of attaining the Popedom, as a relapsed ●riar lately expounded himself. Popery false; as may appear in Calvin's life written by Beza, and prefixed to his Epistles. And although the ministerial Presbytery of Geneva have lost much of M. Calvin's greatness, yet the City hath had the 8 That which was affected by God's special providence in their often and miraculous deliverances, you maliciously ascribe to fortune and the help of their neighbours. How could the Bishop and the Duke be both their ancient governors? fortune ever since by the help of their neighbours, to hold out against their Bishop and the Duke, and all their ancient governors. G. H. 27. You pass on in this Section, and the next to pass your censure upon Geneva and Calvin, in as much as from them we have received great countenance and encouragement; whereas neither Geneva nor Calvin were either of them of so much greatness, as to afford us any great countenance. Yet for Geneva may truly thus much be said, even out of the mouth of Bodin a professed enemy in religion, Method. hist. cap. 6. that neither drunkenness, nor idleness, nor professed Beggary, nor open wantonness were to be found in that City, and that it flourished not so much in riches and power, as in piety and virtue, which God himself by strange and miraculous deliverances of them at sundry times, hath in some fort testified to the world: Howbeit as a worthy Knight hath well observed, [the Friars would make their followers believe, that it is above all other places a professed retreat and sanctuary of Roguery, giving harbour to all the runagates, traitors, rebels, and wicked persons of all other Countries; by which speech very generally in Italy spread and believed, some memorable accidents have at some time happened, sundry of their picking and loose Friars, hearing Geneva to be a place of good fellowship, and thinking the worse pranks they played with their own ere they came thither, to find the better welcome at their coming, rob their Covents of their Church-plate, and other repositaries, and brought away the booty in triumph to Geneva, under the colour of being reform in their religion, where their advancement hath been strait to the gibbet, for their labour; a reward unexpected, and such as caused them to complain pitifully of their wrong information. For such is the extraordinary severity of this City, as to punish crimes committed without their estate, with no less rigour then if they had been amongst them. And not many years since, it was the lot of a Spanish Gallant, who stood upon his state, and carried a Mint about him, to repair thither to have stamps made him for the coining of Pistolets: being apprehended and charged with it, his defence was, that he understood their City was free, and gave receipt to all offenders, but withal (said they) when they were come they punished their offences, a distinction which the poor Gentleman never before studied, and the learning of it than cost him no less than his headpiece,] And for Calvin I marvel that having so diligently read S. Augustine, and so highly esteeming him, you should have such a tooth against Caluine, who professeth of S. Augustine in the latter end of his Chapter of the Sacraments in general, that he often quoted him [ut optimum, & ex tota antiquitate fidelissimum testem] as the best and soundest witness which antiquity afforded: and he might well say he quoted him often, there being no Tome, & scarcely any one book of Augustine's, out of which Caluine through the four books of his Institutions, cities not many passages to the number of 280. if my computation fail not: and for the greatest part so judiciously to the purpose, that I may well doubt, or rather indeed not doubt at all whether Mr. Calvin or Dr. Carrier had read S. Augustine with the greater attention and judgement: And for their knowledge in Scriptures, I am sure malice itself will easily acknowledge, there was no comparison. Dr. Stapleton who was not otherwise very favourable to Calvin, yet sends this testimony after him in the Preface of his Antidote against Calvin's exposition of the Acts of the Apostles, [that his Commentary on that book was most elaborat, and his disputations acute and accurate] and in another place [for the literal sense he is a diligent interpreter, so moral, so elegant, so sweet, that he is read greedily of the Catholics themselves, whom I have heard sometimes wishing that those things being cut out which make against our Church and belief, he might come abroad gelded, and that by that means his Commentaries might prove ●xceeding profitable.] Thuanus doubts not to testify of him that he was [ 1 Tom. 2. par●. 1. acrivir, acvehementi ingenio, & admirabili facundia praeditus: a man of a smart and strong wit, and endued with admirable eloquence, [who when he had spent seven years (saith he) in wrestling with divers diseases, yet was his diligence in his vocation thereby nothing lessened, neither did he spare himself in the continual course of his writing:] but Panig yrolla his testimony is yet more observable, in as much as he was an Italian and a Friar, and purposely preached many bitter Sermons against Calvin at Thurin in Savoy: His words in effect are these, [ 2 In the 〈◊〉 part of his Sermons against Calvin preached at Thurin, 〈◊〉▪ 1582. Calvin to speak the truth, was a man of a quick understanding, and clear judgement, of great variety of reading, and rare endowments of nature.] Salmeron, one of the first ten of loyola's foundation, of whom Ribadeneira in his Catalogue of the jesuitical writers witnesseth [that by his speaking in the Council of Trent, he bred admiration, and an opinion of great learning in his hearers, being a professed and perpetual enemy of heretics, whom he persecuted and quelled by his disputations, his lectures, his writings,] yet ●his very man as eager and stout a champion as he was for the Church of Rome, and against the Caluinists, makes no bones to borrow almost whole pages from Calvin, as may appear to any that please to compare their expositions on the second chapter to Titus, the 11. and 12. verses, a taste whereof I will here present unto the reader's view; [Apparuit enim gratia Dei salutaris omnibus hominibus. Calvin. A fine redemptionis argumentatur, quem docet esse studium piè & rectè vivendi, unde sequitur boni Pastoris officium esse, potius hortari ad sanctam vitam, quam vanis quaestionibus occupare hominum mentes. Redemitnos (inquit Zacharias in suo cantico) ut in sanctitate & innocentia seruiamus illi omnibus diebus vitae nostrae. Eiusdem rationis est quod dicit Paulus, Gratia Dei apparuit nos erudiens; significat enim vice institutionis esse nobis debere ad vitam rectè formandam.] [Salmeron upon the same words, Dicendumest Apostolum argumentari à fine redemptionis, quae docet studium sobriè & justè & piè vivendi: nam praestat Doctorem ad honestam vitam homines adhortari, quam vanis quaestionibus mentes hominum occupare; nam ad id sumus redempti, ut in sanitate & justitia seruiamus De● omnibus diebus nostris, & ob id apparuit gratia Dei, ut per eam instituamur ad vitam rectè formandam.] From this collation we cannot but infer, as one doth of Plato, and Philo the jew, vel Philonizat Plato, vel Platonizat Philo, and another of Ramus and Vives, aut Ramizat Vives, aut Vivizat Ramus: so of Calvin and Salmeron, aut Salmeron Caluinizat, aut calvinus Salmeronizat; either Salmeron borrows from Calvin, or Calvin from Salmeron, it being in my apprehension (without the help of a miracle) utterly impossible, and consequently incredible, that two men should fall so near upon the same conceptions and words, without the sight one of another's writings, now that Salmeron is the borrower, and not Calvin, it appears from hence that in his exposition of the 10. verse of the third Chapter of the same Epistle, he mentioneth Marlorates Commentary on that place, which was compiled out of the Comments of divers other learned men, but specially out of Caluins; besides Calvin died in the year 1564. as Beza witnesseth, and Salmeron in the year 1595. as Ribadineira hath left it upon record: So that it might well be, and I verily think it was so, that Calvin was dead many years before Salmeron set upon this exposition of the Epistles, specially of that to Titus, which among his sixteen several Tomes is ranged in the last save one: So that it seems he wrote it not long before his death, and consequently many years after Calvin was dead. Lastly the uniformity of the style, and the tenor of writing plainly discovers that Calvin was the creditor, and Salmeron the debtor, or rather the 1 Th●u which teachest, another man should not steal, dost thou steal? thief, which I the more marvel at, considering in the Preface of his exposition upon the Epistles he professeth, [his intent was chiefly to dispute against the heretics of these times, who called themselves Pa●ls Divines, and gloried in his doctrine.] And in the third part of his first book next following, proposeth divers questions touching the Church, and the government against Luther and Calvin, by name. Now for Maldonate and jansenius, though they colour the matter more cunningly in the change of words, yet are they nothing less beholding to Calvin in many places for the sense: And thus we see how out of the mouths and pens of those, who for reputation of learning were far above, and for bitterness of malice were nothing inferior to Dr. Carrier. Calvin's rare and singular gifts are truly acknowledged. But he was never (you say) any good subject or friend, to Bishop, Duke or King: It was the same imputation which by the jews was cast upon Christ; and by the Pagans upon the Christians, in the Primitive Church, as may appear in tertullian's apology for them delivered by him to the Emperors Severus and Antoninus; a great part whereof is spent in wiping off that aspersion, and therefore Calvin may bear it at your hands with the greater patience. Against the state of Bishops, if he any where write otherwise then becomes him, we may well impute it to his zeal against the great abuse of that order in the Roman hierarchy, and his desire of establishing his own discipline, which though he did well to erect at Geneva (as being a kind of government most fit for that city;) yet to show that we make him no god, we profess he did ill in imposing it as necessary on all other Churches. What friend he was to Kings, beside infinite other passages through his voluminous writings, his only Epistle to Francis the French king, prefixed to his Institutions, doth sufficiently declare, which (as Beza not without good reason thinketh) if that king had but read, it would have occasioned the giving of some deep wound to the whore of Babylon, he being not of the humour of those kings that followed after him in the kingdom, but a sharp censurer, of a deep judgement, a great patron of learning, and of himself not averse from that side, and though in his Commentaries upon Amos, he seem to mislike Henry the 8th. his title of Supreme Head, which by Stephen Gardiner and other sycophants of Court, was then interpreted to spread as far, & include as ample power as that he had taken from the Pope, yet the lawful Supremacy of kings, he both alloweth and defendeth, as his Majesty truly witnesseth for him in his Catalogue of Tortus lies annexed to his Premonition, and therein he showeth himself a better friend to kings, than D. Carrier was when he thus passed his censure on him; for though he often drank to his majesties health, as he professeth in a letter which he thought worthy the imparting to all well minded Catholics; yet withal he laboured by might and main to readvance and re-establish his authority amongst us, who hath professedly crossed and dashed the taking of that oath, by which is only testified that natural allegiance which we owe his Majesty. [Now for his coming to Geneva, and the founding of that government & discipline there, which continues in force amongst them with no ill success at this day, whereas you tell us, that being a very young man, of some 26. or 27. years old at the most, yet he thought good upon the opportunity to give the venture and step in himself. For his age I will not much strive with you, but only desire you to remember that some of your 4 So that a man might truly say of them as the O rator doth of some of his time, Prouenie●ant ad rompub. novi orator●● adolescentuli. Popes; but many of your Bishops, and Archbishops, and Cardinals have been thrust, or at least have thrust themselves into places of greater charge, before they arrived to those years, and perchance before they saw one half, or a quarter so many. Yet it cannot be denied but it pleaseth God sometimes to raise up the Spirit of a young Daniel, or a young Samuel, or a young Timothy, for the effecting of that which an old Ely is unfit for, young men for the most, being most zealous and adventurous, but with all more inconsiderate, and old men more cold and remiss, but withal more wary and circumspect, according to that of S. Jerome in one of his Epistles to S Augustine, Bos lassus fortius figit pedem, The advice of an old man is commonly best, but the execution of young: The former have always been accounted fitter for settled business, but the latter for new enterprises, in as much as men of age commonly object too much, consult too long, adventure too little, repent too soon, and seldom drive business home to the full period; but content themselves with a mediocrity of success, as loving to sleep in whole skin. I am not of that rabbis mind, who because in Scripture [Young men are said to see visions, and old men to dream dreams,] thereupon inferreth, that young men are admitted nearer to God then old, because vision is a clearer revelation than a dream: But yet experience teacheth us, and a noble Gentleman before named, hath rightly observed it, that the more a man drinketh of the world, the more it intoxicateth, and age doth profit rather in the powers of understanding, then in the virtues of the will and affections: So that Calvin though he had been younger when he came to Geneva, than you make him; yet had his youth been no sufficient cause to 5 See no man despise thy youth. Tit. despise him, considering, as the Lawyers for the punishing of a malefactor under age are wont to say, malitia supplet aetatem, so may I much rather for a just defence, scientia or prudentia supplet aetatem, which shows itself in this, that before his coming thither, he had written his excellent Commentary upon Seneca de Clementia, and at Orleans had been offered the degree of Doctorship in the laws, without paying so much as the ordinary fees, by the general consent of all the public professors of that faculty: whereas their common determination is now said to be, Accipiamus pecuniam, & dimittamus asinum in patriam: but to draw nearer to the purpose: Calvin, how rare and singular soever his gifts were, even beyond his age, yet withal they were so tempered and seasoned with modesty, that single he attempted nothing in the reforming of that Church, as Mr. Doctor pretends; but by advise, and with consent of the chief Pastors, whom he found there, Farell and Viret, which three, a fourth Minister in the same city hath thus happily joined together. Gallica mirata est Caluinum Ecclesia, nuper Quo nemo docuit doctius: Est quoque te nuper mirata Farelle tonantem, Quo nemo tonuit fortius: Et miratur adhuc fundentem mella Viretum, Quo nemo fatur dulcius: Scilicet, aut tribus his seruabere testibus olim, Aut interibis Gallia. Nay he was so far from excluding them, or putting himself out of his ambition into the business (as Master Doctor would have it,) that by the former of them himself was in a manner drawn into it: for passing through Geneva by chance, and intending to travel for his studies into farther parts, to Basil, or Strasbourge, Farel requesting him long and earnestly to set up his rest there, and to join his labours with them, for the good of that City, when he saw he could not prevail, being a man inspired with an Heroical spirit, he suddenly breaks out into this vehement speech, [At ego tibi sludia tua praetexenti denuntio omnipotentis Dei nomine, futurum, ut nisi in opus istud Domini nobiscum incumbas, tibi non tam Christum quam te ipsum querenti, Dominus maledicat.] But I (saith he) denounce unto you pretending your studies; in the Name of God Almighty, that except you set yourself with us to this work of the Lord, it will come to pass, that seeking yourself and not Christ, he will send a curse upon your proceedings.] With which dreadful threat, Calvin being terrified, submitted himself to the disposition of the Presbytery and Magistracy: whence we may also gather that Calvin was neither the sole, nor first founder of that government, but that the seeds of it were sown, and the foundation laid before his coming thither. Now let the Reader judge of the truth of that which Mr. Doctor hath published, namely that Calvin thought good upon the opportunity to give the venture, and to step in himself to be the founder of a new Church, and State among them, and withal consider whether Mr. Dr. professing that he had read Calvin's life witten by Beza (from whom I have borrowed, what touching this point I have delivered; he fought not against the light of his own conscience, when he thus wrote touching Calvin: Neither (to speak a truth) can I conceive any likely reason why he should aspire to be sole or chief commander in that City, which (as Beza truly witnesseth of it,) is and hath been Paupertatis officina, the shop of poverty, in so much that when he died, his whole estate (together with his study of books sold at a dear rate, could hardly be valued at 300. Crowns, verefying therein that notable speech of his own in the Preface of his Commentary on the Psalms: that 6 Me non esse pecuniosum, si quibusdam viws non persuadeo, mors tamen ostendet. I am no money-monger (saith he) if living I cannot persuade men, my death will put it out of doubt. Lastly, for the better clearing of this point, and the discovering of the truth of his proceedings at his first coming to Geneva, I will hereunto add the relation of one, who professedly wrote against the necessity of imposing that discipline on other Churches, which he there erected, and therefore may well be thought not to speak partially on his behalf, and yet for his learning and singular judgement to have understood what he wrote better than Dr. Carier: His words are. 7 M. Hooker in his Preface to his Ecclesiastical discipline. [A founder it had (saith he) whom for mine own part I think incomperably the wisest man that ever the French Church did enjoy, since the time it enjoyed him, his bringing up was in the study of the civil Law: divine knowledge he gathered, not by hearing or reading so much, as by teaching others: for though thousands were debtor to him as touching knowledge in that kind, yet he to none, but only to God the author of that most blessed fountain the book of life, and of the admirable dexterity of wit, together with the helps of other learning which were his guides, till being occasioned to leave France he fell at the length upon Geneva, which City the 8 B●zaes words are Pl●risque ex collegie, timiditate turbas fugi●ntibus. Bishop and Clergy thereof, had a little before (as some do affirm) forsaken, being of likelihood frighted with the people's sudden attempt for the abolishment of Popish Religion: the event of which enterprise they thought not safe for themselves to wait for in that place. At the coming of Calvin thither the form of their civil regiment was popular, as it continueth at this day: Neither King, nor Duke, nor Nobleman, of any authority or power over them, but Officers chosen by the people, yearly out of themselves, to order all things with public consent: For Spiritual government they had no Laws at all agreed upon, but did what the Pastors of their Souls by persuasion could win them unto. Calvin being admitted one of their preachers, and a Divinity Reader amongst them, considered how dangerous it was that the whole estate of that Church should still hang on so slender a thread, as the liking of an ignorant multitude is, if it have power to change whatsoever it listeth: wherefore taking unto him two of the other Ministers for more countenance of the action (albeit the rest were all against it) they moved and in the end persuaded with much ado the people to bind themselves by solemn oath, first, never to admit the Papacy amongst them again, and secondly, to live in obedience unto such orders concerning the exercise of their Religion, and the former Ecclesiastical government, as those their true and faithful Ministers of God's word had agreeably to Scripture set down for that end and purpose.] Whence we may observe, first, that Calvin was no founder of a new State amongst them (as Mr. Doctor would bear us in hand) but as he found it popular at his entrance, so at his death he left it: Secondly, the citizens swore not that all Popery was false, as Mr. Doctor assures, but bound themselves with an oath, never to admit of the Papacy (that is as I take the Pope's usurped authority) amongst them again, and for his Catechism one he wrote which Beza calls opus admirandum, an admirable piece of work, so much desired of all nations, that himself having first written it in Latin and French, it was afterward at the request of strangers translated into High Dutch, Low Dutch, English, Spanish, and by Immanuel Tremelius into Hebrew, and by Henry Stephens into Greek: but that (as I suppose) which you mean was the heads of Christian Religion comprised in a few positions, not unlike our Book of Articles which we are bound to subscribe unto: wherein, for any thing I can find, he speaketh none otherwise of Faith, than the Scriptures give him warrant, which, it may be in your opinion are but a strong fancy neither: but had you as thoroughly read him upon that point of justification by faith, as Pighius did, though with a mind to confute him, you might have had the grace to have yielded in opinion to him, as he did by the confession of Tapper in the 8th. Article of his second Tome, sometimes his fellow-pupil under Adrian, the VI Pope of that name, neither doth he in that Catechism teach them to contemn all ancient learning and authority as you fain, but feigned authority and learning falsely so called: For what learning have we more ancient than the Scriptures? or what authority more binding; and yet for authority of the most ancient Counsels and godly Fathers, I think he voucheth more than ever Doctor Carrier read, though he built not his faith upon them, and teach others to do the like: in regard of such ancient learning and authority, being but human (the advise of the Prophet is to be regarded, or rather the command of God by the Prophet's mouth to be obeyed, * jerem. 6. 16. Thus saith the Lord, Stand in the ways and see, and ask for the old paths, where is the good way and walk therein, and ye shall find rest for your souls: For it is true, that with all wise and moderate persons, that kind of antiquity obtaineth that authority and reverence, as it is sufficient matter to move them to make a stand, and to discover and take a view, but it is no warrant to guide or to conduct them, a just ground, I say, it is of deliberation, but not of direction: but on the other side (as it is well observed by a writer whom Master Doctor himself before nameth with honour) who knoweth not that time is truly compared to a stream, that carrieth down fresh and pure waters into the salt sea of corruption, which environeth all human actions; and therefore if man shall not by his industry, virtue, and policy, as it were with the Oar, row against the stream and inclination of time, all institutions and ordinances (be they never so pure) will corrupt and degenerate. Finally, for the justifying of that which you have delivered touching Caluine and his proceedings, you send us to beza's narration of Calvin's life, but had you not in the perusal thereof shut up the eye of charity, and only opened that of malice and envy, you might as easily have seen and observed in the same narration, his wonderful assiduity in reading, in preaching, in writing, in conferring; insomuch that being advised by his physicians, and by his friends requested a little to forbear, in regard of the weakness of his body, and his manifold infirmities, his usual answer was, that [idleness to him was the greatest sickness, or Vultis me otiosum à Domino deprehendi, will ye that the Lord when he cometh should find me doing nothing?] his zeal to God's truth, and courage in maintaining it, such, that he not only crushed the errors of the Church of Rome, but quelled like another Hercules so many new monsters of opinions by the club of God's word, that the very mentioning the names of the authors, and summ● of their several heresies, would take up much time and many lines: his sound and profound knowledge in his profession such, that Melancthon, no child in Divinity, was wont to style him by an excellency The Divine: his temperance such, that for many years he took but one repast a day: his modesty such that by his will he ordained after his death, there should be no monument erected to him, or so much as a tomb-stone laid over him; yet Beza his Colleague would not spare to bestow this ensuing Epitaph on him, which he was as able, as (upon that sad occasion) unwilling to afford, and the other (out of his deserts) as worthy, as (out of his modesty the crown of all his other virtues) unwilling to receive. Romae ruentis terror ille maximus, Quem mortuum lugent boni, horrescunt mali, Ipsa à quo potuit virtutem discere virtus, Cur adeo exiguo, ignotoque in cespite clausus calvinus lateat rogas? Caluinum assidue Comitata modestia viwm Hoc tumulo manibus condidit ipsa suis. O te beatum cespitem tanto hospite: O cui invidere cuncta possint marmora. After his death many of the citizens who had often seen him before, yet much desired to see him again, and many strangers came from foreign parts purposely to know him, and to be known unto him; among whom was a worthy Gentleman at that time Ambassador in France for the Queen of England: and howsoever malice have found Lucianus in his name, charity hath found Alcuinus. B. C. 28. Now it is the nature of all common people especially of Islanders, not only still to affect more and more 1 You have made your observation good by your own affecting of novelty in the change of your religion. novelty and 2 There must needs be more liberty in that profession where indu●gences are so rise, and dispensations so easy. liberty, and to be weary of their 3 If by the old Clergy you mean the ancient form of Ecclesiastical government, it remains at this day unaltered. old Clergy, but also to 4 The admiring of all that comes from beyond seas, may better be applied to your Roman Catholics then any other to whom omn● longinquum pro magnifico est, as also their com●orting one another with reports. admire any thing that comes from beyond the Seas, and to cherish and comfort one another with reporting the good success which Schismatics and Rebels happen to have against their lawful Prelates, and ancient governors, and to impute all their good fortune to their new Religion. Hence it is come to pass that that doctrine which is indeed the lawful doctrine of the Church of England, is neglected or contemned, as a relic or a 5 But by the Papists it is condemned as heresy. rag of Popery, and Caluins institutions being come from Geneva, and fairly bound up with the 6 I cannot possibly conceive what you should mean by the preface of the Gospel in this place, except your intent be aswell to scoff at the Gospel, as at Calvin's Instit. Preface of the Gospel, is dispersed throughout all Schools, Cities and Villages of England, and hath so infected Priest and people, as although it be 7 I desire the sight of that Law which makes against the doctrine of it. against law, yet is it 8 If it be cried up by voices, it is by the voices of the gravest Bishops, and learnedst divines of our land, as I show in mine answer. cried up by voices to be the only current Divinity in Court and Country, in hope belike that it may one day serve the turn in England, as well as it hath done in Geneva, and in 9 By other places belike you mean the Netherlands, which I have already answered. other places where it hath prevailed. G. H. 28. Your Countrymen are herein much bound to you, in that you make Islanders so much to affect novelty, ascribing their change of religion to the changeableness of their nature: whereas other nations in the continent of Europe, are by consent of those, who are interessed in neither, by nature more changeable than they. That Polander who first by his pen encountered his majesties Premonition, labouring to wipe off the stain of the Powder-treason, from the religion of the actors, laid it upon the nature of an English man, whom in all religions he accuses to be naturally disloyal to his Prince; to his imputation of disloyalty, you add the affectation of novelty, thereby to lay a stain upon our religion: But, Qui mala non mutat, in bonis non perseverat. The servant is not above his lord, nor the disciple above his master: and we know that it was the question which the jews proposed to our Saviour, [ * Ma●●. 1. 27. What new doctrine is this?] and of the Grecians to S. Paul, [ * Acts 17. 18. May we not know what this new doctrine whereof thou speakest is?] but we may truly answer both in their defence, and our own, 1 Cons●nti●●us in eo quod convenit, non in ●e quod ●eceptum est. Mor●sa● mori● retenti● res turbulent●●que ac novitas. Nos non sumus novatores, sed vos estis veteratores, It is not we that affect novelty: but you the counterfeit face of antiquity, thereby labouring to make a peace, and to strike a league with us, as the Gibeonites did with joshua, * josh. 9 4, 5. deceiving him by the show of old sacks, old bottles, old shoes, old garments, and bread that was dry and moldy. You farther charge us with comforting one another in reporting the good success which Schismatics and rebels happen to have against their governors, whereas the very enemies of those whom you call Schismatics and Rebels have been many times enforced to acknowledge their good success to have come, not so much from good fortune, as from the extraordinary hand of God; so that they have been constrained to cry out with Pharaohs sorcerers, The finger of God is here. At the siege of Rochel, the inhabitants being brought to great want, (as Thuanus reports it) every tide were brought in a kind of shellfish, (he calls them Surdones, or Pectunculoes) which I take to be little scallops or muscles, and that in great abundance, for the relieving of the besieged; they having never been seen upon that coast before that time, nor since. Of Ziska the Bohemian, Aeneas Silvius, afterwards Pius the second (being Pius indeed before he was so in name) recorded it to posterity, that eleven times in fought battles, he returned conqueror out of the field, and was himself never foiled. The Duke of Medina, General of the Spanish invincible navy, sent against us for the rooting of us out in the year 1588. and blessed by the Apostolical benediction, when he saw how the winds, and the waves, and the stars in their order fought against them, professed he thought jesus Christ was turned Lutheran. [Hispanus ipse (saith our famous Annalist) Cladem acceptam, Cambden in vita Regi: Elizab. ut à Deo, composito animo tulti, Deoque et Sanctis quod non tristior fuerit gratias egit, et per Hispaniam agi jussit. The King of Spain himself took the blow patiently, as given by God, and both himself gave thanks, and commanded his Subjects through Spain to do the like, that it fell no heavier:] in the consideration of which admirable success, we might apply that to our Church and Religion, which was written of the Emperor Theodosius. O nimium dilecta Deo, cui militat equor, Et coniurati veniunt ad classica venti. Upon that occasion, and not without reason were some coins stamped, with this inscription: Glory to God alone, others with this, Man proposeth, God disposeth: and lastly, others with this, Impius fugit, nemine sequent. Which all tend to this purpose, that it was God fought for us in the maintenance of his own cause. I will conclude this point with the testimony of Bizarro an Italian, and, for any thing I can find, no Protestant, speaking of our late renowned Sovereign, 〈◊〉 lib. in quo partim Belgarum motus exorts▪ etc. [Quod verò ad me attinet, id tantum in praesentia dixerim, Elizabetham Britanniae Reginam, singulari Dei opt. max. bonitate, ac providentia gubernari. Quamuis enim ipsamet egregiâ virtute ac sapientia praedita sit, et apud se consiliarios habeat summo judicio, summaque prudentia prestantes; tamen fatendum est humana consilia persaepe inania reddi, nisi ea diuinitù regantur: Id vero ut ita esse judicem, superiorum temporum facit recordatio, cum cogito quot interni externique hostes huic opt. Reginae insidiati sint, et quam mirabiliter illam Deus ab eorum insidijs, atque conatibus eripuerit. Touching myself, I will only say this for the present, that Elizabeth Queen of Britanny, hath been hitherto preserved by the singular goodness and providence of almighty God. For though herself be endued with singular virtue and wisdom, and she have about her counsellors of excellent judgement and foresight in the managing of her affairs, yet must we confess that human Counsels are often frustrated, unless they be guided from heaven; and that I should so think, the remembrance of the passages of latter times enforceth me, when I call to mind how many homebred and foreign enemies have laid in wait for the life of that virtuous Queen; and how miraculously God hath freed her from all their plots and assaults.] You go forward, and tell us that from hence it is come to pass, that the lawful doctrine of the Church of England is contemned as a rag of Popery, and Caluins Institutions cried up by voices in Court and Country, in hope it may one day serve the like turn in England, as it hath done in Geneva, as if Geneva had not discharged herself of the claim of her Bishop and Duke, before Calvin compiled his Institutions, or as if we knew not that Caluins Institutions make nothing against the government of lawful Magistrates; or if it be a book so dangerous as you would make it, a wonder it is to me, that neither yourself nor any as yet of that side, have so much as undertaken a through confutation of it. Must it needs be that all who embrace his pains and learning in those Institutions, intent the subversion of the state, or presently contemn the doctrine of the Church of England? Your old Master, Archbishop Whitegift was of another mind, who maintained to his utmost the doctrine of the Church of England, and yet gave he Calvin his due also, labouring always where any occasion was offered, to countenance his writings with Calvin's authority, and specially out of that book which you most mislike, yielding him the title of a famous and learned man: Nay, even in the use of things indifferent, he gives this testimony of his judgement and moderation. [ 1 Tract. 2 cap. 4. If Mr. Calvin were alive, saith he, and rightly understood the state of our Church and Controversy, truly I verily believe that he would condemn your doing, and I am the rather induced to think so, because I understand him to have allowed many things in the English Church, being at Geneva, which you altogether mislike.] To this Archbishop's testimony, I could add the opinion of his predecessors, Cranmer Grindal, and Parker, gathered out of their several Epistles to Calvin and other writings; but I will content myself with that of Bishop jewel, who was so far from neglecting or contemning the doctrine of the Church of England, as a relic or rag of Popery, as that the Confession extant in his Apology for our Church, is registered as the authentical doctrine of our Church, as well in the body, as in the harmony of Confessions: But Archbishop 2 Tract. 8. cap. 3. diuis. 31. Whitegift goeth farther, making both his Apology & the defence thereof, to be the doctrine of the Church of England: And by this Archbishop's authority was it ordered, that those his books should be bought of every Parish, and chained in their Churches to be read of the people at vacant times: Yet this worthy Bishop in the defence of his Apology, 3 Cap. 7 diuis. 4. termeth Calvin a reverend Father, and worthy ornament of the Church of God. Now touching his book of Christian Institution in particular, M. Hooker (who is well known not to have contemned the doctrine of the Church of England, as a rag of Popery) thus writes. [Two things (saith he speaking of Calvin, in his Preface to his books of Ecclesiastical policy) of principal moment there are, which have deservedly procured him honour through the world: The one his exceeding pains in composing the Institutions of Christian religion: The other his no less industrious travails for exposition of holy Scripture, according to the same Institutions: In which two things whatsoever they were that afterward bestowed their labour, he gained the advantage of prejudice against them, if they gainsaid, and of glory above them, if they consented: Then which I cannot imagine what could be uttered more effectually. Thus malice would not suffer you to see that worth in Calvin and his Writings, which these Worthies professed and published, who were notwithstanding more earnest and zealous patrons of the doctrine of the Church of England, than yourself: But it may be you thought it would be credit enough for you only to enter the lists with so stout and renowned a champion: howbeit, to hunt after applause by dishonouring the names of famous men, was held by S. Jerome, and is accounted by all good and wise men, but a trick of vain and childish arrogancy, there being less comparison betwixt Carier and Calvin, than Calvin and Stapleton, whom notwithstanding 4 D. whitaker's duplicationis. cap. 1. a great Divine and public professor of one of our own Universities, comparing together, professeth there was more sound Divinity in Caluins little finger, than Stapletons' head or whole body. I will conclude mine answer to this Section, with the words of a grave 5 B. Bilson in his book of the true difference between, etc. part. 3. pag. 509. Bishop yet living, no enemy to the doctrine of the Church of England, as his Writings show: Calvin is so well known (sayeth he) to all those that be learned or wise, for his great pains and good labours in the Church of God, that a few snarling Friars cannot impeach his name, though you would never so wretchedly pervert his words.] Thus much of Calvin and his Writings, for I durst not go so far as Thurius. Praeter Apostolicas post Christi tempora chartas, Huic peperere viro saecula nulla parem. B. C. 29. These reasons or rather corruptions of State have so confounded the doctrine of the Church of England, and so slandered the doctrine of the Church of Rome, as it hath turned men's brains, and made the multitude on 1 The multitude them on your side are made fools by your own confession: but if any of us should say so much, it were presently a slander. both sides like two fools, which being set back to back do think they are as far asunder, as the horizons are, they look upon: But if it please your Majesty to 2 How should his Majesty command them to turn, who are under the Pope's command, and must look which way please his Holiness? and he for his part will hardly be persuaded to permit them to look so much as a quarter about. command them to turn each of them but a quarter about, and look both one way to the service of God, and your Majesty, and to the salvation of souls, they should presently see themselves to be a great deal more near in matters of doctrines, than the Puritanical Preachers on 3 There are some Puritanical Preachers then on your side, as well as on ours: belike you mean the jesuits, with whom notwithstanding, if we may believe Pelit●●rs report, you sided at your coming to Pari●, and died amongst them. both sides do make them believe they are. I can not in the brevity of this discourse descend into particulars; but if it please your Majesty to command me, or any other honest man that hath taken pains, to understand and observe 4 How well you understood all sides, I made it appear before in the Controversy of Images, in the mean time you do well to commend your own honesty and learning. all sides freely, and plainly to set down the 5 The difference betwixt these three, I have already set down, and if the matter of doctrine may by his Majesty be compounded, it must either be by abrogating the Trident Canons, or the English Articles, or by reconciling the one to the other, the impossibility whereof, things standing in the terms they do, I have already proved. difference betwixt Caluinisme, and the doctrine of England, established by Law, and then to show Locos Concessos, and Locos Controversos, betwixt the Church of England and the Church of Rome, I doubt not but the distance that will be left betwixt for matter of doctrine, may by your Majesty be easily compounded. G. H. 29. Whether reason, or rather corruption of State have not bred confusion, rather in the doctrine of the Church of Rome, then of England, let Rome's infinite ambition and insatiable covetousness, masked under pretence of doctrine testify. As long as the Bishops of Rome kept them to their profession in the gaining of souls to God, matters went well for doctrine: but when once they turned Statists, & in stead of gaining souls, cast about for the government of the world, than were their Friars and flatterers found, who were as ready to shape and frame her Doctrine according to the model of State. Before the Council of Trent (which was called in the memory of some yet living) it is made evident by my learned brother Dr. Carleton in his Consent of the Catholic Church against the Tridentines, that the Doctrine of the rule of Controversies of the Church, of justifying Faith, of Grace, was the same in the Church of Rome, which is now publicly taught and professed with us. If by the Church of Rome, we will understand her chief Prelates, not those Friars and flatterers which belonged rather to her Court then her Church; from whence then arose this confusion of doctrine which followed after, but only from that corruption of State which went before? and yet it cannot but be acknowledged, that as our bodies first warm our clothes, and then our clothes serve to keep warm our bodies: so the corruption of State first brought forth this confusion of doctrine; but being brought forth, the daughter serves to nourish and maintain the mother. Now for the confounding of our doctrine, we answer with S. Paul, [ * 1. Cor. 4. 3. If our Gospel (saith he) be hid, it is hid to them that are lost;] So we if our doctrine be confounded, it is to them, Verse 4. whom the God of this world hath confounded and blinded, lest the light of the glorious Gospel of CHRIST, who is the image of God, should shine unto them. The second thing which you charge us with, is the slandering the doctrine of the Church of Rome: and are your Romanists clear of that accusation, or dare any man of judgement and learning discharge them? doth not 1 In Cap. 9 ad Rom. disp. 5. Pererius accuse Catharinus for calling that an intolerable and desperate opinion of Luther touching Reprobation, which notwithstanding was the same opinion, and none other (as Pererius confesseth) then 2 C●m ea tamen ip●issima sit D. Augustini sentantia. S. Augustine maintained touching the same point? Doth not 3 Cal●in● Tur●is. lib. ●. cap. 7. Reynolds our Country man (howbeit otherwise maliciously bitter against Calvin, specially in his Caluino turcism) in his judgement free Calvin from the imputation of making God the author of sin in his latter years, which notwithstanding is still pressed upon him, both by yourself and others? Doth not 4 De Christo li. 2 cap. 19 Bellarmine clear him from making the second person in Trinity to be from himself, and not from the first, with which error notwithstanding he is charged by 5 Lib. 1●. de Trinitate. Genebrard, by 6 Secund● dialogo quem inscribit Dubitantius. Lyndan; by 7 In Pr●fatione libri de Sancto joh. Baptista. Canisius? And for our own Church doth not 8 Demand 48. Bristol affirm, that our Religion is proved by experience to be indeed no Religion? Doth not 9 Apol. cap. 1. Allen speaking of our Sacraments, Service, and Sermons, call them things which assuredly procure damnation? Doth not Reynolds in the book before named, endeavour to make our Religion worse than the Turkish, not distinguishing betwixt Caluinisme, and the doctrine of the Church of England? But one example for all may be that lewd libeler, who in the very entrance of his libel exclaimeth, [That the Protestants have no Faith, no Hope, no Charity, no Repentance, no justification, no Church, no Altar, no Sacrifice, no Priest, no Religion, no Christ] What shall we say to these intemperate Spirits? if they speak of malice, than I say with Michael the Archangel. * jude. 9 The Lord rebuke them: But if they speak of ignorance, than I say with the holy Martyr S. Steven * Acts ●. 60. Lord lay not this sin to their charge, or with our blessed SAVIOUR, * Luke 23. 