DIVERSE voyages touching the discovery of America, and the islands adjacent unto the same, made first of all by our Englishmen, and afterward by the Frenchmen and Britons: And certain notes of advertisements for observations, necessary for such as shall hereafter make the like attempt, With two maps annexed hereunto for the plainer understanding of the whole matter.  
Imprinted at London for Thomas Woodcock, dwelling in paul's Churchyard, at the sign of the black bear. 1582.   

❧ The names of certain late writers of Geography, with the year wherein they wrote.  
The year of our Lord.  1300 A Belfada Ishmael prince of Syria, Persia, and Assyria. 1320 john Mandeuill Englishman. 1500 Albertus Crantzius of Hamburge. 1520 Peter martyr Millanoyse. 1525 Gonsaluo Ouiedo Spaniarde. 1527 Robert thorn English man. 1530 Hieronymus Fracastor Italian. 1539 Gemma Frifius. 1540 Antony di Mendoza Spaniard. 1541 Gerardus Mercator Fleming. 1549 john Baptista Guicchardine Florentine. 1553 john Baptista Ramusius, he gathered many notable things. 1554 Sebastian Munster German. 1554 Thomas Giunti Venetian. 1555 Clement Adams Englishman. 1555 Orontius Finaeus Frenchman. 1564 Abraham Ortelius Fleming. 1574 Hierome Osorius Portugal. 1575. Andreas Thevet Frenchman. 1575. Francis Belforest Frenchman. 1576 Humphrey Gilbert knight, Englishman. 1577 Dionyse Settle Englishman. 1578 George Beste Englishman. 1580 Nicolas Chancellor Englishman.   

The names of certain late travailers, both by sea and by land, which also for the most part have written of their own travails and voyages.  
The year of our Lord.  1178 Benjamin Tudelensis a jewe. 1270 Marcus Paulus a Venetian. 1300 Harton an Armenian. 1320 john Mandevile knight, englishmen. 1380 Nicolaus and Antonius Zeni, venetians. 1444 Nicolaus Contivenetian. 1492 Christopher Columbus a Genua. 1497 Sebastian Gabot, an egnlishmen the son of a venetian. 1497 M. Thorn and Hugh Eleot of Bristol, englishmen. 1497 Vasques de Gama a portugal. 1500 Gasper Corterealis a portugal. 1516 Edoardus Barbosa a portugal. 1519 Fernandus Magalianes a portugal. 1530 john Barros a portugal. 1534 jaques Cartier a Briton. 1540 Francis Vasques de Coronado Spaniarde. 1542 john Gaetan Spaniarde. 1549 Francis Xavier a portugal. 1553 Hugh Willoughby knight, & Richard Chancellor Eng. 1554 Francis Galuano a portugal. 1556 Stenen and William Burros Englishmen. 1562 Antony jenkinson Englishman. 1562 john Ribault a Frenchman. 1565 Andrew Thevet a Frenchman. 1576 Martin Frobisher Englishman. 1578 Francis Drake Englishman. 1580 Arthur Pet, and Charles jackman Englishmen. 1582 Edward Fenton, and Luke ward, Englishmen. 1582 Humphrey Gilbert knight, Edward Heyes, and Antony Brigham Englishmen.   

A very late and great probability of a passage, by the Northwest part of America in 58. degrees of Northerly latitude.  
AN excellent learned man of portugal, of singular gravity, authority and experience told me very lately, that one Anus Cortereal, captain of the isle of Tercera about the year 1574. which is not above eight years past, sent a Ship to discover the Northwest passage of America, & that the same ship arriving on the coast of the said America in fifty eight degrees of latitude, found a great entrance exceeding deep and broad, without all impediment of ice, into which they passed above twenty leagues, and found it always to trende toward the South, the land lying low and plain on either side: And that they persuaded themselves verily, that there was a way open into the south sea. But their victuals failing them, and being but one ship, they returned back again with joy. This place seemeth to lie in equal degrees of latitude, with the first entrance of the sound of Denmark between Norway and the head land, called in latin Cimbrorum promontorium, and therefore like to be open and navigable a great part of the year. And this report may be well annexed unto the other eight reasons mentioned in my epistle dedicatory, for proof of the likelihood of this passage by the Northwest.   

❧ To the right worshipful and most virtuous Gentleman master Philip Sidney Esquire.  
I Marvel not a little (right worshipful) that since the first discovery of America (which is now full fourscore and ten years) after so great conquests and plantings of the Spaniards and Portugese's there, that we of England could never have the grace to set fast footing in such fertile and temperate places, as are left as yet unpossessed of them. But again when I consider that there is a time for all men, and see the Portugese's time to be out of date, & that the nakedness of the spaniards, and their long hidden secrets are now at length espied, whereby they went about to delude the world, I conceive great hope, that the time approacheth and now is, that we of England may share and part stakes (if we will ourselves) both with the spaniard and the Portugal in part of America, and other regions as yet undiscovered. And surely if there were in us that desire to advance the honour of our Country which aught to be in every good man, we would not all this while have foreslowne the possessing of those lands, which of equity and right appertain unto us, as by the discourses that follow shall appear most plainly. Yea if we would behold with the eye of pity how all our Prisons are pestered and filled with able men to serve their Country, which for small robberies are daily hanged up in great numbers even twenty at a clap out of one jail (as was seen at the last assizes at Rochester) we would hasten and further every man to his power the deducting of some Colonies of our superfluous people into those temperate and fertile parts of America, which being within six weeks sailing of England are yet unpossessed by any Christians: and seem to offer themselves unto us, stretching nearer unto her majesties Dominions, then to any other part of Europe. We read that the Bees, when they grow to be too many in their own hives at home, are wont to be led out by their Captains to swarm abroad, and seek themselves a new dwelling place. If the examples of the Grecians and Carthaginians of old time, and the practice of our age may not move us, yet let us learn wisdom of these small weak and unreasonable creatures. It chanced very lately that upon occasion I had great conference in matters of cosmography with an excellent learned man of Portugal, most privy to all the discoveries of his nation, who wondered that those blessed countries, from the point of Florida Northward, 
The speech of a learned Portugal.  were all this while unplanted by Christians, protesting with great affection and zeal, that if he were now as young as I (for at this present he is threescore years of age) he would sell all he had, being a man of no small wealth and honour, to furnish a convenient number of ships to sea for the inhabiting of those countries, and reducing those gentle people to christianity. 
Master john Barros the causer of the inhabiting of Bresilia.  Moreover he added that john Barros their chief Cosmographer being moved with the like desire, was the cause that Bresilia was first inhabited by the Portugese's: where they have nine baronies or lordships, & thirty engennies or sugar mills, two or three hundred slaves belonging to each mill, with a judge, and other officers, & a Church: so that every mill is as it were a little common wealth: and that the country was first planted by such men, as for small offences were saved from the rope. This he spoke not only unto me and in my hearing, but also in the presence of a friend of mine, a man of great skill in the Mathematics. If this man's desire might be executed, we might not only for the present time take possession of that good land, but also in short space by God's grace find out that short and easy passage by the Northwest, which we have hitherto so long desired, and whereof we have many good and more than probable conjectures: a few whereof I think it not amiss here to set down, although your worship know them as well as myself. First therefore it is not to be forgotten, that Sebastian Gabot wrote to master Baptista Ramusius, that he verily believed that all the North part of America is divided into Islands. Secondly that master john Verarzanus, which had been thrice on that coast, in an old excellent map, which he gave to king Henry the eight, and is yet in the custody of master Locke, doth so lay it out, as it is to be seen in the map annexed to the end of this book, being made according to Verarzanus plat. Thirdly the story of Gil Gonsalua recorded by Franciscus Lopes de Gomara, which is said to have sought a passage by the North west, seemeth to argue and prove the same. Fourthly, in the second relation of jaques Cartier the 12. Chapter the people of Saguinay do testify that upon their coasts Westward there is a sea the end whereof is unknown unto them. Fiftly, in the end of that discourse is added this, as a special remembrance, to wit, that they of Canada say that it is a months space to sail to a land where cinnamon and cloves are growing. Sixtly, the people of Florida signified unto john Ribault (as it is expressed in his discourse herewithal imprinted) that they might sail from the River of May unto Cevola and the south sea through their country within twenty days. Seventhly, the experience of captain. Frobisher on the hither side, and Sir France's Drake on the back side of America, with the testimony of Nicolaus and Antonius Zeni, that Estotilanda is an Island, doth yield no small hope thereof. Lastly, the judgement of the excellent Geographer Gerardus Mercator, which his son Rumold Mercator my friend showed me in his letters, & drew out for me in writing, is not of wise men lightly to be regarded. His words are these. 
The judgement of Gerardus Mercator of a passage by the Northwest.  Magna tametsi pauca de nova Frobisheri nauigatione scribis, quam miror ante multos annos non fuisse attentatam. Non enim dubium est, quin recta & brevis via pateat in occidentem Cathaium usque. In quod regnum, si recte navigationem instituant, nobilissimas totius mundi merces colligent, & multis Gentibus adhuc idololatris Christi nomen communicabunt. You writ (saith he to his son) great matters though very briefly of the new discovery of Frobisher, which I wonder was never these many years heretofore attempted. For there is no doubt, but that there is a strait and short way open into the West even unto Cathay. Into which kingdom, if they take their course aright, they shall gather the most noble merchandise of all the world, and shall make the name of Christ to be known unto many idolatrous and Heathen people. And here to conclude and shut up this matter, I have heard myself of Merchants of credit that have lived long in Spain, that King Philip hath made a law of late that none of his subjects shall discover to the northwards of five and forty degrees of America: 
A law made of late by king. Philip.  which may be thought to proceed chief of two causes, the one, lest passing farther to the North they should discover the open passage from the south sea to our north sea: the other because they have not people enough to possess and keep that passage, but rather thereby should open a gap for other nations to pass that way. Certes if hitherto in our own discoveries we had not been led with a preposterous desire of seeking rather gain than God's glory, I assure myself that our labours had taken far better effect. But we forgot, that Godliness is great riches, and that if we first seek the kingdom of God, all other things will be given unto us, and that as the light accompanieth the Sun, and the heat the fire, so lasting riches do wait upon them that are zealous for the advancement of the kingdom of Christ, and the enlargement of his glorious Gospel: as it is said, I will honour them that honour me. I trust that now being taught by their manifold losses our men will take a more godly course, and use some part of their goods to his glory: if not, he will turn even their covetousness to serve him, as he hath done the pride and avarice of the Spaniards and Portugese's, who pretending in glorious words that they made their discoveries chief to convert Infidels to our most holy faith, (as they say) in deed and truth sought not them, but their goods and riches. Which thing that our nation may more speedily & happily perform, there is no better mean in my simple judge meant then the increase of knowledge in the art of navigation, & breading of skilfulness in the sea men: which Charles the Emperor and the king of Spain that now is wisely considering have in their Contractation house in Seville 
The contractation house at Seville.  appointed a learned reader of the said art of Navigation, and joined with him certain examiners, and have distinguished the orders among the sea men, as the groomet which is the basest degree, the mariner which is the second, the master the third, and the pilot the fourth, unto the which two last degrees none is admitted without he have heard the reader for a certain space (which is commonly an excellent Mathematician, of which number were Pedro di Medina which writ learnedly of the art of navigation, and Alonso di Chavez & Hieronimus di Chavez, whose works likewise I have seen) and being found fit by him and his assistants, which are to examine matters touching experience, they are admitted with as great solemnity and giving of presents to the ancient masters and Pilots, and the reader and examiners, as the great doctors in the Universities, or our great sergeants at the law when they proceed, and so are admitted to take charge for the Indies. And that your worship may know that this is true, Master Steven Borrows, 
M. Steven Borrows.  now one of the four masters of the Queen's navy, told me that newly after his return from the discovery of Moscovie by the North, in Queen Mary's days, the Spaniards, having intelligence that he was master in that discovery, took him into their contractation house at their making and admitting of masters and pilots, giving him great honour, & presented him with a pair of perfumed gloves worth five or six Ducats. I speak all this to this end, that the like order of erecting such a Lecture 
A lecture of the art of navigation necessary for to be erected in London.  here in London or about Ratcliff in some convenient place, were a matter of great consequence and importance, for the saving of many men's lives and goods, which now through gross ignorance are daily in great hazerd, to the no small detriment of the whole realm. For which cause I have dealt with the right worshipful sir Frances Drake, that seeing God hath blessed him so wonderfully, he would do this honour to himself and benefit to his country, to be at the cost to erect such a lecture: Whereunto in most bountiful manner at the very first he answered, 
The bountiful offer of sir Francis Drake toward furthering the art of Navigation.  that he liked so well of the motion, that he would give twenty pounds by the year standing, and twenty pounds more before hand to a learned man to furnish him with instruments and maps, that would take this thing upon him: yea so ready he was that he earnestly requested me to help him to the notice of a fit man for that purpose, which I, for the zeal I bore to this good action, did presently, & brought him one, who came unto him & conferred with him thereupon: but in fine he would not undertake the lecture, unless he might have forty pound a year standing, and so the matter ceased for that time: howbeit the worthy and good Knight remaineth full constant, and will be, as he told me very lately, as good as his word. Now if God should put into the head of any noble man to contribute other twenty pound, to make this lecture a competent living for a learned man, the whole realm no doubt might reap no small benefit thereby. To leave this matter & to draw to an end, I have hear right worshipful in this hasty work first put down the title which we have to that part of America which is from Florida to 67. degrees northward, by the letters patentes granted to john Gabote and his three sons, 
John Gabote and his three sons.  Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius, with Sebastian's own Certificate to Baptista Ramusius of his discovery of America, and the testimony of Fabian our own Chronicler. Next I have caused to be added the letters of M. Robert Thorn to King Henry the eight, and his discourse to his Ambassador doctor Ley in Spain of the like argument, with the kings setting out of two ships for discovery in the 19 year of his reign. Then I have translated the voyage of john Verarzanus from thirty degrees to Cape Briton, (& the last year at my charges, and other of my friends by my exhortation, I caused jaques Cartiers two voyages of discovering the grand Bay, and Canada, Saguinay, and Hochelaga to be translated out of my Volumes, which are to be annexed to this present translation). Moreover following the order of the map, and not the course of time, I have put down the discourse of Nicholaus and Antonius Zenie. The last treatise of john Ribault, is a thing that hath been already printed, but not now to be had, unless I had caused it to be printed again. The map is master Michael Locks, a man, for his knowledge in divers languages and especially in cosmography, able to do his country good, and worthy in my judgement, for the manifold good parts in him, of good reputation and better fortune. This cursory pamphlet I am over bold to present unto your worship: but I had rather want a little discretion, then to be found unthankful to him, which hath been always so ready to pleasure me and all my name.  
Hear I cease, craving pardon for my over boldness, trusting also that your worship will continued & increase your accustomed favour toward these godly and honourable discoveries.  
Your worships humble always to command. R. H.   

A latin copy of the letters patents of King Henry the seventh, granted unto john Gabote and his three sons, Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius for the discovering of new and unknown lands.  
HEnricus dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae, & dominus hiberniae, omnibus, ad quos praesentes literae nostrae pervenerint, salutem,  
Notum sit & manifestum, quod dedimus & concessimus, ac per praesentes damus & concedimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris dilectis nobis joanni Gabotocivi Veneciarum, Lodovico, Sebastiano, & Santio, filiis dicti joannis, & eorum & cuiuslibet eorum haeredibus & deputatis plenam ac liberam authoritatem, facultatem & potestatem navigandi ad omnes partes, regiones & sinus ma●is orientalis, occidentalis, & septentrionalis sub banneris, vexillis, & insignits nostris, cum quinque navibus sive navigijs, cuiuscunque portiturae & qualitatis existant, & cum tot et tantis nautis & hominibus quot & quantos in dictis navibus secum ducere volverint, suis & eorum propriis sumptibus & expensis, ad inveniendum, discoperiendum, & iwestigandum quascunque insulas, patrias, regiones sive provincias gentilium & infidelium quorumcunque in quacunque part mundi positas, quae Christianis omnibus ante haec tempora fuerint incognitae. Concessimus etiam eisdem & eorum cuilibet, eorumque & cuiuslibet eorum haeredibus & deputatis ac licentiam dedimus ad affigendum praedictas banneras nostras & insignia in quacunque villa, oppido, castro, insula seu terra firma ase noviter inventis. Et quod praenominatus joannes & filii eiusdem seu haeredes & eorundem deputati, quascunque hiusmodi villas, castra, oppida & insulas a se inventas, quae subiugari, occupari, possideri possint, subiugare, occupare, possidere valeant, tanquam vasalli nostri, & gubernatores, locatenentes & deputati, eorundem dominium, titilum, & jurisdictionem earundem vilbarum, castrorum, oppidorum, insularum, acterrae firmae sic inventorum nobis acquirendo. Ita tamen ut ex omnibus fructibus, proficuis, emolumentis, commodis, lucris, & obuentionibus ex h●iusmodi nauigatione provenientibus praefatus joannes & filij ac haeredes, & eorum deputati teneantur & sint obligati nobis pro omni viagio suo, toties quoties ad portum nostrum Bristolliae applicuerint (ad quem omnino applicare teneantur, & sint astricti) deductis omnibus sumptibus & impensis necessariis per eosdem factis, quintam partem capitalis lucri facti, sive in mercibus sive in pecuniis persoluere. Dantes nos & concedentes eisdem suisque haerdibus & deputatis, ut ab omni solutione custumarum omnium & singulorum bonorum ac mercium, quas secum reportarint ab illis locis sie noviter inventis, liberi sint & immunes. Et insuper dedimus & concessimus eisdem ac suis haeredibus & deputatis, quòd terrae omnes firmae, iusulae, villa, oppida, castra, & loca quaecunque a se inventa, quctquot ab eis inveniri contigerit, non possint ab aliis quibusuis nostris subditis frequentari seu visitari, absque licentia praedictorum joannis & eius filiorum suorumque deputatorum, sub paena amissionis tam navium, quàm bonorum omnium quorumcunque ad ea loca sic inventa navigare praesunentium. Volentes & strictissimé mandantes omnibus & singulis nostris subditis tam in terra quám in mari constitutis, ut praefato joanni & eius filiis, ac deputatis bonam assistentiam faciant, & tam in armandis navibus seu navigiis, quám in prouisione quietatus & victualium pro sua pecunia emendorum, atque aliarum omnium rerum sibi providendarum pro dicta nauigatione sumenda, suos omnes favores & auxilia impertiant. In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes: 
●. Martii. 1495  testeme ipso apud Westmonasterium quinto die Martii, anno regni nostri undecimo.   