34. Father forgive them they wot not what they do. Now for our slandering the doctrine of the Church of Rome, when you or any other shall produce the like Assertions out of any Writer amongst us of note and credit, I shall be content to yield farther credit to your Assertion, then as yet I find reason I should: for the residue of this Section I refer the Reader to my marginal notes, as deserving, in my judgement, no better or other answer. B. C. 30. But perhaps there is so great opposition in matter of State, that although the doctrine might be compounded, yet it is impossible to hear of agreement; and if there be the same reason of State which there was in beginning, and continued all Queen Elizabeth's days, there is as little hope now that your Majesty should hearken unto Reconciliation, as then was that King 1 Yet in the next Section you assure us that King Henry wished himself in the Church again. Henry the VIII. or Queen Elizabeth would: but when I do, with the greatest respect I can, consider the State of your Majesty, your Lords, your Commons, and your Clergy, I do see as little cause in holding out in reason of State as I do in truth of doctrine. G. H. 30. From the matter of doctrine you pass to thereason of State, in which, if your reasons be of no greater weight or truth then in the former, his Majesty, his Lords, his Commons, his Clergy, have no more reason to hearken to reconciliation with Rome, than King Henry, or Queen Elizabeth, or the Subjects in their times had: which he that looks not through the spectacles of a prejudicate opinion, will as easily discover, as you confidently affirm the contrary. B. C. 31. King Henry the VIII. although he had written that Book against the Schism of Luther, in defence of the Sea apostolic, for which he discerned the title of Defensor fidei, yet when he gave way to the lust of Anne Bullen, and the flattery of his 1 Were not those favourites Roman Cath. favourites, and saw he could not otherwise have his will, he excluded the Pope, and made himself Supreme head of the Church, that so he might not only 2 He dispensed not with himself, but the Archbishop of Canterbury dispensed with him by the consent of our own & many foreign Universities, all our Bishops concurring therein, only Rochlster excepted. dispense with himself for his Lust, but also supply his excess with the spoil of the Church, which was then very rich: But when he saw God blessed him not, neither in his wiving nor in his thriving, he was weary of his Supremacy before he died, and wished himself in the Church again: but he died in the curse of his father, whose 3 His father's chief foundation I take to be the Chapel he built at Westminster▪ and that he overthrew not. foundations he overthrew, and hath neither child to honour him, nor so much as a Tomb upon his grave to remember him, which some men take to be a token of the Curse of God. G. H. 31. King Henry the VIII. wrote a 1 Qui 〈◊〉 7. Sacramenta, 〈◊〉 quorum defe●s●nem Titulus datu● est, sed due v● tri● tanium es●e cont●●dit, Pag. 20. Book indeed, or at least a Book was in his name written, in defence of the seven Sacraments, against Luther, (as Mr. Doctor might have learned, if no where else, yet out of Cardinal Beauties' Apology.) But in defence of the See of Rome (which he calls apostolic,) I have not met with any; and it should seem by his mistake of the subject, handled in that book, himself never met with it: as for the Title which King Henry received, the world is not ignorant, how liberal his Holiness is in bestowing Titles, where he expects some greater advantage, sticking down a feather that he may quietly carry away the goose. 2 Thus did he entitle Philip the 2. King of Spain● to Irdand, in the year 1580. Thus did he give Charles the Emperor, near about the same time, the Title of Defensor Ecclesiae, for directing a Writ of outlawry against Luther, whereupon at the emperors being here in England, those verses were set up in the Guildhall in London, over the door of their Council Chamber, where they yet remain. Carolus Henricus vivant, defensor uterque: Henricus fidei, Carolus Ecclesiae. And in the Bull, by which Leo the tenth confirmed this Title to the King, subscribed with his own name, and the names of five and twenty Cardinals and Bishops, it appears that their chief scope of honouring him with this Title was, to tie him and his posterity faster to that See: But as a learned and grave Prelate of our own hath well observed, being the high Priest for that year (not so in the next) 3 Ad Card. B●ll. Respons. pag. 55. he foretold by way of prophecy what the King of England should be, which we find to the honour of CHRIST, and the glory of our kingdom, most truly and happily accomplished in our Gracious Sovereign, now reigning, who hath to the utmost defended the truly Christian and Catholic faith by his Pen, and will no doubt be as ready to do it, when occasion shall serve, with his sword: and yet were it not for fear of crossing your imaginary reconciliation, you would with Bellarmine tell us, that his Majesty in present, as undeservedly retains that Title, as King Henry received it deservedly, who afterward notwithstanding as deeply incurred his Holiness disfavour, aswell by calling into question that Title which the Bishops of Rome had assumed to themselves, of pastors universal, S. Peter's successors, and Christ's Vicars: as by resuming to himself that Title which some of the Popes had yielded his predecessors, as may appear in the Letter of Eleutherius Bishop of Rome, to Lucius King of Great Britain, in which Eleutherius attributeth to the King the Title of God's Vicar within his kingdom: which letter, howsoever the Author of the Threefold conversion labour to stain with the blemish of forgery, yet is it to be found 4 Lib. de Priseis Anglorum legib●s, ●ol. 13●. The original of which Treatise was preserved in the Library of the City of London, and there found and published by Mr. Lambert. enrolled in the Copy of King Edward the Confessors Laws. Neither is it true, that Henry took this Title to himself: it was given him by the Parliament of his Lords, and Commons, and Convocation of his Clergy, not as a new thing but as renewed. And if he were desirous to change his bedfellow in hope of heirs male, as you tell us before, it was not to give way to the lust of Anne Bulloyne, as here you affirm; and if he might have had his will in being dispensed with by yielding to the Pope's will, in joining with Francis the French King, against the Emperor Charles as before it is proved, then did he not exclude the Pope, & take that Title to dispense with himself, especially being moved with the approbation of so many Universities and learned men: But if thereby he made himself a way for the supply of his excess with the spoil of the Church, we have not wherein so justly to excuse him, howbeit he converted much of it to good uses, namely to the erecting of six bishoprics, to wit, Westminster, Chester, Peterborough, Oxford, Bristol and Gloucester, whereof the five last are yet in being; at which time he also erected at Canterbury a Dean with 12. Prebends, at Winchester another with 12. more, at Worcester another with ten, at Chester another with six, at Peterborough another with six, at Oxford another with eight, at Ely another with eight, at Gloucester another with six, at Bristol another with six, at Carlisle another with four, at Durham another with twelve, at Rochester another with six, and lastly, at Norwich another with six; 5 Besides all this he bestowed the revenues of the Grey Friars in London upon the City of London, toward the relief of their poor, making of the Friary a Parish Church, whereunto he gave 500 marks yearly of lands for ever: one thousand marks also he commanded to be given to the poor, and to twelve poor Knights at Windsor, each of them twelve pence a day for ever. so that we have good reason to think he returned again to the Church much out of the Abbey lands: and if, notwithstanding all this, God blessed him not in his thriving, we have nothing else to answer but that of Solomon, [It is a snare to the man who devoureth that which is holy, and after vows to make inquiry] But in his wiving he so blessed him, (though in this too he showed himself a man, and consequently subject to human passion, and frailty) that three of his children successively wore the Crown after him, of which the first was renowned for his virtue beyond his age, and the last beyond her Sex; of the one, and his mother it was written, Phoenix janaiacet, nato Phoenicia; dolendum Saecula Phoenices nullatulisse duas. And to the other might be applied, Non decor effecit fragilem, non sceptra superbam, Sola potens humilis, sola pudica decens. And though they all died without issue, yet doth his honour still live in theirs. Henry the II. of France died in the unity of the Church of Rome; yet three of his sons reigning after him left the Crown to a neighbour Prince, as the children of Henry the VIII here with us did, yet none that I have met with hold him in that regard accursed of God, and if in that respect God cursed Henry, because he renounced the pretended authority of the Church of Rome, then should he by virtue of that reason have blessed Henry's eldest daughter with issue, who with great submission and devotion reconciled herself to that Church, and married to the most Catholic King; and though the world were for a while so borne in hand; yet in the end the great and solemn expectation thereof vanished into smoke. Now that Henry was weary of his title of Supremacy before he died, it appears not, and that he wished to be reconciled to the Pope, which you call, being in the Church again, is as unlikely, since no doubt is to be made, but upon notice given of his Contrition, and desire of Satisfaction, he might as easily have been absolved as wished it: But certain it is, that he wished it not, if we may make conjecture of his wishes from those speeches, which a little before his death he delivered to Mounsieur de Hannibault, Lord Admiral of France, and Ambassador to the French king, being then at Hampton Court in the month of August, and in the year 1546. in the hearing of Cranmer Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, concerning the reformation of Religion, and afterwards more near his death, and more openly to Bruno Ambassador of john Fredrick Duke of Saxony, unto whom the King gave this answer, in the hearing of these four sufficient witnesses, the Lord Seymer, Earl of Hartford, Lord Lisley, than Admiral, the Earl of Bedford, Lord Privy Seal, and the Lord Paget, [That if the quarrel of the Duke of Saxony were nothing else against the Emperor, but for matter of Religion, he should stand to it strongly, and he would take his part, willing him not to doubt nor fear,] and with this answer dismissed him. Besides the manner of his son and heir Apparent, Prince Edward's education, the quality and disposition of those persons whom he named as the principal overseers of his Will, (from which number he excluded the Bishop of Winchester, the most busy and forward instrument in those times, for the maintenance of the Romish Religion, though he had once admitted him, and was earnestly solicited by some of his bed chamber to readmit him) are to me so many evident demonstrations, that he was so far from wishiug reconciliation with the Church of Rome, that he rather desired and intended, if God had spared him life a while longer, some more full and perfect reformation of Religion: But the secret working of God's holy providence which disposeth all things after his own wisdom and purpose, thought it good, rather by taking that King away, to reserve the accomplishment of that work (as he did the building of his Temple to Solomon,) to the peaceable time of his son Edward, and Elizabeth his daughter, whose hands were undefiled with any blood, and life unspotted with any violence or cruelty. Lastly, not content to rip up the disgraces of his life, you dog him to his very grave, bearing us in hand, that he was accursed of God, in as much as he wanted a Tomb; which was the want also of Queen Mary his daughter: But if the want of a Tomb be a token of God's Curse upon Henry, than the having of it must consequently be a token of his blessing upon Elizabeth, whom notwithstanding you wrap in the same Curse: Nay how many of your Bishops of Rome then are Cursed of God, of whom a number are not only without Tombs; but some in the first age of the Church, by the fury of their persecutors, and some in latter times, by the malice of their Successors without Graves also? Indeed we read of David, a man after Gods own heart: * Act● 2. 29. His Sepulchre is with us unto this day But of Moses a faithful servant in all the house of God, * D●ut. 34. 6. No man knoweth of his Sepulchre unto this day. And yet in my remembrance we read it no were, that either David was more blessed of God for the one, or Moses cursed for the other; the heathen Poet could tell us, Coelo tegitur, quinon habet urnam. And S. Augustine that these kind of Monuments and Memorials, are [Solatia vivorum, not su●sidia mortuorum, comforts only for the living; no helps for the dead] and many noble spirits may be of Cato's mind, desirous rather that after their deaths, it should be demanded [why they have no statue erected to their memory, then why they have one.] This I speak only to show that had he had no Tomb, yet were it no great dishonour to him: But if we may credit the last, but not the worst compiler of the History of our Country, he was with great solemnity buried at Windsor, under a most costly and stately Tomb, begun in copper and guilt, but never finished; In the enclosures of whose grates is curiously cast this Inscription. Henricus Octaws, Rex Angliae, Franciae, Dominus Hiberniae, Fidei defensor. And that it might appear to posterity how Artificial and Magnificent this work was intended, he there sets down the several parcels and pieces of the Model thereof, as he found it described in a Manuscript, received from Mr. Lancaster, one of the Heralds at Arms, the title whereof was this. The manner of the Tomb to be made for the King's Grace at Windsor. So that I cannot but wonder, how either our Historiographer and our Herald should be so much mistaken, or (which I rather think) how Mr. Doctor, so great a Politician, should be so sowly deceived, and so confidently lead others into the same error. I will conclude this Section, with the conclusion of ourfamous Annalist, touching this Prince, [Princeps Magnanimus, in cuius maximo ingenio inerant, confuso quodam temperamento, virtutes magnae, & vitia non minora. A stout and gallant Prince he was, in whose brave spirit a man might observe, blended and tempered together, by a rare kind of mixture, great virtues, and no lessevices.] But had he honoured the See apostolic, as much at last, as he did at first, his vices had been buried in silence, and his virtues highly extolled: whereas now by opposing himself against it, his virtues are suppressed, and his vices racked upon tenterhooks, and set upon the Stage: which course were enough to make the best Princes, nay the best men to appear monsters to the world. B. C. 32. Queen ELIZABETH, although she were the daughter of Schism, yet at her first coming to the Crown, she would have the Common Prayer Book and Catechism so set down, that she might both by English Service satisfy the Commons, who were greedy of alteration, and by Catholic opinions, gave hope to her neighbour Princes, that she would herself continue Catholic; and all her life long she carried herself so betwixt the Catholics and the Caluinists, as she kept them both still in hope: But yet being the daughter of the breach-maker, and having both her Crown and her life from the Schism, it was both dishonourable and dangerous for her to hearken to Reconcilement: And therefore after she was provoked by the 1 Out of this Bull, as out of the Tro●an horse, issued so many Conspiracies as followed after. Excommunication of Pius Quintus, she did suffer such Laws to be made by her Parliaments, as might cry quittance with the Pope and Church of Rome: This course seemed in policy necessary for her, who was the daughter of King Henry the VIII. by Anne Bulloyne, borne with the contempt of Rome, the disgrace of Spain, and the prejudice of Scotland. G. H. 32. From Henry the father you descend to Elizabeth, the daughter (as you call her) of Schism: howbeit she were indeed the Nursing mother of the Church. And for the Common prayer Book which she allowed, it was the same, with very little alteration, which was current by public authority, during the reign of her brother King Edward: So that it was no invention of hers to satisfy the Commons, as you falsely suggest, but an imitation of her renowned brother for the satisfying of her own conscience, and the furtherance of the service of God in a known language. You add that by Catholic opinions she gave hope to her neighbour Princes, that she would continue a Catholic: whereas the world knows that her mother was otherwise affected, being brought up in France, under the Lady Margaret Alencon, a principal favouresse of the Protestant religion there, after she had a while waited upon Q. Mary, younger sister of king Henry the VIII. and wife to Lewes the XIII. the French king, and as long upon Claudia, sister to the Guise, and wife to Francis the first; and in regard she was this way affected, the holy maid of Kent, was by Clergy men suborned to prophecy against her, Mich, Sands. and (as one writes) it seemeth very plain, that the crimes supposed against her, were matters contrived by the Pope, and his instruments her chiefest enemies, none of them all that were accused in the same treason confessing the act even unto death, but have left direct testimonies in writing to the contrary, (one mean groom excepted, namely Mark Smeton, who made confession upon some promise of life belike, but was executed before he was aware, or had time to recall what he had said,) Now the mother being thus affected, and that before king Henry cast his affection towards her, or disaffected Rome, in likelihood the daughter had been that way also affected, whether the breach with Rome by her mother's marriage had been made or no. It was S. Paul's argument to Timothy, [ * ●. Tim. 1. 5. that the faith first dwelled in his grandmother Lois, and his mother Eunice, and therefore he was well persuaded of him also.] He argues not from his father and his grandfather, but from his mother, and his grandmother; so may we by the same reason, from the faith, which dwelled in the mother of Queen Elizabeth, make some conjecture of her faith, that it was not different from her mothers: But her education under Roger Ascham, (who was himself that way affected, & to continued her so, read unto her among other authors for her divinity exercise, Melancthons' common places) will yet farther clear this matter: but the suspicion cast upon her, (though most unjustly) as having a finger in Wyat's conspiracy, and Stories damnable advise [to leave lopping at the branches, and strike at the root,] will put it out of doubt; and doubtless as in that regard she suffered much hardness, during the reign of her sister, so had she not survived to have worn the Crown, had not God in his providence moved the heart of the Spaniard to preserve her alive, not so much out of any love of her person, or pity of her rueful estate, as out of reason of state, lest she being taken out of the way, and her sister dying (as she did) without issue, the Kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland, might in time be united and annexed to the Crown of France, by means of the Lady Mary, Queen of Scotland (next heir in right after Queen Elizabeth) then affianced to Francis Dolphin of France, and heir apparent to Henry the second, the French King; than which the Spaniards thought nothing could happen more disastrous to their affectation of greatness. Besides all this, being as she was the miracle of her sex and rank, for wit and learning, it is not improbable that, as the knowledge of the Arts and Languages, and the light of the Gospel broke forth both together; so in her person the one might have prepared, and as it were beaten out a way for the entrance of the other, though neither her Mother had been that way affected, nor her Father made any breach, as we see his Majesty that now is, to the glory of God and our great comfort, though his Father were slain before his birth, and his Mother lived and died in that Religion, in which she was brought up, yet by the excellency of his natural parts and learning (but especially by the working of God's holy spirit) hath attained to such a light of Religion, that he hath not only discovered the truth, but chosen and professed it being discovered, and with his Pen maintained and defended that which he professeth. True indeed it is, that Queen Elizabeth, during the reign of her sister, tender both by sex and age, and wrought by the frowns and threats of Cardinal Poole, than Archbishop of Canterbury, the Pope's Legate, and in England the principal Proctor and Champion, for the advancing of his authority, was once brought to acknowledge that she was a Roman Catholic, but herein she did no more than St. Peter did (whose successor the Bishop of Rome pretendeth himself) in denying his Master: No more than the Prince of Condie, the King of Navarre and his sister, who at the massacre of Paris, for fear renounced their Religion, and were by the Cardinal of Bourbon reconciled to the Church of Rome; though after ward being at liberty they reimbraced their former profession: Nay, no more than Queen Mary herself, who being terrified with her Father's displeasure, wrote him a Letter with her own hand (yet to be seen) in which for ever she renounceth the Bishop of Rome's authority in England, and acknowledging her Father under Christ supreme head of the Church of England, confesseth his marriage with her Mother to have been unlawful and incestuous. But I would fain know, after Queen Elizabeth came to the wearing of the Crown, by what Catholic opinions she gave hope to her neighbour Princes that she would continue Catholic? If it were so, (as Mr. Doctor would bear us in hand) how was it that the reformed Churches through Christendom applauded her coming to the Crown, as it had been the appearance of some lucky star, or the rising of some glorious Sun for their Comfort and relief, and your pretended Catholics hung down their heads as if they had seen some Come● or blazing-starre? How she was then affected in religion, and so professed herself, may appear, if no where else, yet in 1 Cum accepis●●m quantum valeres ●ngeme, & qu●ntos progressi●s in literis Graecu & Latinis haberes. f. 2. p. 1. Osorius his Epistle which he wrote her not long after her coming to the Crown, where he highly commends her for her wit, Quid admirab●lu●s quam in foemin● virilem constantiam, in virgine senilem prudentiam, in summa opum aff●uentia 〈◊〉 modestiae laude● emineres, pag. 2. for her learning, for her clemency, for her constancy for her wisdom, for her modesty; but dissuades her by all the arguments he could invent, from the opinions she had conceived, and did express in the matter of Religion. Pius Quartus doth the like in his letter which he sent her about the same time by the hands of Vincentius Parpalia, Abbot of Saint saviours, Laudibus man●uetud●uis & lenitatis, quae cumistius formae venustate co●sentiunt excellis, fol. 3. p. 1. who as it appears in the Letters, dated the 5th. of May 1560, had private instructions to impart to the Queen; among which the chief were thought to be (as it is reported by the most diligent 2 M. Cambden in his Annals of Q. Eliz. fol. 58. where the copy of the letter is to be seen. searcher of truth) that if she would reconcile herself to the Church of Rome, and acknowledge the Supremacy of that See, the Pope for his part would 3 H●c curantibus ●liquot aurcorum millia fuisse promissa fama ob●inet, The same author. bind himself to declare the sentence pronounced against her mother's marriage to be unjust, to confirm by his authority The English Liturgy, and to permit the administration of the Sacrament here in England, under both kinds: By which it appears▪ that at that time she then maintained the same opinions which during her life she altered not. And here it may be worth the remembering, that the fourteenth day of january, about two months after her sister's death, as she passed in her triumphal Chariot through the streets of London, when the Bible was presented unto her at the little Conduit in Cheap, she received the same with both her hands, and kissing it, laid it to her breast, saying, [That the same had ever been her chiefest delight, and should be the rule by which she meant to frame her government.] Before this a Proclamation came forth, that the Litany, the Epistles, and Gospels, the Decalogue, the Creed and the Lords Prayer should be read in all Churches in the English tongue; and though it were the 14th. of May after, being Whitsunday, before the sacrifice of the Mass was abolished, and the book of the uniformity of Common Prayer, and the administration of the Sacraments publicly received; and july following, before the Oath of Supremacy was proposed; and August, before the Images were by authority moved out of the Churches, broken and burnt; (so moderately did she proceed in this business of reformation by steps and degrees) yet is it plai●e, aswell by the choice of those 4 marquess of North. Earl of Bedford. Thomas Parry Edward Rogers. Ambrose Cave. Francis Kn●lles. William Ce●ill. Nicholas Bacon eight whom she added to her sister's Counsel, being all in profession Protestant's (which Pius 5 tus in his Bull makes a part of his grievous complaint) and those whom she either 5 Will. Par●● Edward Sey●ur. Thomas Howard Henry Cary. Oliver Saint-Iohn's. restored to their former dignities, or advanced to new, being likewise as averse from the Roman Religion, as also by the refusal of Nicholas Heath, than Archbishop of York, (the See of Canterbury by the death of Cardinal Poole, who deceased the same day that Queen Mary did, being then void) and of the rest of the chief 6 Bonner of London. Tunstall of Durham, White of Winchester, Watson of Lincoln, Thurby of Ely. Bourne of Bath & Wells, Christopherson of Cicester, Ba●●e of Cou. and Leich. turbervile of Exeter, Pole of Peterborough. Bishops to anoint and consecrate her at her Inauguration, it being therefore performed by Owen Oglethorpe Bishop of Carlisle: by these proceedings I say it is plain, that at her first entrance to the Crown, she sufficiently declared herself to be the same in matter of Religion, as afterwards they found her. Whereunto, if full satisfaction be not yet given in this point, for farther proof might be added, that when Philip of Spain wooed her for marriage (the funerals of her sister being not yet solemnized) The French King by his Agent the Bishop of Engolesme laboured (if it had gone forward) to stop their dispensation at Rome, under colour that Queen Elizabeth favoured the Protestants Religion, and the Earl of Feria, the Spaniards Agent here in England, bore our pretended catholics in hand, that except that match went forward, it could not go well with them; so far was she at her first entrance from giving hope to her neighbours (as Mr. Doctor would persuade the world) of continuing or turning Catholic, by show of Catholic opinions, unless her retaining the ancient form of Ecclesiastical policy, and the godly Ceremonies used in the Primitive Church be accounted Catholic opinions, as in truth, if we take the word Catholic aright, they may: But no marvel he should thus boldly and falsely charge the dead, since he spareth not in the same kind his Majesty now reigning, and by God's grace long to reign amongst us, to the confutation of such slanders and confusion of such slanderers. He goes on and tells us, that all her life long she carried herself so betwixt Catholics and Caluinists, as she kept them both still in hope: But herein he mainly crosseth himself, aswell in that which he hath delivered in the Section next save one going before, that [if there be now the same reason of State, as there was all Queen Elizabeth's days, there is as little hope that his Majesty should hearken unto reconciliation, as then there was that Q. Elizabeth would:] as also in that which afterwards he adds in this Section, that [being provoked by the excommunication of Pius Quintus, she did suffer such laws to be made by her Parliament, as might cry quittance with the Pope and Church of Rome.] And in the next Section he saith, [It was necessary, in reason of State, to continue the doctrine of division, as long as the fruit of that doctrine did continue.] Thus his own testimonies, like the false witnesses which deposed against our Saviour, agree not together, but is it likely that she carried herself all her life long with such indifferency; considering she sent help, both by men and money, to the Protestants in Germany, in Scotland, in France, in the Netherlands; She harboured and succoured such Italians, French, and Dutch, as forsaking their own Countries for conscience sake, fled for refuge into her Dominions, as to a common Sanctuary of piety and Religion, affording them convenient places for the exercise of their devotions, in the Isles of jersey and Garnsey, in Hampton, in Norwich, in Sandwich, in Maidston, in Canterbury, in Colchester, and in London itself: Moreover, she that would not so much as admit Pius Quartus his Nuntio in the year 1561. to enter her Kingdom, though he brought with him very friendly Letters from the Pope: She that would not be entreated by the Emperor, and other Prince's solicitations to send her Bishops or Ambassadors to the Council of Trent, nor to yield any toleration of the Ro●ish Religion within her Dominions, alleging that it would be dishonourable to herself, repugnant to the decrees of her Parliament, prejudicial to her Realm, pernicious to her Subjects, unlawful in itself, offensive to God, scandalous to her neighbours, and unsafe for the Roman Catholics themselves: She that was sought unto for marriage, from 7 By the Earl of Arran. Scotland, from 8 Adolphe duke of Holts. Denmark, from 9 By Erike king of Sweden. Sweden, in regard of her Religion, and in treatise with the Emperor Ferdinand for his son Charles, and with the French King and Queen mother; first for the Duke of Anjou, afterwards King of Poland and France, by the name of Henry the third; and secondly for the Duke of Alencon his younger brother, commonly known by the name of Monsieur, afterwards Duke of Anjou; always interposed this condition, That they should innovate nothing in Religion, only having the exercise of their own in some private place to themselves: She that in the year 1579 entertained with all honourable respect john Casimere, son to Fredrick the third, Count Palatine, and great Uncle to Fredrick the fifth, who now governs, himself a Protestant, and having led an army of Germans in defence of the Protestants, aswell into France as into the Netherlands, bestowing on him the noble Order of the Garter, which with her own hands she put on, together with many rich presents, and an yearly pension during his life bestowed on him: She that was voiced by the Papists to conclude all her Parliaments with Axes and Taxes, because of her exactions upon Recusants, and rigorous Laws (as they pretended) against Seminary Priests & Jesuits, in regard whereof they compared her to Nero and Dioclesian, the most bloody Emperors and cruel persecutors of the Christians: Lastly, She that could not be won to yield one jot either by the flatteries and fair promises of Paulus Quartus, nor to show any token of being dismayed or dishartened by the threats and thundering Bull of Pius Quintus, is it possible (I say) that she, who (notwithstanding all the difficulties & dangers that might from then cearise,) was from her cradle to her grave thus zealous and constant in her Religion, suitable to that Motto which she had chosen to herself, Semper eadem, should now be said or thought to have carried herself all her life long so coldly & indifferently, as to have given hope to both contrary factions. [But being, you say, the daughter of the Breach-maker, & having both h● Crown and her life from the Schism, it was both dishonourable and dangerous for her to hearken to Reconcilement:] whereas in truth she had her life, and held her Crown from the Author of life and grand Commander of Crowns, to which she had far better right than he, that would have deposed her, to his triple Crown, the one being held of her by lawful succession, (which had been so acknowledged by the Bishop of Rome himself, would she have submitted herself to the power of that See,) but the other of him by unlawful usurpation. And if in regard she was the daughter of the Breach-maker, it was both dishonourable and dangerous for her to hearken to Reconcilement, it must consequently follow, that likewise dangerous and dishonourable it would have been to keep the Pontifician party in hope: and though she were justly provoked by the biting Excommunication of Pius Quintus, being stricken by him before she was Legally cited or warned, in so much as some of the Romish Catholics themselves, thought it a piece of rashness in that Pope so to deal with her, yet before this Bull was extant, she gave so little hope to those whom you call Catholics, that the Pope therein labours to paint her forth as a barbarous and bloody Persecutor: and we may well imagine, that had she given such hope as you pretend she did to the Romanists, the world had never heard the bellowing of that Bull: But thanks be unto God * Math. 7. 25. 1. Cor. 10. 4. The rain fell, the floods came, the winds blewe, and beat sore upon her house; but it fell not: for it was founded upon a Rock, and that Rock was CHRIST. During her happy and glorious reign somewhat above the space of 44. years, she saw the change of no less than 8. Popes, Paulus the 4th. sitting in that See at her entrance, and Clement the eight at her death, between which two came these seven, Pius 4. Pius 5. Cregorie 13. Sextus 5. Vrban. 7. Gregory 14. and Innocent the 9th. all which wrought more or less both against her Person and State; so that she might deservedly take up that of the Psalmist: [ * Psal. 22. 12. 13. Many Bulls have compassed me, strong Bulls of Bashan have beset me round, they gaped upon me with their mouths, as a ravening and roaring Lion]: But being by his Gracious providence, (who set the Crown upon her head,) delivered from all their snares, she might well stamp that of the same Psalmist upon her coin as she did, and with all no doubt upon her heart: Posui Deum adiutorem meum, and sing with Deborah after her victory upon Sisera. * Judge. 5. 21 O my soul, thou hast marched valiantly; or as some read it, thou hast trodden down strength. Now that which sharpened her against Pius Quintus, was not only his Bull (though that were in itself cause sufficient to enrage her) but the setting awork of one Ridolphus a Florentine, who under the colour of merchandising, became the Pope's agent for blowing the coals, and stirring up the minds, aswell of her own Subjects, as of foreign Princes against her, by whom the old Fox promised if need were to go in person himself against her, and to lay to pawn if occasion so required all the goods of the See apostolic, even to the Chalices, the Crosiers, the Relics and the Holy Vestments: Besides all this he conferred an yearly pension, and titles of honour upon though Stanley a 10 His discontent arose for being put by the Government of Wexford which he hoped for. discontented fugitive, only for ra●ling upon her, and vainly bragging that he would set on fire her Navy, and with three thousand Spaniards● subdue Ireland to the Spanish dominion. These and many other sufficient reasons to provoke her, we find recorded by Hieronimus Catena, in the life of Pius Quintus, who was Secretary to Cardinal Alexandrin that Pope's Nephew, so that though he have in that discourse discovered many things to the world, of Pius his proceedings against that Queen, before unknown to our English, yet may we well by reason of his place afford him credit, as also in regard his book was Printed and published in Rome itself, with the Privilege and approbation of Sixtus Quintus, next Successor to Pius save one. And had she not good reason then to suffer such Laws to be made by her Parliament, as might cry quittance with the Pope and Church of Rome? Yet I will be bold to say that less innocent blood, nay, less blood was shed in her 44. years in maintenance of Christ's and her own authority, against the usurpation of the Pope, then in her sisters four years in maintenance of the Pope's usurpation against her own and her Successors lawful authority, insomuch as an Italian, and he no Protestant (as I guess) gives this testimony of her, [ 11 Bizar. hist. Gen●ens. pag. 568. Tanta extitit eius animi moderatio, atque innata clementia, ut non immerito, etc. So great and so apparent was the moderation of her mind, and inbred clemency, that not undeservedly it may be said of her, which the ancient histories have left to posterity of Alexander Severus, borne of his mother Mammaea, (Nempe Anaematon) hoc est citra sanguinem: namely, that she hath governed her kingdom without bloodshed, Cum suapte natura, semper à caedibus & crudelitate abhorreat, for even her nature doth abhor the thought of slaughter or cruelty.] & so he goeth on in a large discourse of her praise: And when he thus wrote, she had reigned twenty years, it being a marvel (as the late Bishop of Lincoln in his answer to Parsons hath well observed) their Index expurgatorius had not scoured him ere this, and for this; nay, their own Priests shall speak for Queen Elizabeth's Laws, who 12 Quodlibet. pag. 269. 277. say that [considering jesuitical practices shadowed under the cloak of Religion, all the Laws enacted against Catholics, were made with great moderation and clemency, as coming from a Prince most mild and merciful: nor have they cause to urge repeal of any Statute made, so long as jesuits take such courses.] Nay, which is more, Parsons himself in the Preface to the first part of his triple conversion commendeth Queen Elizabeth for her moderate government, and that was in the last year of her reign: and yet by the way it is worth the noting, that in one and the same leaf, having so commended her, in one page (marry than she was alive) in the very next page, (for then he heard she was dead) in a Preface to his Majesty, he compares her to Dioclesian for cruelty, whereas her sobriety and clemency was such, that her brother King Edward was wont commonly to call her, His sweet sister Temperance; neither did she ever hear of any capital punishment (though never so deserved) upon offenders, even of such as had sought her own death, but it bred a kind of horror and sadness in her, whereby had not her Counsellors earnestly inculcated the necessity of some exemplary justice, many dangerous attempters had escaped due punishment; which moved her to say, being once questioning with a great 13 D.R. of C.C.C. Divine in Oxford, about books meetest for Princes to study on, that her reading of Senecade Clementia, had done her much good; but some would persuade her it had done her State as much harm: howsoever I will shut up this point with S. 14 Epist. 48. Augustine, (when he was entreated to mediate for a mitigation of some straight Laws) if Princes serve Christ in making Laws for Christ, they do what they ought, I will not gain say them; and yourself grant, that this course seemed in poli●ie necessary for her, who was the daughter of King Henry the VIII. by Anne Bulloyne, borne with the contempt of Rome, the disgrace of Spain, and the prejudice of Scotland: and it is true indeed that it both seemed, and was a necessary course for her, not only in policy, but in piety, who was the daughter of him, who upon just reason unhorsed the Pope of his pretended authority, by her who was not only a zealous professor, but a Patroness of that truth which we profess: and for her birth with the contempt of Rome, and disgrace of Spain, it seemed by her courses she was not unwilling to have it so interpreted: but for the prejudice of Scotland, she was upon all occasions (so far as she conceived it stood with her safety and honour) most willing to express the contrary: and surely by her living and dying in a single State without marriage, she rather prepared a way to the furtherance of that Title, which we now see to our great comfort, as she would also no doubt to hers. (Si quis modo sensus in umbris, if there were any feeling or knowledge in the dead of these temporal and transitory affairs) seeing it is fallen out to be as true in that succession, as it is in its own nature strange, Mira cano, Sol occubuit, nox nulla secuta est. B. C. 33. But now that your Majesty is by the consent of all sides come to the Crown, and your undoubted Title settled with long succession, the case is very much altered: for your Majesty hath no need of dispensations, nor will to pull down Churches, nor no dependence at all on Henry the VIII: and if this Schism could have prevented your Title with the divorce of one wife, and the marrying of five more, neither your mother, nor yourself should ever have made Queen Elizabeth afraid with your Right to the Crown of England; and therefore though it were necessary, in reason of State, to continue the 1 That which you call the doctrine of division was taught long before the division you speak of, was made, as hath been already showed, and his Majesty; in regard of his father and grandfather, may aswell be called the fruit of Schism as Queen Elizabeth doctrine of division, as long as the fruit of that doctrine did continue, yet now the fruit of Schism is all spent, and that Parenthesis of State is at an end, there is no reason but that the old sentence may return again, and be continued in that sense, as if the Parenthesis had been clean left out, and that God had of purpose crossed the fleshly pretence of Schism, and raised your Majesty to restore it as your most wise and Catholic progenitor King Henry the VII. did leave it. G. H. 33. If his Majesty, by the consent of all sides be come to the Crown, why did Clement the VIII. the year before his entrance, and that as his Majesty witnesseth in the Conclusion of his answer to Paulus Quintus his first Breve, [contrary to his manifold vows and protestations at the same time, and as it were with the same breath delivered to divers of his majesties Agents abroad] send to 1 See the Relatition of the whole proceedings against the traitors Garnet and his confederates. Henry Garnet jesuit, their Archpriest in England, two Bulls to the contrary, the one to the Clergy, and the other to the laity. The Title of the former was, [Dilectis filijs, Archipresbytero, & reliquo Clero Anglicano, and the other, Dilectis filijs, principibus, & nobilibus Catholicis Anglicanis, salutem & Apostolicam Benedictionem: The sum of both thus: To our Beloved sons the Archpriest, and the Clergy, the Peers and nobles, Catholics of England, greeting and Apostolical benediction.] The tenor was, [That after the death of her Majesty then living, whether by course of nature or otherwise, whosoever should lay 2 Who was herein touched so near as his Majesty. Claim or Title to the Crown of England, though never so directly and nearly interessed by descent, should not be admitted to the throne, unless he would first tolerate the Romish religion, and by all his best endeavours promote the Catholic cause, unto which by a solemn and sacred Oath, he should religiously subscribe after the death of that miserable woman] (for so it pleased his Holiness to term Elizabeth, that most great and happy Queen;) By virtue of which Bulls, (if virtue may be in any such vicious libels) the Jesuits dissuaded the Romish minded Subjects, from yielding in any wise obedience unto our most gracious Sovereign now being. But this not working to their wished effect, and he now solemnly proclaimed with an universal applause, love, and peace, their hopes began to wither and grow cold; and no succours from Spain being now to be expected, Garnet the Superior for the avoiding farther dangers, sacrificed these starved Bulls to the God of fire. Moreover, in the year 1588. when his Holiness blessed that invincible Spanish Navy, was it to settle the Crown upon his Majesty after Queen Elizabeth should be deposed? Surely his Majesty both rightly conceived, and freely expressed the contrary to Sir Robert Sidney, at that time sent into Scotland from Queen Elizabeth, affirming that he expected none other good turn at the Spaniards hands, but that which Polyphemus promised to Ulysses, that others being first devoured himself should have the favour to be swallowed last: And did not the greatest part of Pius his Bull, aiming principally at her, through her sides also strike his Majesty? And did not one Robert Parsons who sat at the helm in Rome, write a certain Book of Titles, entitled Doleman, wherein he excludes his Majesty, and prefers the Infant a of Spain's right before all other pretenders to the Crown? but when he once saw his Majesty settled beyond all hope and expectation, he made as you do, and the rest at that time did, a virtue of necessity, acknowledging his undoubted and lawful Claim, in his Preface to his Triple conversion, whereof for mine own part I can give none other reason then that which you add to another purpose, the case is altered: Whiles his Majesty was only in hope you showed yourselves in your own colours: being now quiet in possession, you pluck in your horns, yield to the times, and are content to be carried with the stream. And though the personal case be altered in regard of his Majesty, and Henry the VIII. yet if his Majesty either needed the like dispensations, or had the like will to pull down Churches, I make no question but his Holiness would without any great difficulty give way to both, conditionally that his pretended, but usurped authority might be restored: But as he is a public person, and represents the body of the State, the case is no way different, which is the freeing of it from foreign and unjust usurpation: And for Queen Elizabeth I will be bold to say it, that at her coming to the Crown, she was not so far engaged for the defence of that religion, which she constantly maintained to her dying day, as his Majesty hath by manifold obligations bound himself to the maintenance and continuance of that which she at her death left, and he at his entrance found