The same letters patents in english.  
HEnrie by the grace of GOD king of England, and France, and Lord of Ireland, to all, to whom these presents shall come, greeting.  
Be it known that we have given and granted, and by these presents do give and grant for us and our heirs, to our well beloved john Gabote citizen of Venice, to Lewes, Sebastian, and Santius, sons of the said john, and to the heirs of them and every of them, and their deputies, full and free authority, leave, and power to sail to all parts, countries and seas of the East, of the West, 
Licence grā●●● to john Gabot, his sons and heirs, to discover unknown lands under the king's banner.  and of the North under our banners and ensigns, with five ships, of what burden or quantity soever they be: and as many mariners or men as they will have with them in the said ships, upon their own proper costs and charges to seek out, discover and find whatsoever isles, countries, regions, or provinces, of the heathen and infidels whatsoever they be, and in what part of the world soever they be, which before this time have been unknown to all Christians. We have granted to them also and to every of them, the heirs of them, and every of them and their deputies, & have given them licence to set up our banners and ensigns in every village, town, castle, isle, or main land of them newly found. And that the foresaid john and his sons or their heirs and assigns may subdue, occupy, and possess all such towns, cities, castles and isles of them found, which they can subdue, 
To subdue 〈◊〉 possess those lands as the king's vassals.  occupy, and possess, as our vassals and lieutenants, getting unto us the rule, title, and jurisdiction of the same villages, towns, castles, and firm land so found.  
Yet so that the foresaid john and his sons and heirs, and their Deputies be holden and bounden, of all the fruits, profits, gains & commodities growing of such navigation, for every their voyage as often as they shall arrive at our port of Bristol, (at the which port they shall be bound and holden only to arrive) all manner of necessary costs and charges by them made being deducted, to pay unto us in wares or money the fifth part of the Capital gain so gotten. 
The fift of all goods to be paid to the king.  We giving and granting unto them and to their heirs and Deputies, that they shall be free from all paying of customs of all and singular such merchandise, 
Freedom from all customs.  as they shall bring with them from those places so newly found.  
And moreover we have given and granted to them, their heirs and Deputies, that all the firm lands, Isles, Villages, Towns, Castles and places whatsoever they be, 
None but they & their assigns may travail thither.  that they shall chance to find, may not of any other of our subjects be frequented or visited without the licence of the foresaid john, his sons and their deputies under pain of forfeiture as well of their ships, as of all and singular goods of all them that shall presume to sail to those places so found. Willing and most straightly commanding all and singular our subjects as well on land as on sea appointed officers, to give good assistance to the aforesaid john and his sons and deputies, and that as well in arming and furnishing their ships or vessels, as in provision of quietness, and in buying of victuals for their money and all other things by them to be provided necessary for the said navigation, they do give them all their help and favour. In witness whereof we have caused to be made these our letters patents. 
The 5. of march 1594.  Witness ourself at Westminster the fift day of March in the xi. year of our reign.   

❧ A note of Sebastian Gabotes voyage of discovery, taken out of an old Chronicle written by Robert Fabian sometime Alderman of London, which is in the custody of john Stowe Citizen, a diligent searcher and preserver of Antiquities.  
THIS year the King, 
In the 13. year of king Henry the seven. 1498.  (by means of a Venetian which made himself very expert and cunning in knowledge of the circuit of the world and Islands of the same, as by a Card and other demonstrations reasonable he showed) caused to man and victual a ship at Bristol, 
Note.  to search for an Island, which, he said he knew well, was rich and replenished with rich commodities. Which Ship thus manned and victualled at the kings cost, divers merchants of London ventured in her small stocks, being in her as chief Patron the said Venetian. And in the company of the said ship sailed also out of Bristol 
Bristol.  three or four small ships fraught with slight and gross merchandizes, as course cloth, Caps, Laces, points and other trifles, and so departed from Bristol in the beginning of May: 
William Purchas Mayor of London.  of whom in this majors time returned no tidings.  

Of three savage men which he brought home, and presented unto the king in the xvii. year of his reign.  
THis year also were brought unto the king three men taken in the new found Island, 
Three savage men brought into England.  that before I spoke of in William Purchas time being Mayor. These were clothed in beasts skins, 
Raw flesh. Beasts skins.  and ate raw flesh, and spoke such speech that no man could understand them, and in their demeanour like to bruit beasts, whom the king kept a time after. Of the which upon two years passed after I saw two appareled after the manner of English men in Westminster palace, which at that time I could not discern from English men, till I was learned what they were. But as for speech I heard none of them utter one word.   

john Baptista Ramusius in his Preface to the third volume of the navigations, writeth thus of Sebastian Gabot.  
IN the latter part of this volume are put certain relations of john de Verarzana a Florentine, and of a great Captain a Frenchman, and the two voyages of jaques Cartier a Briton, who sailed unto the land set in fifty degrees of latitude to the north, which is called New France: of the which lands hitherto it is not thoroughly known whether they do join with the firm land of Florida and nova Hispania, or whether they be separated & divided all by the Sea as islands: 
Sebastian Gabots' letters to Ramusius.  and whether that by that way one may go by Sea unto the country of Cathaio: as many years past it was written unto me by Sebastian Gaboto our country man Venetian, a man of great experience & very rare in the art of Navigation, and the knowledge of cosmography: 
Note.  who sailed along and beyond this land of New France at the charges of king Henry the seventh king of England: 
He calleth them islands.  And he told me that having sailed a long time West and by North beyond these Islands unto the latitude of 67. degrees and an half under the North Pole. and at the 11. day of june finding still the open Sea without any manner of impediment, 
Sebastian Gabot might have sailed to Catheis.  he thought verily by that way to have passed on still the way to Cathais, which is in the East, and would have done it, if the mutiny of the shipmaster and mariners had not rebelled and made him to return homewards from that place. 
This voyage to Cathay reserved by God for some great Prince.  But it seemeth that God doth yet still reserve this great enterprise for some great Prince, to discover this voyage of Cathaio by this way: which for the bringing of the spiceries from India into Europe were the most easy and shortest of all other ways hitherto found out. 
This way the shortest of all others.  And surely this enterprise would be the most glorious and of most importance of all other that can be imagined, to make his name great, & fame immortal to all ages to come, 
This discovery were a most glorious enterprise.  far more than can be done by any of all these great troubles and wars, which daily are used in Europe among the miserable Christian people.  
This much concerning Sebastian Gabotes discovery may suffice for a present taste: but shortly, God willing, shall come out in print all his own maps & discourses drawn and written by himself, which are in the custody of the worshipful master William Worthington one of her majesties Pensioners, 
William Worthington Pensioner.  who (because so worthy monuments should not be buried in perpetual oblivion) is very willing to suffer them to be overseen and published in as good order as may be, to the encouragement and benefit of our Country men.    

A declaration of the Indies and lands discovered, and subdued unto the Emperor, and the king of Portugal. And also of other parts of the Indies and rich Countries to be discovered, which the worshipful master Robert thorn merchant of London (who dwelled long in the City of Siuil in Spain) exhorted king Henry the eight to take in hand. MOST EXCELLENT PRINCE.  
EXperience proveth that naturally all Princes be desirous to extend and enlarge their dominions and kingdoms. Wherefore it is not to be marveled, to see them every day procure the same, not regarding any cost, peril, and labour, that may thereby chance, but rather it is to be marveled, if there be any prince content to live quiet with his own dominions. For surely the people would think he lacketh the noble courage and spirit of all other. The world knoweth that the desires of Princes have been so fervent to obtain their purpose, that they have adventured and proved things to man's conjecture impossible, the which they have made possible, and also things difficult have made facile, and thus to obtain their purpose have in manner turned up and down the whole world so many times, that the people inhabiting in the farthest region of the occident have pursued with great desires, labours and perils, to penetrate and enter into the farthest regions of the Orient: And in likewise those people of the said parts of the Orient have had no less labour and desire to enter and penetrate into the farthest land of the Occident, and so following their purchase have not seized until they could pass no farther by reason of the great Seas. This natural inclination is cause, that scarcely it may be said there is any kingdom stable, nor king quiet, but that his own imagination, or other Princes his neighbours do trouble him. God and nature hath provided to your Grace, and to your Gracious progenitors this Realm of England, and set it in so fruitful a place, and within such limits, that it should seem to be a place quiet and aparted from all the foresaid desires. One special cause is, for that it is compassed with the Sea: by reason thereof it seems, this notwithstanding, their desires and noble courages have been most commonly like unto others: and with marvelous great labours, costs and perils, they have traveled and passed the Seas making war not only with kings and dominions nigh neighbours, but also with them of far countries, and so hath won and conquered many rich and fair Dominions, and amplifted this your Grace's Realm with great victory and glory. And also now of late your Grace having like courage and desire, & not without just cause, to enlarge this your kingdom and demand your limits and tribute of the French king, which at that present he restrained your Grace in person passed with a great power into France, putting your Grace's person to great pain and labour, and without doubt victoriously you had conquered the said Realm of France, as ye began; if your adversary had not reconciled him, and knowledged your Grace's right and title: and so promised truly to pay the tribute then due, and fulfil your request in all things, and also desired your Grace for peace, the which of your clemency you could not refuse.  
Now I considering this your noble courage and desire, & also perceiving that your Grace may at your pleasure, to your greater glory, by a godly mean, with little cost, peril, or labour to your Grace or any of your Subjects, amplify and enrich this your said Realm, I know it is my bound duty to manifest this secret unto your Grace, which hitherto as I suppose hath been hid: 
Note.  which is that with a small number of ships there may be discovered divers new lands and kingdoms, in the which without doubt your Grace shall win perpetual glory and your Subjects infinite profit. To which places there is left one way to discover, which is into the North: For that of the four parts of the world it seemeth three parts are discovered by other Princes. For out of Spain they have discovered all the Indies and Seas Occidental, and out of Portugal all the Indies and Seas Oriental: So that by this part of the Orient and Occident, they have compassed the world. For the one of them departing toward the Orient, and the other toward the Occident, met again in the course or way of the midst of the day, and so then was discovered a great part of the same Seas and coasts by the Spaniards. So that now rest to be discovered the said North parts, the which it seemeth to me, is only your charge and duty. Because the situation of this your Realm is thereunto nearest and aptest of all other: 
Note.  and also for that you have already taken it in hand: And in mine opinion, it will not seem well to leave so great and profitable an enterprise, seeing it may so easily and with so little cost, labour, and danger, be followed and obtained: Though heretofore your Grace hath made thereof a proof, and found not the commodity thereby as you trusted, at this time it shall be no impediment. For there may be now provided remedies for things, then lacked, and the inconveniences and lets removed that then were 'cause your Grace's desire took no full effect, which is, the courses to be changed, and follow the aforesaid new courses. And concerning the mariners, ships, and provision, an order may be devised and taken meet and convenient much better than hitherto. By reason whereof, and by God's grace, no doubt your purpose shall take effect. Surely the cost herein will be nothing, in comparison to the great profit. The labour is much less, yea nothing at all, where so great honour and glory is hoped for: and considering well the courses, truly the danger & way is shorter to us, than to spain or Portugal, as by evident reasons appeareth. And now to declare some thing of the commodity and utility of this Navigation and discovering, 
Note.  it is very clear and certain, that the Seas that commonly men say, that without great danger, difficulty and peril, yea rather it is impossible to pass, those same Seas be navigable and without any such danger, but that ships may pass and have in them perpetual clearness of the day without any darkness of the night: which thing is a great commodity for the navigants, to see at all tunes round about them, as well the safeguards as dangers, and how great difference it is between the commodity and perils of other which lease the most part of every four and twenty hours the said light, and go in darkness groping their way, I think there is none so ignorant but perceiveth this more plainly, than it can be expressed: yea what a vantage shall your Grace's Subjects have also by this light to discover the strange lands, countries, and coasts, for if they that be discovered to sail by them in darkness is with great danger, much more than the coasts not discovered be dangerous to travel by night or in darkness. Yet these dangers or darkness hath not letted the Spaniards and Portugeses and other, to discover many unknown realms to their great peril, which considered (and that your Grace's Subjects may have the said light) it will seem your Grace's subjects to be without activity or courage, in leaving to do this glorious and noble enterprise. For they being past this little way which they named so dangerous, which may be two, or three leagues before they come to the Pole, and as much more after they pass the Pole, it is clear that from thence forth the Seas and lands are as temperate as in these parts, & that then it may be at the will and pleasure of the mariners, to choose whether they will sail by the coasts that be cold, temperate, or hot. For they being past the pole, it is plain they may decline to what part they list. If they will go toward the Orient they shall enjoy the regions of all the Tartarians that extend toward the midday, and from thence they may go and proceed to the land of the Chinese, & from thence to the land of Cathaio oriental, which is of all the main land most oriental that can be reckoned from our habitation. And if from thence they do continued their navigation, following the coast that returns toward the occident, they shall fall in Melassa, and so in all the Indees which we call oriental, and following that way may return hither by the Cape of Bona Speransa: and thus they shall compass the whole world. And if they will take their course after they be passed the pole, toward the occident, they shall go in the back side of the new found land, which of late was discovered by your Grace's subjects, until they come to the backside and South seas of the Indees occidentalls. And so continuing their voyage they may return thorough the strait of Magallanas' to this country, and so they compass also the world by that way, and if they go this third way, and after they be passed the pole, go right toward the pole Antarctic, and then decline toward the lands and islands situated between the Tropikes, and under the Equinoctial, without doubt they shall found there the richest lands and islands of the world of Gold, precious stones, balms, spices, and other things that we here esteem most: which come out of strange countries, & may return the same way.  
By this it appeareth your Grace have not only a great advantage of the riches, but also your subjects shall not travel half of the way that other do, which go round about as aforesaid.   

The book made by the right worshipful Master Robert Thorn in the year 1527. in Seville to Doctourley, Lord ambassador for King Henry the eight to Charles the Emperor, being an information of the parts of the world, discovered by him and the King of Portugal: And also of the way to the Moluccaes by the north.  
RIght noble & reverend in etc. I received your letters, & have procured and sent to know of your servant, who your Lordship wrote should be sick in Merchena. I can not there or else where hear of him, without he be returned to you, or go to S. Lucar & shipped. I can not judge but that of some contagious sickness he died, so that the owner of the house for defaming his house would bury him secretly, and not be known of it. For such things have often times happened in this country.  
Also to writ to your Lordship of the new trade of spicery of the Emperor, there is no doubt but that the Islands are fertile of cloves, nutmegs, mace, and cinnamon: And that the said Islands, with other there about, abound with gold, Rubies, Diamonds, Balasses, Granates, iacincts & other stones & pearls, as all other lands, that are under & near the equinoctial. For we see, where nature giveth any thing, she is no niggard. For as with us and other, that are aparted from the said equinoctial, our metals be lead, tin, and iron, so theirs be gold, silver, and copper. And as our fruits and grains be apples, nuts, and corn, so theirs be ●ates, nutmegs, pepper, cloves, and other spices. And as we have jest, amber, crystal, jasper, and other like stones, so have they rubies, diamonds, balasses, sapphires, jacinths, and other like. And though some say that of such precious metals, grains or kind of spices, and precious stones, the abundance and quantity is nothing so great, as our metals, fruits or stones above rehearsed: yet if it be well considered, how the quantity of the earth under the equinoctial to both the tropical lines, (in which space is found the said gold, spices and precious stones) to be as much in quantity, as almost all the earth from the tropics to both the poles: it can not be denied but there is more quantity of the said mettles, fruits, spices, and precious stones, than there is of the other mettles and other things before rehearsed. And I see that the preciousness of these things is measured after the distance that is between us, and the things that we have appetite unto. For in this navigation of the spicery was discovered, that these Islands nothing set by gold, but set more by a knife and a nail of iron, then by his quantity of Gold: and with reason, as the thing more necessary for man's service. And I doubt not but to them should be as precious our corn and seeds, if they might have them, as to us their spices: and likewise the pieces of glass that hear we have counterfeited are as precious to them, as to us their stones: which by experience is seen daily by them that have trade thither. This of the riches of those countries is sufficient.  
Touching that your Lordship wrote, whether it may be profitable to the Emperor or not, it may be without doubt of great profit: if as the king of Portugal doth, he would become a merchant, and provide ships and their lading, and trade thither alone, and defend the trade of these islands for himself. But other greater business withholdeth him from this. But still, as now it is begun to be occupied, it would come to much. For the ships coming in safety, there would thither many every year, of which to the Emperor is due of all the wares and jewels that come from thence the fift part for his custom clear without any cost. And besides this he putteth in every float a certain quantity of money, of which he enjoyeth of the gains pound and pounds like as other adventurers do. In a float of three ships and a caravel that went from this city armed by the merchants of it, which departed in April last passed, I and my partner have 1400. Ducats that we employed in the said fleet, 
Note.  principally for that two Englishmen friends of mine, which are somewhat learned in cosmography, should go in the same ships, to bring me certain relation of the situation of the country, and to be expert in the Navigation of those seas, and there to have informations of many other things, and advise that I desire to know especially. Seeing in these quarters are ships, and mariners of that country, and cards by which they sail, though much unlike ours: that they should procure to have the said Cards, and learn how they understand them, and especially to know what Navigation they have for those Islands northwards, and Northeastwarde.  