established amongst us. For testimonies we need go no farther than his frequent and solemn protestations, aswell by his pen, as by word of mouth, and that not only before, but since his coming to the Crown; to which if we add the careful education of his Son, the most noble and hopeful Prince, even in that respect, the bestowing of his only daughter that most sweet and virtuous Lady upon the Prince Palatine, not only a Protestant, but as you term them, a Caluinist, the honourable entertainment of Isaac Casaubon, and Peter Moulin, the liberty given to the French & Dutch, for the free and public exercise of their religion in divers parts of his majesties Dominions; and lastly his constant refusal of so much as the Toleration of any other religion, notwithstanding the importunity of suits and supplications for it; the matter as I suppose will be clean out of doubt. And as Queen Elizabeth was provoked by Pius V. so was his Majesty by Paulus V. in a degree very little different; the one absolving her subjects from their oath of Allegiance, and the other forbidding his to take such an oath: So that though the Parenthesis in regard of personal succession be ended, yet in respect of profession (which of the two is the more to be regarded) the sentence as yet runs on, and as we hope will have no period, but with the world's end. But the more to exasperate his Majesty against King Henry the VIII. and his daughter Queen Elizabeth, you tell him that if the Schism could have prevented his title, neither his Mother, nor himself should ever have made Queen Elizabeth afraid with their right to the Crown of England. For the justness of the divorce I have already delivered mine opinion at large; and yet if any desire farther satisfaction, let him read the first dialogue of Antisanderus, who both strongly maintains the equity of the Kings proceedings in that business, and clearly confutes the slanders of that base fugitive; and for his wives, had the way been fairly made unto them, no just exception could be taken to the number. Philip the II. of Spain, besides his Mistresses, had successively 3 From England. From Portugal. From France. From Austria. four wives, whereof the first was his father's Cousin german, and the last his own: For the compass of which, what strange courses he took, I list not to relate, but refer the reader to the Prince of Aurange his Apology; yet none that I know hath taxed him for his multitude of wives, in as much as he lived and died a Roman Catholic. Did not Henry the last of France divorce his first wife, after they had been almost as long married, and upon less show of just reason, than Henry the VIII. but the one made semblance at last of subjecting himself to the See apostolic, which the other by no means could be brought unto, as he did at first, this alone being it that varied the case, and that which he did herein, may well be interpreted to have sprung from a desire of settling the Crown in his own posterity, rather than of prejudicing the title of Scotland; For though during his reign, some discontentments there were between the two nations, yet not long before his death he concluded a match betwixt his son Prince Edward, and Queen Mary of Scotland, that as his father had united the white and the red Roses in the royal branches of York and Lancaster, so his son might unite the Lion's passant and rampant, in the arms of England and Scotland, but it so pleased God, that that match upon occasion fell asunder, and that happy union was reserved to our times. Now for Queen Elizabeth's fear, those of her Sex indeed by their nature are fearful, and great Princes by reason of the place they stand in, are 4 Dominantibus semperinuisus qu●squis pr●●●i●us designatur. ●ealous, specially of the heir apparent, if he be potent, if near at hand, if remote in blood, if in Religion different: yet all the fear she conceived from his Mastiffs Mother arose partly from the practices of the French, with whose King she matched, and partly of the Seminary Priests and Jesuits, and pretended Catholics, ever making her the highest mark and pitch of their ambition, till they had brought her to the lowest ebb of her misfortune; which was also hastened through her subjects fear, rather than their own, as appears by her several answers, and replies to the demands of the Parliament, and propositions of her counsel touching that point: as also in that, as soon as the news of it was brought to her, not thinking on any such matter, she received it with indignation, her countenance & her speech showed it, with excessive grief; for a while she stood as it were astonished, and afterwards betook herself in private to mourning and weeping, she sharply entertained her counsellors, removed them from her presence, and commanded Dauison her Secretary, whom she accused of being more forward and officious in that business, than she either desired, or expected to be brought to his trial in the Star Chamber, where he was deeply censured in a mulct of ten thousand pound, and imprisonment at the Queen's pleasure; but her displeasure was so heavy against him, that he continued there long, and assoon as the excess of her grief gave her leave, she thus briefly wrote with her own hand to the King of Scotland, now our gracious Sovereign. Most dear Brother, I Wish you understood, This Letter was sent by Sr. Robert Cary. but felt not with what unmatchable grief my mind is perplexed, by reason of that woeful accident executed against my meaning, which my pen trembling to mention, you shall understand by this my cousin. I shall request you that as God, and many others can testify mine innocency herein; so you would rest assured, that had I commanded it, I would never have denied it. I am not of so base a mind, as either to fear to do that which is just, or to deny it being done. I am not so degenerate, or of a Spirit so ignoble: but as it is no Princely part to cover the inward intention of the mind with the outward speech; so will I never dissemble mine actions, but labour rather that they may appear to the world in their proper colours. Be you therefore fully resolved as the truth is, that had I intended such a matter, I would never have cast it upon others; neither have I reason to charge myself with that which I intended not: For other matters, this Bearer will impart them to you; and for myself believe it, there is none living, that loves you better, and more entirely, or is more carefully provident for you, and your good, and if any happen to suggest any thing to the contrary, persuade yourself, that such thereby aim at their own advantage, rather than yours. God keep you long and long in safety. Yet out of the black cloud of this sad accident, did the disposition of divine providence, as some wise men have observed, most clearly shine, in as much as those things which both Q. Elizabeth of England, & Q. Mary of Scotland chiefly desired, and shot at in all their consultations, were by this means effected: The latter (as at her death she witnessed) wished nothing more earnestly, then that the two divided Realms of England and Scotland might be united in the person of her dearest son: The former, that true Religion, together with the safety and security of the Kingdom might be preserved entire; and that God was pleased to grant both their wishes, to our comfort, we feel, and can not but most willingly acknowledge: And for his Majesty; he both signified to Queen Elizabeth by Sir Francis Walsinghame, in the year 1583. (almost four years before his mother's death,) that he would most constantly maintain the same Religion which was then publicly received, and again, sent her the same message by Sir Robert Sidney about two years after; So that she needed not to fear his right in that regard, and for his affection otherwise, he both testified it before her death in the Preface to his Basilicon Doron, where he thus speaks, [In England reigns a lawful Queen, who hath so long, with so great wisdom and felicity governed her kingdoms, as I must in true sincerity confess, that the like hath not been read or heard of, either in our time, or since the days of the Roman Emperor Augustus.] And since her death, he hath yielded the like testimonies of her, aswell in his Apology, as also in his Premonition, where he remembers, that being chosen to be his Godmother, she sent into Scotland the Font wherein he was baptised: So that (if by outward actions and speeches, we may make conjecture of the inward thoughts and Passions of the mind) she was so far from fearing his majesties right to the Crown, as she endeavoured rather by all convenient means to advance it: neither do I find it recorded by her friends, or objected by her enemies, that, during all her reign upon any occasion, she ever conceived a thought, or cast out a word toward the setting up of any other Successor, or the prejudicing of his right; Nay in the year 1587. she sent the Lord Hunsdon governor of Berwick into Scotland, to give him notice that the jesuitical faction even while his mother lived, projected, how they both might be put by their right, and the Spaniard brought in: and withal was presented him an instrument, subscribed by the judges of England, assuring him that the sentence passed upon his mother, could no way be prejudicial in law to the right of his title. But it will be said she discovered her fear in stopping any declaration of the heir apparent, specially being urged thereunto by the three estates assembled in Parliament, in the year, 1566. whereas in truth she in reading might have observed, that few or no Successors in collateral line had been declared, a● Lewis Duke of Orleans was not declared heir to Charles the eight, yet succeeded peaceably, that it hath o●ten proved dangerous to name a successor, not only to the possessors, but sometimes to the Successors themselves: as it did to Roger Mortimer Earl of March, designed heir to the Crown by Richard the second, his son Edmund being held in prison, and there pining away upon none other reason. The like befell john de la Poole, designed by Richard the third (after the death of his own son) to be his Successor, himself being always even in that respect suspected of Henry the VII. till at last he was slain, and his brother under Henry the VIII. beheaded. These reasons might move her Majesty for the stopping of that declaration, not the fear of his majesties right, but the care of preserving it, being sufficiently proclaimed in his blood and descent. Whatsoever it were, since his Majesty who had the nearest interest in that errand, hath been content thus graciously to pass it over, it cannot but argue want both of wisdom and charity in Mr. Doctor, thus unseasonably, and maliciously to revive it. Lastly, God of purpose no doubt raised up his Majesty, to cross the worldly and devilish pretence of Rome, and to perpetuate the life of that Religion which you call Schism, and I make no doubt but if King Henry the VII. had found it left by his predecessor in the state, that his Majesty did, he would in his wisdom have left it to his Successor, as he is like to do, and I am the rather induced to think so; because in the first year of his reign, the Pope having excommunicated all such persons as had bought alum of the Florentines, by his permission, if not command, it was resolved by all the judges of England, that the Pope's Excommunication ought not to be obeyed, or to be put in Execution within the Realm of England: and in the same year he suffered sharp laws to be made by the Parliament, to which himself gave, being by his Royal assent for the reformation of his Clergy, then grown very dissolute: and in the eleventh year of his reign, a Statute was enacted, that [though by the Ecclesiastical Laws allowed within this Realm, a Priest cannot have two Benefices, nor a bastard be a Priest, yet it should be lawful for the King to dispense with both of these, as being mala prohibita, but not mala per se,] all which argues that they then held the King to be personam mixtam, as it was declared in the tenth year of his reign, that is a person mixed, because he hath both Ecclesiastical and Temporal jurisdiction united in his person. B. C. 34. But perhaps the Schism, though it serve you to none other use at all for your title, yet it doth much increase your authority and your 1 Mine answer touching wealth I leave to the next Section which is the proper place for it. wealth, and therefore it cannot stand with your honour to further the 2 That which you call the unity of the Church, is indeed the building of the kingdom of Antichrist. unity of the Church of Christ. Truly those your most famous and renowned ancestors, that did part with their authority and their wealth, to bestow them upon the Church of CHRIST, and did curse and execrate those that should diminish and take them away again, did not think so, nor find it so: And I would to God your Majesty were so powerful and so rich, as some of those kings were that were most bountiful that way. You are our 3 How is he a Sovereign, if he have above him an higher power to command him? Sovereign Lord: All our bodies, and our goods are at your command; but our souls as they belong not to your charge, but as by way of protection in Catholic religion; so they cannot increase your honour and authority, but in a due subordination unto Christ, and to 4 That is his Holiness of Rome. those that supply his place 5 Indirecte too (at least) and in o●dine ad spiritualia, they supply his place in iis qu● sunt juris human●. in iis quae sunt juris divini. It was essential to Heathen Emperors to be Pontifices as well as Reges, because they were themselves authors of their own religion: But among Christians, where Religion comes from CHRIST, who was no worldy Emperor, (though above them all) the spiritual and temporal authority have two beginnings, and therefore two Supremes, who if they be subordinate, do uphold and increase one another, but if the temporal authority oppose the spiritual, it destroyeth itself, and dishonoureth him from whom the spiritual authority is derived. Heresy doth naturally 6 We find that verified in the spreading of the Romish religion. spread itself like a ca●k●r, and needs little help to put it forward: So that it is an easy matter for a mean Prince to be a 7 What makes a great man but great power in commanding, & if a great king cannot govern them▪ how shall a mean prince be able to command them. great man amongst heretics, but it is an hard matter for a great king to 8 For any thing I can find in my reading of the Chronicles, of our own land or foreign histories, Princes had more ado in governing their subjects before the reformation then since, I mean those Princes who have embraced that religion. govern them. When I have sometimes observed how hardly your Majesty could effect your most reasonable desires amongst those that stand most upon your Supremacy, I have been bold to be 9 You might rather have been angry with them who standing lest upon his majesty's supremacy, not only endeavour to cross his desires, but to endanger his person, and to cut off himself and his posterity. angry, but durst say nothing; only I did with myself resolve for certain, that the keys were wont to do the 10 By the keys doing the Crown service▪ belike you mean the triple Crown. Crown more service, when they were in the arms of the mitre, than they can do now they are tied together with the 11 That the Keys are tied to the Sceptre is false, his Majesty neither having, nor challenging the right of binding and losing, but true that by the Pope both Sceptre and sword too, are tied to the Keys. sceptre, and that your title in spiritual affairs doth but serve 12 If his Majesty's title rather serve others than himself, we are sure his Holiness title rather serves himself then others. other men's turns, and not your own. G. H. 34. Having passed your supposed removal of all opposition both in doctrine and State, thereby to make a readier way to your imaginary reconciliation, you now come to an endeavour of clearing such objections, as you conceived would offer themselves; whereof the first is, that the religion established, (which you call schism) serves to increase his majesties authority and wealth, and therefore it cannot stand with his honour to further the unity of the Church of CHRIST: Indeed it must be confessed, and cannot be denied, that the religion established, yields his Majesty the authority due unto him, which is more than the Romish yields to the Sovereign Princes of her profession, and yet no more than CHRIST and his Apostles in practice yielded, and in precept command: And yet withal it cannot be denied, but some of his majesties ancestors, partly through the insensible incrochment of some ambitious Popes, and partly through the neglect of some weak kings, did part indeed with some of their authority, to bestow it upon that Church, to which you entitle Christ: yet that they reserved to themselves a power even in Ecclesiastical causes, I have already made sufficiently to appear in mine answer to the 16▪ section of the first chapter, and in divers other places; to which I will presume to add that, which his Majesty hath published to the world touching this very point in his Premonition to all Christian Princes and States. [My Predecessors (ye see) of this kingdom, Pag. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. even when the Popes triumphed in their greatness, spared not to punish any of their Subjects that would prefer the Pope's obedience to theirs, even in Church matters, so far were they then from acknowledging the Pope their temporal Superior, or yet from doubting that their own Church men were not their Subjects. And now I will close up all these examples with an Act of Parliament in King Richard the II. his time, whereby it was prohibited that none should procure ● benefice from Rome, under pain to be put out of the king's protection. And thus may ye see that what those kings successively one to another by four generations have acted in private, the same was also maintained by a public law. By these few examples now I hope I have sufficiently cleared myself from the imputation, that any ambition or desire of novelty in me should have stirred me, either to rob the Pope of any thing due unto him, or to assume unto myself any farther authority, then that which other Christian Emperors and kings through the world, and my own Predecessors of England in especial have long agone maintained. Neither is it enough to say a● Parsons doth in his answer to the Lord Cook: that far more kings of this Country have given many more examples of acknowledging, or not resisting the Pope's usurped authority; some perchance lacking the occasion, and some the ability of resisting them: for even by the civil Law in the case of a violent intrusion, and long wrongful possession against me, it is enough if I prove that I have made lawful interruption upon convenient occasions.] Hitherto his Majesty. And I cannot but wonder what Mr. Doctor meant, (if he had read it,) not to take any notice of it, or if he read it not, how he durst presume thus to write to his Majesty, without so much as the reading of his writings: From whence we may gather, that what Henry the VIII▪ acted in that regard, was but a manifestation of the intents and desires of his predecessors, which they durst not fully express, and what they enacted, a preparative to the roundness of his proceedings. Besides I see not, but if his majesties predecessors granted that to his Holiness, which was individually annexed to the Crown, as being a special branch of their prerogative Royal, his Majesty stands none otherwise bound to maintain that grant, than they held themselves obliged to make that good, which King john had yielded unto him, and if they did part with their authority (as yourself speak) then was it their own before they parted with it, and not the Bishops of Rome, (as your Roman Catholics would have it) by Divine right: and consequently being their own, as they upon occasion best known to themselves, conferred it: so upon a contrary occasion (I see no reason, but) either themselves or their successors might as lawfully resume it: But the truth is, that it was not given by them, but stolen by the Bishop of Rome, and by him held under colour of prescription, yet yourself by discourse of reas●n, and force of truth are driven to confess, that our bodies and goods are at his majesties command, either forgetting 〈◊〉 whom you wrote, or not remembering, or it may be so much as knowing what the Church of Rome (whose defence you undertake) defends touching the 1 Ex●mpti● Clericorum in rebus p●li●ici●, t●m quoad personas, tum quoad bona, introducta est iure human● paritor & divino, Bel. l. de cle. cap. 28. exemption, aswell of the bodies, as the goods of Churchmen from the jurisdiction of the secular, though Supreme power: and how his Majesty in divers parts of his writings, hath most sufficiently proved the novelty of this doctrine: so that what you write herein can be imputed to none other but to gross flattery, or palpable ignorance: flattery of his Majesty, in that which he truly holds, or ignorance of that which is falsely held by the Church of Rome; but like a shrewd Cow that hath yielded a good meal o● milk, and then overthrows it with a spurn of her foot; so having subjecteth our bodies and goods to his majesties command, you exempt our souls from his charge, but by way of protection in Catholic Religion, as if you meant purposely to cross that of the Apostle, [Let every soul be subject to the higher powers:] But I would ●aine demand if his Majesty should not protect us in that Religion which you call Catholic, whether our bodies and goods shall then be at his command? Surely if his Holiness (whom you cannot but understand by those that supply Christ's place, in iis quaesunt juris divini, and to whom you would have us subordinate,) have the command of our souls, and his Majesty only of our bodies, the later may command what he list: but men will execute his commands no farther than the former will be pleased to give leave, whereof we have had often and fresh experience, aswell in the Bulls of Pius Quintus, and in the Breu●s of Paulus Quintus: and in truth ● cannot but commend his wit, though not his honesty, that he entitleth himself unto, and interesteth himself in the more active and noble part, the body without the soul being as the shells without the kernel, or the scabbard without the sword. Those Kings that out of their Regal authority purged the Church of corruptions, * 2. Sam. 17. 6 and reform the abuses thereof, brought the Ark to her resting place, 1. Chron. ●3. 12. dedicated the Temple, 2 Chr●n. 6. and consecrated it with prayers, proclaimed fasts, caused the book of the Law new found to be read to the people, 2. King. 23. 2. 2. Ch●o. 20. 3. renewed he Covenant between God and his people, Nehem. 9 38. bruised the brazen Serpent in pieces, 2. King. 18. 4. which was set up by the express commandment of God, and was a figure of Christ, destroyed all Idols and false Gods, make a public reformation by a Commission of Secular men and Priests mixed for that purpose, 2. Chron. 17. 8. deposed the high Priest, and set up another in his place, 1. King. 2. 27. they that lawfully called General Councils, for the suppressing of heresies, as 2 Socr. 1. 9 Constantine did the Nicene, 3 Theod. 1. 9 Theodosius the elder, the first at Constantinople, 4 Theodoretus l●. 5 cap. 9 Theodosius the younger, the Ephesin, 5 Euagri●●. lib. 1. cap. 2. Valentinian & Martian the Chalcedonian; they that made Laws for the ordering of Churchmen and Church-matters, as 6 Le● Epist. 43. justinian and Charlemagne, cannot in the judgement of any indifferent man be said, to have no charge of the souls of such a● are committed to their charge, but only by way of protection. Neither doth it follow that his Majesty in taking the charge of souls upon him, according to the quality of his office, and God's appointment, whose officer he is, should therefore be himself a Priest, or be the author of his own Religion, as you would maliciously infer, from the custom of the heathen Emperors, no more than the Kings of Israel, or the Emperors of the Christian Primitive Church were Priests, or authors of that religion, which by divine ordinance they took care of, aswell in the Priest, as in the people, aswell in confirming and countenancing what was in order, as in censuring and restoring what was amiss: neither was it in the time of the law of nature held unlawful, that both the Regal and the Ecclesiastical, the princely and the priestly power should reside together in one person, during which Law we have not many examples of Kings that governed a people, where the Church of God was planted: there is only mention to my remembrance of Melchisedecke King of Salem, Gen. 14. 19 and of him it is said withal, that he was a Priest of the most High God; so that in his person these two offices, the principality and the Priesthood, were joined; both which followed the prerogative of the birthright: and to this double dignity was answerable a double portion: the like do we read of Anias, that he was Rex idem hominum, Poebique Sacerdos; and it was the speech of 7 Apud Sto●. de regne. Diogenes the Pythagorean, that [to make a complete King, he had need be a Captain, See to this purpose, Aristot. pol. lib. 3. cap. 11. a judge, and a Priest,] of which two of these were joined in Ely and Samuel, and the other two in Moses. The name of Presbyter john seems to import that they have been, or should be Priests, and at this day the Kings of 8 Ferdin. Lop●z. lib. 1. Hist. jud. Cap. 14. Malabar in the East Indies are all of them Bramenes, that is, Priests: whereby it appears that the Office of a King, and a Priest are not incompatible in the same person: but as they are not incompatible; so neither among the Heathen was the Priesthood essentially annexed to the Regal power (as M. Doctor affirmeth) 9 Quia in Civitate bellicosa, plures Romuli quam Numae similes reges putabat fore, iturosque ips●s ad bella, ne sacra desere●entur, flaminem I●ui assiduum Sacerdotem ●reauit Liu. lib. 1. Romulus indeed joined them, but Numa disjoined them, and Augustus again rejoined them, aswell for the safety, as the honour of the Emperor; yet not so, but that they might, and afterwards did fall asunder. Indeed the Bishop of Rome, now as he succeeds those Emperors in place; so doth he in that challenge, assuming to himself, (but in another sense than he spoke it, whose Successor he pretends himself) regal Sacerdotium, a royal Priesthood. And being * 2. P●t. 2. 9 Christ's Vicar, he cannot for shame take to himself the title of Emperor or King, but a power above them all, as you truly tell us CHRIST had: but to none other purpose (as I conceive) but from him, to derive it to his Vicar, he being not only * 1. Cor. 2. 15. that Spiritual man, who judgeth all things, himself being judged of none, (by which he is enabled to depose 10 Maynard. de privi. Eccl. art. 9 Princes) but a Spiritual Prince himself, which is the most favourable construction that possibly can be given of those words, 11 Bulla P●● Quin. Hunc unum super omnes Gentes, & omnia regna, principem constituit, where Christ, (unto whom all power was given both in heaven and earth,) is made to make the Bishop of Rome, his Vicar, the Sovereign Lord, and grand Commander of all the Nations and Kingdoms in the world, applying that, as properly meant of himself, which was figuratively spoken to the Prophet, [ ast; jer. 1. 10. I have this day set thee over the nations, and over the Kingdoms, to root out, to pull down, to destroy, to overthrow, to build, and to plant] but in that he makes himself a Prince, he goes beyond even the literal Commission of the Prophet. The use hath been that the Christian Emperors at their Coronation, 12 See their book of Sacred Ceremonies. should administer to the Pope in place of Subdeacon, should put on a Surplis, & be admitted as Canonicks, not only of S. Peter's Church in Rome, but of St. john Lateran, which argues their acknowledgement of some Ecclesiastical power, to have been in them: Nay Maximilian the first, a Catholic Emperor, went so far as to attempt the 13 Monit. Po●●●. uniting of the Papacy to the Empire: The Pope never yet attempted so much in open show, and plain terms; but hath effected no less, nay more, indeed, and in truth, in making the Papacy the Substantive, and the Empire the adjective: But among Christians, (saith our Dr.) the Spiritual and Temporal authority have two beginnings, as if he who gave his Apostles Commission to preach the Gospel, did not also proclaim in the eight of the proverbs [ * Matth. 28. 18. By me King's reign] it is there delivered in the person of wisdom, by which no doubt is to be understood the second person in Trinity, the wisdom of the Father. It may be his meaning is, that the Spiritual authority is from the good God, and the Temporal from the evil god, distinguishing as the Manicheans did: Or that the Spiritual is from God, and the Temporal from the people; or the Spiritual from Christ, and the Temporal from Antichrist: Howsoever from a double beginning he infers a double Supremacy, whereas to speak properly; that is only Supreme which gives beginning, and not that which receives, howbeit in themselves (since the institution of the levitical Law) we must confess them distinct and independent, the Priest depending on the Prince, in regard of external coactive jurisdiction, but not of inward vocation, or outward ordination: Power of the keys, of administering the Sacraments, of preaching the Word, in himself he hath not, and consequently cannot confer it upon others, and therefore was * 1. Sam. 13. 13. Saul reproved by Samuel for sacrificing a burnt offering, and * 2. Cro. 26. 19 Vzziah plagued with leprosy for burning incense in the Temple: Yet by special dispensation, * Exod. 28. Moses the Supreme civil 14 Without all contradiction the less is blessed of the greater, Heb. 7. 7. Magistrate consecrated Aaron the high Priest, and is in regard of pre-eminence termed * Exod. 4. 16. his god, and jehoshaphat King of judah by his ordinary power gave instructions, aswell to the * 2. Chron. 19 Priests as to the judges, how to administer their several charges, himself being as it were the head, and these two as his two eyes or arms. Indeed before the Kingdom was erected, I take the high * Deut. 17. 12. Priest, and the chief judge among the Israelites, to have been as two heads, without any appeal either from each to other, or to any Superior: But when once they had a King, appeals lay to him from both. Thus did Saint * Acts 25. 11. Paul appeal from the high Priest of his own Nation to Caesar though an Heathen Emperor, and from him was there no appeal at all: So that the Spiritual authority was then subordinate to the Temporal: but when once it began to interpose itself in Temporal affairs, and within a while after to oppose itself against the Temporal power, it made a ready way to the destruction of both. B. C. 35. As for your wealth, it is true that the Crown hath more pence paid unto it now, then in the Catholic times it had: but it hath never the more wealth. It is but the gain of the tellers to have more money. True wealth is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he is the richest Prince that hath means to maintain the greatest army, and to do most magnificent works both in war and in peace: wherein the facts of your Catholic ancestors do appear upon good Record: your Majesties are but yet hoped for, and if ever you have the help of Catholic Religion to assist you, I hope you shall excel them all; otherwise I assure myself, the 1 It is more to be feared that Rome will do what she can to make him poor: but never complain that he is not rich. Schism will do what it can to make you poor, and then complain that you are not rich. It was indeed one of the main pretences in the statutes of Henry the VIII. that the Schism might enrich the King, and maintain his wars; but God did not 2 The reason why God did not bless it, I have given in mine answer. bless it: for notwithstanding all the Church lands, and goods, and tenths, and fruits, and premuniries: King Henry the VIII. was fain to abase his coin more than once, and yet he died not so rich as his Catholic father left him. And since his time what is become of the 3 The Court of augmentation is annexed to the Exchequer, and yields yearly to his Majesty as much as ever, as I think. Court of Augmentation? what benefit do you receive of all the Church lands, more than your Progenitors did when they were in the 4 As they were then in the hands of the Clergy, they yielded nothing but at their pleasure. hands of the Clergy? what ease have your Subjects of Subsidies thereby? or in brief, how much your 5 You object to his Majesty his empty Coffers, but labour to make them more empty by subjecting him to Rome. Coffers are enriched, you may be pleased to be informed, by those that have to do in those offices, and can readily give you an account; for mine own part, I have diligently read over the 6 How diligently you have perused the Statutes, I have made it appear in mine answer to the later part of your first chapter, and yet it seems you are more skilful in them then in the Statutes whereof David speaks, I will delight my sel●e in thy Statutes. Psa. 119. 16. Statutes made by Henry the VIII. and do find that the events are so clean contrary to the Prefaces, and pretences of them, as if God, of purpose would laugh them to scorn. G. H. 35. If the Crown have more Pence paid in now then in former times, it must needs follow, that were it not by default of officers the means might be greater to do great works both in peace and in war; & whereas you upbraid his Majesty, that his are but yet hoped for, he hath had other occasions (as the world well knoweth) of expense, than his ancestors had, and those occasions that they had, he hath not, whether in building at home, or in warring abroad: theirs it may be were more conspicuous, but his more necessary; and yet I doubt not but upon just occasion his Majesty would be able to maintain as great and as powerful an army as any of his predecessors, to the terror of Rome and the Romanists, who are so far from complaining of his majesties wants, as they would rather triumph most in this, that he were not rich. Gretser, (in your account, I am sure a good Catholic) complains not, butscoffes at his majesties need of money, in his answer to Monsieur Plessis his Epistle Dedicatory to his Majesty, prefixed to his Mysterium iniquitatis; in which his Majesty being encouraged by that noble Lord, to lay by his Pen, and take his sword in hand, though it were to the passing of the Alps, and the sacking of Rome, Gretser in his reply makes it the burden of his song in divers periods, Sed deest pecunia. But the only sure way (you say) for his Majesty to enrich himself, is, to turn Roman Catholic; as if it were not fresh in memory what infinite masses of treasure the pretence of that Religion carried out of the land, to the triple Crown of Rome, and other foreigners, well near as much as was brought to the Crown of England itself; as appears in Bonner's Preface to Gardiner's oration of true obedience: In the reign of King Henry the third, it amounted by just computation, to the sum of 60000. marks, which amounts to an incredible mass at this day, and was more than the standing revenues of the Crown at that time, as the Author of the British antiquities reports it, out of Matthew Paris, in the life of Boniface, Archbishop of Canterbury: in which relation are also set down the grievances which the Bishops, the Abbots, the Barons, and the king himself exhibited in their several Letters to his Holiness, touching the grievousness of his exactions, the effect whereof was as followeth. That the Pope being not content with that aid which is called peterpence, he made money here in England, by a thousand cunning sleights and tricks, without the consent of the King, against the ancient Right and Liberties of the Kingdom, and against the Appeals put in by the King's Ambassadors and Proctors in the Council of Lions. That the Benefices and Prebendaries in England, were by him conferred upon Italians and Romans, not able to speak, or so much as to understand our language, and that many times, one Italian succeeded another, as in lawful inheritance: the Church revenues being by this means wasted and carried out of the kingdom, the word of God not preached, Ecclesiastical duties not observed, hospitality, alms, and Divine Service neglected, and lastly the walls and roof of Chancels and Parsonage houses suffered to drop down, to the endangering of many souls, and the utter desolation of the Church. That of those Churches into which he thrust not strangers, he exacted Pensions, against his own promise by letter. That the native English were upon all occasions drawn by Citations to the Court of Rome, against the Customs and Common Law of the Kingdom, and against the Pope's own privileges, formerly granted. To like purpose is that which I find in a Manuscript of Mr. Hales, a man renowned in his time, aswell for his learning as his honesty; his words are these, speaking of the cunning fetches of the Bishops of Rome, for the enriching of themselves and their Clergy, to the impoverishing of the King and the State. First (saith he) they exempted the Clergy, aswell the Secular as the regular, from the authority of the Kings of England, whereby they neither would obey the Prince, but when and wherein it pleased them, nor albeit they had the greater part of the possessions and profits of the Realm, they would be contributory to the charges of the defence thereof, but when it listed them. Secondly, they reserved to themselves the collations generally & specially of all Archbishoprics, Bishoprics, Abbeys, Priories, & all other dignities and benefices in England, which many times they gave to aliens, that never dwelled in England, nor ever came into England. So the revenues thereof were not spent in the Realm, but carried out of the same, & when they gave them to any of the Realm, they made them pay exceeding sums of money for Palls, annates, First fruits, Tenths, and such like, whereby the Realm from time to time was very much impoverished. Thirdly, they used to dispense, not only with their own Laws and Canons, but also many times with God's word in matters of Matrimony, and otherwise, whereby they sucked no little treasure out of the Realm. Fourthly, in causes testamentary, in causes of Matrimony, and divorces, right of tithes, oblations, and obuentions, they had decreed that men might appeal from any Court within this Realm to the Court of Rome, whereby the people of this nation was very much troubled, by reason it was so far distant from this Realm, and when they came thither, they could not in long time have redress, but with long delays were constrained to spend whatsoever they had. Fiftly, with dispensations for eating flesh, and white meats, for pardons and redemption of souls out of Purgatory, for dispensations with vows, and such like beggary, they scraped together infinite sums of money: and because no fish should escape for lack of bait, they had their Dataries and Collectors continually gaping for the prey, resident here in England. Lastly, the Clergy of this Realm being animated by the authority of the Bishop of Rome, the Archbishops, Bishops, and such as had Spiritual jurisdiction within this Realm, not only unreasonably troubled, and vexed the people of this realm in their Courts, but also exceedingly peeled, polled and robbed them under colour of Fees and duties. The Parsons and Vicars were not content with the moderate Mortuaries and Corse-presents, but also daily increased the same, and would have what it pleased them, without any consideration of the misery and poverty of the widow and children living, yea, and many times where the dead had but a bare use, and no property in the goods and chattels, they were found in his possession, and in many places they would neither baptise nor marry, nor bury, but they would have some extraordinary reward, & the common sort of Priests would not depart with any their Masses or prayers, unless they were sure to have money. Of these and the like most unsufferable vexations, john of Sarisbury in his 6. book, and 24. chapter De nugis Curalium, complains. Polidor Virgil himself an Italian, in his 8th. book and second chapter De inventoribus rerum, is not sparing in the relation of them: and the book above mentioned, entitled Antiquitates Britannicae is so full of them, as it seems to have been written to none other purpose: which notwithstanding I find not gainsaid by any Romanist. And can we expect then that his Majesty by the help of Romish Catholic Religion, should ever be enriched? Surely in reason, that which is the means of impoverishing his Realm, and his subjects, can not be a means of enriching him: [In the want of people (saith * Pro●. 14. ●●. Solomon, he might as well have said in the people's want) is the destruction of the Prince,] For as the multitude of people is the king's honour; so the wealth of the people is the king's riches, and the welfare of the people the king's safety. But saith Mr. Doctor, one of the main pretences of Henry the VIII. was, to enrich himself in the spoil of the Church, which notwithstanding in event proved to be contrary; to which I reply with the Poet, — Careat successibus opto Quisquis ab eventu facta not anda putat. Actions are not so much to be measured by their issues and events, as by the causes from which they spring, and the ends to which they are directed. * Exod. 36. When the people exceeded too much in offering gifts toward the work of the Sanctuary, by the discretion of Moses they were restrained, and a proclamation made throughout the Camp they should bring no more: Why should it not be as lawful for Henry the VIII. to restore it back again to the owners, if too much were given, as for Moses to restrain them for giving: he took it out of their hands who upon all occasions at the Pope's command were ready to use it as a weapon against himself, and in defence of their holy Father, and conferred it upon those who therewith were to serve both himself and the State in peace at home, and in wars abroad. As the Church prays for the civil state; so is it to shield the Church: and better it were the Church should quit a part of her maintenance, then that the whole should lie obnoxious to the sacrilegious hands of foreign usurpation: If in performance hereof, that which should have been ordained to public, or sacred, was by some ill disposed persons, or the king himself, turned to private and profane uses; or if that which inseparably belongs to the maintenance of Ecclesiastical persons, were put into the possession of those who served not at the altar, this manner of proceeding might so stain and vitiate the whole action, as it might carry a secret curse with it upon the authors and actors of it. No doubt but a good cause, and in itself most just both may be and oft is marred in the handling: and being handled never so well, yet in the issue it may miscarry, God's judgements being always in themselves most just, but many times their causes hidden from us. I undertake not the defence of Henry, or any other Prince or person in robbing the Church, but to his unfortunate events, we may oppose the happy success of Queen Elizabeth his daughter, and successor both in government and in opposition to the Church of Rome: She maintained long and chargeable wars, in divers kingdoms abroad, against Balak and Balaam, Gog and Magog, to the infinite expense of her treasure, and yet at her death she left more in her coffers then her Romish Catholic sister, and immediate predecessor, notwithstanding her peace abroad, her marriage with the Lord of the Indies, and her readmittance (though with much ado) of the Pope's authority. Lastly for full satisfaction in this point, Mr. Doctor having so good intelligence of his majesties disposition, and being so inwardly acquainted with his secrets, as he makes himself, could not well be ignorant that his Majesty▪ is so far from enriching, or hoping to enrich himself in the spoil of the Church, under colour of religion, that to his immortal fame since his coming to the Crown, 1 See the Statute. he hath bound his own hands and his posterity from alienating the revenues consecrated to the Church's use: so that your invective in this place is malicious against King Henry, if in no other regard, yet because it is impertinent in regard of his Majesty, who hath no Monasteries to pull down, nor (as yourself before confess) will to pull down Churches: but though he have no will to pull down Churches, but rather to set them up, it follows not, but that he should be willing to 2 Witness the Church of Saint Albon. preserve that Church (whereof under God he is set by God as the chief Governor) from the spoil and tyranny of foreign usurpers: Nay the latter may not unfitly be inferred upon the former: And if in regard of that preservation only we now pay his Majesty what those tyrants formerly received, he receives nothing but what he rightly may, nor we pay but what in duty and conscience we ought. B. C. 36. There is yet another objection or two in reason of state, concerning your Majesty, which seem to be harder to answer then all the rest: Whereof the one is, that your Majesty hath undertaken the cause in writing, and set out a book in print, and it must needs be great dishonour to you to recall it. This indeed is it which I have heard the 1 It seems then that they whom you call Caluinists as touching the confession of his faith, are of the same judgement with his Majesty Caluinists of England often wish for before it was done, and much boast of after it was by means effected, that your Majesty should no longer be able to show yourself indifferent, as you did at the first, but were now engaged upon your honour to maintain their party, and oppugn the Catholics, and altogether to suppress them: But there is 2 To grant tha● which notwithstanding is not false as I have showed in mine answer to this Sect. yet are there many things in the same book, which if his Majesty maintain, as upon his honour he is bound to do, he can never turn Roman Cath. nothing in that book why your Majesty may not when you please admit the Pope's Supremacy in spirituals, and you are partly engaged thereby to admit the trial of the first general Counsels, and most ancient fathers, and as for the question of Antichrist, it is but an hypothetical Proposition, and so reserved as you may recall yourself when you will: And howsoever that book cameforth, either of your own disposition, or by the daily instigation of some others that did abuse your clemency, and seek to send you of their own errand; it cannot serve their turns, nor hinder your Majesty from hearkening to an end of conte●tion. For if King Henry the VIII. in the judgement of Protestants might save his honour and 3 K. Henry never contradicted his book. contradict hi● book from very good to stark nought, they must not deny, but that your Majesty may increase your Honour by altering your book from less 4 From thence it follows, that by your own acknowledgement, what his Majesty hath written is good. good to much better. G. H. 36. There are not only two, but many more Objections that might be made in reason of State concerning his Majesty, which not only seem, but are indeed harder to answer, than your poor and slight evasions can give satisfaction to any man of judgement; whereof a chief one is his majesties undertaking the cause in writing, wherein we are bound to bless God that hath set such a King over us, whom he hath endowed with such singular gifts, as to give occasion to such an Objection. He was no fool that pronounced that Commonwealth happy, where learned men had the government, or the governors were learned: and another who holds those wise men in the Gospel who came from the East, are therefore held Kings, because they were learned, which I speak not to derogate from other Kings, but to thank God for our own, whose drops that fall both from his tongue and Pen are as the Prophet David speaks in another case, like rain falling upon the mown grass, or as showers that water the earth. We have read in our own Chronicles of one Bladud a British King, who studied at Athens, of Alured a Saxon King, who translated the Psalter into his own language, of Henry a Norman King, who for his great scholarship was surnamed the Beauclarke, but for a King (only David and Solomon excepted) that hath written so much, and so well as his Majesty, & exposing it to public censure, hath left it as an everlasting monument of his name to posterity, for mine own part I must confess in my small reading, I have not met with any, either in our own or foreign History: Some Kings have done some what in this kind, but he excelleth them all: so that for a Christian King to write and to publish his writings to the world, even in matter of Religion, is not without example. The Book of Charlemagne in defence of the decree of the Synod of Frankfurt, which himself had thither called, and against the Canons of the second Nicene Council, touching the controversy of adoring images, is yet extant to be seen in the Palatine library: & so is it acknowledged by Augustinus Steuchus in his second book of Constantine's donation, where he presses some things in that Book for the Pope's advantage: Howbeit Bellarmine in his second Book of Images and 15th. Chapter, labourto prove the contrary, granting that it was sent by that Emperor to Pope Adrian, but not as his own. His majesties Books, aswell the former in defence of the Oath of Allegiance, as the later by way of Premonition to the Christian States, are no doubt, as great corrosives and eyesores to you, as to us they are cordial and comfortable: and cannot be but to him as dishonourable, if he should recall them, as now they are honourable if he continue constant to himself and them. Now that they should proceed rather from the instigation of others, than his own disposition, is a surmise of your own, I know not, whether more foolish, as being ignorant of that which he had both written and spoken and done since he came to years of discretion conformably thereunto, or dishonest in calling his majesties singular wisdom into question, in suffering himself to be so far abused, as unwittingly to be sent on other men's errands, and to serve other men's turns. Howsoever, there is nothing (you say) in that book (by which you cannot but understand both the Premonition, and the Apology, both bound together in one volume, and titled together in one front) why his Majesty may not when he please admit the Pope's Supremacy in Spirituals: wherein first you dash (though peradventure unawares) against your great Cardinal, who in his Letter to Blackwell, professeth, [that in whatsoever words the Oath of Allegiance (in defence of which his Majesty wrote his Apology) be conceived, it tends to none other end, but that the authority of the head of the Church of England, may be transferred from the Successor of S. Peter to the Successor of K. Henry the VIII.] this indeed he affirms falsely, but both in his Tortus against his majesties Apology, and in his Apology against his majesties Premonition, he affirmeth truly that the usurped Supremacy of the Bishop of Rome is in them both impugned: And I cannot but marvel at such shameless impudency as dares thus to write to his Majesty touching his own writings, whose very words toward the later end of his Apology are these (discoursing before of the Supremacy of K. Henry the VIII. in Church-matters, for which Bishop Fisher, and Sir Thomas Moor were pretended to have suffered.) [I am sure (saith he) that the Supremacy of Kings may and will ever be better maintained by the word of God (which must ever be the true rule to discern all weighty heads of doctrine by) to be the true and proper office of Christian Kings in their own dominions, than he will ever be able to maintain his annihilating Kings and their authorities, together with his base and unreverent speeches of them, wherewith both his former great volumes and his late books against Venice are filled.] Where he goes on and proves this Supremacy aswell by the Old as the New Testament, and the practice both of the Kings of Israel and the Christian Emperors in the Primitive Church, both explaining and justifying the Oath of Supremacy, as it is by him imposed, and taken by us, and in his Premonition written afterward (though set before in the Book) he is so clear in this point, that Mr. Dr. cannot but stand convinced either of gross negligence in not reading, or unpardonable forgetfulness in not remembering what he had read: His majesties words are these: [But as I well allow of the Hierarchy of the Church for distinction of orders (for so I understand it) so I utterly deny that there is an earthly Monarch thereof, whose word must be a Law, and who cannot err in his sentence by an infabilitie of spirit. Because earthly Kingdoms must have earthly Monarchies; it doth not follow that the Church must have a visible Monarch too: for the world hath not one earthly Temporal Monarch. Christ is his Church's Monarch, and the holy Ghost his Deputy, * Luke 22. 25. Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. Christ did not promise before his Ascension to leave Peter with them to direct and instruct them in all things, * john 14. 26. but he promised to send the holy Ghost unto them to that end. And for these two before cited places, whereby Bellarmine maketh the Pope to triumph over Kings; I mean * john 21. 15. 16. 17. Pasce oves, and * Mat. 18. 18. Tibi dabo claves, the Cardinal knows well enough the same wo●●s of Tibi dabo are in another place spoken by Christ in the plural number: and he likewise knows what reasons the ancients do give why Christ bade Peter Pasce oves: and also what a cloud of witnesses there is, both of ancients, and even of late Popish Writers, yea divers Cardinals, that do all agree, that both these speeches used to Peter were meant to all the Apostles represented in his person, otherwise how could Paul direct the Church of Corinth to excommunicate the Incestuous person Cum Spiritu suo, * 1. Cor. 5. 4. whereas he should then have said Cum Spiritu Petri? and how could all the Apostles have otherwise used all their censures only in Christ's Name, and never a word of his Vicars? Peter we read did in all the Apostles meetings sit among them as one of their number, * Acts 15. and when chosen men were sent to Antiochia from that apostolic Council at jerusalem, the text sayeth, it seemed good to the Apostles and Elders, with the whole Church to send chosen men, but no mention made of the head thereof; and so in their Letters no mention is made of Peter, but only of the Apostles, Elders, and Brethren. And it is a wonder why Paul rebuketh the Church of Corinth, for making exception of persons, * 1. Cor. 1. 11. because some followed Paul, some Apollo's, some Cephas; if Peter was their visible head: for then those that followed not Peter or Cephas renounced the Catholic Faith: But it appeareth well, that Paul knew little of our new doctrine, since he handleth Peter so rudely, * Gal. 2. as he not only compareth; but preferreth himself unto him: But our Cardinal proves Peter's Superiority by Paul's going to visit him: Indeed Paul sayeth, he went to jerusalem to visit Peter, and to confer with him: * Gal. 1. 18. but he should have added, and to kiss his feet: To conclude then, the truth is, that ●eter was both in age, and in the time of Christ's calling him one of the first of the Apostles: in order the principal of the first twelve, and one of the three, whom Christ for order's sake preferred to all the rest, and no further did the Bishop of Rome claim for three hundredth year after Christ: Subject they were to the general Counsels, and even but of late did the Council of Constance depose three Popes, and set up the fourth, and till Phocas days, that murdered his Master, were they subject to Emperors: But how they are now come to be Christ's Vicars, Gods on earth, Triple Crowned Kings of Heaven, Earth, and Hell, judges of all the world, and none to judge them, heads of the Faith, absolute deciders of all controversies by the infallibility of their spirit▪ having all power both Spiritual and Temporal in their hands, the high Bishops, Monarches of the whole earth, Superiors to all Emperors, and Kings, yea Supreme Vice-gods, who, whether they will or not, can not err. How they are now come, I say to this top of greatness I know not: but sure I am, We that are kings, have greatest need to look to it. As for me, Paul and Peter I know, but these men I know not, and yet to doubt of this, is to deny the Catholic Faith, nay, the Word itself must be turned upside down, and the order of 1 Bel. de Rom. p●nt. lib. 1. cap. 27. Nature inverted, (making the left hand to have the place before the right,) that this Primacy may be maintained.] Thus we see how clearly and strongly his Majesty both in his Apology proves the Supremacy of Kings in causes Ecclesiastical, and disproves in his Premonition the pretended Supremacy of Popes, even in Spirituals, denying them to be Christ's Vicars, Peter's Successors, visible Monarches, heads of the Faith, deciders of all controversies, high Priests, universal Bishops, and destroying the two main grounds of that Monarchy, the Supremacy of S. Peter, and their infallibility in judging. Truly in the Writing hereof me thought I was touched with shame and pity, that a Divine should with such palpable falsehoods, bely his Sovereign, and gull the world, and a Doctor of Divinity so foully stumble in so plain and manifest a case: howbeit it cannot be denied to be true, which he adds, that his Majesty by that Book is partly engaged to admit the trial of the first general Counsels, and the most ancient Fathers. For the Counsels [I reverence and admit (saith he) the four first general Counsels as Catholic & Orthodox, and the said four general Counsels are acknowledged by our Acts of Parliament, and received for Orthodox by our Church. And for the Fathers (saith he) I reverence them as much and more than the jesuits do, for what ever the Fathers, for the first five hundred years, did with an unanime consent agree upon, to be believed as a necessary point of salvation, I either will believe it also, or at least will be humbly silent, not taking upon me to condemn the same: but for every private Father's opinion, it binds not my conscience more than Bellarmine's, every one of the Fathers usually contradicting others. I will therefore in that case follow S. Augustine's rule in judging of their opinions, as I find them agree with the Scriptures: what I find agreeable thereunto I will gladly embrace, what is otherwise I will with their reverence reject.] So that his Majesty admitteth the four first Counsels, not as Divine Oracles, or as the four Gospels, but as Catholic and Orthodox, and reverenceth the most ancient Fathers, not as the holy Scriptures, but as consonant thereunto. And if that trial should be made, your holy Father would thereby gain as little for the countenancing of his usurped Supremacy, as Zozimus, Boniface, and Celestine his Predecessors, in forging a Canon of the first Nicene Council for their pretended jurisdiction in appeals, and labouring to force the Council of Carthage thereunto, whereas that Council in precise terms confineth other Bishops, and Patriarches to the exercise of their jurisdiction within their own Dioceses or Provinces, as the Custom of the Bishop of Rome was, the words are these, Can. 6. [Let old Customs be kept: they that are in Egypt, and Lybia, and Pentapolis: that the Bishop of Alexandria have the pre-eminence of all these, because such is the Custom of the Bishop of Rome too: likewise also in Antioch and in other Provinces, let the Churches enjoy their dignities and prerogatives] which words of the Council grounding on the Custom of the B. of Rome, that as he had pre-eminence of all the Bishops about him: so Alexandria and Antioch should have of all about them; and likewise other Churches, as the Metropolitan each in their own Provinces, do show that the Pope neither had pre-eminence of all through the world before the Nicene Council, nor aught to have greater pre-eminence by their judgement than he before time had. This Council was called about 327. years after Christ, and there met in it 318. Bishops, the chief lights of Christian Religion at that time, Ambrose saying, 2 In prefat. lib. de fide. that their number was mystically prefigured in those 318. Soldiers, by whom Abraham got the victory over the five Kings. The second general Council was held at Constantinople, against Macedonius, who denied the Divinity of the holy Ghost consisting of 150. Bishops, about the year 383. called by Theodosius the Elder, who both prescribed the place and time, the matter to be discussed, and manner of proceeding in it, sent his Deputy thither to supply his room, as moderator or precedent for the keeping of order & observing of decency, and lastly by his Imperial power, ratified the Decrees thereof: all which acts flowing from the prerogative of his place and office, are now denied by the Pope and his flatterers any way to belong to Emperors, or Christian Princes: besides this, the Council itself laid a foundation for that which the fourth general Council further built upon, in equalizing the See of Constantinople, or new Rome to that of the old. The third general Council was held at Ephesus in the year 430. summoned by Theodosius the younger against the Nestorian heresy, which divided Christ into two persons, it consisted of 200. Bishop's: This Council (in which S. Cyrill was precedent) not only prescribed and limited the Pope's Legate, and others that were sent in embassage to the Prince, what they should do, but added this threatening, [Scire autem volumus vestram Sanctitatem, quòd si quid horum contemptum fuerit, neque Sancta Synodus habebit rata, neque vos Communionis sinet esse participes: We give your Holiness to understand, that if any of these things (which we have appointed you) be omitted by you, neither will this holy Synod ratify your acts, nor receive you to the Communion:] By which it is evident that the lawful and general Council of Ephesus, thought they might, and said they would; not only control; but even excommunicate the Pope's Vicegerent, if he did not that which was enjoined him by the Synod. The fourth and last general Council which his Majesty reverenceth as Orthodox, was the great Council of Chalcedon, consisting of 630. Bishops, called by Martian the Emperor in the year 454. against Eutiches, who in extreme opposition to Nestorius confounded the natures of Christ, making of two distinct natures but one, whereas Nestorius rend asunder his person, making of one two. This great Council then gave the Bishop of Constantinople equal privileges with the Bishop of Rome, as may appear in the fifteenth Act of that Council, and when Paschasinus and Lucentius, who represented the person of Leo, than Bishop of Rome, the next day desired of the noble men that sat there by the emperors appointment, as judges and moderators, that the matter might be brought about again, and put to voices, pretending that it was not orderly passed, the Council that in the absence of the Pope's Legates had made this Decree, in their presence confirmed the same, they contradicting and labouring, as it had been for their lives to withstand it. And since his Majesty and the Realm have undertaken the defence of these four Councils, it were to be wished they might, if not otherwise, yet by public authority▪ be faithfully translated by some chosen men of our own, out of their Originals; and where diverse readings offer themselves upon comparing of the best printed Copies and Manuscripts, the most likely might be given; the work would not be great and the benefit in my judgement issuing from thence not small. Now for such things as may in show be drawn out of these Councils to make against us, and for the Church of Rome, I refer the reader to 3 Pag. 89, 90, 91, 92. 93. Bellarmine's Apology against his majesties Premonition, where he hath put together whatsoever either diligence could observe, or malice wrest, so that whosoever shall now glean after him, shall gain as little credit to himself, as advantage to his cause, yet whatsoever he hath said, or for his purpose pressed from thence, is so fully and sufficiently answered by a reverend & learned 4 Episc. Eli. in respons. ad Apol. Card. Bellar. pag. 167, 168, 169, 170▪ 171, 172. Prelate of our own, as if our Doctor would have dealt either as a Scholar, or an honest man, he should first have undertaken the confutation of that answer, before he had again pressed his Majesty with the trial of those Councils. From the first General Councils, he proceeds to the most ancient Fathers; but what need any farther question of single Fathers, since we have heard them speaking, met together in Council? His Majesty confines himself to the first 500 years, and to their Vnanime consent, and that in matters of salvation, and all this granted, he doth not always promise a steadfast belief, but an humble silence. Now Bellarmine, despairing belike, to put the matter to the trial of their testimonies, complains that his Majesty descends not lower, and stoops aswell to the later writers, as Bonauent●re, and Thomas, and Anselm, whereas our Controversies are of that nature, as they cannot be received as sufficient witnesses in the deciding of them: they fell upon those times, which the farther distant they were from the fountain, the more filth they gathered, and as the winds are hot, or cold, dry or moist, according to the quality of the Regions through which they blow, and waters relish of the soil through which they run, so did they of the ages in which they lived. And for the most ancient, Bellarmine himself commonly dazzles the eyes of the world, either with the bastardy of false, or the corruption of true Fathers, whom he esteems, as they make more or less for his purpose, none otherwise then merchants do their casting counters; sometimes in his valuation they stand for pounds, sometimes for shillings, sometimes for pence, sometimes for nothing. 5 Lib. 5. ultra med. in Apol. 1. & 2. sapius repetit. Ireneus, and justin Martyr, who succeeded Polycarpe and Ignatius, the hearers and disciples of S. john the Evangelist▪ held [that the devils were not tormented, nor to be tormented, before the general day of judgement] in which opinion they are seconded by 6 In ha●●si Sethianorum in cap. ult. 1. Pet. Epiphanius and Oecumenius, neither do I see (saith Bellarmin) how we may defend them from error; of 7 De Sanct. b●atit. lib. 1. cap. 6. Origen he says who lived about 200. years after CHRIST, that he was seen to burn in Hell fire with 8 Lib. 2. de purgat. cap. 8. Arrius and Nestorius; of 9 De S. beat. lib. 1. cap. 5. Tertullian (who lived about the same time) that he was an arch-heretic of no credit, 10 Lib. 4 de R●. Pont. cap. 8. Sozemen he accuses of falsehood in his * Pag. 89. Apology, touching Paphnutius his proceeding about the marriage of Churchmen, and the Father's yielding unto him in the Nicen Council; touching the jurisdiction of Bishops: 11 Lib. 1. de Rom. Pont. cap. 8. Jerome's opinion (saith he) is false, and in its proper place to be refuted; S. Augustine expounding those words as we do, Thou art Peter, and upon this Rock will I build my Church, he charges with error out of his ignorance in the Hebrew tongue: Whereby we may perceive what account themselves make of the ancient Fathers, who call most hotly for a trial by them. And in truth if Mr. Doctor had well considered how Policarpe, S. john's scholar (as I said before) withstood Anicetus Bishop of Rome about the observation of Easter, and Polycrates Victor in the same business; how vehemently Stephen was resisted by 12 Cypr-Epist. ad Pompo. cont. Epist. Steph. Cyprian Bishop of Carthage, dying as a martyr, and Canonised for a Saint, to whom he imputes error, and the maintenance of the cause of Heretics against the Church of God, the defence of things superfluous, impertinent, false, nought, contrary to themselves, presumption, frowardness, perverseness, blindness of heart, inflexible obstinacy: Lastly, how Athanasius that renowned Patriarch of Alexandria, that stout champion of JESUS CHRIST, that pillar of the Church, and hammer of Heretics, was persecuted for the Catholic faith, Pope Liberius consenting and subscribing to the Synodal sentence, whereby he was excluded from the Communion of the Church, as witnesseth 13 Pag. 474. Binius in his first Tome of the Councils: If Mr. Doctor, I say, had well co●●●ered this, together with that famous resistance made by the sixth Council of Carthage (in which S. Augustine was a member) to the unjust claim of three succeeding Popes, Zozimus, Boniface and Celestine, in the high business of Appeals; he might in good discretion have forborn to press his Majesty to the trial of the most ancient Fathers. Now touching the question of Antichrist, it is not discussed by his Majesty as an hypothetical proposition, but as his opinion, his majesties words are these, [As for the definition of Antichrist I will not urge so obscure a point as a matter of faith to be necessarily believed of all Christians, but what I think herein I will simply declare.] Cardinal Peron indeed makes the proposition of deposing Kings, to be problematical, and yet withal a part of the Catholic faith; but his Majesty, though he make his opinion of Antichrist no part of his faith, yet being his opinion, in regard of his apprehension, you cannot make it hypothetical, which he also declared to be his judgement before his coming to the Crown of England, by his Commentary on certain verses of the 20th. Chapter of the Revelation of S. john, neither is his Majesty the only King that hath been of that opinion. You may remember not long since one of the French, who stamped on his coin, Perdam Babylonem; until then, his majesties substantial and weighty reasons touching that point, be disproved, I see no reason he hath to recall what he hath written; in the mean time his Majesty may more justly take up that, than the Author of it, [ * john 19 22. what I have written, I have written] lest he should incur the censure of [ * Ecclus. 27. 11. changing as the Moon.] Lastly, for the example of Henry the VIII. it is both false and impertinent, false, in that you say he contradicted his book, whereas his book (as I have already showed) is only touching the seven Sacraments, which he held to his dying day: impertinent, in that you take it as granted that his Majesty by recalling himself should alter from less good to much better, which is the thing always by us denied, but never was or ever can be proved by you. Indeed we find that S. Augustine made his Retractations from nought or less good to better, and Bellarmine in his Recognitions from bad to worse, and Dr. Carier to have fallen from a formal Protestant, to a professed Papist: and as our Saviour speaks to Saint Peter, thou being converted, strengthen thy brethren; So he chose being himself perverted, labours to weaken his majesties faith, but it is grounded on that Rock, against which the gates of hell with their power, much less the instruments of Rome with their foisting and cogging shall never be able to prevail. B. C. 37. The other and the greatest objection, that howsoever your Majesty before your coming to the Crown, and in the beginning of your reign were indifferent; yet after the Gunpowder treason you were so angered and averted, as now you are resolved never to be friends, and therefore he is no 1 Indeed he cannot well be a good subject, who either reconciles himself or persuades others to be reconciled to that Church, which maintains heretics to be as infidels, if not worse, & his Majesty an heretic. good subject that will either himself be reconciled to the Church of Rome, or persuade any of your subjects thereunto. I confess your Majesty had good cause to be thoroughly angry, and so had all good men whether 2 I guess at your meaning, your Cath, had cause to be angry that it succeeded not. Catholics or Protestants, but if your Majesty will hearken to 3 Belike you understand the Parliament, who persuaded his Majesty to the imposing of the oath of allegiance. those that work their own purposes out of your anger, you shall be driven to 4 His Majesty may both detest the fact, and punish the offenders, and endeavour by wholesome laws to prevent the like mischief, and yet both live and die in charity. live and die out of charity, which although it be not so horrible to the body, yet is it much more harmful to the soul, then violent or sudden death. It is hard I confess for a private man to assuage his anger on the sudden, and there is as much difference betwixt the anger of a private man, and the indignations of a Prince, as betwixt a blast upon the river which is soon down, and a storm upon the sea, which having raised the billows to the height, is nourished by the motion thereof, and cannot settle again in a long time; but there is a time for all things, and seven years is a long time. When a man is in the midst of his anger, it pleaseth him not to be entreated by his neighbours, much less by his servants, but when a man hath chidden and punished until he is weary, he will be content to hear his servant speak 5 Where is that reason? reason, and though he be not the wisest, yet he is the lovingest servant that will venture to speak to his master in such a case. 6 God indeed is exorable, but upon submission, and hearty contrition, which yet appears not, either in the tongues or pens of Romanist. God himself is exorable, and it pleaseth him to be entreated by his servants for his enemies. I am persuaded there is no good Catholic in the world that can be your majesties enemy, and therefore I do assure myself that God will be pleased with you to hear them speak, and not be angry with me for moving you thereunto. And if your Majesty do but vouchsafe so much patience, as to give equal 7 Quid opus est verbis, quum facta se ostendunt? hearing, I doubt not but yo● shall receive such satisfaction as will give you great quiet and contentment, and disquiet none of your subjects, but those only that do for their advantage 8 His Majesty is as the Angel of God, wise to discern who they are that labour to misinform him, and mislead his people. misinform your Majesty, and mislead your people. And if your Majesty have no such use of the Schism, as King Henry the VIII. and Queen Elizabeth had, and that it doth neither increase your authority, nor your wealth, nor your honour, but rather hinder them all, and deprive you of that blessing which otherwise you might expect from CHRIST and his Church, from your Catholic neighbour Princes and subjects, and from the Saints in heaven, in whose Communion is the comfort of every Christian both in life and death, than whatsoever some great Statesman may say to the contrary, I do verily believe they do but speak for themselves: And that there is no true reason that may concern your Majesty to hinder you from admitting a 9 It should seem then, you are fallen from the hope of persuading his Majesty to become a Rom. Cath. to the toleration of that religion, which notwithstanding he cannot admit without double perjury, See T●rtu●a Torti, pag. 82. toleration of Catholics and Catholic Religion, that those who cannot command their understanding to think otherwise, may find the comfort they do with so great zeal pursue in the unity of the Catholic Church, amongst whom I confess myself to be one, that would think myself the happiest man in the world, if I might understand that your Majesty were content that I should be so. G. H. 37. You come at last to the greatest objection, as you term it, which is the Gunpowder treason, but doubtless in the judgement of any indifferent reader, you say least in the clearing of it, seeming rather in conclusion to refer it to a farther hearing, then for the present to answer the objection, or excuse the plot: That which you have to say, is, that there is a time for all things, and God himself is exorable, as if his Majesty were merciless and inexorable: whereas he proceeded upon the discovery of that most barbarous design, with such rare clemency and singular moderation, that justice was only taken upon the very actors, and offenders themselves, and that in as honourable and public a form of trial, as ever was used in this kingdom; and [although (as his Majesty himself hath well observed) the only reason they gave for plotting so heinous an attempt was, the zeal they carried to the Romish Religion; yet were never any other of that profession the worse used for that cause,] as by his majesties gracious Proclamation, immediately after the discovery of the said fact, doth plainly appear, only at [the next sitting down again of the Parliament, were there Laws made, enacting some such orders as were thought fit for the preventing the like mischief in time to come, amongst which a form of oath was framed, to be taken by his subjects, whereby they should make a clear profession of their resolution, faithfully to persist in their obedience, according to their natural allegiance, to the end a separation might be made between so many of his majesties Subjects, who although they were otherwise Popishly affected, yet retained in their hearts the print of their natural Allegiance to their Sovereign, and those who being carried away with the like fanatical zeal that the Powder-traitours were, could not contain themselves within the bounds of their natural Allegiance; but thought diversity of Religion a safe pretext for all kind of Treasons and Rebellions against their Sovereign:] Which godly and wise intent God blessed with success accordingly; for very many Subjects that were Popishly affected, aswell Priests, as laics, did freely take the same oath, whereby they both gave his Majesty occasion to think the better of their fidelity, and likewise freed themselves of that heavy slander, that [although they were Fellow-professours of one Religion with the Powder-traitors, yet were they not joined with them in treasonable courses against their Sovereign, whereby all quietly minded Papists were put out of despair, and his Majesty gave good proof, that he intended no persecution against them for conscience sake; but only desired to be secured of them for civil obedience, which for conscience sake they were bound to perform] I use his majesties very words, because he is best able to express himself, and I know not how to express myself better, nor by many degrees so well. These were the greatest effects of his majesties anger upon occasion of the Powder-treason, which notwithstanding, to show your Rhetoric, you compare to a storm upon the Sea raising up the billows to the height, making him inexorable, impatient of any equal hearing, chiding and punishing, until he were weary: whereas if his Majesty had but given way to the fury of the multitude, the chief offenders (no doubt) had been torn in pieces before they could have come to the place of execution, or of trial, and if the like monstrous, and never heard of offence had been committed by Protestants, for their Religion's sake in other countries, the body of that profession had suffered for it. Indeed his Majesty had sufficient occasion given, that his wrath should have been as the roaring of a Lion, which is the Herald of death: but bearing the Image of God, and being the Vicegerent of God on earth, nay styled God, by God himself, his mercy so triumphed against his justice, that he seemed not to be moved as the heinousness of so horrible a fact required, until his Holiness by his two Breves, and Cardinal Bellarmine by his Letter to the Archpriest, thoroughly awakened him, they thereby dissuading his Subjects from taking that most reasonable Oath of Allegiance, and checking the Archpriest for taking it: to these his Majesty in his book Entitled Triplici nodo triplex cuneus, or an Apology for the oath of Allegiance, vouchsafed with his own Pen to frame a full and quick answer, aswell for the satisfaction of scrupulous consciences, as for the justifying of his own proceedings, to which the Cardinal under the name of Tortus makes his reply, and having on his visard, dealt with his Majesty at his pleasure, in such terms, as neither became a Churchman to give, nor a Prince to take: whereupon his Majesty being now somewhat warmed, once again took his quill in hand, and wrote that excellent Premonition to the Monarches and free States of Christendom (as the Prince of Aurange did his Apology to the States of the Netherlands, having his head proscribed by Philip the second King of Spain for the sum of 25000. crowns) wherein he not only refutes Bellarmine's reply; but by a large Confession of his Faith cleareth himself from all imputation of Heresy, and with all most judiciously setteth down the reasons of his opinion, why he cannot but conceive the Bishop of Rome to be Antichrist: To this the Cardinal again rejoineth, somewhat more mannerly in show, but indeed no whit less saucily then in his former discourse, and how many 14 Christanovic Pacenius Becan Parsons Coqueus Eudamon Schoppius Reboule Coffeteau Peletier Gretser Suarez Beaumanoir Hellhounds have followed upon the same sent, the world to well knoweth, besides it is not unknown how some of the plotters, or at leastwise abettors in that intended Tragedy, have their Apologies published from Rome, and others their protection in Rome; nay, the doctrine which gave life to that, and gives way to the like attempt, is as violently maintained by the Romish Doctors, as ever, beside infinite other writers, witness Beaumanoirs expostulatory defence of Suarez against servius expository complaint, as also Cardinal perron's, and his fellow Prelates late proceedings in France, together with his Holiness benediction for that special piece of service, both the Cardinal in his oration, & the Pope in his Letter, labouring to disgrace our Church & State: with what assurance then can this Majesty join hands with Rome? since though the Powder be removed from under the Parliament house, yet they still prepare new matter for the like Blow, and no doubt but Paulus V. would be as ready to make his Oration in Conclave, in commendation of it being once acted, as Sixtus Quintus was in commending that mortal blow given Henry the third of France by a Friar jacobin; which that it may the rather appear, I will hereunto annex the Translation of his Letter to Cardinal Perron, and the other French Prelates assembled in Parliament, the Original itself is but a barbarous Papal stile, and therefore it cannot be expected, but the Translation should be suitable, the Letter was written upon occasion of a Bill passed in the Lower-house, crossing the Pope's pretended Power, in Deposing and Murdering Princes, and crossed by the Clergy. Pope Paul the fifth. VEnerable Brother, & our beloved Son, and likewise Venerable Brethren, and beloved Sons, greeting and Apostolical benediction. The excess of boldness, whereby some, as we have heard in the general assembly, there held in the 2. of jan. have endeavoured to violate the sacred authority of the apostolic See, hath so troubled our mind, that were we not comforted by the firm confidence we have in the singular piety and prudence of our dearest children, King Lewis and Queen Mary his mother, whom we understand to have been careful to repress so unadvised an attempt, and in the admirable zeal wherewith you being kindled, have no less constantly and courageously, then wisely and religiously withstood so great rashness, we had been utterly overwhelmed with intolerable grief; and indeed this had been a fearful token, seeing we may not without cause suspect, lest into France have flown sparks of the lamentable fire of England, to the consuming and destruction of all true Piety and Religion in that most Christian Kingdom, which we trust, relying on God's help, shall always more and more increase under the patronage of so godly a King, trained up with so great vigilancy to this end, principally by a most religious, and truly most Christian mother, you thereunto diligently yielding your help, as you always commendably have done: but although such hopes do not a little comfort us, yet are we not for all this free, and void of all affliction and trouble: yea, we are vehemently anguished, considering with ourselves, in how cross and stormy a time, we, by the secret dispensation of God, undertook the guiding of S. Peter's Bark, standing doubtful and perplexed, lest happily through our negligence the sink of vices increase, and consequently the navigation grow more dangerous and difficult: for this cause we daily fly unto him, and implore his help, who as without any merit of ours, so also when we thought nothing less, was pleased we should sit at the stern, and guide the helm: whom we pray, that while the waves rush against the Prow, and heaps of foaming Sea swell on each side, and tempest follow in the Stern, he not suffer any wrack, notwithstanding so violent shaking of the ship; mean while we give the greatest thanks to his infinite goodness, that in the greatest danger which hitherto happily we have been in, he hath relieved us with most seasonable succours; to wit, by your singular virtue, and provided for the safety of the Kingdom of France, by the counsel, industry, and religious fortitude of the Ecclesiastical order of that Kingdom; and on the other side we gratulate you much, and withal greatly praise you, that your France now beholdeth flourishing again in you the zeal, piety, learning, and magnanimity of her holy Fathers, Denis, Hilary, Martin, Bernard, and the rest, whose memory is blessed for their care of God's honour, and the Church's dignity; yea, and all the holy Church of God may acknowledge of your company, Cardinals of such eminence, as become so worthy members of the holy apostolic Sea, and Bishops, and Prelates, and Pastors, who are good servants, and faithful, and truly worthy of their Master, having really showed, that they love his glory more than themselves; true Pastors of the sheep of Christ, who for the salvation of their flock have not doubted to lay down their own life, while by shedding of their own blood, they have with so great fervency of mind showed themselves ready to maintain the fences of the Lords fold, that is the Church's Rights: Highly therefore do we praise you and gratulate you again; for what is more laudable? what more glorious? then for the Priests of God, setting aside respect of all human commodity, constantly to have defended the dignity of holy Church, and through zeal of maintaining the Catholic truth, to neglect their own life: As also it is to be ascribed to the greatest happiness that it so fell out, this noble trial of your Priestly virtue should be made the Piety and Religion of holy King Lewis his Progenitor, no less reigning in your King, than the memory of his glorious name revives in him: wherefore we do the more exhort you, that you always more earnestly persist in your most laudable enterprise; God verily will perfect the work he hath begun in you; acknowledge his hand wonderfully moving the hearts of Kings which he holdeth, and with one accord bear up against the violence of the raging Sea, stirred with the storm of human pride, and the whirlwind of secular wisdom, severed from the fear of God; doubtless the tempests that are risen, he will allay, who failed not his wavering disciples; indeed he suffereth us to be tempted, but gives an issue with the temptation; therefore be of good courage, knowing that the judge standeth above and beholdeth the combat of his servants, to give unto every one a reward worthy of his labour; and he that fighteth valiantly, shall be worthily rewarded. Now we, whose charity hath been always great toward you in the Lord, vehemently loving you, and highly esteeming your excellent virtue, do most willingly promise to afford you whatsoever help or Comfort in the Lord upon this occasion we can yield, being exceedingly bound to you for your so glorious and admirable exploit, not ceasing in the mean time daily to pray unto God the Father of mercies, that by the increase of his holy grace, he would vouchsafe always to keep and strengthen you in his holy service, and because we cannot sufficiently, according to our desire manifest unto you by writing this most loving affection of our heart unto you, we have given in charge to our Venerable Brother, Robert Bishop of Montpellier our apostolic Nounce, that what he hath received in Commission, touching this business, more at large from us, he carefully by word of mouth impart unto you, who will also further declare unto you, what we think fitting for the full perfecting of the business: To him therefore shall ye give altogether the same credence, which ye would to ourselves, speaking unto you. God confirm you in every good work, and direct always your Counsels and endeavours according to his holy pleasure, and we from the inmost bowels of our charity bestow upon you our apostolic benediction. Yeven at Rome at S. Marry the greater, under the Signet of the Fisherman, the last of january: 1615. the 15th. year of our Popedom. Petrus Strozza. Now as long as such grief, such joy, such hope, such fear, such love, such jealousy, is so passionately expressed in the main business, about which his majesties personal and public quarrel with Rome first began, what likelihood is there of persuading his Majesty, that no Roman Catholic in the world can be his enemy, except first he be persuaded that the Pope of Rome is no Roman Catholic, yet, how far he was moved to anger, upon occasion of the Powder-treason against the body of that profession, his own words delivered in the next session of Parliament, after the discovery of that bloody design shall testify, [as for mine own part (saith he) I would wish with those ancient Philosophers, that there were a crystal window in my breast, wherein all my people might see the secretest thoughts of my heart: for than might you all see no alteration in my mind for this accident, further than in these two points. The first, caution and wariness in government, to discover and search out the mysteries of this wickedness, as far as may be● The other after due trial, severity of punishment upon those that shall be found guilty of so detestable and unheard of a villainy.] This was the height of his anger, any more than this he declared not, and less than this well he could not. But, before this (you say in the entrance of this Section, still harping upon your old string.) He was indifferent, whereas your great Cardinal (a man of no mean intelligence) in his Tortus, makes his Majesty to have been a Puritan whiles he was in Scotland, and again confirms the same in his Apology, for that in the first book of his Ba●ilicon Doron, he affirms that the religion there professed, was grounded upon the plain words of the Scripture, and again (in his second book) that the reformation of religion in Scotland was extraordinarily wrought by God: And before the Powder treason, he makes him so far from indifferency, as he feigns the severity of his laws against Roman Catholics, to have given occasion to that foul conspiracy, and to the conspirators (being then without all hope) of entering into so desperate a course. And sure it seems the Powder-traytours themselves held him not indifferent; for they discovered greater anger towards him in the projecting of that bloody treason, than he toward them or their associates, after the discovery of it, which notwithstanding it seems by watson's confession (not long before his execution) the Jesuits were hatching before his (undertaken for religion too) was detected; not full three months after his majesties right to the Crown before it was settled, or so much as set on his head: nay Garnet himself, their Archpriest being solicited, not long before the Queen's death, by a gentleman of a noble family (but Popishly affected) that when time served he would set forward the king's title among Catholics, returned this answer [that he had nothing to do with the kings right, or the promoting it, in as much, as he was so hardened in a religion contrary to his, that now there was no hope of his conversion left.] Thus we see that neither the Powder-traitours themselves, nor Watson and Clerke Priests, nor the jesuits, nor the Archpriest, nor the Cardinal held him indifferent before the Powder-treason, yet Mr. Doctor is of a contrary opinion to them all, persuaded (it may be) by his majesties Letters, pretended to be addressed before his entrance into this kingdom, in the year 1598. to Pope Clement the VIII, Cardinal Aldobrandin, and Cardinal Bellarmine, that some one of the Scottish nation might be created Cardinal, by whose intercourse he might more freely and safely negotiate with the Pope: this reason indeed I have heard some Roman Catholics much stand upon; and except this be it, I cannot conceive what should move Mr. Doctor thus boldly and frequently, to upbraid his Majesty with indifferency, which was the fault of the Angel of the Church of the * R●●. 