Note.  For if from the said Islands the Sea do extend, without interposition of land, to sail from the North point to the North-east point 1700. or 1800. leagues, they should come to the New found Islands that we discovered, and so we should be nearer to the said spicery by almost 2000 leagues then the Emperor, or the king of Portugal are. And to advise your Lordship whether of these spiceries of the King of Portugal or the Emperors is nearer, and also of the titles that either of them hath, and how our New found lands are parted from it, (for that by writing without some demonstration, it were hard to give any declaration of it,) I have caused that your Lordship shall receive herewith a little Map or Card of the world: the which, I fear me, shall put your Lordship to more labour to understand, then me to make it, only for that it is made in so little room that it cannot be but obscurely set out, that is desired to be seen in it, & also for that I am in this science little expert: Yet to remedy in part this difficulty, it is necessary to declare to your Lordship my intent, with which I trust you shall perceive in this card part of your desire, if, for that I cannot express mine intent, with my declaration I do not make it more obscure.  
First, your Lordship knoweth that the Cosmographers have divided the earth by 360. degrees in latitude, and as many in longitude, under the which is comprehended all the roundness of the earth: the latitude being divided into 4. quarters, ninety degrees amount to every quarter, which they measure by the altitude of the poles, that is the North and South stars, being from the line equinoctial till they come right under the Noth star the said ninety degrees: and asmuch from the said line equinoctial to the South star be other ninety degrees. And asmuch more is also from either of the said stars again to the equinoctial. Which imagined to be round, is soon perceived thus, 360. degrees of latitude to be consumed in the said four quarters, of ninety degrees a quarter, so that this latitude is the measure of the world from North to South, and from South to North. And the longitude, in which are also counted other 360. is counted from West to East, or from East to West, as in the card is set. The said latitude your Lordship may see marked and divided in the end of this card on the left hand. 
To know the latitudes.  So that if you would know in what degrees of latitude any region or coast standeth, take a compass and set the one foot of the same in the equinoctial line right against the said region, and apply the other foot of the compass to the said region or coast, and then set the said compass at the end of the card, where the degrees are divided. And the one foot of the compass standing in the line equinoctial, the other will show in the scale the degrees of altitude or latitude that the said region is in. Also the longitude of the world I have set out in the neither part of the card, containing also 360. degrees: which begin to be counted after Ptolemy and other Cosmographers from an head land called Capo verde, which is over against a little cross made in the part occidental, where the division of the degrees beginneth, & endeth in the same Capo verde. 
To know the Longitudes.  Now to know in what longitude any land is, your Lordship must take a ruler or a compass, and set the one foot of the compass upon the land or coast whose longitude you would know, and extend the other foot of the compass to the next part of one of the transuersall lines in the Oriental or Occidental part: which done, set the one foot of the compass in the said transuersall line at the end of the neither scale, the scale of longitude, and the other foot showeth the degree of longitude that the region is in. And your Lordship must understand that this card though little containeth the universal whole world betwixt the two collateral lines, the one in the Occidental part descendeth perpendicular upon the 175. degree, and the other in the Oriental on the 170. degree, whose distance measureth the scale of longitude. And that which is without the two said transuersall lines is only to show how the Oriental part is joined with the Occident, & Occident with the Orient. For that that is set without the line in the Orient part, is the same that is set within the other line in the Occidental part: and again that that is set without the line in the Occidental part, is the same that is set within the line on the Oriental part: To show that though this figure of the world in plain or flat seemeth to have an end, yet one imagining that this said card were set upon a round thing, where the ends should touch by the lines, it would plainly appear how the Orient part joineth with the Occident, as there without the lines it is described & figured. And for more declaration of the said card, your Lordship shall understand, that beginning on the part Occidental within the line, the first land that is set out, is the main land & Island of the Indies of the Emperor. Which main land or coast goeth Northward, and finisheth in the land that we found, which is called here Terra de Labrador. So that it appeareth the said land that we found and the Indies to be all one main land. The said coast from the said Indies southward, as by the card your Lordship may see, cometh to a certain strait sea called Estrecho de todos Sanctos: 
Now called the straight of Ma●●lane.  by which strait Sea the Spaniards go to the spiceries, as I shall declare more at large: the which strait sea is right against the three hundred fifteen degrees of Longitude, and is of Latitude or altitude from the Equinoctial fifty three degrees. The first land from the said beginning of the card toward the Orient is certain Islands of the Canaries & Islands of Capo verde. But the first main land next to the line Equinoctial is the said Capo verde, and from thence northward by the straight of this sea of Italy. And so followeth Spain, France, Flaunders, Almain, Denmark and Norway, which is the highest part toward the North. And over against Flaunders are our islands of England and Ireland. Of the lands and coasts within the straits I have set out only the Regions, dividing them by lines of their limits, by which plainly I think your Lordship may see, in what situation every region is, and of what highness, & with what regions it is joined. I do think few are left out of all Europe. In the parts of Asia and Africa I could not so well make the said divisions: for that they be not so well known, nor need not so much. This I writ because in the said card be made the said lines and strikes, that your Lordship should understand wherefore they do serve. Also returning to foresaid Capo verde the coast goeth southward to a cape called Capo de bona speransa: which is right over against the sixty and sixty fift degree of Longitude. And by this cape go the Portugese's to their spicery. For from this cape toward the Orient, is the Land of Calicut, as your Lordship may see in the head land over against the 130. degree. From the said cape of Bona Speransa the coast returneth toward the line Equinoctial, and passing forth entereth the read sea, & returning out entereth again into the gulf of Persia, and returneth toward the Equinoctial line, till that it cometh to the headland called Calicut afore said, and from thence the coast making a Gulf, where is the river of Ganges, returneth toward the line to a head land called Malacha, where is the principal spicery: And from this cape returneth and maketh a great gulf, and after the coast goeth right toward the Orient, and over against this last gulf and coast be many Islands, which be Islands of the spiceries of the Emperor. Upon which the Portugese's and he be at vartaunce. The said coast goeth toward the Orient, and endeth right against the 155. degrees, and after returneth toward the occident Northward: which coast not yet plainly known I may join to the new found land found by us, that I spoke of before. So that I finish with this a brief declaration of the card aforesaid. Well I know I should also have declared how the coasts within the straits of the Sea of Italy run. It is plain that passing the straits on the Northside of that Sea after the coast of Granado, and with that which pertains to Spain, is the coast of that which France hath in Italy. And then followeth in one piece all Italy, which land hath an arm of a sea with a gulf which is called Mare Adriaticum. And in the bottom of this gulf is the city of Venice. And on the other part of the said gulf is Sclavonia, and next Grecia, than the straits of Constantinople, and then the Sea called Euximus, which is within the said straits: And coming out of the said straits floweth toward Turcia mayor. (Though now on both sides it is called Turcia.) And so the coast runneth Southward to Syria, and over against the said Turcia are the Islands of Rhodes, Candie, and Cyprus. And over against Italy are the Islands of Sicilia & Sardinia. And over against Spain is Maiorca and minorca. In the end of the gulf of Syria is judea. And from thence returneth the coast toward the Occident, till it cometh to the straits where we began, which all is the coast of Africa or Barbary. Also your Lordship shall understand that the coasts of the Sea throughout all the world I have coloured with yellow; for that it may appear that all that is within the line coloured yellow, is to be imagined to be main land or Island: and all without the said line so coloured to be Sea: whereby it is easy and light to know it. Albeit in this little room any other description would rather have made it obscure then clear. Also the said coasts of the Sea are all set justly after the manner & form as they lie, as the navigation approveth them throughout all the card, save only the coasts and Isles of the spicery of the Emperor which is from over against the 160. to the 215. degrees of Longitude. For these coasts & situations of the islands every of the Cosinographers and pilots of Portugal and Spain do set after their purpose. The Spaniards more towards the Orient, because they should appear to appertain to the Emperor: and the Portugal's more toward the Occident, for that they should fall within their jurisdiction. So that the Pilots & navigants thither, which in such cases should declare the truth, by their industry do set them falsely every one to favour his prince. And for this cause can be no certain situation of the coast & islands, till this difference betwixt them be verified. Now to come to the purpose of your Lordships demand touching the difference between the Emperor and the king of Portugal, to understand it better, I must declare the beginning of this discovering. Though peradventure your Lordship may say that in that I have written aught of purpose I fall in the Proverb, A gemino ovo bellum: But your Lordship commanded me to be large, & I take licence to be prolixouse, & shallbe peradventure tedious, but your Lordship knoweth that nihil ignorantia verbosius. In the year 1484. the king of Portugal minded to arm certain caravels to discover this spicery. Then forasmuch as he feared that being discovered every other prince would sand & trade thither, so that the cost & peril of discovering should be his, & the profit common: wherefore first he gave knowledge of this his mind to all princes christened, saying that he would seek amongst the infidels new possessions of regions, & therefore would make a certain army: & that if any of them would help in the cost of the said arm he should enjoy his part of the profit or honour that should come of it. And as then this discovering was holden for a strange thing and uncertain. Now they say, that all the Princes of Christendom answered that they would be no part of such an army, nor yet of the profit that might come of it. After the which he gave knowledge to the Pope of his purpose, & of the answer of all the Princes, desiring him that seeing that none would help in the costs, that he would judge all that should be found and discovered to be of his jurisdiction, and command that none other Princes should intermeddle therewith. The Pope said not as Christ saith, Quis me constituit judicem inter vos? He did not refuse, but making himself as Lord and judge of all, not only granted that all that should be discovered from Orient to Occident should be the kings of Portugal, but also, that upon great censures no other Prince should discover but he: And if they did, all to be the kings of Portugal. So he armed a fleet, and in the year 1487. was discovered that islands of Calicut, from whence is brought all the spice he hath. After this in the year 1492. the king of Spain willing to discover lands toward the Occident without making any such diligence, or taking licence of the king of Portugal, armed certain caravels, and then discovered this India Occidental, especially two Islands of the said India, that in this card I set forth named the one Ladominica, and the other Cuba, and brought certain gold from thence. Of the which when the king of Portugal had knowledge, he sent to the king of Spain, requiring him to give him the said islands. For that by the sentence of the Pope all that should be discovered was his, and that he should not proceed further in the discovery without his licence. And at the same time it seemeth that out of Castill, into Portugal had go for fear of burning infinite number of jews that were expelled out of Spain, for that they would not turn to be Christians, & carried with them infinite number of gold & silver. So that it seemeth that the king of Spain answered that it was reason that the king of Portugal asked, and that to be obedient to that which the pope had decreed, he would give him the said islands of the Indies. Now for as much as it was decreed betwixt the said kings, that none should receive the others subjects fugitives, nor their goods, therefore the king of Portugal should pay and return to the king of Spain a million of Gold or more, that the jews had carried out of Spain to Portugal; and that so doing he would give these Islands and desist from any more discovering. And not fulfilling this he would not only not give these islands, but procure to discover more where him thought best. It seemeth that the king of Portugal would not or could not with his ease pay this money. And so not paying that he could not let the king of Spain to discover: so that he enterprised not toward the Orient where he had begun and found the spicery. And consented to the king of Spain that touching this discovering they should divide the world between them two. And that all that should be discovered from Capo verde, where this card beginneth to be counted in the degrees of longitude, to 180. of the said scale of longitude, which is half the world toward the Orient, and finisheth in this card right over against a little cross made at the said 180. degrees, to be the king of Portugal's. And all the land from the said Cross toward the Occident, until it joineth with the other Cross in the Orient, which containeth the other hundredth and eighty degrees, that is the other half of the world, to be the king of Spain's. So that from the land over against the said hundredth and eighty degrees until it finish in the three hundred and sixty on both the ends of the card, is the jurisdiction of the king of Spain. So after this manner they divided the world between them. Now for that these Islands of spicery fall near the term and limits between these Princes (for as by the said card you may see they begin from one hundred and sixty degrees of Longitude, and end in 215.) it seemeth all that falleth from 160. to 180. degrees, should be of Portugal: and all the rest of Spain. And for that their Cosmographers and Pilots could not agreed in the situation of the said islands (for the Portugeses set them all within their 180. degrees, and the Spaniards set them all without: & for that in measuring, all the Cosmographers of both parts, or what other that ever have been cannot give certain order to measure the longitude of the world, 
The longitudes hard to be found out.  as they do of the latitude: for that there is no star fixed from East to West, as are the stars of the poles from North to South, but all moveth with the moving divine:) no manner can be found how certainly it may be measured, but by conjectures, as the Navigantes have esteemed the way they have go. But it is manifest that Spain had the situation of all the lands from Capo verde, toward the Orient of the Portugese's to their 180. degrees. And in all their cards they never hitherto set the said islands within their limitation of the said 180. degrees: (Though they knew very well of the Islands,) till now that the Spaniards discovered them. And it is known that the king of Portugal had trade to these islands afore, but would never suffer Portugal to go thither from Calicut: for so much as he knew that it fell out of his dominion: lest by going thither there might come some knowledge of those other Islands of the king of Spain, but bought the cloves of merchants of that country, that brought them to Calicut, much dearer than they would have cost, if he had sent for them, thinking after this manner it would abide always secret. And now that it is discovered he sends and keeps the Spanierds from the trade all that he can. Also it should see me that when this foresaid consent of the division of the world was agreed of between them, the king of Portugal had already discovered certain Islands that lie over against Capo verde, and also certain part of the main land of India toward the South, from whence he fet Brasill, and called it the land of Brasill. So for that all should come in his term and limits, be took three hundred and seventy leagues beyond Capo verde: and after this, his 180. degrees, being his part of the world, should begin in the Card right over against the 340 degrees, where I have made a little compass with a cross, and should finish at the 160. degree, where also I have made an other little mark. And after this computation without any controversy, the Islands of the spicery fall out of the Portugese's domination. So that now the Spaniards say to the Portugese's that if they would begin their 180. degrees from the said Capo verde, to the intent they should extend more toward the orient, and so to touch those Islands of the spicery of the Emperor, which is all that is between the two crosses made in this card, that then the Islands of Capo verde and the land of Brasill that the Portugese's now obtain, is out of the said limitation, and that they are of the Emperors. Or if their 180. degrees they count from the 370. leagues beyond the said Capo verde, to include in it the said Islands and lands of Brasill, then plainly appeareth the said 180. degrees should finish long before they come to these Islands of the spicery of the Emperor: As by this Card your Lordship may see. For their limits should begin at the 340. degrees, of this Card, and end at 160. degrees, where I have made two little marks of the compass with crosses in them.  
So that plainly it should appear by reason, that the Portugese's should leave these Islands of Capo verde and land of Brasill, if they would have part of the spicery of the Emperors: or else holding these, they have no part there. To this the Portugese's say, that they will begin their 180. degrees from the self same Capo verde: for that it may extend so much more toward the orient and touch these Islands of the Emperors: and would win these Islands of Capo verde and land of Brasill never the less, as a thing that they possessed before the consent of this limitation was made.  
So none can verily tell which hath the best reason.  
They be not yet agreed, Quare sub judice lis est. But without doubt by all conjectures of reason the said Islands fall all without the limitation of Portugal, and pertain to Spain, as it appeareth by the most part of all the Cards made by the Portugese's, save those they have falsified of late purposely. But now touching that your Lordship wrote, whether that which we discovered toucheth any thing the foresaid coasts: 
New found land discovered by the englishmen.  once it appeareth plainly that the New found land that we discovered is all a main land with the Indies occidental, from whence the emperor hath all the gold and pearls: and so continueth of coast more than 5000. leagues of length, as by this Card appeareth. For from the said new lands it proceedeth toward the occident to the Indies, and from the Indies returneth toward the orient, & after turneth southward up till it come to the straits of Todos Sanctos, which I reckon to be more than 5000. leagues.  

Note.  So that to the Indians it should seem that we have some title, at lest that for our discovering we might trade thither as other do. But all this is nothing near the spicery.  
Now then (if from the said new found lands the Sea be Navigable, 
To sail by the pole. ) there is no doubt, but sailing Northward and passing the pole descending to the equinoctial line we shall hit these Islands, and it should be much more shorter way, then either the Spaniards or the Portugese's have. For we be distant from the pole but 39 degrees, and from the pole to the Equinoctial be 90. the which added together be 129. degrees, leagues 2480. and miles 7440. Where we should find these Islands. And the Navigation of the Spaniards to the spicery is, as by this Card you may see, from Spain to the Islands of Canary, and from these Islands they run over the line Equinoctial southward to the cape of the main land of Indians, called the Cape of saint Augustine, and from this Cape southwards to the straits of Todos Sanctos, 
Or the straite● of Magelan.  in the which Navigation to the said straits is 1700. or 1800. leagues: and from these straits being past them, they return toward the line Equinoctial to the Islands of spicery, which are distant from the said straits 4200. or 4300. leagues.  
The Navigation of the Portugal's to the said islands is, departing from Portugal southward toward the Capo verde, and from thence to another Cape passing the line equinoctial called Capo de bona speransa, and from Portugal to the cape is 1800. leagues, and from this cape to the Islands of spicery of the Emperor is 2500. leagues.  
So that by this navigation amounteth all to 4300. leagues. So that as afore is said, if between our New found lands or Norway, or Island the Seas toward the north be Navigable, we should go to these Islands a shorter way by more than 2000 leagues. And though we went not to the said Islands, 
Note.  for that they are the Emperors or Kings of Portugal, we should by the way, and coming once to the line Equinoctial, find lands no less rich of Gold and spicery, as all other lands are under the said line Equinoctial: and also should, if we may pass under the North, enjoy the Navigation of all Tartary. 
Benefit to England.   
Which should be no less profitable to our commodities of cloth, than these spiceries to the Emperor, and king of Portugal.  
Objection. But it is a general opinion of all Cosmographers that passing the seventh clime, the sea is all ice, the cold so much that none can suffer it. And hitherto they had all the like opinion that under the line Equinoctial for much heat the land was inhabitable.  
Answer. Yet since by experience is proved no land so much habitable nor more temperate. Answer. And to conclude I think the same should be found under the North, if it were experimented. For as all judge, Nihil fit vacuum in rerum natura: 
A true opinion.  So I judge there is no land inhabitable, nor Sea innavigable. If I should writ the reason that presenteth this unto me, I should be too prolix, and it seemeth not requisite for this present matter. God knoweth that though by it I should have no great interest, yet I have had and still have no little mind of this business: 
A voyage of discovery by the pole.  So that if I had faculty to my will, it should be the first thing that I would understand, even to attempt, if our Seas Northward be navigable to the Pole, or no. I reason, that as some sicknesses are hereditarious, 
M. Thorn and M. Eliot discoverers of New found land.  & come from the father to the son, so this inclination or desire of this discovery I inherited of my father, which with another merchant of Bristol named hugh Eliot were the discoverers of the new found lands, 
The cause why the west Indees were not ours: which also Sebastian Gabot writeth man epistle to Baptist Ramusius.  of the which there is no doubt, as now plainly appeareth, if the mariners would then have been ruled, and followed their pilots mind, the lands of the west Indies, from whence all the gold cometh, had been ours. For all is one coast, as by the card appeareth, and is aforesaid. Also in this card by the coasts where you see C. your Lordship shall understand it is set for Cape or head land, where I, for Island, where P. for Port, where R. for River. Also in all this little card I think nothing be erred touching the situation of the land, save only in these islands of spicery: which, for that as afore is said, every one setteth them after his mind, there can be no certification how they stand. I do not deny, that there lack many things, that a consummate card should have, or that a right good demonstration desireth. For there should be expressed all the mountains and rivers that are principal of name in the earth, with the names of Ports of the sea, the names of all principal cities, which all I might have set, but not in this Card, for the little space would not consent.  
Your Lordship may see that setting only the names almost of every region, and yet not of all, the room is occupied. Many islands are also left out for the said lack of room: the names almost of all ports put to silence, with the roses of the winds or points of the compass: For that this is not for Pilots to sail by, but a summary declaration of that which your Lordship commanded. And if by this your Lordship cannot well perceive the meaning of this card, of the which I would not marvel, by reason of the rude composition of it, will it please your Lordship to advise me to make a bigger and a better map, or else that I may 'cause one to be made. For I know myself in this and all other nothing perfect, but Licèt semper discens, nunquam tamen ad perfectam scientiam pervenient. Also I know to set the form Spherical of the world in Plano after the true rule of cosmography, it would have been made otherwise then this is: Howbeit the demonstration should not have been so plain. And also these degrees of longitude, that I set in the lower part of this Card, should have been set along by the line equinoctial, and so then must be imagined. For the degrees of longitude near either of the poles are nothing equal in bigness to them in the equinoctial. But these are set so, for that setting them a long the Equinoctial, it would have made obscure a great part of the map. Many other curiosities may be required, which for the nonce I did not set down, as well for that the intent I had principally was to satisfy your doubt touching the spicery, as for that I lack leisure and time. I trust your Lordship correcting that which is erred, will accept my good will, which is to do any thing that I may in your lordships service. But from henceforth I know your Lordship will rather command me to keep silence, then to be large, when you shallbe wearied with the reading of this discourse. jesus prospero your estate and health.  
Your Lordships Robert thorn. 1527.  
ALso this Card and that which I writ touching the vartaunce between the Emperor and the king of Portugal, is not to be showed or communicated there with many of that Court. For though there is nothing in it prejudicial to the Emperor, yet it may be a cause of pain to the maker: as well for that none may make these Cards, but certain appointed and allowed for masters, as for that peradventure it would not sound well to them, that a stranger should know or discover their secrets: and would appear worst of all, if they understand that I writ touching the short way to the spicery by our Seas. Though peradventure of troth it is not to be looked too, as a thing that by all opinions is unpossible, and I think never will come to effect: and therefore neither here nor else where is it to be spoken of. For to move it amongst wisemen, it should be had in derision. And therefore to none I would have written nor spoken of such things, but to your Lordship, to whom boldly I commit in this all my foolish fantasy as to myself. But if it please God that into England I may come with your Lordship, I will show some conjectures of reason though against the general opinion of Cosmographers, by which shall appear this that I say not to lack some foundation. And till that time I beseech your Lordship let it be put to silence: and in the mean season it may please God to send our two Englishmen, that are go to the spicery, which may also bring more plain declaration of that which in this case might be desired. Also I know it needed not to have been so prolix in the declaration of this Card to your Lordship, if the said Card had been very well made after the rules of cosmography. For your Lordship would soon understand it better than I, or any other that could have made it: and so it should appear that I showed Delphinum natare. But for that I have made it after my rude manner, it is necessary that I be the declarer or glosser of mine own work, or else your Lordship should have had much labour to understand it, which now with it also cannot be excused, it is so grossly done. But I knew you looked for no curious things of me, and therefore I trust your Lordship will accept this, and hold me for excused. In other men's letters that they writ they crave pardon that at this present they writ no larger: but I must finish, ask pardon that at this present I writ so largely. jesus preserve your Lordship with augmentation of dignities.  
Your servant Robert thorn, 1527.  
THis exhortation to king Henry the eight, with the discourse to Doctor Ley his Ambassador in Spain, was preserved by one master Emmanuel Lucar executor to master Robert thorn, and was friendly imparted unto me by master Cyprian Lucar his son an honest Gentleman and very forward to further any good and landable action. And that it may be known that this motion took present effect with the king, I thought it good herewithal to put down the testimony of our Chronicle that the king set out ships for this discovery in his life time. master Hall and master Grafton in their Chronicles writ both thus: This same month king Henry the eight scent two fair ships, well manned and victualled, having in them divers cunning men, to seek strange regions: and so they set forth, out of the Thames the xx. day of May in the xix. year of his reign. In the year of our Lord. 1527.  
FINIS.   

❧ To the most Christian king of France, Frances the first. The relation of john Verarzanus a Florentine, of the land by him discovered in the name of his Majesty, written in deep the eight of july 1524.  
I Written not to your Majesty (most Christian king) since the time we suffered the tempest in the North parts, of the success of the four Ships, which your Majesty sent forth to discover new lands by the Ocean, thinking your Majesty had been already duly informed thereof. Now by these presents I will give your Majesty to understand, how by the violence of the winds we were forced with the two ships, the Norman and the Dolphin, in such evil case as they were, to land in Britain. Whereafter we had repaired them in all points as was needful and armed them very well, we took our course a long by the coast of Spain. Afterwards with the Dolphin alone, we determined to make discovery of new Countries, to prosecute the navigation we had already begun, which I purpose at this present to recount unto your Majesty, to make manifest the whole proceeding of the matter. The 17 of januarie, the year 1524. by the grace of God, we departed from the dishabited Rock, by the Isle of Madêra, appertaining to the king of Portugal, with fifty men, with victuals, weapon, and other ship munition very well provided and furnished for 8. months: And sailing westwards with a fair Easterly wind, in 25. days we ran 500 leagues, and the 20. of February we were overtaken with as sharp and terrible a tempest as ever any sailors suffered: whereof with the divine help & merciful assistance of Almighty God, and the goodness of our ship accompanied with the good hap of her fortunate name we were delivered, and with a prosperous wind followed our course West & by North. And in other 25. days we made above 400. leagues more, where we discovered a new land, never before seen of any man either ancient or modern, and at the first sight it seemed somewhat low, but being within a quarter of a league of it, we perceived by the great fires that we saw by the Sea coast that it was inhabited: and saw that the land stretched to the Southwards: in seeking some convenient harborough whereby to come a land, and have knowledge of the place, we sailed fifty leagues in vain, and seeing the land to run still to the Southwards we resolved to return back again towards the North, where we found ourselves troubled with the like difficulty: at length being in despair to find any port, we cast anchor upon the coast, and sent our Boat to shore, where we saw great store of people which came to the Sea side, and seeing us to approach they fled away, and sometimes would stand still and look back, beholding us with great admiration: but afterwards being animated and assured with signs that we made them, some of them came hard to the Sea side seeming to rejoice very much at the sight of us, and marveling greatly at our apparel, shape and whiteness, showed us by sundry signs where we might most commodiously come a land with our Boat, offering us also of their victuals to eat. Now I will briefly declare to your Majesty their life and manners, as far as we could have notice thereof: These people go altogether naked except only that they cover their privy parts with certain skins of beasts like unto Marterns, which they fasten unto a narrow girdle made of grass very artificially wrought, hanged about with tails of divers other beasts, which round about their bodies hung dangling down to their knees. Some of them wear garlands of birds feathers. The people are of colour russet, and not much unlike the Saracens, their hair black, thick and not very long, which they tie together in a knot behind & wear it like a tail. They are well featured in their limbs, of mean stature and commonly somewhat bigger than we, broad breasted, strong arms, their legs and other parts of their bodies well fashioned, and they are disfigured in nothing saving that they have somewhat broad visages, and yet not all of them: for we saw many of them well favoured having black and great eyes, with a cheerful and steady look, not strong of body yet sharp witted, nimble and great runners, as far as we could learn by experience, and in those two last qualities they are like to the people of the East parts of the world, and especially to them of the uttermost parts of China, we could not learn of this people their manner of living, nor their particular customs by reason of the short abode we made on the shore, our company being but small, and our ship riding far of in the Sea. And not far from these we found an other people, whose living we think to be like unto theirs, (as hereafter I will declare unto your Majesty,) showing at this present the situation and nature of the foresaid land: The shore is all covered with small sand, and so ascendeth upwards for the space of fifteen foot rising in form of little hills about fifty paces broad. And sailing forwards we found certain small Rivers and arms of the Sea, that enter at certain creeks, washing the shore on both sides as the coast lieth. And beyond this we saw the open Country rising in height above the sandy shore with many fair fields and plains, full of mighty great woods, some very thick and some thin, replenished with divers sorts of trees, as pleasant and delectable to behold as is possible to imagine. And your Majesty may not think that these are like the woods of Hercinia or the wild Deserts of Tartary, and the Northern Coasts full of fruitless trees: But full of Palm trees, bay trees, and high Cypress trees, and many other sorts of trees unknown in Europe, which yield most sweet savours far from the shore, the property whereof we could not learn For the cause aforesaid, and not for any difficulty to pass through the woods: Seeing they are not so thick but that a man may pass through them. Neither do we think that they part taking of the East world round about them are all to gather void of drugs or spicery, and other richesses of gold, seeing the colour of the land doth so much argue it and the land is full of many beasts, as Stags, Dear and Hares, and likewise of Lakes and Pools of Fresh water, with great plenty of fowls, convenient for all kind of pleasant game. This land is in latitude 34. 
Gr. 34.  D. with good and wholesome air, temperate, between hot and cold, no vehement winds do blow in those Regions, and those that do commonly reign in those Coasts, are the North West and West winds in the Summer season, (in the beginning whereof we were there) the sky clear and fair with very little rain: and if at any time the air be cloudy and misty with the Sowtherne wind immediately it is dissolved and waxeth clear and fair again. The Sea is calm, not boisterous, the waves gentle, and although all the shore be somewhat low and with out harborough: yet it is not dangerous to the sailors being free from rocks and deep, so that within four or five foot of the shore, there is twenty foot deep of water without ebb or flood, the depth still increasing in such uniform proportion. There is very good riding at Sea: for any Ship being shaken in a tempest can never perish there by breaking of her cables, which we have proved by experience. For in the beginning of March (as is usual in all Regions) being in the Sea oppressed with Northern winds and riding there, we found our anchor broken before the earth failed or moved at all. We departed from this place still running a long the coast, which we found to trende toward the East, and we saw every where very great fires, by reason of the multitude of the inhabitants. While we road on that Coast partly because it had no harborough, and for that we wanted water, we sent our Boat a shore with 25. men: whereby reason of great and continual waves that beat against the shore, being an open coast, without succour, none of our men could possible go a shore without losing our boat. We saw there many people which came unto the shore, making divers signs of friendship, and showing that they were content we should come a land, and by trial we found them to be very courteous & gentle as your majesty shall understand by the success. 
Courteous and gentle people.  To the intent we might send them of our things, which the Indians commonly desire and esteem as sheets of Paper, glasses, bells, and such like trifles: We sent a young man one of our Mariners a shore, who swimming towards them, and being within 3. or 4. yards of the shore, not trusting them, cast the things upon the shore, seeking afterwards to return, he was with such violence of the waves beaten upon the shore, that he was so bruised that he lay there almost dead, which the Indians perceiving, ran to catch him, and drawing him out they carried him a little way of from the sea: The young man perceiving they carried him, being at the first dismayed, began then greatly to fear and cried out piteously, likewise did the Indians which did accompany him, going about to cheer him and give him courage, and then setting him on the ground at the foot of a little hill against the sun, began to behold him with great admiration, marveling at the whiteness of his flesh: And putting off his clotheses they made him warm at a great fire, not without our great fear which remained in the boat, that they would have roasted him at that fire and have eaten him. The young man having recovered his strength, and having stayed a while with them, showed them by signs that he was desirous to return to the ship: And they with great love clapping him fast about with many embracings, accompanying him unto the sea, and to put him in more assurance, leaving him alone they went unto a high ground and stood there, beholding him until he was entered into the boat. This young man observed as we did also, that these are of colour inclining to Black as the other were, with their flesh very shining of mean stature, handsome visag, and delicate limbs and of very little strength: but of prompt wit, farther we observed not.  
Departing from hence following the shore which trended somewhat toward the North in 50. leagues space, we came to another land which showed much more fair and full of woods, being very great, where we road at Anchor, and that we might have some knowledge thereof, we sent 20. men a land, which entered into the country about two leagues, and they found that the people were fled to the woods for fear, they saw only one old woman with a young maid of 18. or 20. years old, which seeing our company hid themselves in the grass for fear, the old woman carried two Infants on her shoulders, and behind her neck a child of 8. years old: the young woman was laden likewise with as many: but when our men came unto them, the women cried out, the old woman made signs that the men were fled unto the woods, as soon as they saw us to quiet them and to win their favour, our men gave them such victuals as they had with them to eat, which the old woman received thankfully: but the young woman disdained them all, and threw them disdainfully on the ground, they took a child from the old woman to bring into France, and going about to take the young woman which was very beautiful & of tall stature, they could not possibly for the great outcries that she made bring her to the sea, and especially having great woods to pass through, and being far from the ship, we purposed to leave her behind bearing away the child only. We found those folks to be more white than those that we found before, being clad with certain leaves the hung on boughs of trees, which they sow together with threads of wild hemp, their heads were trussed up after the same manner as the former were, their ordinary food is of pulse, whereof they have great store, differing in colour & taste from ours, of good & plasant taste. Moreover they live by fishing & fouling which they take with gins, and bows made of hard wood the arrows of Canes, being headed with the bones of fish and other beasts. The beasts in these parts are much wilder than in our Europe, by reason they are continually chased and hunted. We saw many of their boats made of one tree 20. foot long, and 4. foot broad, which are not made with Iron, or stone, or any other kind of metal, (because that in all this country for the space of 200. leagues which we ran, we never saw one stone of any sort): they help themselves with fire, burning so much of the tree as is sufficient for the hollowness of the boat, the like they do in making the stern and the forepart until it be fit to sail upon the sea. The land is in situation, goodness and fairness like the other: it hath woods like the other, thin and full of divers sorts of trees: but not so sweet because the country is more northerly and cold.  
We saw in this Country many Vines growing naturally, which growing up take hold of the trees as they do in Lombardie, which if by husbandmen they were dressed in good order, without all doubt they would yield excellent wines: for we having oftentimes seen the fruit thereof dried, which was sweet and pleasant, and not differing from ours. We do think that they do esteem the same, because that in every place where they grow, they take away the under branches growing round about, that the fruit thereof may ripen the better.  
We found also roses, violets, lilies, and many sorts of herbs, and sweet and odoriferous flowers different from ours. We knew not their dwellings, because they were far up in the land, and we judge by many signs that we saw, that they are of wood and of trees framed together.  
We do believe also by many conjectures and signs, that many of them sleeping in the fields, have no other cover then the open sky. Further knowledge have we not of them, we think that all the rest whose countries we passed live all after one manner, having our abode three days in this country, riding on the coast for want of harboroughs, we concluded to depart from thence, trending along the shore between the North and the East, sailing only in the daytime, & riding at anchor by night in the space of 100 leagues sailing, we found a very pleasant place, situated amongst certain little steep hills: from amidst the which hills there ran down into the sea a great stream of water, which within the mouth was very deep, & from the sea to the mouth of same with the tide which we found to rise 8. foot, any great vessel laden may pass up.  
But because we road at Anchor in a place well fenced from the wind, we would not venture ourselves without knowledge of the place, and we passed up with our boat only into the said River, and saw the Country very well peopled. The people are almost like unto the others, and clad with the feathers of fowls of divers colours, they came towards us very cheerfully, making great shouts of admiration, showing us where we might come to land most safely with our boat. We entered up the said river into the land about half a league, where it made a most pleasant lake about 3. leagues in compass: on the which they rowed from the one side to the other to the number of 30. of their small boats: wherein were many people which passed from one shore to the other to come and see us, and behold upon the sudden (as it is wont to fall out in sailing) a contrary flaw of wind coming from the sea, we were enforced to return to our Ship, leaving this land to our great discontentment, 
The pleasantness and riches of the land.  for the great commodity and pleasantness thereof which we suppose is not without some riches, all the hills showing mineral matters in them. We weighed Anchor, and sailed toward the East, for so the coast trended, and so always for 50. leagues being in the sight thereof we discovered and Island in form of a triangle, 
The description of Claudia Island.  distant from the main land 3. leagues, about the bigness of the Island of the Rhodes, it was full of hills covered with trees, 
Claudia was wife of King Francis.  well peopled, for we saw fires all along the coast, we gave the name of it, of your majesties mother, not staying there by reason of the weather being contrary.  
And we came to another land being 15. leagues distant from the Island, where we found a passing good haven, 
The Country of Sir H. ●. voyage.  wherein being entered we found about 20. small boats of the people which with divers cries and wonder came about our ship, coming no nearer than 50. paces towards us, they stayed and beheld the artificialness of our ship, our shape & apparel, than they all made a loud shout together declaring that they rejoiced: when we had something animated them using their guests, they came so near us that we cast them certain bells and glasses and many toys, which when they had received they looked on them with laughing & came without fear aboard our ship. There were amongst these people 2. kings of so goodly stature and shape as is possible to declare, the eldest was about 40. years of age, the second was a young man of 20. years old. Their apparel was on this manner, the elder had upon his naked body a heart's skin wrought artificialie with divers branches like Damask, his head was bore with the hair tied up behind with divers knots: About his neck he had a large chain, garnished with divers stones of sundry colours the young man was almost apparelled after the same manner. This is the goodliest people and of the fairest conditions that we have found in this our voyage. They exceed us in bigness, they are of the colour of brass, some of them incline more to whiteness: others are of yellow colour, of comely visage with long & black heir which they are very careful to trim and deck up, they are black and quick eyed. I writ not to your Majesty, of the other part of their body, having all such proportion as appertaineth to any handsome man. The women are of the like conformity and Beauty, very handsome and well favoured, they are as well mannered and continente as any women, of good education, they are all naked save their privy parts which they cover with a dears skin branched or embroidered as the men use: there are also of them which wear on their arms very rich skins of leopards, they adorn their heads with divers ornaments made of their own heir, which hang down before on both sides their breasts, others use other kind of dressing themselves like unto the women of Egypt and Syria, these are of the elder sort: and when they are married they wear divers toys, according to the usage of the people of the East as well men as women.  
Among whom we saw many plates of wrought copper, which they esteem more than gold, which for the colour they make no account of, for that among all other it is counted the basest, they make most account of Azure and read. The things that they esteemed most of all those which we gave them were bells, crystal of Azure colour, and other toys to hung at their ears or about their neck. They did not desire cloth of silk or of gold, much less of any other sort, neither cared they for things made of steel and Iron, which we often showed them in our armour which they made no wonder at, and in beholding them they only asked the art of making them: the like they did at our glasses, which when the beheld, they suddenly laughed and gave them us again. They are very liberal for they give that which they have, we become great friends with these, and one day we entered into the haven with our ship, where as before we road a league of at sea by reason of the contrary weather. They came in great companies of their small boats unto the ship with their faces all be painted with divers colours, showing us that it was a sign of joy, bringing us of their victuals, they made signs unto us where we might safest ride in the haven for the safeguard of our ship keeping still our company: and after we were come to an Anchor, we bestowed fifteen days in providing ourselves many necessary things, whether every day the people repaired to see our ship bringing their wives with them, whereof they are very jealous: and they themselves entering abroad the ship and staying there a good space, caused their wives to stay in their boats, and for all the entreaty we could make, offering to give them divers things, we could never obtain that they would suffer them to come aboard our ship. And oftentimes one of the two kings coming with his queen, and many gentlemen for their pleasure to see us, they all stayed on the shore two hundred paces from us, sending a small boat to give us intelligence of their coming, saying they would come to see our ship, this they did in token of safety, and assoon as they had answer from us they came immediately, and having stayed a while to behold it, they wondered at hearing the cries and 'noys of the mariners. The queen and her maids stayed in a very light boat, at an Island a quarter of a league off, while the king abode a long space in our ship uttering divers conceits with geastures, viewing with great admiration, all the furniture of the ship, demanding the property of every thing particularly. He took likewise great pleasure in beholding our apparel, and in tasting our meats, and so courteously taking his leave departed. And sometimes our men staying for two or three days on a little Island near the ship for divers necessaries, (as it is the use of seamen) he returned with 7. or 8. of his gentlemen to see what we did, and asked of us often times if we meant to make any long abode there, offering us of their provision: then the king drawing his bow and running up and down with his gentlemen, made much sport to gratify our men, we were oftentimes within the land 5. or 6. leagues, which we found as pleasant as is possible to declare very apt for any kind of husbandry of corn, wine and oil: for that there are plains 25. or 30. leagues broad, open and without any impediment of trees of such fruitfulness, that any seed being sown therein, will bring forth most excellent fruit. We entered afterwards into the woods which we found so great and thick, that any army were it never so great might have hid itself therein, the trees whereof are oaks, cypress trees, and other sorts unknown in Europe. We found Pomi appii, Damson trees, and Nut trees, and many other sorts of fruits differing from ours: there are beasts in great abundance, as hearts, dears, leopards, and other kinds which they take with their nets & bows which are their chief weapons, the arrows which they use are made with great cunning, and in stead of iron, they head them with smeriglio, with jasper stone, & hard marble & other sharp stones which they use in stead of iron to cut trees, and make their boats of one whole piece of wood, making it hollow with great and wonderful art, wherein 10. or 12. men may be commodiously, their oars are short and broad at the end, and they use them in the sea without any danger, and by main force of arms, with as great speediness as they list themselves. We saw their houses made in circular or round form 10. or 12. foot in compass, made with half circles of timber, separate one from another without any order of building, covered with mats of straw wrought cunningly together, which save them from the wind and rain, and if they had the order of building and perfect skill of workmanship as we have: there were no doubt but that they would also make eftsoons great and stately buildings. For all the sea coasts are full of clear and glistering stones, and alabaster, and therefore it is full of good havens and barbarous for ships. They move the foresaid houses from one place to another according to the commodity of the place and season wherein they will make their abode, and only taking of the cover, they have other houses builded incontinent. The father and the whole family devil together in one house in great number: in some of them we saw 25. or 30. persons. They feed as the other do aforesaid of pulse which do grow in that country with better order of husbandry than in the others. They observe in their sowing the course of the Moon and the rising of certain stars, and divers other customs spoken of by antiquity. Moreover, they live by hunting and fishing. they live long, and are seldom sick, and if they chance to fall sick at any time, they heal themselves with fire without any physician, and they say that they die for very age. They are very pitiful and charitable towards their neighbours, they make great lamentations in their adversity & in their misery, the kindred reckon up all their felicity, at their departure out of life, they use mourning mixed with singing, with continueth for a long space. This is as much as we could learn of them. This land is situated in the parallel of Rome, in 41. degrees & 2. terces: but somewhat more cold by accidental cause and not of nature, (as I will declare unto your highness else where) describing at this present the situation of the foresaid country, which lieth East and West, I say that the mouth of the haven lieth open to the South half a league broad, and being entered within it between the East and the North, it stretcheth twelve leagues: where it waxeth brother and brother, and maketh a gulf about 20. leagues in compass, wherein are fine small Islands very fruitful and pleasant, full of high and broad trees, among the which Islands, any great Navy may ride safe without any fear of tempest or other danger. Afterwards turning towards the South and in the entering into the Haven on both sides there are most pleasant hills, with many rivers of most clear water falling into the Sea.  
In the midst of this entrance there is a rock of free stone growing by nature apt to build any Castle or Fortress there, for the keeping of the haven. The fift of May being furnished with all things necessary, we departed from the said Coast keeping along in the sight thereof, & we sailed 150 leagues finding it all ways after one manner: but the land somewhat higher with certain mountains all which bear a show of mineral matter, we sought not to land there in any place, because the weather served our turn for sailing: but we suppose that it was like to the former, the Coast ran Eastward for the space of fifty leagues. And trending afterwards the North, we found another land high full of thick woods, the trees whereof were firs, Cipresses and such like as are wont to grow in cold Countries. The people differ much from the other, & look how much the former seemed to be courteous and gentle: so much were these full of rudeness and ill manners, and so barbarous that by no signs that ever we could make, we could have any kind of traffic with them. They cloth themselves with Bears skins and Leopards and seals and other beasts skins. Their food as far as we could perceive, repairing often unto their dwellings we suppose to be by hunting and fishing, and of certain fruits, which are a kind of roots, which the earth yieldeth of her own accord. They have no grain, neither saw we any kind or sign of tillage, neither is the land, for the barrenness thereof apt to bear fruit or seed. If at any time we desired by exchange to have any of their commodities, they used to come to the Sea shore upon certain craggy rocks, and we standing in our Boats, they let down with a rope what it pleased them to give us, crying continually that we should not approach to the land, demanding immediately the exchange taking nothing but knives, fishookes and tools to cut withal, neither did they make any account of our courtesy. And when we had nothing left to exchange with them, when we departed from them the people showed all signs of discourtesy and disdain, as was possible for any creature to invent. We were in despite of them two or three leagues within the land, being in number 25. armed men of us: And when we went on shore they shot at us with their bows, making great outcries, and afterwards fled into the woods. We found not in this land any thing notable, or of importance, saving very great woods and certain hills, they may have some mineral matter in them, because we saw many of them have beadstones of Copper hanging at their ears. We departed from thence keeping our course North East along the coast, which we found more pleasant champion and without woods, with high mountains within the land continuing directly along the coast for the space of fifty leagues, we discovered 32. Ilelandes lying all near the land, being small and pleasant to the view, high and having many turnings and windings between them, making many fair harbours and channels as they do in the gulf of Venice in Saluonia, and Dalmatia, we had no knowledge or acquaintance with the people: we suppose they are of the same manners and nature that the others are. Sailing North-east for the space of 150. leagues we approached to the land that in times past was discovered by the Britons, which is in fifty degrees. Having now spent all our provision and victuals, and having discovered about 700. leagues and more of new Countries, and being furnished with Water and Wood we concluded to return into France.  
Touching the religion of this people, which we have found for want of their language we could not understand neither by signs nor gesture that they had any religion or law at all, or that they did acknowledge any first cause or mover, neither that they worship the heaven or stars the Sun or Moon or other Planets, and much less whether they be idolaters, neither could we learn whether that they used any kind of Sacrifices or other adorations, neither in their villages have they any Temples or houses of prayer. We suppose that they have no religion at all, and that they live at their own liberty. And that all this proceedeth of ignorance, for that they are very easy to be persuaded: and all that they see us Christians do in our divine service they did the same with the like imitation as they saw us to do it.   