3. 15. Laodiceans. And surely he that writing to his Majesty so grossly, erreth about his majesties writings; I may (I hope without breach of charity) suppose that he never so much as read or saw the full 2 Ad M. Torti lib. Resp. pag. 191 answer to this objection, long since published to the view of the world, standing partly upon his majesties peremptory denial, of ever yielding his consent to the sending of such letters, and giving the Pope to understand by messages delivered by word of mouth, that if he ha● received any letters at all, as written from him, he should esteem them none otherwise, but as counterfeit, or gotten by stealth; partly upon the confession of the 3 L. of Balmerinoch then his majesties Secretary. party himself before his Majesty, and the Lords of his Counsel, who, (out of an ambitious desire of advancing his near kinsman to the dignity of a Cardinal,) being then the Secretary of State, shuffled in those letters among others, when his Majesty was ready to take horse, and so by cunning got them to be subscribed; and partly upon the Pope's proceedings after the receipt of them, which was the showing of them to such as came thither of the Scottish nation, and demanding whether they thought the subscription to be his majesties own hand, & suffering some to take copies of them; besides he neither answered the Letters, nor granted the suit contained in them, and some years after writing to his Majesty by Sr. james Lindsey, he neither mentioned those letters, nor blessed his Majesty with apostolic benediction; and after all this, sent his two Breves to the Roman Catholics here in England, for the excluding of him from the Crown. And thus have we now not only the traitors, the secular Priests, the jesuits, the Archpriest, the Cardinal, but the Pope himself, making against this vain supposition of his majesties indifferency before the Powder-treason. To conclude this Section then, and therewithal my reply to such pretended motives, as might incline his Majesty to reconcilement with the Church of Rome, or toleration of Roman Catholics, if his Majesty have as great reason to continue separation with the Church of Rome, as Henry had to make it, and Queen Elizabeth to maintain it, and that it doth increase his lawful authority, both over more persons, and in more causes, if it may serve for the better enriching of his coffers, an union with that Church, can not but bring both his honour and wisdom into question, being so far provoked without just occasion given, or any satisfaction hitherto made; and having so deeply engaged himself in the quarrel, if thereby he shall deprive himself of that blessing, which otherwise he might expect, and hitherto hath felt from Christ his Saviour, whose cause he pleadeth from his Christian and truly Catholic neighbour Princes states and Subjects; and lastly, from the Church of CHRIST, in whose communion is the greatest comfort both in life and death, than whatsoever some discontented fugitive, or hired advocate of Rome, may say to the contrary, I do verily believe they do but speak for themselves, and that there is no true reason that may concern his majesties good, but rather danger and harm, why he should admit a public toleration of Papists and Popish Religion, who stop their ears at home against the charmer, charm he never so wisely, and abroad with great eagerness pursue the ruin of their native country, among whom I profess I must hold Mr. Doctor to have been one, till I be better informed to the contrary. B. C. 38. But although your Majesty sit at the Stern and command all, yet are you carried in the same ship, and it is not possible to wield so great a vessel against wind and tide, and therefore though it do not concern your Majesty in your own estate, yet if your Lords and your Commons and your Clergy do reap any great benefit by the Schism; it will be very hard for your Majesty to ●ffect unity, but if upon due examination there be no such matter, then is it but the cry of the passengers, who for want of 1 Many of those passengers who justly fear danger, have greater experience in the guiding of this ship then yourself could have. experience are afraid, where there is no danger, and that can be no hindrance to any course your Majesty shall think to be best for the attaining of the 2 The attaining of your Haven, we take not to be the way to Heaven. haven. G. H. 38. From his Majesty that sits at the Stern, and commands all, you come to the Subject, but if it were in the power of Romanists, I doubt much, whether he should long sit there, and how he commands all, well appears by their refusal to take those lawful Oaths, which he imposeth. Now for the Subject, you begin first with the Lords, and so descend to the Commons, Concluding lastly with the Clergy, and sing them severally a Siren's song, that so being lulled asleep the common ship they are carried in, may dash upon the Rock of Rome. B. C. 39 For mine own part, for the discharge of my duty and conscience, I have considered of all there States, and can resolve myself that I have not prejudiced the State of any good Subject of yours, but mine own, in coming to the Catholic Church. And first, for your Lords and Nobles, it is true, that many of their ancestors were allowed a very good share in the division of the Church, when the Shisme began, & therefore it concerned them (in reason of State) to maintain the doctrine of division, but I think there are very few in England, either Lords or other, now possessed of Abbey lands, which have not paid well for them, and might aswell possess them in the unity of the Church as in the Schism, and there was a declaration made by the Pope to that purpose in Queen Mary's days, so that now there is no need at all to preach against the merits of good works, nor the virtue of the Sacraments, nor the invocation of Saints, nor the rest of Popery that built Churches, unless it be to help the Hugonotes of France to pull them down. G. H. 39 Having entered into a deep study, and serious consideration of all States, at length you resolve (as from the oracle) that you have prejudiced none, in playing the turnecoate, but yourself, and sure I am of the same opinion, there being none, as I hope, so unwise as to be turned by you. Now in taking this survey, you begin with the Lords, who were allowed a very good share (you would say a great) in the division of the Church, yet if they will be so good as to side with the Pope, they shall both enjoy their Religion, and keep their possessions, as now (in this Religion) they do, so we see you would juggle at fast and loose, play at small game rather than sit out, and became all unto all, that you might win some, though in another sense, than S. Paul both meant and practised it. And whereas you would salve the matter by th●ir paying for those possessions, that shift will not serve the turn for Queen Mary's days, when the greatest part of them were both unsold and unbought, otherwise then in the first sharing. By your opinion, that Abbey lands may be aswell possessed in the unity of the Church, as in the Schism, (as you are pleased to call it) it seemeth you have seen the motives persuading to a dispensation in that behalf, collected and reduced into writing in the second year of Queen Mary's reign, the original of which (amongst other authentic remembrances of that time) is preserved in the Office of his majesties Papers; which, because I verily think it was the ground of that Declaration made by the Pope in Queen Mary's time, which you speak of, and a principal inducement of the Statute made the same year, in confirmation thereof, and for that also I suppose it is not any where publicly to be found, I will here insert. ANNO DOM. 1554. QVod omnes qui justo titulo juxta leges huius regni pro tempore existentes, habent aliquas possessiones, terras, sive tenementa Monasteriorum, Prioratuum, Episcopatuum, Collegiorum, Cantariarum, Obituum, etc. sive eadem pecunijs suis perquisiverunt, sive per donationem, vel per mutationem, sive alio modo legitimo quocunque, in sua possessione huiusmodi remanere possint & valeant, & easdem suas possessiones ratas & confirmatas sibi habere ex confirmatione, & dispensatione Sedis Apostolicae. Causae & rationes quare huiusmodi dispensationes cum honore & conscientia rectè concedi possint. 1 Status Coronae huius Regni bene sustineri non potest, ut cum honore regat & gubernet, si huiusmodi possessiones ab illa separentur, quod hody maxima pars possessionum Coronae sit ex huiusmodi terris & possessionibus. 2 Complurimi homines pecuniis suis acquisiverunt ingentes huiusmodi terrarum portiones, à serenissimis Regibus Henrico VIII. & Edwardo VI qui per suas Litteras Patentes, easdem terras warrantizaverunt quibus terris & poss●ssionibus, sipossessores huiusmodi nunc privarentur, Rex teneretur rependere pecunias omnes in hac part● expositas, quae in tantarum summarum vim & mol●m seize extenderent, ut d Corona difficillimè restitui possent. 3 Magnates & nobiles huius regni, quorum plerique vendiderunt, & alianaverunt antiquas suas haereditarias possessiones, ut has novas obtinerent, & in suo statu vivere non possunt, si huiusmodi possessiones ab illis auferantur. 4 Acquisitores vel possessores huiusmodi terrarum & possessionum, propterea quod easdem habuerunt ex justo titulo, juxta ordinem Regum huius regni, habebant, & etiamnum habent bonam fidem in illis obtinendis. 5 Possessio huiusmodi terrarum adeò est communis cuique statui, & ordini hominum, Civitatibusque, Collegiis, & Incorporationibus, ut si ab illis tollantur & auferantur, subitam quandam metamorphosin singulorum statuum & magnam omnis ordinis confusionem in universo regno hinc indesequi necesse sit. 6 Cum bona, & possessiones Ecclesiae ex authoritate Canonum, pro redemptione captivorum alienari possint, Idque per illam Ecclesiam solam ad quam illae possessiones pertinebant, aequum est dispensari pro continuatione possessionis iam acquisitae, propter tantum bonum publicae concordiae & unitatis Ecclesiae, ac praeseruatione istius Status, tam in corpore quam in anima. THat all such as by just title according to the Laws or Statutes of this Realm for the time being, have any possessions, lands, or tenements lately belonging to Monasteries; Priories, bishoprics, Colleges, Chanteries, Obites, etc. Whether they have purchased them for their money, or are come to possess them by gift, grant, exchange, or by any other legal means whatsoever, may retain and keep the same in their possessions, and have the same ratified and established unto them by the confirmation and dispensation of the Sea apostolic. Causes and reasons why such dispensations may be justly granted with honour and conscience. 1 The state of the Crown of this kingdom cannot be well sustained to govern and rule with honour, if such possessions be taken from it: for at this day the greatest part of the possessions of the Crown consisteth of such lands and possessions. 2 Very many men have with their moneys bought and purchased great portions of those lands from the most Excellent Kings, Henry the VIII. and Edward the VI who by their Letters Patents have warranted the same, of which lands and possessions, if the owners should now be dispossessed, the King should be bound to repay unto them all their money, which would arise to such a huge mass, that it would be a hard matter for the Crown to restore it. 3 The Nobles and Gentry of this realm, most of whom have sold and aliened their ancient inheritances, to buy these new, cannot live according to their degrees, if these possessions should be taken from them. 4 The purchasers or owners of such lands and possessions, in as much as they came to them by just title, according to the ordinance of the Kings of this kingdom, have held and do still hold a good and iustifyable course in obtaining them. 5 The enjoying of such lands and possessions is so common unto every State and condition of men, Cities, Colleges, and Incorporations, that if the same be taken from them, there will necessarily follow thereupon throughout the whole Kingdom a sudden change and confusion of all Orders and Degrees. 6 Seeing that the goods and possessions of the Church, even by the authority of the Cannons, may be aliened for the redemption of captives, and that the same may be done by that Church only, to whom such possessions do belong: It is fit and reasonable that such dispensations should be granted for continuing of possession already gotten, for so great a good of public concord and unity of the Church, and preservation of this State, as well in body as in soul. Those possessions indeed in many places (I speak specially of Tenths) which by reason of Popish dispensations were first carried from the Church, are as the fl●sh which the Eagle stole from the Altar, carrying a coal of fire with it, to the burning down and quite consuming of the nests of many of them that held them; and in this respect Mr. Doctor may well say, that the most part of them who now enjoy them, have paid well for them; in as much as the first owners were enforced, or their posterity within a generation or two, to sell that which others purchased. Now this curse of God I can impute to none other thing then to the alienation of Tenths from their proper use, to which they were, and still should be ordained, or at leastwise the bare and scant allowance which is made to the Minister of the greatest part of the fattest Impropriations; so that commonly no Parishes are worse provided for, than those that pay most, the redress whereof, if it should please God to put into his majesties heart, and the assembly of the Estates in parliament, it would be a work no doubt honourable in itself, acceptable to CHRIST, and beneficial to his Church, for which he would the rather bless their other proceedings: I speak not for the restoring of Impropriations, (though that were rather to be wished then hoped, their value being little or nothing inferior to the Benefices) but the making of a competent allowance out of them, for the maintenance of a preaching Minister, and I am sorry to hear that some of them should be so backward in the former, who most urge the later, the rather for that I would not have it thought our Religion cannot stand, but by the spoil of the Church livings, though the Pope (as it seems by Mr. Doctor) cares not who loseth so that himself may win. The virtue of the Sacraments expressed in holy Scripture we preach not against, but as for merit of works, and invocation of Saints they were preached against, and that in England long before the lands were taken from the Abbeys; and though they are still preached against, yet with us are the Saints reverenced with the honour due unto them, by our observation of the days consecrated to the memorial of their glorious and precious deaths: And some Churches are built among us as occasion serves, and necessity requires; but more Hospitals, Schools, almshouses, Colleges, Libraries, and the like charitable works, since the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's reign to this present time, then in the space of any three score years successively taken since the Conquest, which I speak not to boast of the fruits of our Religion, but to give God the honour; and as for the Hugonotes of France (as you are pleased to term them) if they be guilty of pulling down Churches, we neither encourage them to it, nor defend them in it, as neither do we the Papists in their barbarous massacres, but only say of them as the parents of the blind man, they are of sufficient age, let them answer for themselves. Lastly, because you address your discourse in particular to the Nobles in this Section, I crave leave to put them in mind of a piece of a letter written by their predecessors to the Bishop of Rome, during the reigle of Henry the III I will recite it in the words of Matthew Paris translated. [The great ones (saith he) by writing to the Pope, complained of the scandals bred out of the rapine and avarice of Rome, and spread not only in England, but through the Christian world, that themselves would not endure that their country from thenceforth should be so rudely handled, no though the King himself should wink at it, and unless (say they) these matters be speedily redressed by you, let your Holiness know for certain, that it may not unjustly be feared that such a danger is likely thereby to ensue, both to the Church of Rome, and to our Lord the King, that no remedy will easily be found for it.] My hope then is, that our Nobles being now farther enlightened by the beams of the Gospel, and the clear discovery of the truth in the writings of learned men, than their predecessors, who lived in those times of darkness, will, like the Noble Theophilus, (to whom S. Luke dedicates his Gospel, and The Acts of the Apostles) and those noble Bereans, ( * Acts 17. 10. who the more noble they were, received the word with the greater readiness) hold fast the profession which they have vowed themselves unto, by resisting the usurpation and tyranny of that man of sin, and maintaining the liberty and freedom of their country. In the first Parliament held by Queen Mary after her Coming to the Crown, the Nobility of England, though they gave way to the administration of the Sacraments, and other doctrinal points, as they were used and held in her Father Kings Henry's time, yet could they hardly be induced, either by her importunity (whom it most concerned, in regard of her birthright, made good by the Pope's dispensation) or by the persuasions of Cardinal Poole her Cousin, and by her made Archbishop of Canterbury, who had been for many years maintained, (for the most part) at the Pope's charge, to yield that the Queen should surrender her title of Supreme head of the Church of England, or that the Pope should be suffered to exercise his wont jurisdiction within her dominions, how much more than at this time should they pluck up their spirits to the abandoning of that unjust challenge, having now a Sovereign who in his 1 Defence du Droit des Rois, pag. 111. & 112. writings last published to the world bearing the date of this year [Consecrates his Sceptre, his Sword, his pen, his endeavours, unto God, in a thankful acknowledgement of the grace bestowed on him, in freeing him from the error of this age, and his kingdom from the Pope's yoke which kept it in thraldom, in which God is now sincerely served, and called upon in a language under stood of all, in which the people may read the Scriptures without any special privilege, and with the same freedom, as the people of Ephesus, of Rome, of Corinth, read the Epistles written by S. Paul; in which they pay no more tribute by the Polle, thereby to obtain the remission of there sins, as they did scarce one hundredth years yet past, neither are they enforced to seek their pardons beyond the Seas, and the mountains, God himself presenting them to my Subjects (sayeth he) in there own Country, by the doctrine of the Gospel; and if in this regard it be, that the Cardinal terms the Churches of my Kingdom miserable, for mine own part 1 esteem our misery above his happiness,] since than we have (by God's providence) such a Sovereign, let that aspersion never be fastened upon our Nobility, which his Majesty justly casteth upon the French, that [in as much as they gave way to the acknowledging of their King to be deposable by the Pope, it were fit that withal they should divest themselves of their titles, and resign them to the third estate, who were the only men that could neither be so drawn by promises, nor affrighted by threats, but that they ever held them fast to the maintenance of their King's honour, and the surety of his person. B. C. 40. But perhaps the Commons of England, do gain so much by the Schism, as they cannot abide to hear of unity; Indeed when the Puritan Preacher hath called his flock about him, and described the Church of Rome to be so ignorant, so Idolatrous, and so wicked, as he hath made himself believe she is, then is he wont to Congratulate his poor deceived audience, that they by the means of such good men as himself is, are delivered from the darkness and Idolatry, and wickedness of Popery, and there is no man dare say a word or once mutter to the contrary: But the people have heard these 1 Whether your Preachers, or your Friars, and jesuits abuse the people more with lies in their Sermons let them judge who have heard both. lies so long, as most of them begin to be weary, and the wisest of them cannot but wonder how these Puritan Preachers should become more 2 For moral and civil honesty there were among the ancient Romans and more learned than they. learned and more honest than all the rest that lived in ancient times, or that live still in Catholic Countries, or then those in England, 3 Belike they condemned you for one among the rest, and were not much mistaken. whom these men are wont to Condemn for Papists. Nevertheless I confess there be many 4 It is well you hold some honest men amongst them. least yourself should be accounted none. honest men and women amongst them, that being carried away with prejudice, or 5 The Romish Church, for many chief points, hath not so much as pretext of Scripture. pretext of Scriptures, do follow these Preachers, more of zeal and devotion to the Church, as myself did, until I knew it was but Counterfeit, and these good people if they might be so 6 We might say the like of some of your followers, & more truly, in as much as we bear them record that they▪ have zeal, but not according to knowledge. happy as to hear Catholics answer for themselves, and tell them the truth, would be the most devout Catholics of all other: But the 7 What makes you to cry out so against Puritan Preachers, but that most of the people are led by Sermons? most of the people were never lead by Sermons, if they were the Catholic Church is both able and willing to supply them far better than the Schism: 8 I have said it before, and I will be bold upon this occasion given, to report it again, not to boast of it, but to praise God for it, that his majesties Dominions afford as many sufficient and learned Preachers, and that in a more substantial and conscionable fashion, than the Pope's Hierarchy, and that London alone affords more than Rome itself: and their readiness to supply Sermons, is not so much out of any good will they bear that exercise, as out of ill will they bear us. but it was an opinion of wealth and liberty made them break at first, and if they do duly consider of it, they are never the better for either of both, but much the worse. G. H. 40. From the Nobles you descend to the Commons, entering your discourse with the like imaginary Sermon of a Puritan Preacher, as before you brought upon the Stage in the 16th. Section of this Chapter: you paint him forth describing the Ignorance, Idolatry, and Wickedness of the Church of Rome; and surely if this make a Puritan, Dantes, and Boccace, and Petrarch, and Mantuan must be Puritan Poets too, and Guicciardin a Puritan historian, and Savanorola a Puritan Preacher (though all Italians and most of them well acquainted with the Court of Rome) which is now come (in a manner) to be all one with the Church of Rome. The Ignorance of the people is such, that they adore it as the mother of devotion, contenting themselves to believe as the Church believeth: Of their ordinary Priests, that myself meeting some of them in the streets, and enquiring the way in Latin, they have replied they understood not my Dutch; Of their Friars, that they have a Company termed the Fraternity of Ignorance: of their Bishops and Cardinals, that in the Tridentine Council scarce twenty of two hundredth durst adventure to speak publicly, but served only as ciphers to fill up the rooms, and make up the number of voices: Nay of their Popes themselves, that some have passed their grants with Fiatur, in stead of Fiat, others have excommunicated them who held the Antipodes, as Zacharie at the instance of Boniface, john. Aduent. lib. 30. Anal. Boio. Archbishop of Mentz, did Vergilius the famous Mathematician: And lastly, some have condemned them for heretics, who studied the more refined kind of learning, or any way smelled of the university, as Platina reports it of Paulus Secundus, in whose time he lived, and with the description of his life ended his own. Touching their Idolatry, when I shall see Doctor Raynolds his book De Idololatria Romana sound and fully answered, I will in my judgement free them from that imputation, before than I must take leave to suspend it. Lastly, concerning their wickedness I marvel the Doctor would give occasion to rub afresh upon that sore, which if I should thoroughly open would prove so noisome, and unsavoury: Now if this make a Püritan Preacher to inform his auditory of these corruptions in that Church, and to thank God for our deliverance from them, if not in whole, yet by God's grace in some good measure, I confess myself to be a Puritan Preacher, and think no honest minded Minister in England will refuse that title tendered under those conditions: and if the people do not acknowledge this inestimable blessing with hearty thankfulness to God for it, it is to be feared he will remove their Candlestick, and in his judgement suffer them to relapse again into their former disease. B. C. 41. For wealth the Puritan unthrift that looks for the overthrow of Bishops and Church's Cathedral, hopes to have his share in them if they would fallonce, and therefore he cannot choose but desire to increase the Schism, that he may gain by it: but the 1 So that in Mr. Doctor's Logic an honest Protestant may thus be defined: One that can endure the State of England as it is, and could be content it were as it was, that he might receive more benefit. honest Protestant that can endure the State of England as it is, could be content it were as it was, for he should receive more benefit by it every way. The poor Gentleman and Yeoman that are burdened with many children, may remember, that in Catholic times the Church would have received, and provided for many of their sons and daughters, so as themselves might have lived and died in the service of God without posterity, and have helped to maintain the rest of their families; which was so great a benefit to the Commonwealth, both for the exoneration and provision thereof, as no 2 You tell us before that all false religions in the world are but human policies, and we as truly return it upon you, that this human policy favours of a false religion. human policy can procure the like. The Farmer and Husbandman (who laboureth to discharge his payments, & hath little or nothing left at theyeres end to lay up for his children, that increase & grow upon him) may remember, that in Catholic times there were better penniworths to be had, when the Clergy had a great part of the Land in their hands, who had no need to raise the Rents themselves, and did what they could to make other Lords let at a reasonable rate, which was also an inestimable benefit to the Commons so that whereas ignorant men carried with envy against the Clergy, are wont to object the multitude of them, and the greatness of their provisions, they speak therein as much against themselves as is possible; for the greater the number is of such men, as be 3 Many of them though they professed themselves dead to the world yet were they alive to the flesh. mundo mortui, the more is the exoneration of the Commons, and the more the land is of such as can have no propriety in them, the better is the provision of the Commons; for themselves can have no more than their food, and their regular apparel, all the rest either remains in the hands of the Tenants, or returns in hospitality and relief to their neighbours, or is kept in a living Exchequer for the service of the Prince and Country in time of necessity; so that the Commons do gain no wealth at all, but rather do lose much by the Schism. G. H. 41. You proceed, and assure the Commons, that our separation from Rome, makes much against their wealth and liberty, for proof whereof you begin with the Puritan unthrift, who looks for the overthrow of Bishops and Church's Cathedral, hoping to have his share in them. Now I deny not, but some such unthrifts there may be, shrouding themselves under the vizard of those whom you call Puritans, but their power is not so great (God be thanked) as we need fear them, nor I hope shall be whiles his Majesty and his posterity sway the Sceptre, who is so far from pulling them down, or giving any way unto it, that he hath not only to his immortal fame, bound his hands from withdrawing any thing from them, but restored them in Scotland, and both often and openly professed, [No Bishop, no King,] and as for them which look for that overthrow, let their eyes drop out of their sockets, with looking, and the young ravens devour them. I have heard of a platform of our Church government devised by Parsons, if the Pope should once again recover his footing amongst us, in which one especial piece of his project is, the pulling down of the Bishoprics & Church's Cathedral, that his Holiness and the Padres may be all in all, so that the Jesuits may most properly be termed those Puritan unthrifts: And I make no doubt, but if his Holiness could dispense with those who withhold the Tenths of the Church, he might as well dispense with the pulling down of bishoprics and Cathedral Churches. Now for those honest Protestants, who for matter of religion could be content it were as it was, conditionally themselves might receive more benefit, their heads may be in England, but sure their hearts are in Rome, deceiving themselves aswell in undervalewing the benefit they have, as in expecting that they have not, nor are ever like to have; the fair pretexts and promises made them from Rome, being like the Apothecary's boxes, ha●●ng Catholicon set on their front in capital letters, as if they contained a sovereign medicine for all diseases, but within are full of deadly poison; or like the apples of Sodom, which are to look to, beautiful, bu● being touched only with the finger, presently are turned into dust. The first apple you present the Commons, if they yield to the reentertaining of Popish religion, is increase of wealth: But before we go any farther in the trial of this point, I shall desire all ingenuous Papists, rightly to inform both themselves, and others, what the two Monks Matthew Paris, and Matthew of Westminster have left upon record, touching the Bishop of Rome's most intolerable exactions in this kingdom, whiles his authority here prevailed; and then to judge indifferently whether by submitting our necks to that yoke, which our fathers were not able to bear, it be likely the wealth of our land should be increased. That which one of the Popes pronounced touching our Country, was doubtless the opinion of them all, I speak of latter times, [Verè hortus noster deliciarum est Anglia, verè puteus inexhaustus est, & ubi multa abundant, de multis multa possunt extorqueri England is our Paradise of pleasure, a well never to be drawn dry, and where much abounds, much may be taken.] It was the speech of Innocent the IV. reported by Ma●thew Paris, anno 1245. about which time S. Edmond Archbishop of Canterbury undertook a voyage to Rome, to complain of the great vexations and extortions, offered the Clergy and people, by Cardinal Otho his Legate, who hiding himself in the tower of Ousnie Abbey, for fear of a tumult of the Scholars of Oxford, they termed him Usurer, Simonist, rent-racker, money-thirster, perverter of the King, subverter of the kingdom, enriching strangers with the spoils of the English; but Edmund returning home without success in his complaint, and weary of his life in England, by reason that he could not redress the Pope's oppressions, made choice of a voluntary banishment at Pountney in France, where he died with the honour and opinion of a Saint. Not long after, his Holiness desirous to see England, caused his Cardinals to write their letters to the King, that it would be a thing tending much to his honour and safety, and to his kingdoms immortal glory, to enjoy the Lord Pope's presence, who did long to view the rarities of Westminster, and the riches of London, but the King's Counsel told him plainly [that the Roman rapines and simonies had enough stained the English purity, though the Pope himself came not personally to spoil and prey upon the wealth of this Church and kingdom.] the like denial of entrance he had found both in France and Arragon, it being said that [the Pope was like a mouse in a satchel, or a snake in ones bosom, who but ill repay their hosts for their lodging; and the infamies of his Court deserved none other, whose filth saith our Monk [scent forth a steam and stench, as high as the very clouds.] These and worse were the effects of the Bishop of Rome's usurpation here in England, by imposing continual taxes and tallages, being sometimes the tenth, sometimes the fifteenth, sometimes the third, sometimes the moiety of all the goods, both of the Clergy and Laity, under colour of maintaining the Pope's holy wars against the Emperor, and the Greek Church, who were then said to be in rebellion against their Lady and Mistress the Church of Rome: Besides for the speedy levying and safe return of these moneys the Pope had his Lumbards', and other Italian Bankers and usurers resident in London, and other parts of the Realm, who offered to lend and disburse the moneys taxed, and return the same by exchange to Rome, taking such penal bands (the form whereof is set down in Matthew Paris) and such excessive usury, as the poor religious houses were fain to sell or pawn their Chalices, and Copes, and the rest of the Clergy and Laity had their backs bowed, and their estates broken under the burden: besides the Pope took for perquisites and casualties, the goods of all Clerks that died intestate, the goods of all usurers, and all goods given to charitable uses. Moreover he had a swarm of Friars (the first corrupters of religion in England) who persuaded the Nobility and Gentry to put on the sign of the Cross, and to vow themselves to the holy wars, which they had no sooner done, but they were again persuaded to receive dispensations of their vows, and to give money for the same to the Church of Rome. I omit divers other policies then used by the Pope's Collectors, to exhaust the wealth of the Realm, which they affirmed they might take with as good a conscience, as the Hebrews took the jewels of the Egyptians, and should we now look for better measure at his hands? no, no, he will rather be ready to demand the principal with the interest and arrearages, and to bring us so low as we shall never be able to cast him again. Those verses will ever be true, though made for those times, and suitable to their barbarism. Roma capit marcas, bursas exhaurit & arcas, Vt tibi tuparcas, fuge Papas & Patriarchas. It is observable which one hath wittily noted, that the first letters of the words in that sentence, Radix Omnium Malorum avaritia, make up ROMA: And I could wish that for the better satisfaction of the Commons, to whom this section is directed, so much of Matthew Paris as concerns this business, might be translated into English; he wrote of the times wherein he lived, and was for his learned pains much honoured by the king, being admitted often to his table and chamber. Now, as Mr. Doctors cunning may be observed, in setting down the benefits that arise by Monasteries, and concealing the Pope's extortions, so his forgetfulness, in that before he cuts off the means of the Monasteries, by assuring us of the Pope's inclination to dispense with those, in whose hands their revenues rest; so that this argument of increase of wealth, or maintenance to the Commons can be of no force, till the owners of those revenues be either forced by law, or persuaded by reason to restore them; or others to confer new, which in reason will be found more difficult than the former: beside this argument, if it make for the poor Gentleman and Yeoman, it makes against the rich Gentleman and Nobleman, whose lands specially went to the building and maintaining of those houses: yet the poor Gentleman and Yeoman too, may remember that whiles the monasteries stood, they were not so much eased by them of the burden of their children, as burdened with the keeping of Concubines for the Monks and Abbot's use, or else their wives served the turn; so that whereas they were ●ased of one child by the Monastery, they were oftener burdened with two or three from the Monastery, and for their daughters, as by veiling them, and thrusting them into a Nunnery, they disburdened their hands of them, so by the same means were they often burdened to the shame and grief of their Parents, and dishonour of their profession; and yet such bribes and pensions were there paid for their admission, as many times they might have maintained them at home with less charge and more honesty, or if their daughters escaped free, their sons (which was worse) supplied their sister's rooms, against which grievous sin, an act was made in the reign of Henry the first, Renulfus C●str. lib. 7. but Anselm then Archbishop of Canterbury stopped the publication of it, so that both for lack of marriage, it more increased, and for lack of publication was it less punished. Now for the Common wealth, as their exoneration might bring some benefit unto it, so their exemption from the secular courts of justice, from the jurisdiction of Bishops, and from all manner of public service in defence of the State, aswell in regard of their goods as their persons, could not be but exceeding prejudicial: for by that means it must needs in time have come to pass, that the richest and fattest, nay greatest part of the land, resting in their hand, the rest of the body politic must have starved, but only by their charity (which many times was but cold toward the laity) or the whole have lain open and obnoxious to the invasion of the foreign enemy, but only by their help, which was not always very ready. Let the Farmer and Husband man remember, that, as better penny-worthes were to be had in those days, so his vexations by Excommunications, Interdictions, and Appeals to Rome were more insufferable, his restraints from labour, whereby he maintained himself and his poor family by means of many blind holy days, now stricken out of the Calendar, more frequent; and lastly his payments greater for Peterpence, for jubilees, for oblations, for dispensations, for obits, for touching of relics, for Agnus-deis, for hallowing of beads and grains, for holy water, for masses, for trentals, for dirges, for pardons, for indulgences, for crusadoes, and a thousand such petty charges, serving only as fuel, aswell to maintain the luxury of Monks and Friars, as to keep in the fire of Purgatory, which if it were not by the people conceived to be very hot, that in the Popes and Monks kitchen would quickly be very cold: But to come near to the point, as better penny-worthes, so in those times less money was also to be had, all things being cheaper where is less money, and dearer where is more, so that if the same Monasteries had stood and the same Abbots had lived in our days, I doubt not but they would have raised there rents, as our Collegiate Societies have been enforced to do, or else they must have pared away somewhat of the superfluity of their dishes, which would have troubled their consciences more; as well appeared by them who made a lamentable complaint to the King for want of meat, when three dishes of thirteen were withdrawn, and of him who having his belly full stuffed with eating after a great feast, cried out [Quanta patimur pro amore CHRISTI] And sure it is to me a wonder that those who both can and often will tell the most merry jests of Monks, and Nuns, and Friars, yet they of all others most earnestly desire the restitution of them. ● Lastly the Commons cannot but remember, that though they were somewhat holpen by the rich Abbeys, yet were they as much burdened with the poor Friaries, who had nothing to help them but the devotion of the people, it being commonly said of their assisting at Funerals, Vbi cadaver, ib coruus. But they were all (you say) Mundo mor●ui, using ● more but for their food and regular apparel, and turning the residue to pious, or charitable, or public uses; but if it were so, how came it to pass that many times they enriched and advanced there families as much as any Lay man, nay which is worse, usually they spent the residue upon their gaming and luxury, and their living Exchequer was rather for the service of the Pope and Court of Rome, then of their Prince and Country, so that the multitude of such Clergy men and the greatness of their provision may well be objected by wise men without envy, as it was by the Venetians in the last quarrel between them and the Pope, if their goods and persons be still (as they have been hitherto) exempt from Secular jurisdiction and public service of the state, for the prevention of which mischief, was the statute of Mortmain for the lessening of these mundo mortui, made by Edward the first, and confirmed by all his successors, so that upon due and true examination, the Commons are found to lose nothing, but rather gain much by the reformation of the Church, and separation from Rome, and if they did not, yet were it a poor bargain for a man to win the whole world and lose his own soul. B. C. 42. And as for liberty they are indeed freed from the possibility of going to shrift, that is of confessing their sins to God in the ear of a Catholic Priest and receiving comfort and counsel against their sins from God by the mouth of the same priest, which duty is required of Catholic people, but only once in the year, but performed by them with great comfort and edification very often, so that a man may see and wonder to see, many 1 Indeed by the form of words yet extant in the mass book and used by the Priest, it is supposed that a number should Communicate daily with him but it seldom is so. hundred at one altar to Communicate every Sunday with great devotion, and lightly no day pass but divers do confess, are absolved, and receive the blessed Sacrament. The poor commons in England are freed from this Comfort, neither is it possible; unless their Ministers had the seal of secrecy, for them to use it; and what is the liberty that they have in stead thereof? Surely the servants have great liberty against their masters by this means, and the children against their parents and the people against their prelates, and the subjects against their King, and all against the Church of Christ, that is, against their own good and the common salvation; for 2 If we had no use of confessors, yet might and ought inferiors be kept in awe of hell fire by their Preachers, and superiors be told of their errors in state by their Counsellors, but you seem to assure his Majesty that if he will not be told of his errors in confession, he shall in rebellion. without the use of this Sacrament, neither can inferiors be kept in awe, but by the gallows, which will not save them from hell, nor superiors be ever told of their errors, but by rebellion which will not bring them to heaven: These and such like be the liberties that both Prince and people do enjoy by the want of confession and of Catholic religion. G. H. 42. We willingly acknowledge (with S. Paul) that * 2. Cor. 5. 18. to the Ministers of the Gospel is committed the ministery of reconciliation, and the k●ys of the Kingdom of heaven, to open and shut as they see cause: and therefore in their ordination hath our Church ordained the Bishop to use these words, [Receive the holy Ghost, whose sins thou dost forgive they are forgiven, and whose sins thou dost retain they are retained,] & consequently if the power of absolution be given in these words, then is it given & received in the Church of England: and as for the people they stand bound as often as they meet in their solemn assemblies, to a public and general confession, howbeit they are indeed freed from the necessity of that which we call auricular, though not from the possibility, as you falsely pretend, for as we enforce none if they come not, (as knowing that force may work upon the body but never upon the will) so we exclude none if th●y come with a true penitent heart, or out of the Scruple of conscience, either to seek Counsel, being ignorant of the quality and quantity of their sin; or comfort against despair for sin known and acknowledged: In this case the only imparting of a man's mind to a trusty Friend, like the opening of a feastered sore, cannot but bring content to a soul so anguished and perplexed: but much more if the ulcer be disclosed to a skilful and faithful Pastor of the soul, who is no less able than willing, aswell to understand the nature of the disease, as by warrant of divine ordinance to apply the remedy: and sure I see not but, the Minister standing in the place of God, as his ambassador, and pronouncing absolution upon humble and hearty repentance as from God, it should prove a marvelous great ease and settlement to a poor distracted and distressed conscience; in which regard our Church hath well ordained in one of the exhortations before the Communion, that [if any of the Congregation be troubled with the burden of sin, so that he cannot quiet his conscience, but requireth further comfort and counsel, that he repair either to the Pastor of his own Parish, or some other discreet and learned Minister of the word, and open his grief, that he may receive such Ghostly counsel, advice and comfort, as his conscience may be relieved, and that by the ministery of God's word he may receive comfort, and the benefit of absolution, to the quieting of his conscience and avoiding of all scruple and doubtfulness,] and in the visitation of the sick, [if he feel his conscience troubled with any weighty matter, he is willed to make a special confession, and the Minister thereupon to absolve him, In the name of the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost,] which is an absolution only declaratory, Conditional, and Ministerial: but the Church of Rome not content herewith, challengeth to herself herein a power 1 Bell: de pe●●t. lib. 3. Cap. 2. judicial, which is in truth individually annexed to the person and office of him, who is judge both of quick and dead. This I take to be the doctrine of the Church of England and the Primitive writers touching this point, and I cannot but wonder that Mr. Doctor, so long a Church man of such eminent place amongst us, should be so ignorant thereof, as to affirm that the people with us are freed from the possibility of confessing themselves, whereas 2 Epist: ad Front pag. 129. Mr. Casaubon a stranger in comparison, could inform him, that the rigorous necessity of Confession enjoined and practised in the Church of Rome, the Church of England thought fit, upon just reason to moderate and qualify; but for the thing itself she never did wholly annul it, nor now doth simply condemn it. And for the practice of it in foreign countries (which Mr. Doctor so much boasteth of) we are not all such strangers in those parts, but some others have aswell been acquainted with their great devotion in their ordinary confessing and communicating, as Mr. Doctor, it being rightly observed by a worthy gentleman, who confesseth that he brought with him into those parts this persuasion, that surely in this there must needs be a very great restraint to wickedness, a great means to bring men to integrity and perfection, when a man shall often survey his actions, with diligence censure them, with grief and shame confess them, with punishment expiate and extinguish them, (with firm intent never to return to the like again) whatsoever had defiled or stained the soul; notwithstanding (saith he) having searched into the meaning thereof in those parts, I find that as all things whereof human weakness hath the custody and government, fall away, decaying by insensible degrees from their first perfection and purity, and gather much soil and dross in using, so this as much as anything; for this point of their religion which in outward show carrieth a face of severity and discipline, is become of all others the most remiss and pleasant, and of the greatest content to the dissolutest minds, the matter being grown with the common sort to this open reckoning; what need we refrain so fearfully from sin, God having provided so ready a means to be rid of it, when we list? yea and the worse sort will say, when we have sinned we must confess, and when we have confessed, we must sin again, that we may also confess again, and withal make work for new Indulgences, and jubilees, making account of Confession as drunkards do of vomiting, who drink till they vomit, and vomit that they may drink again: yea, I have known of those that carried show of very devout persons, who by their own report, to excuse their acquaintance in matters criminal, have wilfully perjured themselves in judgement, only presuming of this present and easy remedy in Confession; and others of more ordinary note amongst them, when the time of confessing was at hand, would then venture upon those actions which before they trembled at, as presuming to surfeit and surcharge their stomachs by reason of the neighbourhood of the physician, which physician also himself is perhaps more apparently infected with the noisome disease his patient discloseth, than the patient, who is not any way bettered by the counsel which the Physician giveth: but this must be granted to be the fault of the people, yet a general fault it is, and current without controllement, howbeit the Priests are no more excusable on their parts, than the people, telling the penitent that God is merciful, and whatsoever sins he committeth, so long as he doth penance, and is no Lutheran, there is good remedy for him, and for their penance, it consisteth ordinarily but in ave mary's and Pater nosters, with Alms deeds, by those that are able, and fastings by them that are willing; yea, I have known when the penance for horrible and open blasphemy, besides much other lewdness, hath been none other than saying of their Beads thrice over, a matter of some hours muttering, and which in Italy they dispatch also as they go in the streets, or ride on the way, or do their business at home, making none other of it, then as it is indeed, two lips and one fingers work; but were the penance by the Priests enjoined, never so hard and sharp, the Pope's plenary pardons sweep all away at a blow. Now whether servants be not with them unfaithful to their masters, children disobedient to their parents, people undutiful to their Prelates, Subjects disloyal to their Sovereigns, aswell as with us, I leave it to them to judge, who have had experience of both. Did not Clement and Ravilliac, and the Powder-traytours use Confession? and those villains who assaulted the Prince of Aurange, the one sorely wounding, & the other murdering him? and did not their confessions serve to harden them in their damnable resolutions? Lastly, for the seal of Confession, without which (you say) it is impossible to use the thing itself, we hold it being rightly limited, a lawful, yet an human constitution, as neither in truth is particular confession itself to men any other; and he that will not forbear in conscience and common honesty to disclose a secret revealed in such manner, will hardly forbear for fear of punishment; and sure I am of opinion, better no seal to at all, than such a concealment imposed, as is by the factors of the Romish Church maintained, and was not only preached by Garnet, but in him commended by Eudaemon and Bellarmine, and in others by his example, be the issue thereof never so devilish, or toward the king and kingdom never so dangerous: and although it be true (as his 3 Premon. 125 Majesty truly observeth) that [when the Schoolmen came to be Doctors in the Church, and to mar the old grounds in Divinity, by sowing in amongst them their Philosophical distinctions, though they I say maintained, that whatsoever thing is told a Confessor under the vail of Confession, how dangerous soever the matter be, yet is he bound to conceal the party's name; yet do none of them (specially of the old 4 See novel doct. in the end of the Premon. the 3. Schoolmen) deny that if a matter be revealed unto them, the concealing whereof may breed a great and public danger, but that in that case the confessor may disclose the matter, though not the person, and by some indirect means make it come to light, that the danger thereof may be prevented: But no treason or devilish plot, though it should tend to the ruin or exterminion of a kingdom, (I use his majesties own word) must be revealed, if it be told under Confession, no not the matter so far indirectly disclosed, as may give occasion for preventing the danger thereof, though it agree with the conceit of some 3. or 4. new jesuited Doctors, yet is it such a new and dangerous head of doctrine, as no king or State can live in security where that position is maintained.] And here it shall not be amiss to remember that unto ward answer which Binet the jesuit shaped to 5 Epist. ad Front. p●g. 140. Casaubon in the king's library in Paris, two or three months before the death of Henry the great, as they talked of Garnets' execution, which the jesuit termed martyrdom [It were better (quoth he) that all kings should perish, then that the seal of confession should once be broken up.] adding withal this reason, that [the government of kings was but an human constitution, whereas confession was a divine ordinance:] which when I heard, saith Casaubon, Obstupui steteruntque comae, & vox faucibus haesit. But afterwards reading the books written by men of the same metal and society, and perceiving he had said nothing which they taught not in effect, though not in the same words, I left wondering (sayeth he) and censured mine own folly. Notwithstanding all this the same Mr. Casaubon confesseth, and not only for himself but for us, speaking in the plural number in the Page immediately going before, that it was [an ancient decree of the Church, full of piety and wisdom, that it should not be lawful to the Confessor, to publish that which he heard in confession, but none (saith he) of those holy Fathers, ever decreed that constitution of Ecclesiastical discipline, with such strictness, as thereby to make the Law of God of none effect: They knew well enough that if the case so stood, as the Law of the Church enjoined silence, and the law of God utterance, we should rather obey God, than man: They knew well enough that David is commended of the Son of God, to whom properly belongs the interpretation of the law, himself being the author of it, for the eating of the showbread, which otherwise was not lawful, saith Christ, for him to eat, rather than he would suffer himself to starve with hunger.] To like effect is that which my Lord of Ely hath in his last book against Bellarmine, [ 6 Pag. 326. Let that reverence which is due to that seal, be preserved inviolate, but towards penitents, not wilful proceeders in their mischievous plots, neither is that (saith he) the seal of God and CHRIST, but of Satan and Antichrist, with which so horrible villainies are masked. But will Mr. Doctor say these are but the opinions of private men? I demand the authority of your Church, for the seal of secrecy: but if he had ●in as skilful in the decrees & Canons of our Church, as he would bear us in hand he was, he would surely have forborn that demand, the 113. Can. of those which were agreed upon in Convocation, anno 160●. & ratified by his majesties royal assent, concluding thus: [Provided always, that if any man confess his secret & hidden sins to the Minister for the vnburthening of his conscience, and to receive spiritual consolation and ease of mind from him we do not any way 7 That is, they do not bind him to present the party confessing, as appears both in the body, and title of the Canon. bind the said Minister by this our Constitution, but do straightly charge and admonish him that he do not at any time reveal, and make known to any person whatsoever, any crime or offence so committed to his trust & secrecy, except they be such crimes as by the Laws of this Realm, his own life may be called into question, for concealing them, under pain of irregularity.] So that neither is Mr. Doctor's Assertion true, that the people with us are freed from the possibility of Confessing, though they are from the necessity, nor his reason, because we have taken away the seal of secrecy, the abuse being only by us remould, but the use aswell by public authority as private opinions retained, and maintained: But to conclude this point, the liberty which the people have gained by separation from Rome, stands not so much in forbearance of Confession rightly used, as in that liberty wherewith CHRIST hath made them free, ( * Gal. 5. 1. for if the son have made them free, then are they free indeed) if they entangle not themselves again with the yoke of bondage: & my counsel is that which the Apostle there adviseth, Stand fast, and to like effect, though in another place and case, Art thou free? seek not to be bound: and, as many as walk according to this rule, peace shall be uponthem, and mercy, and upon the Israel of God. B. C. 43. As for the liberty of making Laws in Church-matters the common Lawyer may perhaps make an advantage of it, and therefore greatly stand upon it, but to the Common people it is no pleasure at all, but rather a great burden, for the great 1 If in those middle times when all things ran in a current course, there were not so many Statutes made in Church matters, it must be imputed rather to the want of occasion, then of power, the plantation or reformation of the Church, chiefly giving occasion to the making of laws in Church matters. multitude of Statutes (which have been made since the Schism, which are more than five times so many that ever were made before, since the 2 When the name of a Parliament began in England, is uncertain: See my L. Coke in his Preface to the ninth part of his reports. name of Parliament was in England) hath caused also an infinite number of Lawyers, all which must live by the Commons, and 3 I take the raising of new houses to be no hindrance to the Commonwealth the Lawyers themselves being a part of the Commons. raise new families, which cannot be done without the decay of the old, and if the Canon of the Church, and Courts of Confession, were in request, the Lawyer's market would soon be marred; and therefore most of your Lawyers in this point are Puritans, and do still furnish the Parliament with grievances against the Clergy, as knowing very well that their own glory came at the first from the Court 4 As 〈◊〉 the Civil Law came not from the Roman Infidels, ●hich notwithstanding stand well enough with the authority of the Ecclesiastical Courts. Infidel, and therefore cannot stand with the authority of the Church, which came at the first from the Court Christian: I speak not against the ancient laws of England, which since King ethelbert's time were all 5 What you call Catholic I know not but sure I am, that since King Eth. time many Statutes have been made for the restraining of the B●shop of Rome's unjust usurpation, neither do● find that he ●●●tered any thing in the laws of the kingdom, save only by commanding them to be turned into his mother tongue. Catholic, nor against the honest Lawyers of England: I know many, and honour all good men among them, and do look for 6 I● by better times you mean the restitution of the Romish Religion, or the reconciliation of our Church to Rome, you had certainly▪ very little reason to expect them from the learning, wisdom, and moderation of those that are now the chiefest in that profession, the chiefest of all, having both frequently, and full● declared himself to the contrary, and suffered for it by the slanderous tongues and pens of malicious Romanists, and namely, Eudaemon and Parsons. better times by the learning, wisdom, and moderation of the chiefest: But I am verily persuaded that the pretended liberties of the Commons to make Laws in matter of Religion doth burden the Commonwealth, and doth trouble and prejudice your Majesty, and pleasure none at all but the Puritan, and petti-fogging Lawyer, that would fain fetch the antiquity of his Common Law, from the Saxons that were before King Ethelbert: So that whether we respect the spiritual instruction and comfort, or the temporal wealth and liberty of the Commons of England, if the Puritan Preacher, and the Puritan Lawyer, who both seek the overthrow of the Church, and deceive and consume the people, would let them alone, there would quickly appear no reason of their state at all why they should hate the Catholic Church that is so comfortable and beneficial unto them▪ or maintain the Schism, that with sugared speeches, and counterfeit faces, doth so much abuse them. G. H. 4●. The next privilege which you pretend to the Commons, is the liberty of making Laws in Church-matters, as if they could make laws without the consent of the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal, or they all without the royal assent of his Majesty; and for the multitude of Statutes, which you speak of, the multitude of erroneous opinions, & devilish practices from Rome, have caused a great part of them, and the malice both of the devil (as knowing his time to be but short) and of men in this last and worst age of the world generally increasing, must needs give occasion to more laws: He that shall look into the body of the civil law, may find that those laws multiplied faster from Constantine's time, to the end of justinian's, which was about 200. year, then in four (nay in five) hundred years before, though the one were under a Christian government, and the other under an heathenish, wh● took their beginnings, as we know, only from the laws of the twelve tables, which were brought out of Greece. Did not God himself, besides those twelve precepts (grounded upon the law of nature) add many laws thereunto for the government of his Church? and that which he did by the Ministry of Moses, unto that special people, the same power hath he left to the governors of particular Churches, conditionally all their laws be conformable, or at leastwise not repugnant unto his law, the rule and square of all human laws: how hath the Canon law itself (to which Mr. Doctor's drift is wholly to resubmit us in Church government) grown up to a great bulk and massy body? and how hath their multitude entangled the Christian world? yet must no man dare open his mouth to complain of that. We read of Luther, that when he heard his books by public order were burnt in Rome, he as solemnly burnt the Canon law at Wittenberg: We have not proceeded, neither think we it fit to proceed so far, but have rather chosen out of that dunghill to seek for a pearl, which having found, we are content to keep, and as occasion serves to make use of: We have not wholly abrogated the Canon law, but we retain it in part, though not as receiving strength from the Pope's authority, (who for any thing I know, hath no more right of making laws for us, than we have for him) but from the governors of our own Church: Neither did the 1 Bod in lib. 1. de ●epub. cap. 8. Kings of France in the erection of their Universities receive it any otherwise, then to use at their own discretion, not to oblige them as a law, or if it did, the power of it was derived from their own approbation, not from Rome's imposition; and therefore have they expressly, and by name forbidden the 2 See Mons●ir Servius, the King's Attorney generals speech in the end of the reformation of the University of Paris. 6th. Book of the Decretals to be read in their Universities, as law, as being expressly against the laws and liberties of the Gallican Church. Now if they refuse one part, they might (in my judgement) by the same reason (if they found it inconvenient or disagreeable) reject the whole, and I think they would not stand much, if occasion served upon the casting off of the Canon law, who could by no means yet be induced to the receiving of the Canons of the Council of Trent. A notable instance hereof we have, even in the depth of Popery, in our own Country: At the Parliament of Merton, it was proposed, that children borne before marriage, might be adjudged legitimate, according to the rule and practise of the Canon law: They all made answer with one voice, Nolumus Leges Angliae mutari, we will not yield to the change of the laws of England, by which it appears that they received not in those very times all the Pope's Canons as laws, and those which they received, they had not the force of laws, because the Pope imposed them, but because themselves entertained them in that nature, and to that purpose ratified them. Mr. Doctor need not marvel then if our Parliament now make laws to the same purpose; and by the same authority, as they ratified those: The Summons of Parliament ever since the time of King Henry the V. (and how long before I know not) have in one constant form and tenor made mention, that the Parliament is summoned to consult [de negotijs statum, & defensionem Regni Angliae, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae contigentibus, of businesses concerning the State and defence of the Realm, and Church of England.] Among other King's S. Edward begins his laws with this protestation that it was his Princely care, [Vt populum Dei, & super omnia, Sanctam Ecclesiam, regat & gubernet, To rule and govern God's people, and above all the Church of God] And before him 3 Sp●culum just. anno 712. Ina, k●ng of the West Saxons, professeth, that he called a Council of his Bishops and Senators, that they might consult of matters, [De salute animarum, & Statu regni: touching the salvation of their souls, and the State of the kingdom:] And therefore doth our chief Antiquary rightly distinguish our Courts into Ecclesiastical, Civil, and mixed, which he makes the Parliament, as being compounded of both, and consequently capable to determine of matters of both natures, though I must needs say, the case is somewhat altered from ●ormer times, when not only the Arch-bishops, the Bishops, the Abbots, and Priors (whose number was double to th●t which now it is, and little inferior to the ●e●porall Lords) sat in they igher House of Pa●liament, and had concluding voices, but the body of the Clergy, and Cathedral church's, had their Proctors amongst the Commons, as may be collected by divers of our 4 Statut. 21. R●●. 2. cap. 11. Statutes in print: but no● that the number of the Lords Spiritual in the higher House, is lessened, and the others are clean excluded the lower House, me thinks it should stand with reason and equity, that th● liberty of making of laws or Canons in Church-matters, should be referred and reserved (by his majesties gracious favour, and with his Royal assent) to Churchmen, assembled in their Convocation, who are presumed to be most able and willing to establish good and wholesome Constitutions, and to reform what is amiss. Thus in the year 1603, at his majesties first entrance into this kingdom, by virtue of hi● Prerogative Royal, and Supreme authority in causes Ecclesiastical, did he grant licence and free power unto them, to treat and agree upon such Ordinances, as they should think necessary and convenient for the honour and service of Almighty God, and the good and quiet of the Church, and afterward being by them agreed upon, and thoroughly considered by his majesty, out of his princely inclination, to maintain the present estate and government of the Church of England, he not only confirmed them by his Royal Assent, but by the same authority commanded the entertainment and execution of them through the Realm. Another matter you fling at, is the multitude of Lawyers at this day, as i● they were exceedingly increased, but if you had read, and well observed Foretescues observation in this behalf, 5 Comment. cap. 49. who wrote about 200. years since, being then Chief justice of England, and had compared this time to that, you would have found, that the number of that Pro●ession in those days, was little less than at this day: certainly their colleges were then more than now: His words are [Sunt namque in eo decem hospitia minora, et quand●que verò plura, quae nominantur hospitia Cancellariae, ad quorum quodlibet pertinent centum studentes ad minus, et ad aliqua eorum maior in multo numerus, licet non omnes in eyes semper conveniant: Maiorun quatuor sunt, & ad minimun eorum pertinent in forma praenot at a ducenti students, aut propè. They have ten lesser houses, which they call Inns of Chancery, to every of which belong one hundred students at least, and to some many more, though they be not all continually resident in them: of the bigger houses, they have ●oure, and to each of them in like manner belong two hundred students, or thereabout] Whereras at this present in some of the Inns of Court, there are not 260. and in the greatest little above 300. in commons at one time; and for the ●nnes of Chancery they are but eight in number, and in most of them not above 50. in commons together: But if they are increased it may well be imputed, not so much to our multitude of statutes, as to our long peace, the nurse of homebred quarrels, or to the dissolution of our Monasteries, and that as I conceive for four reasons, First for that whereas in those days when the Monasteries stood▪ many younger brothers did betake themselves to Monastical lives, they do now apply themselves to the study of the Law, Secondly for that the possessions of the Monasteries being then in Mortmain could not be aliened, whereas now being in the hands of Lay-men, they are daily bought and sold, which sets the Lawyer doubly awork: first in 〈◊〉 conveyances for them, and then in alteration about them: Thirdly the Abbots and Priors foreseeing their ruin, Set many leases under hand, which could not but breed a great intanglement in their possessions: Fourthly, and lastly, the dispersing of them into the hands of so many particular men, resting before in the possessions of Corporations, cannot but prove the cause of much strife, and consequently of many suits and controversies; no marvel then if by our increase of people (other trades and professions increasing) Lawyers should do the like. But if the Canons of the Church and the Courts of Confession, were (you say) in request, the Lawyer's market would soon be marred, what say you then to those countries, where both these are in request, and yet do their Lawyers both increase and flourish more than ours? And when both these were in request among us, their number (as I showed before) was little less, if not as great, or more than now it is, if ● understand the words of that reverend judge aright. And if most of our Lawyers be in this point Puritan, that is in refusing the rescripts of the Popes, as the Canons of the Church, and your seal of Confession as a divine ordinance, for my part I blame them not; but for the Canons of our own Church, collected by William Linwood in the reign of King Henry the 5th. and afterwards by 32. selected persons, Bishops, inferior Divines, and Canonists, deputed to that work by King Henry the eight, & after his death by his Son King Edward the sixth, as also our present Canons now in force, I have known some of our Lawyers much esteem: But if they furnish the Parliament with unjust and unnecessary grievances, I defend them not, but leave them to make their own apology, only thus much I say, that the whole body of a profession is not to be charged with the fault of some few, specially being imputed by those who desire most to fish in our troubled waters, to warm their hands at the fire of our contentions, and to rip up our wounds (if we have any) with smiling countenances. Hoc Ithacus velit, & magno mercentur Atridae. Now if the one encroach upon the other, farther than their proper and limited bounds permit, I excuse them not, but leave them to the censure of his wisdom, and restraint by his power, upon whom they 6 A God contains the Sea within his own bounds and marches, so is it my office to make every Court contain itself within its own limits, see his Majesty's Speech in Parliament, 1609. depend both, and from whom they both receive their limits and being. Lastly, whereas you make him a Pettifogging Lawyer, that would fetch the antiquity of the Law from the Saxons, that were before King Ethelbert, herein you make that famous judge before named, whom in his time they esteemed a Father of the Law, and a learned antiquary, a Pettifogging Lawyer, in as much as in his Book above mentioned, he thus speaketh: [ 7 Cap. 17. The realm of England was first inhabited by the Britanes; next after them the Romans had the rule of the land; and then again the Britanes possessed it; after whom the Saxons invaded it, and changing the name thereof, did for Britain call it England; after them for a certain time the Danes had the dominion of the realm, and then the Saxons again; but last of all the Normans subdued it, whose descent continueth in the government of the Kingdom at this present; and in all the times of these several Nations and of their Kings, this realm was still ruled with the self same customs that now it is, which if they had not been right good, some of those Kings, moved either with pride, or with reason, or affection, would have changed them, or altogether abolished them, and specially the Romans who did judge all the rest of the world by their own Laws; likewise would other of the foresaid Kings have done, who by the sword only possessing the realm of England, might with the same power have extinguished the Laws thereof; and touching the antiquity of thesame, neither are the Roman civil Laws, by so long continuance of ancient times confirmed, nor yet the Laws of the Venetians, which above all other are reported to be of most antiquity, for as much as there Island in the beginning of the Britanes was not then inhabited, as Rome itself was then also unbuilded; neither are the Laws of any which worshipped God so ancient; wherefore the contrary is not to be said nor thought, but that the English Customs are very good, yea of all other the very best] neither can I conceive any other reason Mr. Doctor hath, thus bitterly to envy against our Laws, as if they came from the Court infidel, and were a burden to the Common wealth, but because some of them are bend against the Pope's usurpation, and the admission on of his emissaries from Rome, and as the Canon Law carries up the Ark of the Church (that is the Pope) fifteen cubits above the highest mountaine● of Sovereignty, so is the Common Law so favourable and advantageous in extending the Prerogative of the King, as his Majesty professeth, [For a King of England to despise the Common law, is to neglect his own Crown:] and a little after protesteth, that [if it were in his hand to choose a new law for this Kingdom, he would not only prefer it before any other national law, but even before the very judicial law of Moses.] So that whether we expect Spiritual instruction and comfort, or the semporall wealth and liberty of the Commons of England, (if the jesuit and seminaries Priest who both seek the overthrow of our Church, and deceive and consume the people, would let them alone) there would quickly appear no reason of State at all, why they should desire reconciliation to Rome, (which with sugared speeches, and counterfeit faces, doth so much abuse them) or loath the reformation which is every way so comfortable and beneficial unto them. B. C. 44. I am therefore in very assured hope, that by my coming to the Catholic Church, beside the satisfying, and saving of mine own soul, I shall do no ill service to your Majesty, neither in respect of yourself nor your children, nor in respect of your Lords and Commons, and that there is no reason concerning the state of any of these, that is sufficient to dissuade unity. There is only the Clergy left, which if Caluinisme may go on, and prevail as it doth, shall not in the next age be left to be satisfied; and there is little reason that any man that loves the Clergy, shall desire to satisfy such 1 What tho●● Clergy men are, we desire to know, and who in your sense are Caluinists. Clergymen, as do underhand favour Caluinists, and maintain such 2 What those points of doctrine are, we shall see in the next Section. points of doctrine, 3 That his majesties favour to the Clergy is such, as not to give way to their overthrow, and in stead of them to set up a few stipendiary Preachers, we have had good trial, and are bound to bless God for it: but sore against the will of all Roman Catholics, it is that his Majesty should favour them so much. as if your majesties favour were not, would out of hand overthrow the Clergy, and in stead of them, set up a few stipendiary Preachers. G. H. 44. And we are on the other side as confident, that in going to the Church of Rome, and forsaking your own, in which you were bred and baptised, besides the endangering of your own soul, you have done no good service to his Majesty, neither in respect of himself, nor his children, neither of his Lords, nor Commons in persuading unity with the▪ Church of Rome, unless first she could be persuaded to the embracing of the same verity in Religion with us. There is only the Clergy left, which if Popery should go on, and prevail, as you desire it should, shall not in the next age be left to be satisfied, or to give satisfaction; but there is little reason, that any man that loves the Clergy, should desire to satisfy such Clergymen as yourself, while you were among us, who under hand favour Papists, and maintain such points of doctrine, as if his majesties authority were not, would out of hand overthrow the doctrine established, and in stead thereof, re-establish the Papacy. B. C. 45. There never was, is, nor shall be, any wellsetled State in the world, either Christian or heathen, but the Clergy and Priesthood was, is, and must be a principal part of the government, depending upon none but him only, whom they suppose to be their God; but where Caluinisme prevaileth, three or four stipendiary Ministers that must preach, as it shall please Mr. 1 How Calvin himself though he were a stipendiary Minister, pleased Master Maior and his brethren, let his banishment more than once for his free preaching testify. Maior and his brethren, may serve for a whole city; and indeed if their opinions be true, it is but folly for any State to maintain more: For if God have predestinated a certain number to be saved without any condition at all, of their being in the visible Church by Faith, or their persevering therein by good works: If God hath reprobated the greatest part of the world without any respect at all of their infidelity, heresy, or wicked life: if the faith of CHRIST be nothing else but the assured persuasion of a man's own predestination to glory by him: if the Sacraments of the Church be nothing but signs and badges of that grace which a man hath before, by the carnal covenant of his parent's faith: if Priesthood can do nothing but preach the word, as they call it, which lay Lay-men must judge of, and may preach to, if they will, where occasion serves: If the study and knowledge of antiquity, universality, and consent be not necessary, but every man may expound Scripture as his own spirit shall move him: If, I say, these and such like opinions be as true, as they are among the Caluinists in the world common, and in England too much favoured and maintained, there will certainly appear no reason at all unto your Parliament, whensoever 2 We are assured that both his Majesty, and his heir apparent, are so well resolved in this point, as they will never put it to the question. your Majesty or your successors shall please to ask them, why they should be at so great a charge as they are, to maintain so needless a party, as these opinions do make the Clergy to be: They can have a great many more 3 Our Sermons are not so cheap as your Masses, which notwithstanding are in a manner the very life and soul of your Priesthood. sermons a great deal better cheap; and in the opinion of Caluinisme the Clergy do 4 The untruth of this assertion appears in mine answer. no other service: they that do in England favour and maintain those opinions, and suppress and disgrace those that do confute them; they although themselves can be content to be 5 As if all those who are called Lords, and go in Rochets, were not by their place conformable to the discipline, & had often before they come to that place, subscribed to the doctrine established by Law. lords, and to go in Rochets, are indeed the greatest enemies of the Clergy: and it were no great matter for the Clergy; they might easily turn 6 They may more easily turn Lay with you, where Lay men are admitted to the administration of the Sacrament. lay, and live as well as they do for the most part: but it is a thing full of compassion and commiseration to see, that by these false and wicked opinions, the devil, the father of these and all other lies, doth daily take possession of the souls of your Subjects, both of Clergy and laity. 7 These kind of Clergy men desire no satisfaction from you, but wish you had been as careful to maintain that truth which once you professed, as to confute their pretended errors, which confutation notwithstanding you speak much of, but no where perform, nor so much as undertake. These kind of Clergy men I confess I do not desire to satisfy any other way, then as I have always done, that is, by the most friendly and plain confutation of their errors to show them the truth; as for other Clergy men that are conformable to the religion established by Law, as well for their doctrine, as for their discipline, if they be good Scholars and 8 You may rather call them temporising, then temperate. temperate men (as I 9 It were well that others knew them too, (if any such there be, who in judgement approve the truth of that religion which you call Cath.) and yet promise themselves not only members, but Ministers of our Church: but our hope is that their number is not such as you vaunt of; it being unpossible that honest men and good Scholars should take the oath of Supremacy, and subscribe to our articles of religion, and yet in judgement approve the authority of the B. of Rome, which is in a manner the substance of that religion. know many of them are) they cannot but in their judgements approve the truth of Catholic religion, and if it were not for fear of loss or disgrace to their wives and children, they would be as glad as myself, that a more 10 Had ours had the like temperate course held with them, or the like liberty afforded in Queen Mary's days, they would have thought themselves happy. temperate course might be held, and more liberty afforded to Catholics and Catholic Religion in England: These Clergy men, I am and ever shall be desirous to satisfy, not only in respect of themselves, but also in respect of their 11 Their wives and children are bound to pray for you, in regard of your fatherly care of them. wives and children, whom I am so far from condemning or misliking, as that I do account myself 12 It is well that you account yourself one of the honest men and good Scholars, but they are so far I hope from accounting you one of them, as they utterly condemn and mislike your courses. one of them; and I desire nothing more in this world, then in the toleration of Catholic religion to live and 13 But it pleased God you should die among strangers, and not live to see that toleration you desired: neither shall any of them we hope, that yet live and desire to see it. die among them; and therefore I have had so great care in this point, as before I did 14 As if the whole fortune of Greece depended upon your submission to that Church. submit myself to the Catholic Church, I received 15 What assurance can there be on our parts from them, who hold the faith is not to be held with heretics: but you forgot your promise made to my Lord's Grace of Cant. in your Letter dated from Colin the 17 of August 1613. that you neither were, nor ever would be wholly reconciled to the Church of Rome. assurance from some of the greatest, that if his Majesty would admit the ancient subordination of the Church of Canterbury unto that mother, 16 By Pope Gregory's letter to Austin the Monk, it appears that the other Churches were by him subordinated to York and London, but by king Ethelbert to Canterbury, so that the L. Archbishop holds his jurisdiction by the King's authority, and not by the Popes. by whose authority all other Churches in England at the first were, and still are subordinate unto Canterbury, and the first free use of that Sacrament, for which 17 How then will you make good our saviours words, M●ne house shallbe called the house of prayer? or of S. Paul, that he was sent to preach, and not to baptise▪ that is as I take it chiefly to preach? especially all the Churches in Christendom were first founded, the Pope for his part would 18 How can he confirm them in Ecclesiastical livings, who are no better than Lay men, having no lawful orders as is the currant opinion of Rome. confirm the interest of all those, that have present possession in any Ecclesiastical living in England, and would also permit the free use of the Common Prayer book in English, for Morning and Evening Prayer, with very little or no alteration, and for the contentment and security of your Majesty, he would give you not only any satisfaction, but all the honour, that with the unity of the Church, and the safety of Catholic Religion, may be required: which seemed to me so reasonable, as being before satisfied for the truth of Catholic Religion, I could ask 19 So that looking through the spectacles of that religion, all seemed gold to you that glisteren, but you might as well have for borne the ask of that, as aught else. no more; so that I am verily persuaded that by yielding to that truth which I could not deny, I have neither neglected my duty and service to your Majesty and your children, nor my respect and honour to your Lords and Commons, nor my love and kindness to my 20 That is such, if any such there be, who in judgement approve the truth of Catholic doctrine in your sense, for others you renounce as the greatest enemies to the Clergy, that is, yourself and your supposed brethren. honest friends and brethren of the Clergy; but rather that my example and my prayers shall do good unto all. G. H. 45. That the Clergy should be a Principal member of the body popolitike we grant, but that they should depend on none but him only, whom they suppose to be their god, we deny; Indeed where the authority of the Bishop of Rome sways, look how many Clergy men there are, so many subjects are exempt from the jurisdiction of the secular power, and wholly depend upon his Holiness, who is to them in regard of the universality of his command, and the infallibility of his judgement, in stead of their God, but for us [Non habemus talem consuetudinem, neque Ecclesia Dei: we depend first on God, and then on the Sovereign Magistrate, his anointed and vicegerent on earth:] In regard of external coactive jurisdiction, with Saint Augustine we distinguish between the eternal God, and the temporal Lord, yet we obey the temporal Lord for his sake that is the eternal God: But where Caluinisme prevaileth, three or four stipendiary Ministers (you say) that must preach, as it shall please Mr. Maior and his brethren may serve for a whole City, where, by Caluinisme you understand not the discipline or form of Church government, conceived by Calvin, but Doctrinal points maintained by him, or at leastwise, by you imposed on him; I say imposed on him, in as much as the greatest part of those positions, is certainly no part of his Doctrine; and for the rest (malice and prejudice set aside) they might suffer, as favourable a construction in Calvin, as in Saint Augustin, or in Bellarmine, and other jesuits and schoolmen, neither is all that Calvin hath written, without exception maintained, by those in England, who otherwise embrace and reverence his pains, as of a chief Captain in the Lords battles: your positions I will examine as they lie in order, whereof the first is. [That God hath predestinated a certain number to be saved, without any condition at all of their being in the visible Church by faith, or their persevering therein by good works.] To which I answer, that if we consider Predestination before the fall, it can have no reference, to Faith or good works, flowing from thence, in as much as if Adam had stood in his original integrity, we should not have needed the coming of CHRIST for our salvation, and consequently, neither faith in him, nor those works which are the necessary fruits and effects of that faith; but if after the fall, then are they both required, not as impulsive and meritorious causes, but as marks and effects infallible of our Predestination, and withal, as the ordinary conditions, and means of our salvation: This I take to be Calvin's opinion, in the third book and 22. chap. of his Institutions, and not Caluins only, but Martyrs in his Commentary on the 8th. to the Romans, and Zanchies in his 5. book of the nature of God, and second chapter, and beza's, in the acts of the conference at Montpelgard, and generally of our own Writers that have touched this point, and if we err herein, we err with St. Augustine, who in his 87. tract upon john, thus speaks▪ [Hic certe vacillat eorum ratiocinatio, qui praescientiam Dei defendunt contra gratiam Dei▪ & ideo dicunt nos electos ante mundi constitutionem, quia praescivit nos Deus futuros bonos, non seipsum nos facturum bonos: Non hoc dicit qui dicit, non vos me elegistis, quoniam si propterea nos elegisset, quia bonos futuros ●sse nos praesciverat, simul etiam praescisset quòd eum nos fuissemus prius electuri. here falleth to the ground, their vain manner of reasoning, who defend the foresight of God, against the grace of God, affirming that we were therefore chosen before the foundation of the world, because God foresaw we would be good, not that himself would make us good: But he says not so, who says [you have not chosen me] for had he chosen us, because he foresaw we would be good, he should also have foreseen, that we would first have chosen him] To the same purpose doth he speak, in the 98. Chapter of his Manuel to Laurence, and in his 105. Epistle; neither doth the Master of sentences dis●ent from him herein, in his first Book and 41. distinction: Opinati sunt quidam (sayeth he) Deum ideo elegisse jacob, quia talem futurum praescivit qui in eum crederet, & ei seruiret: Some (saith he) have been of opinion, that God chose jacob, because he knew he would believe on him and serve him, which Saint Augustin in his Retractions confesseth, that himself sometimes held, where he plainly proveth, that [had he been chosen for any merit to come, that election had not proceeded from grace] The same is also the opinion of 1 1. di●t. 4. qu●●nic. §. potestaliter. Scotus, of 2 P. 1. q. 23. a. 5. ad 3. Aquinas, and 3 De gratia & lib. arbitrio. lib. 2. cap. 9 Bellarmin himself, so that to say, God hath predestinated a certain number, without any condition of faith or works, as the impulsive or meritorious cause of our predestination, is not Calvin's opinion alone, neither was he the first broacher of it; And to say that he predestinated a certain number, without any condition of Faith and works, as the marks and effects of our Predestination, and the means of our salvation, is not Calvin's opinion at all, but thrust upon him by Mr. Doctor. * Ephes. 