❧ The discovery of the Isles of Friesland, Iseland, Engroveland, Estotiland, Drogeo and Icaria, made by M. Nicolas Zeno, Knight, and M. Antonio his brother.  
IN the year of our Lord 1200. There was in the City of Venice a famous Gentleman, named M. Marino Zeno, who for his great virtue and singular wisdom, was called and elected governor in certain common wealths of Italy, in the administration whereof he bore himself so discreetly, that he was beloved of all men, and his name greatly reverenced of those that never knew or saw his person. And among sundry his worthy works, this is recorded of him, that he pacified certain grievous civil dissensions that arose among the Cittzens of Verona: whereas otherwise if by his grave advise and great diligence, they had not been prevented, the matter was likely to break out in hot broils of war. 
Podesta.  He was the first Agent that the common wealth of Venice kept in Constantinople in the year 1205. quando n'era patrona, conli baroni francesi. This Gentleman had a son named M. Pietro, who was the father of the Duke Rinieri, which Duke dying with out issue, made his heir M. Andrea, the son of M. Marco his brother. This M. Andrea was captain general and Procurator, a man of great reputation for many rare parts, that were in him. He had a son M. Rinieri, a worthy Senator and prudent councillor: Of whom descend M. Pietro General of the league of the Christians against the Turks, who was called Dragon, for that in his arms he bore a Dragon. He was father to M. Carlo the famous Procurator and General against the Genoese in those cruel wars, when as almost all the chief princes of Europe did oppugn and seek to overthrow our Empire and liberty, where by his great valiancy and prowess like an other Furius Camillus, he delivered his Country from the present peril it was in, being ready to become a prey & spoil unto the enemy, wherefore he was afterward surnamed, the Lion, and for an eternal remembrance of his fortitude and valiant exploits he gave the Lion in his arms. M. Carlo had two brethren, M. Nicolo, the knight & Antonio, the father M. Dragon, of whom issued M. Caterino, the father of M. Pietro, this M. Pietro had sons M. Caterino, that died the last year, M. Francisco, M. Carlo, M. Battista, and M. Vincenzo. That M. Caterino was father to M. Nicolo, that is yet living. Now M. Nicolo, the knight, being a man of great courage and very nobly minded, after this foresaid war of Genova, that troubled so our predecessors, entered into a wonderful great desire and fancy to see the fashions of the world, and to travail, and to acquaint himself with the manners of sundry nations & learn their languages, whereby afterwards upon occasions he might be the better able to do service to his country & purchase to himself credit & honour. Wherefore he caused a ship to be made & having furnished her at his proper charges (as he was very wealthy) he departed out of our Seas & passing the straits of Gibralterra, he sailed for certain days upon the Ocean keeping his course still to the Northwards, with intent to see England and Flaunders. Where being assaulted in those Seas by a terrible tempest, was so tossed for the space of many days with the Sea and wind that he knew not where he was, till at length he discovered land, and not being able any longer to sustain the violence of the tempest the ship was cast away upon the Isle of Friesland. 
The ship of M. N. Zeno cast away upon Friesland in anno. 1380.  The men were saved, and most part of the goods that were in the Ship. And this was in the year 1380. The inhabitants of the Island came running in great multitudes with weapons to set upon M. Nicolo and his men, who being sore wether beaten and over-laboured at Sea, and not knowing in what part of the world they were, were not able to make any resistance at all, much less to defend themselves courageously, as it behoved them in such dangerous case. And they should have been doubtless very discourteously entreated and cruelly handled, if by good hap there had not been hard by the place a Prince with armed people. Who understanding, that there was even at that present a great ship cast away upon the Island, came running at the noise and outcries that they made against our poor Mariners, and driving away the inhabitants, 
A foreign prince happening to be in Friesland with armed men. When M. Zeno suffered shipwreck, there came unto him and spoke latin.  spoke in latin and asked them what they were and from whence they came, and perceiving that they were Italians, & all of one Country, he was surprised with marvelous great joy. Wherefore promising them all, that they should receive no discourtesy, and that they were come into a place where they should be well used and very welcome, he took them into his protection upon his faith. This was a great Lord and possessed certain islands called Porland, lying one the Southside of Friesland being the richest and most populous of all those parts, his name was Zichmni: 
Zichmni prince of Porland or duke of Zorani.  & beside the said little islands, he was Duke of Sorani, lying within the land towards Scotland. Of these North parts I thought good to draw the copy of a Sea card, which amongst other antiquities, I have in my house, which although it be rotten through many years: yet it falleth out indifferent well, and to those that are delighted in these things, it may serve for some light to the understanding of that, which without it cannot so easily be conceived. Zichmni being Lord of those Seignories (as is said) was a very warlike and valiant man & above all things famous in Sea causes. And having this year before given the overthrow to the king of Norway, who was Lord of the Island, 
Friesland the king of Norway's.  being desirous to win fame by feats of arms, was come on land with his men to give the attempt, for the winning of Friesland, which is an Island much bigger than Ireland. Wherefore seeing that M. Nicolo was a man of judgement and discretion, and very expert both in Sea matters and martial affairs, he gave him commission to go aboard his navy with all his men, charging the captain to honour him and in all things to use his counsel. This Navy of Zichmni was of thirteen vessels, whereof two only were with oars, the rest small barks, and one ship, with the which they sailed to the Westwards and with little pains won Ledovo and Ilofe and divers other small Islands, and turning into a bay called Sudero, in the haven of the town named Sanestol they took certain small Barks laden with salt fish. And here they found Zichmni, who came by land with his army conquering all the country as he went, they stayed here but a while but held on their course to the Westwards till they came to the other Cape of the gulf or bay, then turning again they found certain Ilelandes and broken lands which they reduced all unto the signory and possession of Zichmni. These Seas for as much as they sailed, were in manner nothing but shoals and rocks, in sort that if M. Nicolo and the venetian mariners had not been their Pilots, the whole Fleet in judgement of all that were in it, had been cast away, so small was the skill of Zichmnis' men in respect of ours, who had been trained up in the art and practise of navigation all the days of their life. Now the Fleet having done such things, (as is declared) the Captain by the counsel of M. Nicolo, determined to go a land at a town called Bondendon, to understand what success Zichmni had in his wars, where they heard to their great content, that he had fought a great battle and put to flight the army of his enemy: by reason of which victory they sent Ambassadors from all parts of the Island to yield the country up into his hands, taking down their ensigns in every town and castle: They thought good to stay in that place for his coming, being reported for certain that the would be there very shortly. At his coming there was great congratulation and many signs of gladness showed, as well for the victory by land as for that by Sea, for the which the venetians were honoured & extolled of all men, in such sort that there was no talk but of them, and of the great valour of M. Nicolo. Wherefore the Prince who was a great favourer of valiant men and especially of those that could behave themselves well at the Sea, caused M. Nicolo to be brought before him, and after having commended him with many honourable speeches, and praised his great industry and dexterie of wit, by the which, he acknowledged himself to have received an inestimable benefit as the saving of his Fleet and the winning of many places, he made him Knight, 
N. Zeno, made knight by Zichmni.  and rewarded his men with many rich and bountiful gifts: Then departing from thence they went in triumphing manner towards Friesland, the chief City of the Island, 
Ships laden with fish at friesland: for Flaunders, Britain. England, Scotland, Norway, and Denmark. But not to be proved that ever any came thence. A letter sent by master. N. Zeno from Friesland to his brother, M. Antonio in Venice. End of the first letter.  situate on the Southest side of the Isle, within a gulf, (as there are very many in that Island). In this gulf or bay there is such great abundance of fish taken, that many ships are laden therewith to serve Flaunders, Britain, England, Scotland, Norway and Denmark, and by this trade they gather great wealth.  
And thus much is taken out of a letter, that M. Nicolo sent unto M. Antonio his brother, requesting him that he would seek some means to come to him. Wherefore he, who had as great desire to travail as his brother, bought a Ship, and directing his course that way, after he had sailed a great while and escaped many dangers, he arrived at length in safety with M. Nicolo, who received him very joyfully, for that he was his brother not only in flesh and blood, but also in valour and good qualities. M. Antonio remained in Friselande and dwelled there for the space of fourteen years, four years with M. Nicolo, and ten years alone. Where they came into such grace and favour with the Prince, that he made M. Nicolo, Captain of his Navy, & with great preparation of war they were sent forth for the enterprise of Estlande, which lieth upon the coast between Friesland and Norway, where they did many dommages, but hearing that the king of Norway was coming towards them with a great Fleet, they departed with such a terrible flaw of wind that they were driven upon certain shoals. Where a great part of their ships were cast away, the rest were saved upon Grisland, a great Island but dishabited. The king of Norway his fleet being taken with the same storm, did utterly perish in those seas. Whereof Zichmni having notice, by a ship of his enemies, that was cast by chance upon Grisland. Having repaired his fleet, and perceiving himself northerly near unto the Islands, determined to set upon Island, which together with the rest was subject to the king of Norway: But he found the country so well fortified and defended, that his fleet being so small and very ill appointed both of weapons and men, he was glad to retire. And so he left that enterprise without performing any thing at all, and in the same channels he assaulted the other Isles called the Islands, which are seven Talas, Broas, Iscant, Trans, Mimant, Dambere, & Bres, and having spoiled them all, he built a fort in Bres, where he left M. Nicolo, with certain small barks and men and munition. And now thinking he had done well for this voyage, with those few ships which were left he returned into Frieslande. M. Nicolo remaining now in Bres determined upon a time to go forth and discover land, wherefore arming out their small barks in the month of july, 
Engrovelande. Preaching Friars of S. Thomas.  he sailed to the northwards, and arrived in Engrovelande. Where he found a monastery of Friars of the order of the Predicators, and a Church dedicated to S. Thomas hard by a hill, that casteth forth fire, like Veswius and Aetna.  
There is a fountain of hot burning water with the which they heat the Church of the monastery and the friars chambers, it cometh also into the kitchen so boiling hot, that they use no other fire to dress their meat, and putting their bread into brass pots without any water, it doth bake as it were in a hot oven. They have also small gardens, covered over in the winter time, which being watered with this water are defended from the force of the snow and cold, which in those parts being situate far under the pole, is very extreme; 
A notable 〈◊〉  and by this means they produce flowers and fruits and herbs of sundry sorts, even as in other temperate countries in their seasons in such sort that the rude and savage people of those parts seeing these supernatural effects do take those Friars for Gods, and bring them many presents as chickens, flesh and divers other things, and have them all in great reverence as Lords. When the frost and snow is great, they heat their houses in manner before said, and will by letting in the water or opening the windows, temper the heat and cold at their pleasure. In the buildings of the monastery they use no other matter but that which is ministered unto them by the fire, for they take the burning stones, that are cast out as it were sparkles or ceindres at the fiery mouth of the hill, and when they are most inflamed, cast water upon them, whereby they are dissolved and become excellent white lime and so tough that being contrived in building it lasteth for ever. And the very sparkles after the fire is out of them do serve in steed of stones to make walls and vaults: for being once cold they will never dissolve or break except they be cut with some iron tool, and the vaults that are made of them are so light that they need no sustentacle or prop to hold them up, and they will endure continually very fair and whole. By reason of these great commodities the friars have made there so many buildings and walls, that it is a wonder to see. The coverts or roofs of their houses for the most part are made in this manner, first they raise the wall up to his full height, than they make it inclining or bowing in by little and little in form of a vault. But they are not greatly troubled with rain in those parts, for that, by reason of the pole or cold climate, the first snow being fallen it thaweth no more for the space of nine months, for so long dureth their winter. They feed of the flesh of wild beasts & of fish, for where as the warm water falleth into the sea, there is a large and wide haven, which by reason of the heat of the water, doth never frieze all the winter, by means whereof there is such concourse and flocks of sea foul and such abundance of fish, that they take thereof infinite multitudes, whereby they maintain a great number of people round about which they keep in continual work, both in building and taking of fowls and fish, and in a thousand other necessary affairs and business about the monastery.  
Their houses are built about the hill on every side, in form round, and 25. foot broad, and in mounting upwards they go narrower and narrower, leaving at the top a little hole, whereat the air cometh in, to give light to the house, and the floor of the house is so hot, that being within they feel no cold at all. 
Trade in summer time from Trondon to S. Thomas friars in Ingroucland.  Hither in the summer time come many barks from the islands there about, & from the Cape above Norway and from Trondon. And bring to the Friars all manner things that may be desired, taking in change thereof fish which they dry in the sun or in the cold, and skins of divers kinds of beasts. For the which they have wood to burn and timber very artificially carved, and corn & cloth to make them apparel. For in change of the two foresaid commodities all the nations bordering round about them covet to traffic with them, and so they without any travel or expenses have that which they desire. To this monastery resort Friars of Norway, 
Resort of friars from Norway & Sueden, to the monastery in Ingrovelande called S. Thom.  of Suetia and of other countries but the most part are of the Islands. There are continually in that part many barks, which are kept in there by reason of the sea being frozen, waiting for the season of the year to dissolve the Ice. The fisher's boats are made like unto a weavers shuttle, taking the skins of fishes, they fashion them with the bones of the same fishes, and sowing them together in many doubles they make them so sure and substantial, that it is miraculous to see, how in tempests they will shut themselves close within, and let the sea and wind carry them, they care not whether, without any fear either of breaking or drowning. And if they chance to be driven upon any rocks, they remain sound, without the lest bruise in the world: And they have as it were a sleeve in the bottom which is tied fast in the middle, & when there cometh any water into their boat, they put it into the one half of the sleeve, them fastening the end of it with two pieces of wood and losing the band beneath they convey the water forth of the boat: and this they do as often as they have occasion without any peril or impediment at all.  
Moreover, the water of the monastery being of sulphureous or brimstone nature is conveyed into the lodgings of the principal Friars by certain vessels of brass, tin or stone so hot that it heateth the place as it were a stowe, not carrying with it any stink or other noisome smell.  
Besides this they have another conveyance to bring hot water with a wall under the ground to the end it should not freeze, unto the middle of the court, where it falleth into a great vessel of brass, that standeth in the middle of a boiling fountain, and this is to heat their water to drink and to water their gardens, and thus they have from the hill the greatest commodities that may be wished, and so these Friars employ all their travail and study for the most part in trimming their gardens and in making fair and beautiful buildings and especially handsome and commodious, neither are they destitute of ingenious and painful artificers for the purpose, for they give very large payment, and to them that bring them fruits and seeds they are very bountiful and give they care not what. So that there is great resort of workmen and masters in divers faculties, by reason of the good gains and large allowance that is there.  
The most of them speak the Latin tongue, and especially the superiors and principals of the monastery. 
In the monastery S. Thomas most of them speak the latin tongue. and of the two letter.  And this is as much as is known of Engrovelande, which is all by the relation of M. Nicolo, who maketh also particular description of a river, that he discovered, as is to be seen in the card that I drew. And in the end M. Nicolo not being used and acquainted with these cruel colds, fell sick, and a little while after returned into Frislande, where he died. He left behind him in Venice two sons, M. Giovanni and M. Tomazin, who had two sons M. Nicolo, the father of the famous Cardinal Zeno, and M. Pietro of whom descended the other Zenos, that are living at this day.  