1. 4. He hath chosen us (sayeth the Apostle) before the foundation of the world, that we should be holy, making holiness the final, but not the efficient cause, with which distinction doth Sixtus Senensis shut up the matter in the sixth 4 Annot. 251. Book of his Library, where having at large alleged the sayings of Origen, Chrysostome, Ambrose, Hierome, etc. who seem to hold, that the Prescience of works is the cause of divine Predestination, [quae quidem sententia (sayeth he) in Pelagio damnata est, which opinion was condemned in Pelagius] he addeth that Augustin, having sometime held the same, upon better advice, retracted it almost in innumerable places, and at length concludes, [Ne● dubium est, etc. Neither is there any doubt to be made, but that some of those foresaid Fathers, in pronouncing our works foreseen to be the cause of God's Predestination, understood it of the final cause, and not of the meritorious.] The second point which you call Caluini●me, is▪ that [God hath Reprobated the greatest part of the world without any respect at all of their infidelity, heresy, or wicked life;] to which I answer, that this point of Doctrine being rightly understood, is not Caluins alone▪ but Martyrs, Zanchies, beza's, in the places before alleged, and generally of our own divines; nay of Sa●nt Augustin, of Lombard, of Scotus, of Thomas, and of Bellarmine himself, who in the place above quoted, distinguisheth Reprobation into a negative and a positive act; the negative is God's will of not saving men, the positive his will of damning men. [of the former of these (sayeth he) no cause can be assigned, in regard of us, as neither of our Predestination, but of the latter, the cause is the foresight of sin] Now the former of these two acts is that, by which men are properly said to be reprobated, as by the latter to be damned, so that to say, God hath reprobated the greatest part of the world, without respect of any thing in themselves, is no more Caluinisme, than Be●●arminisme: Catherinus indeed enueighs bitterly against those, who affirm, that God reprobates some, not because he foresees their wicked life; but because his pleasure is to exclude them from Eternal life; and this opinion he ascribes to Luther, calling it impious and intolerable, but 5 Dis●n Rom. 9 Num. 91. Pererius, somewhat sharper sighted, takes up the blundering old man for it, putting him in mind, that it was ipsissima B. Augustini sententia, the very self same doctrine, which Saint Augustin teacheth. The third point which you call Caluinisme is, that [faith is nothing else, but the assured persuasion of a man's own Predestination to glory by Christ] which differs not much in words, and in sense very little, or not at all, (as I conce●ue) from his 6 Bas●l▪ dor: pag. 1●. majesties definition, where he calls it a sure persuasion, and apprehension of the promises of God, applying them to your soul, and therefore may it justly be termed (saith he) the Golden chain that linketh the faithful soul to CHRIST: But I wonder what Mr. Doctor meant, in saying, that Calvin maketh it nothing else, whereas the Church of Rome maketh it not by many degrees so much; it being in their doctrine a naked and bare apprehension of, and assent unto supernatural truths, in which the devil himself may go as far as any, nay, doth go farther than many of them; for in that sort he both * jam. 2. 19 believes and trembles, and by this faith, impossible it is that we should either * Ephes. 6. 16. quench the fiery darts of the wicked, as S. Paul speaks, or * 1. joh. 5. 4. overcome the world as S. john: Faith (saith the author to the Hebrews) * Ch●●. 11. 1. is the ground of things which are hoped for, and the evidence of things which are not seen: now what is that grounded evidence, but an assured persuasion? and what are those things hoped for, and not seen, but chiefly the glory to which through CHRIST we are predestinate? so that you may as well put a nothing else upon S. Paul's definition, as upon Caluins, and yet is 7 Inst it. ●ib. 3. cap. 2. ● 7. Caluins somewhat more than you make it, in as much as thereby the favour of God is not only apprehended, but sealed unto the heart; whereas your faith is of that nature, as it neither hath any sound foundation to build upon, neither is a man certain when he hath it; neither if he have it, how long he shall keep it; neither if he keep it, whether at last it will serve for his justification in the sight of God; So that a nothing else may rather be pinned upon the sleeve of that faith which the Church of Rome teaches, then that which Calvin defines. The fourth point which you call Caluinisme is, that [the Sacraments of the Church, are nothing but signs and badges of that grace, which a man hath before by the carnal covenant of his parent's faith] whereas 8 See the 4. book 14. chap. of his Institut. Calvin in many places, and express terms, directly denies, the Sacraments to be nothing else but bare signs, they being in his doctrine, not only signs to represent that which they are ordained to signify, but seals to confirm that which they represent, and withal, pipes to convey, or instruments to present that to the soul of the worthy receiver, which they represent to the sense: much less than do either he or we make the Sacraments signs only of that grace which the receiver hath by covenant of his parent's faith, as Mr. Doctor would have it, for than would it follow▪ that they should not at all be Sacraments unto them▪ whose parents either are, or died Infidels, though themselves be converted to Christian Religion; and whereas he calls that a carnal Covenant, which God made with Abraham and his seed, it argues a carnal minded man, savouring those things which are of the Flesh, and not of the Spirit. The fifth point which Mr. Doctor calls Caluinisme is, that [Priesthood can do nothing but preach the word, (as they call it) which Lay-men must judge of, and may preach too, if they will, where occasion serves] as if he were ignorant, that both by Calvin, and by us, public prayer, in the name, and for the good of the people, is specially committed to the Priesthood, and to it only is the power of binding and losing, and of administering the Sacraments annexed, whereas in their doctrine, it is permitted not only to Lay-men, but to women, in some cases: But with us (you say) Lay-men must judge of that which is preached, and may themselves preach too; whereas the truth is, that we allow them a judgement, of examination only, or trial, which * 1. Cor. 11. 13, 28. S. Paul allowed his auditors, and * 1. I●hn 4. 1. S. john his, not of decision or determination, which you seem to imply; and for their preaching, both our, and Calvin's rule is, that no man with us taketh, or should take this honour to himself, but he which is called, as was * H●b. 5. 4. Aaron, inwardly by the Spirit of God, fitting him with gifts, and a disposition thereunto; and outwardly by the Constitutions and ordinances of the Church. The sixth and last point which Mr. Doctor calls Caluinisme is, that [the study, and knowledge of antiquity, universality, and consent, is not necessary, but every man may expound Scripture as his own spirit shall move him] where first I cannot but wonder, that Mr. Dr▪, who urgeth neither antiquity, universality, nor consent through his whole discourse, should here at last cast, stand so much upon them, yet I am persuaded, it was rather to bear us in hand, that himself was deeply studied in them, then that he thought they could much advantage his cause; neither is the study and knowledge of them so neglected, by those whom Master Doctor, (if he were living) would call Caluinists, that they fear, even by that trial, to encounter the stoutest Champions of the Church of Rome: For leaving Caluins frequent quotation of the ancient Councils and Fathers, let the works of Martyr, of Bucer, of Zanchius, of junius, of Sadeel, of Chamier, of the Noble Du Plessis, and D● Moulin testify, what account they make of the universal consent, and of Antiquity: And for our own here at home, he that shall look into the writings of Bishop jewel, of Raynolds, of whitaker's, of Fulke, of Humphreys, of Perkins, (I spare to name the living, nothing inferior herein to the dead) may easily find, if he shut not his eyes against the light, that they spared neither cost nor pains in this kind. To what ●●●pose hath Tossanus written his Synopsis Patrum, and Scultetus his Medulla Patrum? To what end did that noble and worthy Gentleman, Sir Thomas Bodley, with so much charge and tramell, found and furnish our University Library at Oxford; and private Colleges, by his example, enlarge their own? or why should Sir Henry Savill, with so much expense and care, set forth Chrysostom's works, in so exact and exquisite a manner, i● we made that slight reckoning of the study and knowledge of Antiquity, as Mr. Doctor would make the world believe? indeed we cannot but acknowledge that to be true, (which truth itself hath delivered) onething is necessary, and that many care, and are cumbered about other things more than about this, yet withal we as freely confess that many things are requisite, some in one degree, and some in another, to the better compassing of that one, which is only and absolutely necessary in itself. But e●ery man, you say, with us, may expound Scripture, as his own spirit shall move him, whereas we every where teach with S. Peter, that as [ * 2. P●●. 1. 20. noe prophecie-in the Scripture is of private motion.] so neither is it of private interpretation; the original word signifies both: We cannot take from any Christian man, in expounding of Scripture, a judgement of discretion, in weighing the drift of the Text, and conferring it with other passages of like nature, though to the guides of the Church and Pastors of men's souls, we reserve the judgement of direction; but the judgement of jurisdiction to the representative Church itself, assembled in Synod: for as the spirits of the people are in this case subject to the Prophets, who sit in Moses chair, so * 1 Cor. 14. 32, 33. the spirits of the Prophets, are subject to the Prophets, if not to convince the conscience, at leastwise to impose silence; for God is not the author of confusion, but of peace; and they which think otherwise, for mine own part, I think of them, that [the way of peace they have not known.] I will conclude this point with his majesties most grave and godly advice, [ 9 Basil. D●r. lib. 1. pag. 10. When ye read the Scripture, read it with a sanctified and chaste heart, admire reverently such obscure plases as ye understand not, blaming only your own capacity; read with delight the plain places, and study carefully to understand those that are somewhat difficile; press to be a good Textuary; for the Scripture is ●euer the best interpreter of itself; but press not curiously to seek out farther than is contained therein, for that were over unmannerly a presumption, to strive to be further upon God's secrets, than he hath will be; for what he thought needful for us to know, that hath he revealed there; and delight most in reading such parts of the Scripture, as may best serve for your instruction in your calling, * Ta. 3. ●. rejecting foolish curiosities upon Genealogies, and contentions which are but vain and profit not, as Paul saith.] If these than be the opinions of the Church of England (which you call Caluinisme) maintained aswell by the pens, as the tongues of those Churchmen, who sit at the Stern, and in the most eminent places of the Church, there will easily appear, a reason to the Parliament, if it be demanded, why so necessary a party as the Clergy should, at leastwise peaceably enjoy that allowance which they have allotted, by God's ordinance, the piety of devout minds, and the ancient constitutions of the Realm; and sure we are, that a great deal less reason there is of maintaining so chargeable a Clergy in the Roman Hierarchy, where the Pope's plenary Indulgence may in a trice effectuate that, about which they make so much a do. But at length the Asses ears appear through the Lion's skin: before he have told us in general that those opinions (forged for the most part out of his own brain,) were too much favoured, & maintained by Clergy men themselves; here he comes at length to open his spleen, & tells us in plain terms, that the Clergy men he means, are such who can be content to be Lords and to go in Rochets, being indeed the greatest enemies of the Clergy: now had the same men (who long since did smell his hypocrisy, and inclination toward Rome) favoured Dr. carriers Popish doctrine, and designs, or endeavoured to have put him in a Rochet, and to have made him a Lord, (whereof he thought himself worthy, though no man else did,) they had doubtless been in his account the Clergies best friends: but for that they discovered and discountenanced his sly purposes and practices, they are now become the greatest enemies the Clergy hath; they are therefore become enemies, because they tell the truth; yet whatsoever they are to the Clergy, whom they love and tender as their brethren, sure I am they have proved themselves more loyal to his Majesty, and more faithful to the State, more diligent in their calling, and more unblamable in their ways, than the accuser, it being a thing full of commiseration and compassion to see, that by these false and wicked suggestions of mutinous and discontented persons, the devil, the father of these and all other lies, doth daily take possession of the souls of some of his majesties subjects, both of the Nobles and Commons. But another sort of Clergy men (you say) there are, good scholars and temperate men, who cannot but in their judgement approve the truth of the Catholic religion: These, that you may the better satisfy, you desire two things, and by way of counterchange or retribution promise three; having assurance as you pretend from some of the greatest. The first thing you desire, is no less than the Bishop of Rom●s Supremacy in England, which you vail under the title of the subordination of the Church of Canterbury, unto that Church, by whose authority all other Churches in England at first were, and still are subordinate unto Canterbury. Whe●ther Rome may properly be called the mother Church of England, I have already in another place considered, but undoubtedly as the case now stands, she being become unto us worse than a stepmother, we cannot in common reason entertain vn●on with her, much less acknowledge subjection unto her; for shall we think that the head of the Papacy being in, the body of Popery will be long behind? no, no if that one po●nt were once yielded unto, all the rest controversed between us and them, would quickly follow after, as a necessary train. The Friar in Chaucer would have nothing be killed for his sake, only he desired the liver of the capon, and the brain of the pig: So the Pope would be contented there should be no innovation in England, upon condition his Supremacy and the Masse● (the second thing you desire) were readmitted, upon which two in a manner, the whole frame of Popery is built, and therefore in the reformed Churches of France (not without good reason in my judgement) such as forsake the fellowship of the Church of Rome, and betake themselves to their profession, are bound before they be admitted into their society publicly in the Congregation, as to renounce the errors of that Church in general, so in special, and by name to abjure these two, The usurped authority of the Bishop of Rome, and the idolatry of the Mass, as may appear in the late declaration of the admittance of the Earl of Candale into their Church, in january last, he being son and heir to the Duke d'Espernon, a chief Patron of the jesuits and their faction, and the Lord himself (as he is styled in the declaration printed at Rochel 1616) Prince of Busch, Duke and Peer of France, governor and Lieutenant general for the king in the Provinces of Xaintong● A●goulmois, high and low Limosin, principal gentleman of the king's chamber: in this declaration he also protesteth before God, the searcher of hearts, and judge of souls, that his change proceeded not from the motions of fl●sh and blood, o● from worldly respects, but from the mere sense of conscience. But to return to our purpose, the latter of those two things which M. Doctor craves to be yielded unto, he shrouds under the cloak of the first use of the Sacrament, whereas his Majesty rightly termeth the present doctrine and practice of the Church of Rome therein, [new coined articles, never heard of in the first 10 200. years of which you cannot except against for freedom, if that be your meaning. 500 years.] Such as are the cutting off of one half of the Sacrament from the people, private Masses, where the Priest playeth the part, both of the Priest and of the people, their Transubstantiation, Elevation for adoration, reservation in boxes, and circumgestation in Processions; besides an infinite number of ridiculous and apish toys in the celebration of it: Notwithstanding you make no bones to demand the free use hereof, that is as I conceive in effect, the public toleration and liberty of Romish religion, a matter most unreasonable to be expected from his 11 Pref. to his ●●sil. dor. fol. 6. Majesty, of any king living, who therefore specially seems to mislike the bitterness of some busy Ministers, who (God be blessed) grow both fewer in number, and more calm in their courses, because they trouble the peace of the Church, thereby giving advantage to the entry of Papists by the division thereof: how then can you conce●ue any hope of a Toleration of your pretended Catholic religion itself? But if you consider that which his Majesty writeth against the 12 Pag. 78. 79. marriage of his son to o●e of a different religion, your hope willbe much less. Solomon from the toleration of a strange worship within his dominions, fell at last, as we know, to the embracing of it himself; And it is observed by Divines, both jewish and Christian; that the diversity of religion, tolerated by King Solomon in divine worship, was by God requited upon his heir, and next successor, jure talionis, by a retaliated division of an unrecoverable rupture in the civil government: Your own 13 Promp. Cath. f●. ●. p●st 〈◊〉. Stapleton spares not to revile Bodi● in particular, as an enemy to Christianity for 14 Bodin. lib. 3. cap. 7. pol. maintaining that liberty; The 15 In Ephes. 4. Rhemists conclude to like purpose in their annotations upon the new Testament; and 16 D● 〈◊〉 is cap. 18. 19 Bellarmine spends two whole chapters in confuting their arguments, who plead for this indifferency, informing it from the example of the jewish Church, grounds of Scripture, practise of Emperors, judgement of Fathers, yea reason and experience, to be pernicious in any Realm, bo●h to the Ecclesiastical and civil state, and dangerous even to themselves which use that liberty; shall we imagine then that his Matie. a king, if any other in the world, so desirous to serve God truly, without shrinking or wavering, settled in conscience, resolved in judgement, confirming by practice, by word, by writing, by oath, by laws, by advice, what he openly professeth, would ever differ so much from himself, as to admit, even of a partial Toleration of a religion different from, if not contrary unto his own? a matter so contrary to Gods will, so dishonourable to himself, so dangerous to the State? * 1. T●●. 5. 22. Be not partaker (saith S. Paul to Timothy) of other men's sins; now I cannot conceive, how in his case the 17 Quin●n 〈◊〉 cum posset, iebet. Magistrates permitting, when it is in his power to forbid, can well be distinguished from partaking. From your demands, you come to your promises, whereof the first is, that the Pope for his part would confirm the interest of all those that have present possession, in any ecclesiastical living in England: he must then confirm the interest of all those, whom you call Puritans, and Caluinists, as well as others, which I think he will be as unwilling to do, as they to take it from him; nay I am persuaded, there is no Clergy man in England, worthy the name and credit of a good Subject, or the profit of the living he holds, who would think the possession of it any way the securer, for the Pope's confirmation: But to grant, that the right of those, who have the present interest in them, might by that means be strengthened, what were like to become of the fattest Benefices, and best dignities of our Church (the same power continuing) in the next age, we may in part conjecture, by the experience of former times, they being by the Pope's authority conferred upon his favourites, Italians and strangers, who never came so much as to see them, and yet notwithstanding, was the rest of the Clergy so harrowed, partly by the cunning practice, and partly by the violent extortion of his Legates, and Collectors, (as I have already showed) that it is surely a lamentable thing to read it, much more to feel it. The Second thing you promise is, the permitting the free v●e of the Common prayer book in English, for Morning and Evening prayers, with v●ry little or no alteration; belike than his Holiness hath of late better studied that Scripture of Saint Paul, the 1. to the Corinthians, and the 14. then which I see not what can be more clearly spoken, not only for reading and expounding the Scriptures, but specially for praying in a known language; and if his Holiness judge it no offence to God, to permit the use of our Liturgy in English, what reason can our Recusants pretend of their refusal to join with our Congregation in the use of it, except his purpose be to permit it only for an interim, as Charles the 5th. did to the Germans, until he can gain further strength to work his own ends, or as he doth the stews, to avoid a greater conceived mischief; but (God be thanked) we have, and hope still to have, the fre●●se of that book without his permission, and for his permission, should think nothing the better, but rather the worse of it. The third and last thing you offer is, that, for the contentment and security of his Majesty, his Holiness would give him not only any satisfaction but all the honour, that with the unity of the Church, and safety of Catholic religion, may be required, but how farr● the unity of the Church, and the safety of Catholic religion extends itself, is so doubtful a case, as none can determine it but the Pope himself, so that except his Majesty can define, or divine rather, what that means, he shall be as far to seek of his security as ever: He hath already declared by his Breves, that the taking of the Oath of Allegiance, cannot stand with the safety of Catholic Religion, so that if he will secure his Majesty, he must not only condemn those Authors, and damn that Doctrine, which teaches his power in deposing Kings, and disposing of Kingdoms, but he must either recall that declaration, made as he pretendeth, upon long and weighty deliberation, (which it may be to serve his turn, he would as willingly do, as absolve the Venetians, though they no way submitted themselves in the point controversed) or if he persist in the maintenance thereof, as in greatest likelihood he w●●l, I see not which way he can secure his Majesty, except he may be said to secure, who cuts off all means of his security, an oath being among all Christians, and Heathens, if they be but morally honest (as the Apostle speaks) an end of all strife. It is the last resolution in the search of truth, and in the body politic, the strongest sinew, next the bound of nature and conscience, whereby the members are tied to the head, and the head again to the members, and the members knit among themselves: for the Pope then to promise his Majesty security, and yet by this means to withdraw the hearts of his Subjects from their natural allegiance, is, as if a man should promise secure passage over a River, and yet pull down the bridge, or take away the boats which serve for that passage. His Majesty on the other side, hath declared the Pope to be Antichrist, in his opinion, and can he expect honour or security from Antichrist, who hath hitherto depended on none but CHRIST? he may also be pleased to remember what security the two last Henries of France received from him: Lastly if the Powder-treason were undertaken without the Pope's privity, how can he secure his Majesty from the like? except he can dive into the secrets of men's hearts, or have the art to foresee things to come, or to charm the devils in hell: God defend us from such security, which hath the face of a man, but the teeth of a Lion, which first lulles us asleep, and then drives a nail into our heads. My conclusion of this point shall be, that common speech of the Italians themselves, [Acibo bis cocto, a medico indocto, a vento percolato, & inimico reconciliato, liberanos Domine] from such honour, as is expected from a Romish reconciled enemy, Good Lord deliver us; so that we are verily persuaded, by yielding your neck to the yoke of Rome, and persuading his Majesty and his Subjects to do the like, you have disclosed your hypocrisy, violated your oath, disgraced your nation, stained your profession, forsaken your duty to your Sovereign, your respect to his Nobles, and love to his Commons and Clergy; and not only so, but aswell by your example as exhortations, endeavoured what in you lay, by wounding every particular member, utterly to ruin the whole body both of Church and Commonwealth, from such Physicians, Good Lord deliver us. B. C. 46. But that I must trust to, when all the rest will fail me, is the service of God, and the saving of my soul in the unity of that Church, which was founded by Christ himself, and shall continue until his Coming again, wherein all the Saints of God have served him on earth, and do enjoy him in heaven: without which Catholic Church, there is no Communion of Saints, no 1 How then in your Doctrine do children baptised with us, which die instantly after their Baptism, go to heaven? forgiveness of sins, no hope of resurrection unto life everlasting: I beseech your Majesty let not Caluins Ecclesia Praedestinatorum deceive you; it may serve a Turk as well as a Christian; it hath no faith but opinion, no hope but presumption, no charity but lust, no faith but a fancy, no God but an Idol; for Deus est omnibus religionibus commune nomen Aug. Ep. All religions in the world, begin the Creed with I believe in God; But homini extra ecclesiam, Religio sua, est cultus phantasmatum suorum, and error suus, est Deus suus, as Saint Augustine affirmeth. G. H. 46. It seems then, you trusted little to the effectuating of these idle fantastical projects, whereabout you have made so much ado, and so many vain flourishes, and indeed your confidence could not be so little, as you had little reason to be confident they should take effect. That Church which was founded by Christ himself, and shall continue until his coming again, wherinal the Saints of God have served him on earth, and do enjoy him in heaven, without which there is no communion of Saints, no forgiveness of sins, no hope of resurrection unto life everlasting, is indeed the true Catholic, but not the Rom. Church, it being founded by Christ before his Coming in the flesh, and shall continue until his coming again, but not as tied to any certain place: in it all the Saints of God served him on earth, as the patriarchs, and Prophets, who lived, some of them before the foundation of Rome: without it there is no Communion of Saints, no forgiveness of sins, no resurrection unto life everlasting, which no doubt by God's mercies, and Christ's merits would still remain, though Rome were turned into ashes and the Pope into nothing: howbeit as a late writer hath well observed [ignorance is now become generally so powerful a tyrant, as it hath set true Philosoiphie, Physic, and Divinity, in a pillory, and witten over the first, Contra negantem principia, over the second, virtusspecifica, and over the third, Ecclesia Romana, making it the only market, or rather Monople, both for devotion and salvation.] That there is a visible Church, in which the Elect and Reprobate are blended together, in the outward profession of supernatural verities, and the precious means of salvation, nay in the illumination of the mind, and sundry inward graces, Caluine denieth not; but that none are true and lively members of the mystical body of CHRIST, which he hath ransomed with his blood, and doth quicken and formalize with his Spirit, and will finally crown with eternal bliss, save the Congregation or Church of the first borne, whose names are written in heaven, he truly affirmeth: And if Calvin deceive us herein, so doth S. Augustine too, who in his third book of Christian doctrine, and 32. Chapter, disputing against Ticonius, who had called the mystical body of CHRIST, (which is most properly, and principally the Church) a body bipartie, as including both good and bad, useth these words, [Non ita debuit appellari, non enim revera Domini corpus est, quod cum illo non erit in aeternum: It ought not so to have been called, in as much as it is not truly the body of CHRIST, which shall not everlastingly be with him] nay, not only Calvin and Augustine deceive us, but S. Paul in the fourth to the Ephesians, the fifteenth and sixteenth verses: and again in the fifth Chapter of the same Epistle, the 25. and 26. verses: but for the better clearing of this point, we must conceive, that the Elect, or Predestinate of God, are of two sorts, some elect only, and not yet called, some both elect and called: of the latter there is no question, but they are the principal parts of the Church of God; and touching the former, they are not actually in the Church, but only potentially in God's prescience and predestination, who hath purposed that they shall be, and knoweth that they will be: when we say then, that none but the Elect of God are of the Church of God, we mean not, that others are not at all, nor in any sort of the Church, but that they are not fully and finally of the special number of them, who partake of the most perfect work, force, and virtue of that saving grace, whereof that Church is the only dispenser. Neither can this Church serve a Turks turn aswell as a Christians, for whom he did predestinate, them also he called; and whom he called, them also he justified; and whom he justified, them also he glorified; since than he neither calls, nor justifies Turks, we are sure they cannot be of the company of the predestinate: But his Majesty himself (I now remember) well concluded this point, at the conference at Hampton Court, and therefore we need not fear his being deceived in judgement; his determination is, that [we should judge of our Predestination, not so much descendendo, by prying into God's secret counsel, as ascendendo by searching our own hearts; the sincerity of our own hearts, being as it were, the counterpane of God's eternal decree, locked up in the Cabinet of his counsel;] and therefore the Apostle in the 2. to Tim. and the 2. joins them both together: The foundation of God (saith he) remaineth sure, and hath this seal, The Lord knoweth who are his: there is the Instrument sealed on God's part; the Counterpane on ours instantly follows: and [let every one that calleth on the Name of CHRIST, depart from iniquity.] So that the way to assure ourselves that we are in the number of those that are sealed to life, is to call on the name of CHRIST, in our profession, and depart from iniquity, in our conversation; the one is required in our life, and the other in our belief. Neither is the faith of such believers, an opinion, or fancy, but the ground of things which are hoped for, and the evidence of things which are not seen, and a shield to quench all such fiery and venomous darts; nor is their hope, a presumption; but a sure anchor against despair, nor their charity, lust; but the love of their neighbours, as of themselves; nor their God, an idol; but that Lord, who hath revealed himself unto us in his word; whereas on the other side, we may justly say, that the Pope's Ecclesia malignantium, may more easily serve a Turk, her Religion being rebellion, & her practice, murdering of souls and bodies, (as it acknowledged in the 1 Appointed for the day of our deliverance from the Powder treason. public prayers of our Church,) her faith being but wavering, and full of irresolution, her hope a balancing and estimation of her own merit, her charity an ostentation of works, no God so powerful with her, and beneficial unto her as the Pope and the Mass. We know that all religions begin their Creed with I believe in God, but none have less reason than they, who believe in him in general, without particular application; and for S. Augustine's testimonies, that to an heretic, the entertainment and embracing of his fantasies is his religion, I demand which is more likely to build his religion on fantasie●, either he who depends merely on the written word of God, or he that equals his own inventions thereunto? B. C. 47. I have more things to write, but the haste of answering your majesties commandment signified to me by Sir Thomas Lake his letters, have made me commit many faults in writing this very suddenly, for which I crave pardon, and cut of the rest: but for my returning into England, I can answer none otherwise but thus; I have sent you my soul in this treatise, and if it may find entertainment and passage, my body shall quickly follow after, and if not, I pray God I send my 1 M. Doctor being but a novice in his religion, it seemeth, had forgotten there was any such place as Purgatory. soul to heaven, and my body to the grave as soon as may be: In the mean time I will rejoice in nothing, but only in the Cross of CHRIST, which is the glory of your Crown, and therefore I will triumph therein, not as being gone from you to your adversary, but as being gone before you to your Mother, where I desire, and hope for ever to continue. Your majesties True servant, and 2 Belike Master Doctor had now gotten him a knocking pair of beads, to keep him from sleeping, while he was at his Orisons. Beadsman, Benjamin Carier. G. H. 47. S. john concludes his Epistle to Gaius, I have many things to write, and Mr. Doctor his to his Majesty, I have more things to write, but S. john trusts to come shortly after, and speak with him mouth to mouth, but Mr. Doctor will not promise that, except he be first assured his Letter may find entertainment, which as I hear was very slender, and no marvel than he hasted not after. S. john craved not pardon for his faults, which we make the mark of an * 2. Mac. 15. 39 Apocryphal writer, but M. Doctor doth, and that very deservedly, in as much as he chose rather with 1 Maluit culpam d●pr●●ari, quam n●n committere. Albinus to crave pardon for his faults committed, than not to commit them, and whereas he imputes his faults to his sudden writing, in imitation belike of Campian, therein he adds another fault to his former, in as much as a great part of this was written long before his majesties command came to his hands, partly in a Latin Epistle to Mr. Casaubon, and partly in an English letter to an honourable person in Court, and yet for any great matter is in it, in my judgement it needed no long deliberation; as it was suddenly written; (if it were so) so may it somewhat move a man of a sudden apprehension, but surely the graver and wiser sort I think, it will little affect. Lastly, for your return into England, you can make none other answer (you say) than this, that you have sent your soul in this treatise, and if it may find passage, your body shall follow after: while you were here, your body was with us, but your soul with them, for, anima est non ubi animat, sed ubi amat, and yourself in your Common place book maintain, that a man may live among heretics or Schismatics, not yielding outward obedience to the Church, and yet live in the State of grace, if his soul be united to the Church in the understanding by faith, and by charity in the will, conditionally he withhold himself from such outward obedience, not for private respects, but for the 2 M●d● abstinent pr●pter c●m●une b● num Ecclesi●, non propter bonum privatum. public advantage of the Church: As your soul then was with them, when your body was with us, so your body being with them, your soul was then busy working here with us, but for their purposes; and sure except you altered your opinions set down in this treatise, (and I have cause to fear you entertained worse, dying 3 So Pelitier in his narration published of his death, witnesseth. among the jesuits) better you should stay there, both in body and soul, or send your soul out of your body, and your body to the grave, as in God's providence you have done, then to return to infect that Country and Church, in which you were borne and bred, and baptised, which as you professed in your last Sermon before his Majesty, and in writings which I have to show under your own hand, might justly contend with any Church in the world, for purity of doctrine. But it seems you had forgotten (being but a novice in that doctrine) you were to pass by Purgatory before you came to heaven, except you supposed the Spa waters had sufficiently purged you, or else you presumed far upon the merit of your profound demonstrations, as if thereby you needed not De profundis to be sung, nor Mass to be said for your deliverance from thence, but that you must presently jump into heaven: I durst warrant, the jesuits, among whom you died, did not esteem, you such a Saint. Indeed Castellanus who made the funeral oration upon Francis the 1. the French King, was excepted against, and accused by the Sorbonists for saying, That he doubted not, but the King's soul was in heaven; but his purgation was made by Mendoza, that he thought he called by Purgatory in passing, but being as he was of a stirring disposition, he made no stay there; but I think M. Doctor, who offers to undertake the justifying of all Romish doctrine, was not of this opinion: We teach with S. john, that [ * 〈◊〉. 14. 13. Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord, for they rest from their labours.] But M. Doctor should have remembered that the Church of Rome teacheth with Virgil, (whose authority Bellarmine solemnly quoteth to that purpose) That the souls of the most just (except they die by Martyrdom, or presently after Baptism, or do some notable Meritorious work (as for the purpose; the kill of a King whom that Church shall judge a Tyrant) are all to be scoured in the flames of Purgatory fire, before they enter into heaven.] But in the mean time, you say, you will rejoice in nothing but only in the Cross of Christ, which is the glory of his majesties Crown; where, * Gal. 16. 4. if by the Cross of Christ you understand, as S. Paul did, Christ Crucified, you do well, he being indeed, not only the Glory of his majesties Crown, but the Crown of his and our glory; but if the material Cross, or a painted or carved Crucifix, this could bring but a shadow of joy to you, and of glory to his majesties Crown. Lastly, you conclude, that you are not gone from his Majesty to his adversaries, but before him to his Mother: For the first of which I demand, who his Majesty shall account for his adversaries, but those who condemn such Roman Catholics, 4 See Widdringt●ns Supplication to the Pope. 1616. censuring their Books, and commanding them to purge themselves, who only maintain his Civil power in Temporal affairs, and restrain his subjects from taking the Oath of mere natural Allegiance, which in effect is all one as if they absolved them from that Oath being taken, and consequently encouraged them to rebellion? For the second part of your conclusion, we doubt not but his majesties Mother might find mercy, knowing no better religion, then that in which she was borne and bred, when such Apostates, as our of discontent, or for temporal respects, forsake a known truth, which they have preached, in which they were baptised, to which they have subscribed, shall find heaven gates shut against them. But we * 1. Cor. 4. 5. judge nothing before the time, until the Lord come, who will lighten things that are in darkness, and make the counsels of the heart manifest: and then shall every man have praise of God: Who so confirm us, in that we are right, and reform us, in that we are amiss, that passing through things temporal, we may not finally lose eternal: Now praise and honour, and glory, and power, be unto him that sitteth upon the throne, and unto the Lamhe for evermore. B. C. Multum incola fuit anima mea cum his qui oderunt pacem; eram pacificus cum loquebar illis, impugnabunt me gratis. Psal. 119. vers. 5, 6. G. H. The words of his mouth were smother than butter, but war was in his heart: his words were softer than oil, yet were they drawn swords. Psal. 55. 21. AN ANSWER TO THE MATERIAL POINTS of a second Letter of Dr. carriers, written also from Liege, to his friends here in ENGLAND. WHen I had almost finished my former answer to the Doctor's Letter to his Majesty, another Letter of his, dated also from Leig●, and directed to his friends in England, came to mine hands; whereunto are added, certain collections found in his Closet, made by him (as it is thought saith the Publisher) of the miserable ends of such as have impugned the Catholic Church: to which is also annexed a brief exhortation to persevere constantly in the said Catholic Church, what opposition soever may occur: and lastly, a few examples of the admirable felicity of such as have defended the same Church. First then for the Letter, I must confess, I expected from Mr. Dr. some piece of greater value, considering himself had promised us in the last Section of his first chapter, particularly to justify and make plain from point to point the Religion at this day practised and prescribed by the Church of Rome; & Pelitier for him, that having consigned his writings into the hands of one of his friends, we should shortly have that happiness, as to see them published, to the joy and comfort of Catholics, and the edification of those whom he had forsaken: But at last we have received for payment, in full satisfaction of the whole debt (as I conceive) this Letter, with the appurtenances; which I would have set down entire as I found it, (the very sight of it being confutation sufficient;) but that I should have done the Printer injury in staying his press, and withal have raised my book to a bulk, too far exceeding my purpose; and it may be have deceived the reader too, in offering that to his view, which he would have judged scarce worth the reprinting. In his entrance, after his verbal flourishes, and the repetition of that which hath already been answered, more than once, if any way material; he settles at length upon nine Propositions, the very marrow and pi●h of all his Letter, all tending to draw what he might from the authority of Scriptures, and to cast it upon the Church, that is in his language, the Romish Clergy, as afterwards he expresses himself; I will examine the propsitions as they lie in order. B. C. 1. That our Saviour did leave nothing in writing, but taught his Religion to his Apostles by word of mouth. G. H. 1. Doubtless our Saviour was not of that Polish Cardinal's mind, who thought it had been better for the Church, had there been no Scripture extant at all: for though himself left nothing in writing touching his Religion, yet by the Scriptures alone he proves himself to be the Messias in his conferences, his Sermons, his disputations: with it he informs the ignorant, confirms the weak, instructs his Disciples, confutes the Pharisees, puts the Sadduces to silence, and the devil to flight. Not a book of Moses, and scarce a Prophet but he either quotes some passages from him, or at least alludes to some in him, specially that of the Psalms and the Prophet Esay. Nay, in the 24. of St. Luke, it is said, he proved his passion and resurrection from Moses, and all the Prophets. Though it were he that spoke to the patriarchs, in dreams, and visions, and Revelations, yet he mentions none of them for proof, and except they were 〈◊〉, much less traditions; but his ordinary questions and exh●rtations, and reprehensions are: How readest thou? and have ye not read? and search the Scriptures, and ye err not knowing the Scriptures, and for traditions he names them not but to reject them. Secondly, it is acknowledged by the greatest Clerks, and chiefest pillars of the Church of Rome, that the Evangelists in writing their Gospels, and the Apostles their Epistles, were none other but the pens of a ready Writer, the Secretaries of their Lord and Master: now that which the Secretary writes according to the direction and inditing of his Lord, more commonly is, & more justly aught to be called the writing of the Lord then the Secretary; it is St. Augustine's reason in the last Chapter of his first book of the consent of the Evangelists. Cum Euangelistae (saith he) & Apostoli scripserunt quae Deus ostendit & dixit, nequaquam dicendum est quod ipse non scripserit; quicquid enim ille de suis factis & dictis nos legere voluit, hoc scribendum illis tanquam suis manibus imperavit. In as much as the Evangelists and Apostles wrote that which God manifested and spoke, it cannot be said that himself wrote not; for whatsoever his pleasure was we should read, touching his works and words, that he gave them in charge to write, as it had been with his own fingers. Thirdly, it is reported by Eusebius, lib. 1. cap. 13. that our Saviour left in writing a letter to Abgarus King of Edessa, the copy whereof he there setteth down at large, affirming the original to have been kept among the public Records of that City: but for mine own part I must needs say, that if it be not feigned, I can not conceive why it should not be received as canonical. Fourthly and lastly, it may very well be, that our Saviour wrote nothing himself, in as much as those things which were to be written, were testimonies concerning himself: for though it be true, in regard of his divine authority, which he delivers in the eight of St. john's Gospel [Though I bear record of myself, Vers. 14. yet my Record is true] Yet in regard of the apprehension of flesh and blood, it is as true which he hath in the fifth of the same Gospel, V●rs● 31. If I should bear witness of myself, my witness were not true. B. C. 2. That our Saviour commanded not his Apostles to write his Religion but to teach it, Ite praedicate. G. H. 2. As if a man might not teach as well by his pen as his tongue, by writing as speaking; nay, doctrine delivered by writing, as it is conveyed more purely and certainly without mixture, arising from human frailty and corruption; so it spreads farther and lasts longer, and if it degenerate, is more easily reform. It is worthy to be marked, which St. Luke hath in the Preface of his Gospel to that noble Theophilus: He confesseth, that he had been instructed in the doctrine of Religion, yet he thought to write unto him from point to point, that he might have the certainty of those things, so that though he had indifferent good knowledge before, yet writing the story, was the means to beget certainty: so saith David, This shall be written for the generation to come. Neither to my remembrance do I read of any that forbade their followers to write, but only the Pythagoreans and the Druids: Once we are sure that it pleased Almighty God to countenance the writing of holy Scripture by his own practice, in as much as he wrote * Exed. 31. the Decalogue, once and again, in tables of stone: And as he led the way himself, so in express terms he commanded his servants the Prophets to do the like, * Exod. 17. 