N. Zeno died in Frislande.  Now M. Nicolo being dead, M. Aotonio succeeded him both in his goods and in his dignities & honour, and albeit he attempted divers ways and made great supplication he could never obtain licence to return into his Country. For Zichmni had determined to make himself Lord of the sea. Wherefore using always the counsel and service of M. Antonio, he sent him with some small barks to the Westwards, for that towards those parts some of his fishermen had discovered certain Islands very rich and populous, which discovery, M. Antonio in a letter to his brother M. Carlo, recounteth from point to point in this manner, saving that we have changed some old words, leaving the matter entire as it was  
Six and twenty years ago there departed four Fisher boats, the which a mighty tempest arising, 
3. letter beginneth from the second brother M. Antonio out of Frislande, to his other brother in Venice named Master Carlo. Estotiland. 6. Fisher men taken.  were tossed for the space of many days very desperately upon the Sea, when at length the tempest ceasing and the weather waxing fair they discovered an Island called Estotilande, lying to the Westwards above 1000 Miles from Frislande, upon the which one of the boats was cast away, and six men that were in it were taken of the inhabitants and brought unto a very fair and populous City, where the king of the place sent for many interpreters, but there was none could be found that understood the language of the fishermen, except one that spoke Latin, 
Fishermen of Frislande spoke latin.  who was also cast by chance upon the same Island, who in the behalf of the king asked them what Countrymen they were, and so understanding their case, rehearsed it unto the King, who willed that they should tarry in the Country, wherefore they obeying his commandment for that they could not otherwise do, 
Six were 5. years in Estotilande.  dwelt five years in the Island, and learned the language, and one of them was in divers parts of the Island, and reporteth that it is a very rich Country, 
One of the f shers of Friesland reporteth of Estotilande. Estotilande rich: abounding with all the commodity of the world.  abounding with all the commodities of the world, and that it is little less than Island, but far more fruitful, having in the middle thereof a very high mountain, from the which there riseth four Rivers, that pass through the whole Country.  
The inhabitants are very witty people, and have all the arts and faculties as we have: and it is credible, that in time passed they have had traffic with our men, for he said that he saw latin books in the King's library, which they at this present do not understand, they have a peculiar language and letters or characters to themselves. They have mines of all manner of metals, 
Abundance of gold. trade from estotiland, to Engroveland-skins, brimstone and pitch. Gold, corn, and bear, or ale. Many cities and castles.  but especially they abound with gold. They have their trade in Engroveland from whence they bring skins and brimstone and pitch: And he saith that to the southwards, there is a great populous country very rich of gold. They sow corn and make bear or ale, which is a kind of drink that the north people do use as we do wine. They have mighty great woods, they make their buildings with walls, and there are many cities & castles. They build small barks and have sailing, but they have not the loadstone nor know not the use of the compass. Wherefore these fishers were had in great estimation, insomuch that the king sent them with 12. barks to the southwards to a country which they call Drogio: 
A country called Drogio.  but in their voyage they had such contrary weather, that they thought all to have perished in the sea, but yet escaping that cruel death, they fell into another more cruel. For they were taken in the country and the most part of them eaten by the Savage people, which feed upon man's flesh, as the sweetest meat in their judgements that is.  

The 6. fishermen of friesland only saved, by showing the manner to take fish. The chiefest of the 6. fishers, specified before his companions  But that fisher with his fellows showing them the manner of taking fish with nets, saved their lives: and would go every day a fishing to the sea and in fresh rivers, and take great abundance of fish and give it to the chief men of the country, whereby he got himself so great favour, that he was very well beloved and honoured of every one.  
The fame of this man being spread abroad in the country, there was a Lord thereby that was very desirous to have him with him, and to see how he used his miraculous art of catching fish, in so much that he made war with the other Lord, with whom he was before, and in the end prevailing, for that he was more mighty and a better warrior, 
In the space of 13. years in Drogi●.  the fisherman was sent unto him with the rest of his company. And for the space of thirteen years that he dwelled in those parts, he saith, that he was sent in this order to more than 25. Lords, 
Scent to more than 25. lords, which continually warred amongst themselves for the same fisherman.  for they had continual war amongst themselves, this Lord with that Lord and he with an other, only to have him to devil with them, so that wandering up and down the Country without any certain abode in one place, he knew almost all those parts. He saith that it is a very great country and as it were a new world, the people very rude and void of all goodness, they go all naked so that they are miserably vexed with cold, neither have they the wit to cover their bodies with beastsskins, with they take in hunting, they have no kind of metal, they live by hunting, they carry certain lances of wood, made sharp at the point, they have bows, the strings whereof are made of beasts skins: They are a very fierce people, they make cruel wars one with another, and eat one an other, they have governors and certain laws very divers amongst themselves. But the farther to the South westwards, the more civility there is, the air being somewhat temperate, so that there they have Cities, and temples to Idols, wherein they sacrifice men and afterwards eat them, they have there some knowledge and use of gold and silver.  
Now this fisher having dwelled so many years in those countries, purposed if it were possible to return home into his country, but his companions despairing ever to see it again, let him go in God's name, they kept themselves, where they were. Wherefore he bidding them farewell, fled through the woods towards Drogio, and was very well received of the Lord that dwelled next to that place who knew him and was a great enemy of the other Lord, and so running from one Lord to an other, being those by whom he had passed before, after long time and many traveles he came at length to Drogio where he dwelled three years. 
3. years in Dr●gio.  When as by good fortune he heard by the inhabitants, that there were certain boats arrived upon the coast, wherefore entering into good hope to accomplish his intent, 
Where by hap arrived certain boats from Estotsland.  he went to the sea side & ask them of what country they were, they answered of Estotiland whereat he was exceeding glad, and requested that they would take him into them, 
He become interpreter for the men that arrived at drogeo in the boats of Estotilande. Afterwards he frequented that trade with them in such sort, that he become very rich. And so furnished a bark of his own & returned to Frislande where he reported the story to his Lord Zichmni. Zichmni minded to ●end M. Antonio Zeno with a fleece towards those parts of Estotilande. end of 3. letter.  which they did very willingly, and for that he had the language of the Country and there was none of them could speak it they used him for their interpreter.  
And after that he frequented that trade with them, in such sort that he become very rich and so furnishing out a bark of his own he returned into Frislande, where he made report unto this Lord of that wealthy Country.  
And he is thoroughly credited because of the Mariners, who approve many strange things, that he reporteth to be true. Wherefore this Lord is resolved to send me forth with a fleet towards those parts, and there are so many that desire to go in the voyage, for the novelty and strangeness of the thing, that I think we shall be very strongly appointed, without any public expense at all. And this is the tenor of the letter before mentioned which I have here set down, to give intelligence of an other voyage, that M. Antonio made, being set out with many Barks and men, notwithstanding he was not captain as he had thought at the first he should, for Zichmni went in his own person: & concerning this matter I have a letter in form as followeth. 
4. letter beginneth from M. Antonio in friesland, to his brother Carlo in Venice. The fisherman dead that should have been guide & interpreter. Certain mariners taken in his steed which came with him from Estotiland. july I'll Ilofe.  Our great preparation for the voyag of Estotiland, was begun in an unlucky hour, for three days before our departure, the fisherman died, that should have been our guide: notwithstanding this Lord would not give over the enterprise, but in stead of the fisherman took certain Mariners that returned out of the Island with him, and so making our navigation to the Westwards, we discovered certain Islands subject to Frislande, and having passed certain shelves we stayed at Ledovo for the space of 7. days to refresh ourselves, and furnish the fleet with necessary provision. Departing from hence we arrived the first of july at the isle of Ilofe, and for that the wind made for us, we stayed not there, but passed forth, & being upon the main sea, there arose immediately a cruel tempest wherewith for eight days space we were miserably vexed, not knowing where we were, and a great part of the Barks were cast away, afterward waxing fair wether we gathered up the broken pieces of the Barks that were lost, and sailing with a prosperous wind we discovered land at West. Wherefore keeping our course directly upon it, 
Zichmni his first discovery of the Island Icaria.  we arrived in a very good and safe harborough, where we saw an infinite company of people ready in arms, come running very furiously to the water side, 
Infinite number of people in arms.  as it were for defence of the Island. Wherefore Zichimni causing his men to make signs of peace unto them, they sent ten men unto us that could speak ten languages, but we could understand none of them, except one that was of Island. 
An Island man in Icaria.  He being brought before our Prince and asked, what was the name of the Island, and what people inhabited it, and who governed it, answered, that the Island was called Icaria, 
Icaria Island. All the kings that had reigned in that Island were called Icari after the name of the first king of the place: which they say was the son of Dedalus king of Scots. Icarius drowned. Icarian Sea.  and that all the kings that had reigned there, were called Icari, after the name of the first king of that place, which as they say was the son of Dedalus king of Scotland, who conquering that Island, left his son there for king, and left them those laws that they retain to this present, and after this, he desiring to sail further, in a great tempest that arose, was drowned, wherefore for a memorial of his death, they call those Seas yet, the Icarian Sea, and the kings of the Island Icari, and for that they were contented with that state, which god had given them, neither whold they altar one jot of their laws and customs, they would not receive any stranger, wherefore they requested our Prince, that he would not seek to violate their laws, which they had received from that king of worthy memory and observed very duly to that present: which if he did attempt, it would redound to his manifest destruction, they being all resolutely bend rather to leave their life, than to lose in any respect the use of their laws. Notwithstanding, that we should not think they did altogether refuse the conversation and traffic with other men, they told us for conclusion that they would willingly receive one of our men, 
The people of Icaria desirous of the Italian tongue.  and prefer him to be one of the chief amongst them, only to learn my language the Italian tongue, and to be informed of our manners and customs, as they had already received those other ten of ten sundry nations, 
Having in that Island 10. men of ten sundry nations.  that came unto their Island. To these things our Prince answered nothing at all, but causing his men to seek some good harborough, he made signs as though he would come on land, and sailing round about the Island, he espied at length a harborough on the East side of the Island, where he put in with all his Fleet, the mariners went on land to take in wood and water, which they did with as great speed as they could, doubting lest they should be assaulted by the inhabitants as it fell out in deed, for those that dwelled there abouts, making signs unto the other with fire and smoke, put themselves presently in arms and the other coming to them, they came all running down to the Sea side upon our men, with bows and arrows and other weapons, that many were slain and divers sore wounded. And we made signs of peace unto them, but it was to no purpose, for their rage increased more and more, as though they had fought for life and living. Wherefore we were forced to departed and to sail along in a great circuit about the Island, being always accompanied upon the hill tops and the Sea coast with an infinite multitude of armed men, 
Infinite multitude of armed men in Icaria.  and so doubling the Cape of the Island towards the North, we found many great shoals amongst the which for the space of ten days we were in continual danger of losing our whole Fleet, but that it pleased God all that while to sand us very fair weather. Wherefore proceeding on till we came to the East cape, we saw the inhabitants still on the hill tops & by the Sea coast keep with us, and in making great outcries & shooting at us a far of they uttered their old spiteful affection towards us. Wherefore we determined to stay in some safe harborough, and see if we might speak once again with the Islander, but our determination was frustrate, for the people more like unto beasts than men, stood continually in arms with intent to beaten us back, if we should come on land. Wherefore Zichmni seeing he could not prevail and thought if he should have persevered and followed obstinately his purpose, their victuals would have failed them, 
Zichmni departed from Icari● Westwards.  he departed with a fair wind and sailed six days to the Westwards, but the wind changing to the south-west and the Sea waxing rough we sailed 4. days with the wind in the powpe and at length discovering land, 
Sight of land.  we were afraid to approach near unto it, being the Sea grown, and we not knowing what land it was, but God provided for us, that the wind ceasing there came a great calm. Wherefore some of our company rowing to land with oars, returned and brought us word to our great comfort, that they had found a very good Country and a better harborough, upon which news we towed our ships & small Barks to land, and being entered into the harborough, we saw a far of a great mountain, the cast forth smoke, which gave us good hope that we should find some inhabitants in the Island, neither would Zichmni rest, although it were a great way of, 
100 good soldiers sent by Zichmni to search the country (which country is not named.)  but sand a 100 good soldiers to search the Country and bring report what people they were that inhabited it, and in the mean time they took in wood & water for the provision of the Fleet, and catched great store of fish and Sea foul and found such abundance of birds eggs that our men that were half famished, were filled withal. While we were riding here, began the month of june, 
june. The air so temperate & sweet, as impossible to express it.  at which time the air in the Island was so temperate and pleasant as is impossible to express, but when we could see no people at all, we suspected greatly that this pleasant place was desolate and dishabited. We gave name to the haven calling it Trim, 
Haven Trim.  and the point that stretched out into the sea we called Capo di Trim. 
Capo di Trim. The 100, soldiers returned which had been through the Island, report what they saw and found.  The 100 soldiers that were sent forth, eight days after returned, and brought word that they had been through the Island and at the mountain and that the smoke was a natural thing proceeding from a great fire that was in the bottom of the hill, and that there was a spring from which issued, a certain matter like pitch, which ran into the Sea, and that there abouts dwelled great multitudes of people half wild, hiding themselves in caves of the ground, of small stature, and very fearful, for as soon as they saw them they fled into their holes, and that there was a great river and a very good harborough. Zichimni being thus informed, and seeing that it had a wholesome and pure air, and a very fruitful soil and fair rivers with sundry other commodities, fell into such liking of the place, that he determined to inhabit it, and build there a City.  
But his people being weary and faint with their long and tedious travail began to tumult and murmur, saying that they would return into their Country, for that the winter was at hand, and if they entered into the harborough, they should not be able to come out again before the next Summer. 
Zichmni determining to remain in the new discovered land, kept with him his barks with oars, and men that were willing & sent the rest away homewards: Appointing Antonio Zeno chief captain of them. Antonio Zeno had sight of Neome, and knew himself past Island. End of the 4. letter. A piece of a 5. letter.  Wherefore he retaining only the Barks with Oars and such as were willing to stay with him, sent all the rest with the ships back again, and willed that I, (though unwilling) should be their Captain. I therefore departing, sailed for the space of twenty days to the Estwards without sight of any land, then turning my course towards Southeast in five days I discovered land and found myself upon the isle of Neome and knowing the Country, I perceived I was past Island: wherefore taking in some fresh victuals of the inhabitants being subject to Zichmni, I sailed with a fair wind in three days to Friesland, where the people, who thought they had lost their Prince, because of his long absence, in this our voyage, received us very joyfully.  
What followed after this letter I know not but by conjecture, which I gather out of a piece of an other letter, which I will set down here underneath: That Zichmni built a town in the port of the Island that he discovered, and that he searched the Country very diligently and discovered it all, and also the rivers on both sides of Engroveland, for that I see it particularly described in the Sea card, but the discourse or narration is lost. The beginning of the letter is thus. 
Beginning of the letter.  Concerning those things that you desire to know of me, as of the men and their manners and customs, of the beasts and the Countries adjoining, I have made thereof a particular book, which by God's help I will bring with me: Wherein I have described the country, the monstrous fishes, the customs and laws of Friesland, Island, Estland, the kingdom of Norway, Estotiland, Drogio, and in the end the life of master Nicolo, the knight our brother, with the discovery which he made and of Groland. I have also written the life and acts of Zichmni, a Prince as worthy of immortal memory, as any that ever lived, for his great valiancy and singular humanity, wherein I have described the discovery of Engroveland on both sides, and the City that he builded. Therefore I will speak no further hereof in this letter, hoping to be with you very shortly, and to satisfy you in sundry other things by word of mouth. All these letters were written by master Antonio to master Carlo his brother. And it grieveth me, that the book and divers other writings concerning these purposes, are miserably lost: For I being but a child, when they came to my hands, and not knowing what they were, (as the manner of children is) I tore them, and rend them in pieces, which now I cannot call to remembrance but to my grief. Notwithstanding, that the memory of so many good things should not be lost: whatsoever I could get of this matter, I have disposed and put in order, in the former discourse, to the end that this age might be partly satisfied, to the which we are more beholden for the great discoveries made in those parts, then to any other of the time past, being most studious of the relations of the discoveries of strange Countries, made by the great minds, and industry of our ancestors.  
This discourse was collected by Ramusio Secretary to the state of Venice, (or by the Printer Tho. Giunti.)  
john Baptista Ramusio, died in Milan in july, 1557.   

¶ The true and last discovery of Florida made by Captain john Ribault in the year 1562. Dedicated to a great noble man of France, and translated into English by one Thomas Hackit.  
WHere as in the year of our Lord God 1562. it pleased God to move your honour, to choose and appoint us, to discover and view a certain long coast of the West India, from the head of the land called Laflorida, drawing toward the North part, unto the head of Britons, distant from the said head of Laflorida 900. leagues, or there about: to the end we might certify you & make true report of the temperature, fertility, Portes, Havens, Rivers, and generally of all the commodities that be seen and found in that land, and also to learn what people were there dwelling, which thing you have long time ago desired, being stirred thereunto by this zeal: That France might one day through new discoveries have knowledge of strange Countries, and also thereof to receive (by means of continual traffic) rich and inestimable commodities, as other nations have done by taking in hand such far navigations, both to the honour and prows of their kings and princes, & also to the increase of great profit and use to their common wealths, countries & dominions, which is most of all without comparison to be considered & esteemed. It seemeth well that ye have been stirred hereunto even of God above, & led to it by the hope & desire you have that a number of brutish people and ignorant of jesus Christ, may by his grace come to some knowledge of his holy Laws and Ordinances. So therefore it seemeth that it hath pleased God by his godly providence to reserve the care which he hath had of their salvation until this time, and will bring them to our faith, at the time by himself alone foreseen and ordained. For if it were needful to show how many from time to time have go about to find out this great land, and to inhabit there: who nevertheless have always failed & been put by from their intention and purpose: some by fear of shipwreck, and some by great winds and tempests that drove them back to their marvelous grief. Of the which there was one a very famous stranger named Sebastian Gabota 
Sebastian Gabota.  an excellent Pilot sent thither by king Henry, the year 1498. and many others, who never could attain to any habitation nor take possession thereof one only foot of ground, nor yet approach or enter into these parties and fair rivers into the which God hath brought us. Wherefore (my Lord) it may be well said that the living God hath reserved this great land for your poor servants and subjects, as well to the end they might be made great over this poor people, & rude nation: as also to approve the former affection which our kings have had unto this discovery.  
For the late king Frances the first (of happy memory) a Prince endued with excellent virtues. The year 1524. sent a famous and notable man a Florentine, named Master john Verarzan, 
john Verarzan.  to search and discover the West parts as far as might be: Who departing from Deep with two vessels little differing from the making and burden of these two Pinnaces of the kings, which your honour hath ordained for this present navigation. In the which land they have found the elevation the Pole, an viii. degrees. The Country (as he writeth) goodly, fruitful, and so good temperature, that it is not possible to have a better: being then as yet of no man seen, nor discerned. But they being not able to bring to pass at this first voyage that which he had intended, nor to arrive in any Port, by reason of sundry inconveniences (which commonly hap) were constrained to return into France: where after his arrival, he never ceased to make suit until he was sent thither again, where at last he died. The which occasion gave small courage to send thither again, and was the cause that this laudable enterprise was left of, until the year 1534. at which time his Majesty, (desiring always to enlarge his kingdom, countries and dominions, and the advancing and ease of his subjects) sent thither a Pilot of S. Mallows, a briton, named james Cartier, 
james Cartier  well seen in the art and knowledge of Navigation, & especially of the North parts, commonly called the new land, led by some hope to found passage that ways to the south seas: Who being not able at his first going to bring any thing to pass, that he pretended to do: was sent thither again the year following, and likewise Le sire Hemerall, and as it is well known they did inhabit and build, and plant the king's armies in the North part a good way in the land, as far as Tavadu and Ochisaon. Wherefore (my Lord) trust justly that a thing so commendable and worthy to be with good courage attempted, that God would guide and keep us, desiring always to fulfil your commandment. When we had done your business, and made our preparations the xviii. day of February 1562 through the favour of God we departed with our two vessels out of the haven of clave de Grace into the road Caur: and the next day hoisted up sail (the wind being in the East) which lasted so five days, that we could not arrive at the nauch that is from between the coast of Briton and England and the Isles of Surlinos and Wiskam: So that the Wind blowing with great fury and tempest out of the West, and West south-west, altogether contrary to our way and course, and all that we could do was to none effect, besides the great danger of breaking of our Masts, as also to be hindered in our other labours. Wherefore as well to shun many other inconveniences, which might follow to the prejudice and breach of our voyage, having regard also to the likely danger of death, the some of our gentlemen and soldiers being troubled with fevers and hot sicknesses, might have fallen into: as also for other considerations, we thought good to fall into the road of Breast in Britain, to set there our sick folk on land, and suffer the tempest to pass. From whence (after we had tarried there two days) we returned again to Seawarde to follow our navigation, so that (my Lord) albeit the wind was for a long season very much against us, and troublesome: yet at the end (God giving us through his grace and accustomed goodness a meetly favourable wind) I determined with all diligence to prove a new course which hath not been yet attempted: traversing the Seas of Oction 1800. Leagues at the lest, which in deed is the true and short course that hereafter must be kept, to the honour of our nation, rejecting the old conserved opinion, which to long time hath been holden as true.  
Which is, as it was thought a thing impossible to have the wind at East, north-east, and keep the race and course we enterprised, but that we should be driven toward the region of Africa, the Isles of Canaria, Madera, and other lands there abouts. And the cause why we have been the more provoked and assured to take this new race, hath been because that it seemed to every one, that we might not pass nor go in this Navigation without the sight and touching of the Antillies and Lucaries, and there sojourn and take fresh waters and other necessaries, as the Spaniards do in their voyage to new spain: whereof (thanked be God) we have had no need, nor entered the channel of Roham: which hath been thought impossible. Foreseeing also that it was not expedient for us to pass through the Islands, as well to shun many inconveniences that might happen in passing that way (whereof springeth nothing but innumerable quarrels, plead, confusions, and breach of all worthy enterprises, and goodly navigations, whereof ensueth complaints and odious questions between the subjects of the king and his friends and allies) as also to the end they might understand, that in the time to come (God having showed us such graces, as these his wonderful benefits first showed to the poor people of this so goodly new framing people, of so gentle a nature, and a country so pleasant and fruitful, lacking nothing at all that may seem necessary for man's food) we would not have to do with their Islands, and other lands: which (for that they first discovered them) they keep with much jealousy: trusting that if God will suffer the king (through your persuasion) to 'cause some part of this incomparable country to be peopled and inhabited with such a number of his poor subjects as you shall think good, there never happened in the memory of man so great and good commodity to France as this, and (my Lord) for many causes, whereof a man is never able to say or writ to the full, as under the assured hope that we have always had in executing uprightly that which I had received in charge of you, God would bless our ways and navigations. After we had constantly and with diligence in time convenient determined upon the way, we should have thought it noisome and tedious to all our company, if it had before been known unto any without turning or wavering to or fro from their first intention. And notwithstanding that satan did often what he could to sow many obstractes, troubles and lets, according to his accustomed subtleties, so it is come to pass, that God by his only goodness hath given us grace, to make the furthest art and travars of the seas, that ever was made in our memory or knowledge, in longitude from the East to the West: and therefore was it commonly said both in France and Spain, and also among us, that it was impossible for us safely to arrive thither, whither the Lord did conduct us. Albina which persuaded but of igoraunce and lack of attempting: which we have not been afraid to give adventure to prove. Albeit that all Mariners Cards do set the Coasts with shipwreck without ports or Rivers: which we have found otherwise as it followeth.  
Thursday the last of April at the break of the day, we discovered and clearly perceived a fair Coast, stretching of a great length covered with an infinite number of high and fair trees, we being not past 7. or 8. leagues from the shore, the country seeming unto us plain without any show of hills, and approaching nearer within four or five leagues of the land, we cast an anchor at ten fathom water, the bottom of the Sea being plain with much Ocias' and fast hold on the South side, as far as a certain point or Cape situate under that Latitude of nine and twenty degrees and a half, which we have named Cape Francois.  
We could espy neither River nor Bay, wherefore we sent our Boats furnished with men of experience, to found and know the coast near the shore: who returning to us about one of the clock at after noon, declared that they had found among other things viii. fathom of water at the hard bank of the sea. Whereupon having diligently weighed up our anchors, and hoisted up our sails with wind at will, we sailed and viewed the coast all along with unspeakable pleasure, of the odorous smell and beauty of the same. And because there appeared unto us no sign of any port, about the setting of the sun we cast anchor again: which done, we did behold to and fro the goodly order of the woods wherewith God hath decked every way the said land. Then perceiving toward the North a leaping and a breaking of the water, as a stream falling out of the land into the Sea. For the which we set up sails again to double the same while it was yet day. And as we had so done, and passed beyond it: there appeared unto us a fair entry of a fair river which caused us to cast Anchor again there nearer the land: to the end the next day we might see what it was, and though that the wind blew for a time vehemently to the shoreward: yet the hold and Anckerrage was so good, that one cable and one Anchor held us fast, with out danger or sliding.  
The next day in the morning, being the first of May, we assayed to enter this port, with two new barges and a boat well trimmed, finding little water barges which might have astonished and caused us to return back to shipboard, if God had not speedily brought us in. Where finding 36. fathom water, entered into a goodly and great river, which as we went found to increase still in depth & largeness, boiling and roaring through the multitude of all kind of fish. This being entered we perceived a great number of the Indians inhabitants there, coming along the sands & Sea banks, coming near unto us, without any taking of fear or doubt, showing unto us the easiest landing place: & thereupon we giving them also on our parts thanks of assurance and friendliness. Forthwith one of appearance, out of the best among them, brother unto one of their kings, or governors, commanded one of the Indians to enter into the water: and to approach our boats to show us the coasts landing place. We seeing this (without any more doubting or difficulty) landed, and the messenger (after we had rewarded him with some looking glass, and other pretty things of small value) ran incontinently toward his Lord: Who forth with sent me his girdle, in token of assurance and friendship, which girdle was made of read leather, as well covered and coloured as was possible: and as I began to go towards him, he set forth and came and received me gently, and raised after his manner all his men, following with great silence and modesty: yea more than our men did. And after we had a while with gentle usage congratulated with him: we fell to the ground a little way from them, to call upon the name of God, and to beseech him to continued still his goodness towards us, and bring to the knowledge of our saviour Christ this poor people. While we were thus praying (they sitting upon the ground, which was strawed and dressed with bay bows) beheld and harkened unto us, very attentively without either speaking or moving: and as I made a sign unto their king, lifting up mine arm, and stretching forth one finger, only to make them look up to heaven ward: He likewise lifting up his arm towards heaven put forth two fingers: whereby it seemed that he made us to understand, that they worshipped the Sun and the moon for Gods: as afterwards we understood it so. In the mean time their numbers increased, & thither came the king's brother, that was first with us, their mother, wives, sisters and children, and being thus assembled, they caused a great number of bay boughs to be cut, and therewith a place to be dressed for us, distant from theirs two fathom. For it is their manner to talk and bargain sitting: and the chief of them to be apart, from the meaner sort, with a show of great obedience to their kings, superiors, and elders. They be all naked, and of a goodly stature, mighty, & as well shapen & proportioned of body, as any people in the world: very gentle, courteous, and of a good nature.  
The most part of them cover their rains and privities with fair Hearts skins, painted most commonly with sundry colours: and the fore part of their body and arms, be painted with pretty devised works, of Azure, read, and black, so well and so properly as the best Painter of Europe could not amend it. The women have their bodies painted with a certain Herb like unto Moss, whereof the Cedar trees, and all other trees be always covered. The men for pleasure do always trim themselves therewith, after sundry fashions: They be of tawny colour, hawk nosed, and of a pleasant countenance. The women be well favoured, and will not suffer one dishonestly to approach too near them. But we were not in their houses for we saw none at that time.  
After we had tarried in this North side of the river the most part of the day (which river we have called May, 
Why the river of May was so called.  for that we discovered the same the first day of the month) we congratulated, made alliance, and entered into amity with them, and presented the king and his brethren with Gowns of blue cloth garnished with yellow Flower deluces. And it seemed that they were sorry for our departure: so that the most part of them entered into the water up to the neck, to set our boats a float.  
Putting into us sundry kind of fishes, which with marvelous speed they ran to take in their packs, made in the water with great Reeds, so well and cunningly set together, after the fashion of a Labyrinth, or Maze, with so many turns and crooks, as it is impossible to do it without much cunning and industry.  
But desiring to employ the rest of the day on the other side of this river, to view and know those Indians that we saw there. We traversed thither, and without any difficulty landed amongst them, who received us very gently and with great humanity: putting us of their fruits, even into our boats, Mulberries, Raspis, and such other fruits as they found ready by the way.  
Soon after this came thither the king with his brethren, and others with bows and arrows in their hands, using therewithal a goodly and a grave fashion, with their behaviour right soldierlike, and as warlike boldness as may be. They were naked and painted as the other, their hair likewise long, and trussed up (with a lace made of herbs) to the top of their heads: but they had neither their wives nor children in their company. After we had a good while lovingly entertained and presented them with like gifts of habersher wares, cutting hooks and hatchets, and clothed the king & his brethren with like robes, as we had given to them on the other side: we entered and viewed the country thereabouts, which is the fairest, fruitfullest, & pleasantest of all the world, abounding in honey, venison, wild foul, forests, woods of all sorts, Palm trees, Cypress and Cedars, Bays the highest and greatest, with also the fairest vines in all the world, with grapes according, which without natural art and without man's help or trimming will grow to tops of Okes, and other trees that be of a wonderful greatness & height. And the sight of the fair meadows is a pleasure not able to be expressed with tongue: full of Hernes, Curlues, Bitters, Mallards', Egrepths, woodcocks, & all other kind of small birds: with Hearts, hinds, Bucks, wild Swine, and all other kinds of wild beasts, as we perceived well both by their footing there, and also afterwards in other places, by their cry and roaring in the night.  
Also there be Coneys & Hares: Silk worms in marvelous number, a great deal fairer and better, then be our silk worms. To be short, it is a thing unspeakable to consider the things that be seen there, and shallbe found more and more, in this incomparable land, which never yet broken with plough irons, bringeth forth all things according to his first nature, wherewith the eternal God endued it. About their houses they labour and till the ground, sowing their fields with a grain called Mahis, whereof they make their meal: and in their Gardens they plant beans, gourds, cucumbers, Citrons, peason, and many other fruits and roots unknown unto us. Their spades and mattocks be made of Wood, so well and fitly as is possible: which they make with certain stones, oyster shells & muscles, wherewith also they make their bows and small lances: and cut & polish all sorts of wood, that they employ about their buildings, and necessary use: There groweth also many Walnut trees, Hasell trees, Cheritrees, very fair and great.  
And generally we have seen, thereof the same simples and herbs that we have in France, and of the like goodness, savour and taste. The people be very good archers, and of great strength: Their bow strings are made of Leather, and their arrows of Reeds which they do head with the teeth of fishes. As we now demanded of them concerning the land called Sevola, whereof some have written not to be far from thence, and to be situate within the land, 
Sevola within xx. days travailing by boat of the river of May.  and toward the Sea called the South Sea. They showed us by signs that which we understood well enough, that they might go thither with their Boats (by rivers) in twenty days. They that have written of this kingdom and town of Sevola, and other towns and kingdoms thereabouts, say, that there is great abundance of gold and silver, precious stones, and other great riches: and that the people had their arrows headed (in steed of iron) with sharp pointed Turquesses. Thus the night approaching, it was convenient for us to return by day a shipboard. We took leave of them much to their grief, but more to ours without comparison, for that we had no mean to enter the rivers with our ship. And albeit, it was not their custom either to eat or drink from the Sun rising till his going down: yet the king openly would needs drink with us, praying us very gently to give him the cup whereout we had drunk: and so making him to understand that we would see him again the next day, we retired to our ships, which lay above six leagues from the haven to the sea.  
The next day in the morning we returned to land again, accompanied with the Captains, Gentlemen, and Soldiers, and other of our small trope: carrying with us a Pillour or column of hard stone, our king's arms graved therein, to plant and set the same in the entry of the port in some high place, where it might be easily seen, and being come thither before the Indians were assembled, we espied on the south side of the River a place very fit for that purpose, upon a little hill, compassed with Cypress, Bays, Paulmes and other trees, with sweet smelling and pleasant shrubs. In the middle whereof we planted the first bound or limit of his Majesty. This done perceiving our first Indians assembled, not without some misliking of those on the South part, where we had set the limit, who tarried for us in the same place where they met with us the day before, seeming unto us that there is some enmity between them and the others. But when they perceived our long tarrying on this side, they ran to see what we had done in that place where we landed first, and had set our limit: which they viewed a great while without touching it any way, or abasing, or ever speaking to us thereof at any time after. Howbeit we could scant departed but as it were with grief of mind from this our first alliance, they rowing unto us all along the river from all parts and presenting us with some of their heart's skins, painted and unpainted, meal, little cakes, fresh water, roots like unto Rinbabe which they have in great estimation, and make thereof a potion of medicine: also they brought little bags of red colours and some small spices like unto Vire, perceiving among themselves fair things painted as it had been with grain of scarlet, showing unto us by signs that they had in the land gold and silver and copper: whereof we have brought some, 
Gold, silver, and copper in Florida. Turquesses and abundance of pearls. Marshes.  Also lead like unto ours which we showed. Also turquesses and great abundance of pearls which as they declared unto us they took out of oysters, whereof there is taken ever along the river side, & among the reeds, and in the marshes: and so marvelous abundance as is scant credible: and we have perceived that there be as many and as fair pearls found there as in any country of the world. For we saw a man of theirs as we entered into our boats, that had a pearl hanging at a collar of gold and silver about his neck, 
Pearls as big as acorns.  as great as an acorn at the least. This man as he had taken fish in one of their fishing packs thereby brought that same to our boats, and our men perceiving the greatness thereof, one of them putting his finger toward it, the man drew back, and would no more come near the boat: not for any fear that he had that they would have taken his collar & Pearl from him for he would have given it them, for a looking glass or a knife:  
But that he doubted jest they would have pulled him into the boat, & so by force have carried him away. He was one of the goodliest men of all the company. But for that we had no leisure to tarry any longer with them, the day being well passed, which grieved us, for the commodity and great riches, which as we understood and saw might be gotten there, desiring also to employ the rest of the day with our second alliance the Indians on the southside, as we perceiver them the day before, which still tarried looking for us: We passed the river to their shore, where as we found them tarrying for us, quietly and in good order, with new paintings upon their face, and feathers upon their head: the King with his Bow and Arrows lying by him, sat on the ground strawed with boughs between his two brethren, which were goodly men and well shapen and of a wonderful show of activities, having upon their heads, one hair trussed upright of height, of some kind of wild beast gathered and wrought together with great cunning, wreathed and fasted after the form of a Diadem. One of them had hanging about his neck a round plate of red copper well polished, with one other lesser of Silver in the midst of it, & at his ear a little plate of Copper wherewith they use to stripe the sweat from their bodies. They showed us that there was greatstore of this metal within the country, about five or six days journey from thence, both in the southside & northside of the same rivers, and that they went thither in their Boates. Which Boats they make but of one piece of a tree, working it whole so cunningly and featly, that they put in one of these boats fifteen or twenty persons, and go their ways very safely. They that row stand upright having their oars short after the fashion of a Peele. Thus being among them they presented us with meal dressed & baked, very good & well tasted, and of good nourishment, also beans, and fish, as crabs, lobsters, crevices, and many other kind of good fishes, showing us by signs that their dwellings were far off, and if their provision had been near hand, they would have presented us with many other refreshings.  
The night now approaching, we were feign to return to our Ship, very much to our grief: for that we durst not hazard to enter with our Ship, by reason of a bar of land, that was at the entry of the port, how be it, at a full Sea there is two fathom and a half of water at the lest, and it is but a leap over a surge to pass this Bar, not passing the length of two cables, and then forthwith every where within six or seven fathom water. So that it maketh a very fair haven, and Ships of a mean burden from fourscore to a hundred tons may enter therein at all floods, yea of a far greater burden, if there were French men dwelling there that might scour the enterye as they do in France: for there is nothing lacking for the life of man. The situation is under the elevation of thirty. degrees, a good climate healthful, and of a good temperature, marvelous pleasant, the people good, & of a good and amiable nature, 
Gentleness must be used towards them.  which willingly will obey: yea be content to serve those that shall with gentleness and humanity go about to allure them, as it is needful for those that be sent thither hereafter so to do, and as I have charged those that be left there to do, to the end they may ask and learn of them where they take their gold, copper, and turquesses, and other things yet unknown unto us: by reason of the time we sojourned there. For if any rude or rigorous means should be used towards this people, they would fly hither and thither through the Woods and Forests, and abandon their habitations and countries.  
The next day being the third day of May, desiring always to find out harbours to rest in, we set up sail again: And after we had ranged the coast as near the shore as we could, there appeared unto us about seven leagues of on this side of the river of May a great opening or Bay of some river, whither with one of our boats we rowed, & there found one entry almost like that of the river of May, and within the same as great a depth, and as large a dividing itself into many great streams, great and broad stretchinges towards the high land, with many other less, that divide the country into fair and great lands and great number of small and fair Meadows. Being entered into them about three leagues, we found in a place very commodious, strong, and pleasant of situation, certain Indians, who received us very gently: How be it, we being somewhat near their houses, it seemed it was somewhat against their good wills that we went thither, for at their cries and noises they made their wives and children and hoshoulde stuff to be carried into the Woods: How be it they suffered us to go into their houses, but they themselves would not accompany us thither. Their houses be made of Wood fitly and close, set upright and covered with Reeds: the most part of them after the fashion of a pavilion. But there was one house amongst the rest very long and broad, with settles round about made of Reeds trimly couched together, which serve them both for beds and seats, they be of height two foot from the ground, set upon great round pillars painted with read, yellow, and blue, well and trimly polished: some sort of this people perceiving that we had in no manner wise hurted their dwellings nor gardens which they dressed very diligently, they returned all unto us before our inbarking, seeming very well contented by their giving unto us water, fruits, and heart skins. It is a place wonderful fertile, and of strong situation, the ground fat, so that it is likely that it would bring forth Wheat and all other corn twice a year, 
Great fertility.  and the commodities for livelihood, and the hope of more riches, be like unto those we found and considered upon the river of May, without coming into the sea: this arm doth divide, and maketh many other Isles of May, as also many other great Islands: by the which we travel from one Island to another, between land and land. 
Note.  And it seemeth that men may sail without danger through all the country, and never enter into the great sea, which were a wonderful advantage.  
This is the land of Checere whereof some have written, & which many have go about to found out, for the great riches they perceived by some Indians to be found there. It is set under so good a climate, that none of our men (though we were there in the hottest time of the year, the sun entering into Cancer) were troubled with any sicknesses. The people there live long and in great health and strength, so that the aged men go without slaves, and are able to go and run like the youngest of them, who only are known to be old by the wrinkles in their face, and decay of sight. We departed from them very friendly, & with their contentation. But the night overtaking us, we were constrained to lie in our ships all that night, till it was day, floating upon this river which we have called Seen, 
The river of Sene.  because that the entry of it is as broad as from haver degrace unto Honesleve. At the break of the day we espied out of the South side one of the fairest, pleasantest, and greatest meadow ground that might be seen, into the which we went, finding at the very entry a long, fair, and great Lake, and an innumerable number of footsteps of great Hearts and Hinds of a wonderful greatness, 
Herds of tame Hearts.  the steps being all fresh and new, and it seemeth that the people do nourish them like tame cattle in great herds: for we saw the steps of an Indian that followed them.  
The Channel and depth of this river of Seyne, is one that side of the meadow that is in the isle of May. Being returned to our ships, we sailed to know more and more of this coast, going as near the shore as we could. And as we had sailed about six or seven leagues, there appeared unto us another Bay, where we cast anchor, and tarrying so all the night, in the morning we went thither, and finding (by our founding) at the entry many banks and beatings, we durst not enter there with our great ship, having named the river Somme, which is 8. 9 10. 11. fathom depth, dividing itself into many great islands, and small goodly meadow grounds and pastures, and every where such abundance of fish as is incredible, and on the West Northwest side, there is a great river that cometh from the country of a great length over: and another on the North-east side, which return into the Sea. So that (my Lord) it is a country full of havens, rivers, 
Good havens and rivers.  and islands, of such fruitfulness as cannot with tongue be expressed: and where in short time great and precious commodities might be found. 
7. Great & good rivers.  And besides this we discovered and found also seven. rivers more, as great and as good, cutting and dividing the land into fair and great islands. The Indians inhabitants there be like in manners, & the country in fertility apt and commodious throughout to bear & bring forth plentifully all that men would plant or sow upon it. There be every where the highest and greatest Firtrees that can be seen, very well smelling, and where out might be gathered (with cutting the only bark) as much Rosen, Turpentine, & Frankincense, as men would desire. And to be short there lacketh nothing. Wherefore being not able to enter & lie with our great vessels there, we could make no long abiding, nor enter so far into the rivers and countries as we would feign have done: for it is well known how many inconveniences have happened unto men, not only in attempting of new discoveries, but also in all places by leaving their great vessels in the Sea, far from the land, unfurnished of the heads and best men. As for that other rivers we have given them names as followeth: and unto the Islands joining unto them, the same name that the next river unto it hath, as you shall see by the portraitures or Cards 
Maps and Sea Cards.  that I have made thereof. As to the fourth name of Loire, to the fift Charnet, to the sixth Charon to the 7. river bell, to the 8. river Grand, to the 9 port Royal, and to the tenth Belle Virrir.  
Upon Whitsunday the xxvii. day of May, after we had perceived and considered that there was no remedy, but to assay to found the means to harbour our ships, as well to amend and trim them, as to get us fresh water, wood, and other necessaries, whereof we having opinion that there was no fairer or fit place for the purpose, than port Royal. 
Port royal a most excellent haven.  And when we had sounded the entry and the Channel (thanked be God) we entered safely therein with our ships, against the opinion of many, finding the same one of the fairest and greatest Havens of the world.  
How be it, 
Note.  it must be remembered lest men approaching near it within seven leagues of the land, be abashed and afraid on the Eastside, drawing toward the Southeast, the ground to be flat, for nevertheless at a full sea, there is every where four fathom water, keeping the right Channel.  
In this part there are many rivers of mean bigness and large, where without danger the greatest ships of the world might be harboured, which we found, no Indian inhabiting there abouts. The port and rivers side is nearer than ten or twelve leagues upwards into the countries, although it be one of the goodliest, best, and fruitfullest countries that ever was seen, and where nothing lacketh, and also where as good and likely commodities be found as in other places thereby.  
For we found there a great number of Pepertrees, 
Pepper tr●●●.  the Pepper yet green, and not ready to be gathered: Also the best water of the world, and so many sorts of fishes that ye may take them without net or angle so many as ye william. Also an innumerable sort of wild foul of all sorts, and in little Islands at the entry of this haven, on the East north-east side, there is so great number of Egrepes that the bushes be all white and covered with them, so that one may take of the young ones with his hand as many as he will carry away. There be also a number of other fowls, as Hernes, Bitters, Curlues. And to be short, there is so many small birds that it is a strange thing to be seen. We found the Indians there more doubtful and fearful than the others before: Yet after we had been in their houses, and congregated with them, and showed courtesy to those that we found to have abandoned there through boats meal, victual, and small household stuff, and both in not taking away or touching any part thereof, and in leaving in that place where they dressed their meat, Knives, Looking glasses, little Beads of glass, 
A special note.  which they love and esteem above gold and pearls, for to hung them at their ears and neck, and to give them to their wives and children: they were somewhat emboldened.  
For some of them came to our boats, of the which we carried two goodly and strong aboard our ships, clothing and using them as gently as it was possible. But they ceased not day nor night to lament, and at length they escaped away. Wherefore albeit, I was willing (according to your commandment and memorial) to bring away some of them with us, 
A commandment.  on the Prince's behalf and yours, I forbore to do so for many considerations and reasons that they told me, and for that we were in doubt that (leaving some of our men there to inhabit) all the Country, men, women, and children, would not have ceased to pursue them for to have theirs again: seeing they be not able to consider and way to what intent we should have carried them away: & this may be better done to their contentation, when they have better acquaintance of us, and know that there is no such cruelty in us, as in other people and nations, of whom they have been beguiled under colour of good faith: which doing in the end turned to the doers no good. This is the river of jordain in mine opinion, 
The river of jordan.  whereof so much hath been spoken, which is very fair & the country good, both for that easy habitation, and also for many other things, which should be long to writ.  
The twenty of May we planted another column or pillar graven with the kings arms on the South side, in a high place, of the entry of a great river, which we called Libourne: where there is a lake of fresh water very good, and on the same side a little lower towards the entry of the Haven is one of the fairest fountains that a man may drink of, which falleth by violence down to the river from an high place out of a read and sandy ground, and yet for all that fruitful and of good air, where it should seem that the Indians have had some fair habitation.  
There we saw the fairest & the greatest vines with grapes according, and young trees, and small woods, 
Exceeding fair and great vines  very well smelling, that ever were seen: whereby it appeareth to be the pleasantest & most commodious dwelling of all the world. Wherefore (my Lord) trusting you will not think it amiss (considering the commodities that may be brought thence) if we leave a number of men there, which may fortify and provide themselves of things necessary: 
Fortification most necessary in all new discoveries.  for in all new discoveries it is the chiefest thing that may be done, at the beginning to fortify and people the country. I had not so soon set forth this to our company, but many of them afraid to tarry there, yet with such a good will and jolly courage, that such a number did thus offer themselves, as we had much to do to stay their importunity.  
And namely of our shipmaisters and principal pilots, 
30. left behind at their own suit  and such as we could not spare. How be it, we left there but to the number of thirty in all, Gentlemen, soldiers, and mariners, and that at their own suit and prayer, and of their own free wills, and by the advice and deliberation of the Gentlemen sent on the behalf of the Prince and yours.  
And have left unto the forehead and rulers (following therein your good will) Captain Albert de la Pierria, a soldier of long experience, and the first that from the beginning did offer to tarry. And further by their advice, choice and will, inskaled and fortified them in an Island 
They fortified in an Island.  on the north side, a place of strong situation and commomodious, upon a river which we named Chenonceau, and the habitation and Fortress Charlefote.  
After we had instructed and duly admonished them of that they should do (as well for their manner of proceeding, as for the good and loving behaviour of them) the xi. day of the month of june last passed, we departed from port Royal: minding yet to range and view the coast until the xl. degrees of the elevation: 
Forty degrees of elevation.  But for as much as there came upon us troublesome and cloudy weather, very incommodious for our purpose, and considering also amongst many other things, that we had spent our cables and furniture thereof, which is the most principal thing that longeth to them that go to discover countries, where continually both night and day they must lie at anchor: also our victuals being perished and spilled, our lack of Boateswaines to set forth our row barges, and leave our vessels furnished. The declaration made unto us of our Pilots and some others that had before been at some of those places, where we purposed to sail, and have been already found by some of the king's subjects, the danger also and inconveniences that might thereof happen unto us: 
Mists & fogs when they come.  & by reason of the great mists and fogs whereof the season was already come, we perceived very well whereas we were, that we could do no good, & that it was to late, & the good & fit season for to undertake this thing already past. All these things thus well considered and weighed, and also for that we thought it meet and necessary that your honour should with diligence be advertised (through the help of God) to return homewards to make relation unto you of the effect of our navigation. Praying God that it may please him to keep you in long health, and prosperity.  
FINIS.   