14. ●sai. 8. 1. irr. 30. 2 ●z●k. 37. 16. hab. 2. 2. Moses, and Esay, and jeremy, and Ezekiel, and Habacuk. Before the Law was written, what universal apostasies there were from the true worship of God, the flood is a sufficient testimony; and after it was lost, though the Priesthood continued, what general swervings there were both of Prince and people, as well in manners as religion, appears, 2. Chro. 34. What forbids us then to think that our Saviour in commanding his Apostles to teach all nations, should not by virtue of that command, as well give them in charge to publish their doctrine by writing, as to deliver it by word of mouth. Besides, whiles we read in the first of the Revel. at the 11. verse, that he who was dead, and is alive, commands john to write those things which he saw in a book; and again at the 19 verse, Write the things which thou hast seen, and the things which are, and the things which shall come hereafter. And again in the second and third Chapters, in particular to the Angel of the Church of Ephesus write, to the Angel of the Church of Smyrna write, to the Angel of the Church of Pergamus write, to the Angel of the Church of Thyatira write, to the Angel of the Church of Sardis write, to the Angel of the Church of Philadelphia write, to the Angel of the Church of Laodicea write; while (I say) we find the charge of writing so often given to john, and that by him who was dead and is alive, I can never subscribe to the truth of that Proposition, that our Saviour commanded none of his Apostles to write, except I should deny S. john to have been an Apostle, or our Saviour to be understood by him, who was dead and is alive. B. C. 3. That of the twelve Apostles, seven did leave nothing at all in writing, but taught their Successors the Religion of Christ by word of mouth. G. H. 3. This Proposition supposeth the number of the Apostles to have been but twelve; whereas Mathias made the thirteenth, and Paul the fourteenth, who proclaims it in the front of the greatest part of his fourteen several Epistles Paul an Apostle: But it may be Mr. Doctor will not vouchsafe him that name, because he wrote more than any of the Apostles. Secondly, in the fifteenth of the Acts, we read, that the Apostles met together in Council, wrote Letters, the very tenor whereof there appears; neither can it be otherwise conceived, but that the whole number of them, or at leastwise the greatest part was there assembled: So that to say, that seven of them left nothing in writing, is both derogatory from the authority of Scripture, and in itself unjustifiable. Thirdly it may very well be, that seven of them left nothing else but that Letter in writing; not because they held it sufficient to teach only by word of mouth (as Mr. Doctor would imply) but because six of them had written, which how needful it was they should perform, appeareth aswell by Saint * Phil. 3. 1. Paul, as Saint * Verse 3. jude. Fourthly and lastly, though nothing of their writing be come to our hands, yet it is not certain whether they left nothing in writing; since it is probable that Saint Paul wrote another Epistle to the * 1. Cor. 5. 9 Corinth. which is now no where extant. B. C. 4. That Saint Mark, Saint Luke, and Saint Paul, were not of Christ's company whiles he was upon the earth, and therefore must needs learn their Religion of the Church before they wrote it. G. H. 4. Here I must confess I could not but wonder what Mr. Dr. meant, if he had read and believed Saint Paul's Epistle to the Galathians, in affirming that he learned his Religion of the Church, whereas himself in the first and second Chapter of that Epistle, enforceth the contrary, with so many and so invincible arguments, that they can not but instantly stop the mouth of any, who would offer to open it in defence of Mr. Doctors assertions. Now I certify you brethren, (saith he) that the Gospel which was preached of me, was not after man, for neither received I it of man, neither was I taught it; but by the Revelation of jesus Christ. Secondly for Saint Mark and Saint Luke, though they learned their Religion of the Church by hearing the Apostles, as the Apostles themselves did from Christ, by hearing and seeing him: yet doth it not follow but the former, as well as the latter, wrote by the instinct and direction of the holy Ghost: nay doubtless it were no less than impiety once to imagine the contrary: To which purpose the words of Bellarmine are worthy observation. * De C●●●il. auth. lib. 2. ca●. 12. Vt vere dicitur Epistola principis quae à principe dictatur, etiamsi is qui eam scripsit antea sciebat quae scripturus erat: ita dicitur & immediatum Dei verbum quod scriptum est ab Euangelistis Deo inspirant & dirigente, licet scripserint ea quae viderant vel audierant: As that is truly said to be the Letter of a Prince which he dictates, though he who wrote knew before what he would write: So is it the immediate word of God which is written by the Evangelists (God inspiring and directing them) though they saw and heard those things before which they wrote. Lastly for S. Luke, he learned not the acts of the Apostles which he wrote from the Church, himself being an actor in a chief part of them, and whereas Mr. Doctor affirms, that he was not of Christ's company whiles he was upon the earth; S●ella a Writer of the Church of Rome in his Enarrations upon the 24. of S. Luke's Gospel, and the 13. verse, assures us that grave Doctors (by whom I take it he means the Fathers) were of opinion that S. Luke was one of those two Disciples, whom our Saviour instructed as they were journeying to Emmaus. B. C. 5. That divers others did write the Religion of Christ, as they did apprehend it, but their Gospels and Epistles were rejected by the Church, Luke 1. 1. G. H. 5. In the Primitive Church a great part of the believers, but specially their guides, were miraculously endued, as with other gifts; so with a discerning spirit, and that not only in differencing the sins and persons of men; but judging of their writings: so that though they wrote a truth, touching the Christian religion, yet were they able to discern whether that truth were written, by special illumination and instinct of the same spirit, wherewith themselves were inspired: whereupon we have good reason to accept what they accepted as Canonical, and as Apocryphal to reject what they rejected: but for the present Church, though it should ten thousand times reject the whole, or any parcel of that written truth which they accepted; yea, though one from the dead, or an Angel from heaven should preach any other Gospel: yet ought we rather to accurse then believe him; notwithstanding the Church of Rome, as if she were invested with equal or higher power, though indeed she reject no book as Apocryphal, which that Church accepted as Canonical, yet doth she accept and impose divers books as Canonical, which that rejected as Apocryphal. B. C. 6. That at the day of judgement there will be no writing to try true Religion from heresy; but only the eternal truth of Christ, in the souls of his Saints. G. H. 6. But that Eternal truth of Christ in the souls of his Sain●s is the same and none other, than which is contained in the holy Scriptures: now the Gentiles indeed * Rom. 2. 12. in as much as they have sinned without the Law, they shall also perish without the Law, that is without the Law written, save only in the tables of their hearts; but the jews, in as much as they have sinned in the Law, shall be judged by the Law (saith Saint Paul,) and our Saviour, * john 5. 45. There is one that accuseth you, even Moses in whom ye trust: whereby none other thing can be understood then the Law written by Moses. B. C. 7. That the Scriptures were written by men of the Church, admitted Canonical by Councils of the Church, preserved from tyrants by the care of the Church, and ever until late expounded by the consent of the Church. G. H. 7. That the Scriptures were written by men of the Church, we confess; yet so, as withal it cannot be denied, but those holy men wrote as they were moved by the holy Ghost: We also confess; that they were admitted Canonical, by the Councils of the Church, that is declared, not made to be so: and likewise that hitherto they have been preserved by the care of the Church, which therefore is called, * 1. Tim. 3. 15. The pillar and ground of truth; neither ought they to be expounded, but by the consent of the Church, if we speak of exposition to be publicly allowed and received, touching fundamental points; otherwise both Caietane, and Andradius, and jansenius, and Maldonat, and divers others of the Church of Rome, in sundry places profess, that they rest not satisfied in any interpretation given by the Fathers, but prefer either their own, or some other found out in this age: So that if Mr. Doctor by the Church, understand the Fathers, we have no reason to bar ourselves of that liberty, which the chief Doctors of the Church of Rome, both challenge as due, and practice as needful; yet so, as we use that liberty with moderation and sobriety, the people submitting their judgements to their Pastors, and the Pastors in several to their body united, or represented: where no very clear and manifest reason appeareth to the contrary. B. C. 8. How few men are able to read, and expound Scriptures any way, and whether it be not easier to believe the Church, then to believe a few private men, that say they can expound Scriptures better than the Church. G. H. 8. If we should follow the rules and practice of the Church of Rome, fewer would be able either to expound or read the Scriptures then now are. Espencaeus, a Dr. of the Sorbon, witnesseth, that he was told by an Italian Bishop, that his Countrymen were terrified from reading the Scriptures, lest they should become herettikes; but the Doctor demanding what Art they then professed? why quoth the Bishop, both the Laws, but specially the Canon: And Robert Stephens demanding some of the Doctors of the Sorbon, in what place some passage of the New Testament was written? they answered, that they had read it in Hierome, or the decrees: but for the New Testament, they were ignorant what it was; nay one of them was wont to swear by the light, that he wondered young men talked so much of the New Testament, himself being fifty years old before he understood so much as what it meant: and if such blind guides lead the blind, what marvel if both fall into the ditch. Now for believing private men, I would fain know how the common people in their Church, come to know the exposition of the Church, or the Church itself, but by the information of private men: And if any of ours prefer their own judgement before the current opinion (which I suppose Mr. Doctor means by the exposition of the Church) I have showed before upon what ground they do it, and that therein they do no more than those very Romish Divines, who complain most of them. B. C. 9 That all sorts of heretics have always boasted of the Scriptures, and despised the Church. G. H. 9 Though the devil falsely alleged Scripture, yet our SAVIOUR thought it no sufficient reason to forbear the alleging of it; and though the pharisees pretended the authority of the Church, yet he embraced not their corrupt glosses, leaving us an example in both to follow his steps. Upon these Propositions, Mr. Doctor inferreth, that the only way to find the true religion of CHRIST, is to inquire which is the true Church of CHRIST; now to know the Church (saith he) our Saviour did found, we must observe that this word doth signify diverse things, sometimes the House of God's service, sometimes the Congregation of all those that are baptized, and sometimes the Clergy or spirituality; and in this sense alone our Saviour founded a Church when he did call and send his Apostles, and gave them the same power, which himself as man had received of his Father. Then to know which is the true Church (saith he) we must inquire which is the Clergy that was founded by CHRIST, and continueth in the Unity of the Church by perpetual Succession from the Apostles, and so from CHRIST himself: And for certain resolution thereof, he referreth us to three arguments, as he calleth them infallible, whereof the first is, Th● report of Chronicles and Histories; The second is, The Universality, Antiquity, and consent of doctrine, taught in the true Church, and The variety, novelty, and repugnancy taught in Schism: And herein you may inquire (saith he) of the most learned and most honest to inform you: The third is, The testimony of Scriptures of the old and new Testament. For answer to this inference, I would willingly learn where Mr. Doctor learned those acceptions of the Church; once I am sure he taketh it otherwise then it is taken in holy Scripture; and again in holy Scriptures it is taken otherwise then he taketh it: Neither are his two former means for the finding out of the Church more justifiable, than his acceptions of the Church; whereof the first is the report of Chronicles; but to grant that all Chronicles spoke as the Pope would have them, yet were all this but human testimony, a sufficient inducement to move, but no sufficient ground for the conscience to build upon. For the proof of his second reason he refers his reader to the information of the most learned and most honest. But how if as learned and more honest inform him, and that more truly to the contrary? Here needs a farther inquiry; which Mr. Doctor foreseeing, at length sends us to the Scripture as being forced with us, to confess that the last resolution, and only infallible stay of the Christian soul in search both of the truth itself, and consequently of the true Church, professing and publishing that truth, must necessarily rest upon that and nothing else. ¶ A brief Answer to the other collections annexed to the Doctors last Letter. NOw for those other Collections which are added to his Letter, as the Publisher makes a doubt, whether they were made by him or no, so I make no doubt, if he had lived, he would never have suffered them to come to the light in such sort, as now they are published: Notwithstanding, because they appear in his name, I held it not amiss to make some answer unto them: First then, for the miserable ends of such as have opposed the Catholic Church; he brings the example of judas, and Caiphas, and Annas, and the three Herod's, and Pontius Pilate, and Nero, and Domitian, and Pharaoh, and Haman, and jezebel, and Antiochus, and jeroboam, and a number of like stuff: After he comes to arch-heretics, translating word for word what Bellarmine thereof hath observed in his 17. Chapter, of the notes of the Church: where he makes the 14. note to be, Infaelix exitus seu finis eorum qui Ecclesiam oppugnant, The unhappy end of such as have oppugned the Church, the greatest part of which (excepting those last which Master Doctor is pleased to call the monsters of our age,) we condemn as far forth as the Doctor did, or Bellarmin doth. But for the fabulous narration of their ends, we may truly say, that Bellarmine as unjustly voucheth the authority of Cochlaeus, and Bolsecke, as the Doctor suppresseth Bellarmine's. For what law human or divine, civil or natural, admitteth a man's mortal and sworn enemy to be witness against him? Yet such was Cochlaeus unto Luther, and Zuinglius, and Bolseck unto Calvin: who both as they deadly hated them for their religion, (as the Samaritans did the jews) so had Bolseck a particular grudge against Calvin, for that he opposed himself so vehemently against his wicked errors, and seditious practices in Geneva, as he procured his banishment from thence: which moved him to seek this base kind of revenge upon him, the rather being a Epist. ad Archiep. L●gd●n. requested and solicited thereunto, (as he saith himself) by very many his Lords and friends; as hoping by the defamation of Calvin, to recover his lost credit with them: And as being their malicious enemies, they would not report the truth, so not being present at their ends, they could not have certain knowledge thereof; at leastwise their testimony cannot with any reasonable or indifferent minds counterpoise the evidence of those worthy men, who were eye-witnesses, and present with them: For Pluris est oculatus testis unus, quam auriti decem: One eye-witness is of more force than ten eare-witnesses: and, it is great folly ( b D●n●t. Eccl. c. 14. §. sed r●sp●n●●amus. saith Bellarmine) to believe the reports of them that were not present, rather than of them that were present: But let us particularly, and severally, but briefly examine their slanders. Luther (saith the Doctor, out of the Cardinal, and the Cardinal himself out of Cochlaeus) died suddenly: for having supped very delicately and pleasantly, being in perfect health, and having delighted all his company with merry conceits, the same night he died. But c Desig. Eccl. lib. 23. c. 3. Tho. Bozius, a Friar of the new Oratory order, reporteth otherwise, and that upon the testimony of one that then was Luther's servant, but since (as he saith) became theirs in religion; namely, that he hanged himself, and that forthwith an oath was taken of all that were present, not to publish it for the honour (as they said) of the Gospel: Thus they agree not in their tales, no more than the false witnesses did against Christ: Neither is it strange, that Cochlaeus and Bozius devise such slanders against him since his death, seeing even in his life time they spared not to publish in Print, d Lonic●●. Th●atr. p. 246. that he was dead, and when he was laid into his grave, there was a terrible noise heard, as if the foundations of the earth had been shaken, to the affrightment of all, & the night after there was yet a more fearful noise heard about his grave, which made the people run thither all amazed, but opening it, they could find nor body, nor bones, nor clothes, only they smelled a horrible stink of brimstone. This Luther himself read, and in detestation of such blasphemy, publicly protested against it; as not long since Beza did, being handled in like manner: But return we unto Cochlaeus: First, where he saith, that the supper before he died he was in perfect health, they who knew him better, tell us, that before he came to Islib, (whither he was sent for by the Earls of Mansfield, to compose a controversy between them) he was very sickly, and that he had a long time been troubled with oppression of humours in the orifice of his stomach. Secondly, where he saith, that he supped delicately and pleasantly, and delighted all his company with merry conceits; surely they that were present testify, that his merry conceits were but holy and religious discourses; for being demanded at supper time, Whether in that eternal life we should know one another, he answered affirmatively, and confirmed the same by testimony of Scripture: according as e Lib. 2. 15 46. Thuanus also, a Papist by profession, but of more authority than an hundred Cochlaeusses, doth relate. Lastly, where he saith, that he died suddenly the same night: neither died he the same night, but the next day betwixt 8. and 9 of the clock, nor yet suddenly, for perceiving his sickness to grow upon him, and feeling within him the summons of death, he gave many sweet and comfortable exhortations to them that were about him, and commended himself unto God in a most heavenly and effectual prayer, and so quietly, and by little and little died. And these things are testified by justus jonas, who attended him even unto the last gasp, and by Melancthon, and others of his best acquaintance: Whereunto I add out of f Loco supra citato. Thuanus, that as in his life time he was dearly beloved, so in his death could they not be drawn from his love: For they of Mansfield were earnest, that his body might be buried amongst them, in as much as there he was borne: but Io. Frederick prevailed so far by his authority, that his body was carried back to Wittenberg, and there honourably interred: So that though Papists burst for spite and envy, it could not be without the finger of God, that so mean a man as Luther, so boldly opposing himself against the Pope, (whom Kings and Emperors at that time durst not without great danger resist) yet lived so long, died so peaceably, and was buried so honourably. The next is Zuinglius, who as the Doctor, out of the same Cochlaeus saith, was slain in war, which he made against the Catholics. Indeed that Zuinglius was slain in the field, neither is, nor can be denied: but I would fain learn why so to die should be counted an unhappy end, or why that, which as seems to me, is an argument of his courage and magnanimity, should be esteemed an argument of heresy. g Apol. p. 3. c. 9 If you say he was slain fight against Catholics: so have many of your Romish Catholics fight against Protestants: And if Costers defence of Sanders, who was slain in Ireland be sufficient, He, with other Priests aided the army in those things which concern the conscience, Quid hic mali? What evil is herein? The same Apology may I far more justly make for Zuinglius: He according to the laudable custom of that country, went as a Preacher with the army, Quid hic mali? What evil is herein? Only here lies the difference, that Sanders like a traitor and rebel fight against his Prince and Country, perished miserably: but Zuinglius like a good Patriot, fight in defence of his Country, died valiantly: Of whose innocency therein, God himself, as to me it seems, hath given this testimony, that when his enemies having found his body, threw it into the fire to burn it, yet his heart could never be consumed, as h Lib. 1. ann●. 1525. Thuanus witnesseth. The third is Oecolampadius, of whom upon the same authority the Dr. saith, that going to bed in good health one night, he was found dead by his wife in the morning. Unto this fiction of Cochlaeus, it shall suffice to oppose the true report of i De m●rt. O●col. praef●x. Annot. in proph. Simon Grynaeus, who (with ten other at least, all of them very credible men) was an eye-witness, and present at his death: He therefore reporteth that he kept his bed sixteen days before his death: that in the mean season he often exhorted them that were about him to prayer, and to die constantly for the Name of CHRIST, professing that he went cheerfully to the Tribunal of CHRIST. The last night of his life, demanding of a friend that came to visit him, what news? and he answering, None, Then (quoth he) can I tell you news; Shortly shall I be with the Lord JESUS: Soon after one ask whether the light did not trouble him? Here, quoth he laying his hand on his breast, is store of light: After this, as well as his tongue could utter it, he repeated that excellent prayer of David for Remission of sins, and that entirely from the beginning unto the end, fetching withal many deep groans from the bottom of his heart: Then pausing a while he said, CHRIST JESV save me, which was his very last speech: And so he died with much peace and tranquillity of mind: Thus far Grynaeus. The fourth is Carolostadius, whom, saith the Dr. the Ministers of Bazil write to have been killed of a Devil, in their Epistle of the death of Carolostadius. It cannot be denied but that Carolostadius was a man full of many imperfections, and suspected to incline too much unto Anabaptisme: yet is this report a mere fiction, and the Epistle out of which it is vouched, a very counterfeit, as divers have written, which Fr. junius saith, he understood by sufficient men, who were present at his death. The last is john Calvin who (saith the Dr.) was eaten and consumed with worms, and died as did Antiochus, Hunery, Maximinus, etc. as witnesseth Hieron. Bolseck in his life; who also addeth that he died blaspheming, cursing, & invocating devils. A fearful and unhappy end indeed, if it were true, and worthy of an Ar●h-heretike; but if false (as I am persuaded, even to the Doctors and Bellarmine's conscience it was, when they so wrote) a most hellish slander. Thuanus a man of their own side rejects it as a mere ●able; for he k Lib. 35. 1564. reports, that having for the space of full seven years fought with divers diseases and griefs, yet was he therefore never a whit less diligent in his function, nor abstained from continual writing, and at length died of the disease called the difficulty of breathing. Nay Genebrard though far from the ingenuity of Thuanus, and one that raileth most impotently upon Calvin, yet durst not charge him herewith, and was ashamed to defile his Chronicle with such an impudent lie. Fr. junius saith, that he was at Geneva then wen Calvin died, yet neither saw nor heard, nor knew, nor perceived any such thing, nor so much as ever dreamt of any such matter: In a word, he was visited in his sickness by sundry excellent personages, by the Syndicks of the City, by the Ministers, by others, all which are witnesses of the sickness whereof he died. And l In vita Cal. Theod. Beza, who faithfully wrote his life and death, whereof (as he saith) he had been a spectator sixteen years together, testifieth that in him was proposed unto all, a most excellent pattern of Christian both life and death, which (saith he) is as easy to calumniate, as it is hard to imitate. These things considered, I refer me now unto the Readers indifferency, whether is more worthy of credit, the whole City of Geneva, and so many notable men present at his sickness and death, and testifying of his peaceable, holy, and Christian departure: or one Hieron. Bolseck, a Knight of the post, twice banished, thrice a runagate, who of a Carmelite, became a Physician, or rather a Quacksalver, a sworn enemy to Calvin, one that had been from Geneva more than ten years together, and had sold his pen unto his Lords and friends to defame Calvin. And thus much in defence of those men whom the Dr. termeth the Monsters of our age. Now although the unhappy end of some particular men be no demonstrative proof, and scarce a conjectural sign of the falsehood of that religion which they profess, and that Church in which they make their last end: yet that it may appear in requital of the Dr. or rather the Cardinal, how unhappily some zealous persecutors of such, as have forsaken fellowship with the Church of Rome, have ended their lives, I could refer the Reader to a large Discourse touching that point toward the end of the second part of the Acts and Monuments, and also in Hassenmullerus, in the conclusion of his book. Neither can the like just exception be taken against their evidences, as against that of Bolseck and Cochlaeus: But I will content myself with the testimony of Thuanus, a professed member of that Church which Mr. Doctor calls Catholic; yet such a one as besides his great pains and diligence in the search of truth, had singular means for the finding of it out himself, being now Precedent in the Court Parliament of Paris, where his father had been Premier Precedent before him: This man than m Lib. 3. 1547. testifies, first of the Cardinal of S. Andrew's in Scotland, who condemned George Wiseheart unto the fire, that standing at a window sumptuously set forth with cushions and hangings of silk to behold his execution, & George being exhorted when the fire began to burn to be of good courage: This flame indeed, answered he, is painful to my body, but it doth no whit dismay my mind; but he that now from aloft looks down so proudly upon me, as arrogantly as now he sits; so ignominiously, within these few days shall he lie along, which soon after came to pass: for being miserably slain, his dead body was in the open sight of all laid along in the same window, from whence he had so joyfully beheld the burning of Wiseheart: And so the event (saith Thuanus) verified his Prophecy. n Lib. 6. 1550. john Roman a Monk and cruel persecutor, invented a new kind of torment for the persecuted; he would draw upon their legs, boots full of hot boiling grease, and then setting spurs upon their heels jestingly, would demand of them whether they were not sufficiently appointed for their journey: But understanding that a summons was granted out against him by the Parliament of Aix to answer for his cruelties, and that by the commandment of Francis the I▪ he fled unto Avignon, where thinking himself safe from men, yet he escaped not, (saith Thuanus) the vengeance of God; For he was spoiled by his own servants of all that he had, and brought to extreme poverty: his body also was so full of loathsome ulcers, that oftentimes he wished for death, which yet he could not obtain but after a long time, and horrible torments. o Ibid. Oppeda another bloody persecutor, being called to answer for his more than barbarous cruelties, in the Parliament of Paris, by the appointment of the said King Francis, scaped indeed that danger by the commendation of the Guise, and together with his Colleagues was restored unto his former dignity; nevertheless, soon after he was stricken with horrible pains in his entrails, wherewith he was a long time tormented, and at length in the mids of most cruel torments breathed forth his cruel soul, God (saith Thuanus) inflicting on him that just punishment which the judges exacted not, which though it were long in coming, yet fell the more heavily when it came. p Li●. 25. 1●60. Albaspineus when Protestants were brought forth to execution, advised to stop their mouths that they might not speak unto the people: Not long after falling deeply in love with a certain woman, he fell withal out of his wits, and being stricken also with the lousy disease, he died in most grievous torments, his friends putting a bridle into his mouth to force him to receive some sustenance, which yet he franticly refused, having decreed to famish himself because of the unsufferablenesse of his pains. q Ibid. Ponsenatius another butcher, being fallen into great debt, having riotously wasted, both his own patrimony, and his wives dowry, upon conscience of his wicked life, fell likewise mad; whereupon despairing of his salvation, & being chained up by his friends, with lamentable shriek, and rending of himself, he finished his life in extreme poverty. Finally, Cardinal r Lib. 9 1552. Crescentius the Pope's Agent in the Council of Trent, having spent much of the night in writing letters to the Pope, and at length rising from his chair, he seemed to see a dog, which with huge jaws, fiery eyes, and ears hanging down to the ground, furiously came towards him, and by and by couched under the table; then calling his servants, and light being brought, when he saw the dog no where appear, he was astonished at it, and thereupon fell into many sad cogitations, and so into sickness, which he no sooner felt, but presently he despaired of life, although his Physicians and friends gave him good hope of recovery: At last being carried from thence to Verona, and even at death's door, he would often call upon them that attended him, to take heed of the dog, and to keep him from coming upon his bed: Thus far out of Thuanus. To these may be added the miserable end of s P. Match. hist. de Fr●n. lib. 1. nar. 4. Philip the II. King of Spain, who though he had been a chief pillar of the Romish Church, and a great enemy of the Protestants and their religion, yet died he of the same disease which the Doctor out of Bellarmin; and Bellarmine out of Cochaeus imputes to Calvin: As also the unhappy ends of all those who were the chief plotters in the Massacre of France, Charles the IX. then King, the Queen Mother, Henry the third, than Duke of Anjou the King's brother, and the Duke of Guise; of which, Charles died wallowing in his own blood, issuing out of all the conduits of his body: the Duke of Guise was suddenly slain at Blois by Henry's command, for grief whereof the Queen Mother died within a few days, and in revenge of the Guise's death, not long after Henry himself was murdered by a Friar. Lastly to cry quittance also with the Dr. in regard of the ends of Luther, Zuinglius, Oecolampadius and Calvin, whom he counteth arch-heretics, and termeth Monsters: it may please him to remember, that sundry of the Bishops of Rome who have been very Antichrists, and by his own Platina and t In B●ned. 4. Genebrard, are called Monsters of men, have had most fearful and wretched ends: For some have been poisoned, some murdered by antipopes, Cron. l. 4. some have died in prison. john the XII. even in the very act of adultery, was suddenly stricken by the devil (saith u Sum. de Eccl. l. 2. c. 103. Turrecremata,) and died without repentance, others that have compacted with the devil, have been carried away by him, and, not to reckon up all that thus have perished, seeing it would be too tedious, fifty Popes a-row, being rather Apostatical then Apostolical, and monsters of men, It is no marvel (saith Genebrard,) if they were so many in few years, and died quickly. His last argument is the temporal prosperity of them which have defended the Church: His examples are likewise a mere translation of Bellarmine's 18th. Chapter of the notes of the Church: So that for answer thereunto, I might justly refer the Reader to them who have answered him, as also to my Reply to the fourth Section of M. Doctors second chapter of his Letter to his Majesty: But I choose rather to close up the whole with his majesties words, in the latter end of his answer to Cardinal perron's oration: History; saith his Majesty, and experience teach us, that disunion with the Pope hath no whit impeached the prosperity of kingdoms. Philip the fair reigned in peace and prosperity, notwithstanding his attempts upon the Papal Sea. King Lewis the twelfth defeated in battle the troops of Pope july the second, and his allies, declared him fallen from the Papacy, and caused Crowns to be stamped, wherein Rome is called Babylon; yet nevertheless was loved and honoured of his subjects, who gave him the title of Father of the people. Never did Great Britain ever receive so great blessings of God, nor enjoyed so much peace and plenty, as since the time that Popes have no more but the looking on and sent no more their Legates to gather the tribute of S. Peter, and that the Kings of England do no longer homage unto the Pope for their Crown, and are no more lashed by Monks. What was Holland, Zealand, and Frizeland, before that God lighted among them the torch of the Gospel, in comparison of the riches, and prosperity wherein God hath advanced them? The Common wealth of Venice, doth it enjoy less peace and prosperity then before, since they have taken from the Pope one of his swords, and have shaken off his temporal power? On the contrary side, the Kings of France, after they had given unto the Pope's all what they held in Italy, and the County of Avignon, have again received of them but course entertainment. Pope's have forged a donation of Constantine, to the end to deface the memory of the donation of Pepin, and Charlemagne: They have troubled the State, banding themselves for the sons of Lewis the Courteous, against their own father, whose life was an example of innocence: They have skimmed the Realm of Money by infinite pillages, wherewith the Kings of France have endeavoured to meet, by their pragmatical sanction: They have oftentimes interdicted the Realm, degraded their Kings, solicited their neighbours to invade the kingdom, stirred up the people against the King, whence many troubles and parricides have ensued. Ravilliac rendered this reason of his attempt, because, said he, the King would make war against God, inasmuch as he would make war against the Pope, and that the Pope was God: Which maketh me to marvel how the Cardinal could allege for example the late trou●l●s, during which France fell foul with the Pope, seeing that the Pope himself raised up those troubles. If the Kings or people of France, having offended the Pope, God had otherways sent among them som● pestilence or famine, this might with some probability have been taken for a revenge of the injury done unto his Vicar; but seeing the Pope himself hath caused these evils, it is not God who punisheth the injuries done unto the Pope, but the Pope who revengeth himself, and which is worse, without receiving any wrong: Whence it appears, that to exhort the Kingdom to maintain union with the Pope, by the remembrance of the calamities past, is not to exhort them to love the Pope, but to call to mind the evils which he hath caused, and to tremble at his thunderings, and conspiracies, which hurt those only that fear them, and which have drawn upon my kingdom many blessings. Now if France have had any prosperity during the time that it well accorded with the Pope, this hath been because the Pope seeketh the amity of those Princes that are in prosperity, and which have means to annoy him: Kings are not therefore in prosperity because the Pope is united with them, but the Pope is united with them because they are in prosperity: Even as swallows arrive in the spring, but make not the spring, so the Pope joineth himself to the prosperity of kingdoms, but maketh not their prosperity. But if there happen any disaster in a Kingdom, or any civil war, which putteth an Estate in danger, the Pope under a shadow of having care of the salvation of souls, thrusteth himself into the quarrel, and runneth unto the wrack to reap his profit thereby: And if a State change its Master, he will that the new possessor, unto whom he hath given aid, hold the kingdom of his liberality; but if the ancient possessor conquer his enemies, notwithstanding the Pope's thunderings, than his Holiness offers him all sorts of Indulgences, and out of his compassion receiveth him again, whom he was not able to destroy. Hitherto his Majesty, than which nothing can be spoken more fully and effectually to this purpose. For surely (not to speak of the prosperity of foreign countries, who have broken off communion with the Roman Synagogue) he is more than blind that cannot see, and too too envious, that seeing will not acknowledge, how extraordinarily God hath blessed this our Realm with all kind of benedictions more than in former times, since it held the Pope to be Antichrist, and Rome Babylon, and departed from them. x Camb. 〈◊〉. When the late Queen Elizabeth of blessed memory undertook the protection of the Low-countrieses against so mighty a Prince as the King Catholic, all the world wondered at the greatness of her spirit, and the King of Sweden said, that so doing she had pulled the Crown from her own head: yet so prosperous was she in all that she took in hand, so victorious in her wars, so beloved at home, so feared abroad, and in a word blessed with so continual a course of happy success in all things, even to her lives end, that it hath forced even from those, who almost hold it a sin to give the least commendation of Protestant Princes, an ingenuous and free acknowledgement thereof. [A man may truly say of this Princess (saith y Lib. Hist. 6. cap. 10. Florimond Raemond, otherwise a bitter enemy to these of our Religion,) that excepting the matter of Religion, and for the world, she had as great glory in her kingdom, continuing in all her affairs so well authorized, and carried matters with as great wisdom▪ as any Prince that hath lived these many years.] But suppose we (though we have sufficiently proved it to be otherwise) that the defenders of the Roman Sea have had temporal prosperity and felicity, and that we have seldom thrived and prospered against them; what would your Doctor hereupon infer? That therefore we should forsake the Church whereof we are members, and with him retire ourselves into the bosom of the Romish Church, where temporal prosperity and felicity is to be found? Indeed it may be that this was the Doctor's chiefest motive unto his Apostasy, and that perceiving his ambitious hopes to quail at home, he would try his fortunes there, where Abbeys, and bishoprics, and perhaps also Cardinalshippes are promised to such, as with more diligence than others, negotiate for the Pope. But I would fa●e know of him how this agreeth with that which he saith elsewhere, that the Cross is the most precious jewel of our Saviour Christ, and that of this jewel he always giveth the greatest portion to his dearest friends: For if the dearest friends of Christ be those of whom the Church consisteth, and they have the greatest portion of his Cross, then is not temporal prosperity and felicity a note of your Church: and if it be, then is not the Cross the portion thereof. But to conclude all, although * 1. Tim. 4. Piety hauè the promise even of this life, and the Church of God sometime abound in these worldly blessings, yet is it with condition of the Cross, as God shall in his deep wisdom think it fittest, and ●uch a blessing as even the Church of the malignant may be, and ever hath been partaker of. For the * Mat. 5. 45. Sun riseth, and the rain falleth indifferently upon both: * B●●lus. 9 1. And no man knoweth either love or hatred by all that is before him. Yea even the jesuits of Rheims on the place of Matthew before alleged confess as much: We see (say they) that temporal prosperity of persons & countries, is no sign of better men, or truer Religion; but as z D● Ciui●. Dei. Lib. 1. cap. 8. S. Austin saith, Temporal goods and evils are common both to the just and wicked: which God therefore dispenseth in this sort, that neither we too greedily covet those goods which we see the wicked have, nor basely avoid those evils which light upon the good. Wherefore all this discourse of the Dr. is impertinent and frivolous. As touching the Story of Burden and his associates (with which he concludes his unsavoury collections) how they went in Procession from Dover to Canterbury in derision of Catholics, and how grievously God punished it upon them, I hold it for no better than a mere Canterbury tale, or to speak in the Romish dialect, a godly fraud, or lie devised for the advantage of his holy Mother, such as is the baiting of Catholics sewed up in Beare-skins with Mastiffs in Dover. And further answer than this I vouchsafe it not. Soli Deo immortali sit gloria. FINIS. Errata. THe Author being farr● from the Press whiles the Book was in it; the more faults in printing must needs escape, whereof the chief observed are these: Pag. 22 and 23. the letters of reference in the Doctor's text are mistaken. Pag. 47. lin. 6. marg. for, Chapt. 2 45. read Chap. 1. Sect. 19 Pag. 59 lin. 27. for, Pa●ilian, read● Petilian. Pag. 72. lin. 17. for estate from, read● estate in her conceit from. Pag. 73. lin. 6. for was not more, read was more. Pag. 99 the quotations are disorderly placed. Pag. 100 lin. 11. for of his book, read of his 5. book. Pag. 109. lin. 17. for more that, read more but that. Pag. 164. the marginal note to be set against the 27. line. Pag. 191. lin. 33. for Stanley, read Stucley. Pag. 197. lin. 32. f●r his own, read his own niece. Pag. 219. lin. 12. marg. for is not, read is. Pag. 235. marg. wants distance betwixt Suarez, and Beaumanoir. Pag. 256. lin. 2. marg. for your Preachers, read● our Preachers. Pag. 275. lin. 4. marg. for Monsieur Servius, read Monsieur Seruins. Pag. 277. lin. vl●. for alteration, read Altercation. Pag. 279. lin. 35. for envy, read inveigh.