❧ Notes in writing beside more privy by mouth that were given by a Gentleman, Anno. 1580 to M. Arthure Pette and to M. Charles jackman, sent by the merchants of the Muscouie company for the discovery of the North-east straight, not altogether unfit for some other enterprises of discovery, hereafter to be taken in hand.  

What respect of Islands is to be had, and why.  
WHereas the Portugese's have in their course to their Indies in the Southeast, certain ports and fortifications to thrust into by the way, to divers great purposes? So you are to see what islands, and what ports you had need to have by the way in your course, to the North-east. For which cause I wish you to enter into consideration of the matter, & to note all the islands, & to set them down in p●at, to two ends, that is to say, That we may devise to take the benefit by them. And also foresee how by them the Savages or civil Princes, may in any sort annoy us in our purposed trade that way.  
And for that the people to the which we purpose in this voyage to go, be no Christians, it were good that the mass of our commodities were always in our own disposition, and not at the will of others. Therefore it were good that we did seek out some small Island in the Scythian Sea, where we might plant, Fortify, & Staple safely, from whence (as time should serve) we might feed those heathen nations with our commodities without cloying them, or without venturing our hole mass in the bowels of their country.  
And to which Island if need were (and if we should think so good) we might allure the North-east navy, the navy of Cambalu to resort with their commodities to us there planted, and stapling there.  
And if such an Island might be found so standing as might shorten our course, and so standing, as that the Navy of Cambalu, or other those parties might conveniently sail unto without their dislike in respect of distance: then would it fall out well. For so, besides less danger, and more safety, our ships might there unlade and lad again, and return the self same summer to the ports of England or of Norway.  
And if such an Island may be found for the stabling of our commodities, to the which they of Cambalu would not sail, yet we might, having ships there, employ them in passing between Cambalu and that stapling place.   

Respect of havens and harbarowes.  
ANd if no such Islands may be found in the Scythian sea toward the firm of Asia, then are you to search out the ports that be about Nova Sembla all along the tract of that land, to the end you may winter there the first year, if you be let by contrary winds, & to the end that if we may in short time come unto Cambalu, & unlade and set sail again for return without venturing, there at Cambalu, that you may on your way come as far in return as a port about Nova sembla: That the Summer following, you may the sooner be in England for the more speedy vent of your East commodities, and for the speedier discharge of your Mariners: if you can not go forward and back in one self same summer.  
And touching the tract of the land of Nova sembla, toward the East out of the circle artic in the more temperate zone, you are to have regard, for if you find the soil planted with people, it is like that in time an ample vent of our warm woollen clotheses may be found. And if there be no people at all there to be found, than you shall specially note what plenty of whales, & of other fish is to be found there, to the end we may turn our new-found land fishing or Island fishing, or our whalefishing, that way for the aid & comfort of our new trades to the North-east, to the coasts of Asia.   

Respect of fish and certain other things.  
ANd if the air may be found upon that tract temperate, & the soil yielding wood, water, land and grass, and the seas fish, than we may plant on that main the offals of our people, as the Portugeses do in Brasil, & so they may in our fishing in our passage, & divers ways yield commodity to England by harbouring and vitelling of us.  
And it may be, that the inland there may yield masts, pitch, tar, hemp, and all things for the Navy, as plentifully as Eastland doth.   

The Islands to be noted with their commodities and wants.  
TO note the islands, whether they be high land or low land, mountanie, or flat, sandy, gravelly, clay, chalchy, or of what soil, woody or not woody, with springs & rivers or not, and what wild beasts they have in the same.  
And whether there seem to be in the same apt matter to build withal, as stone free or rough, and stone to make lime withal, and wood or coal to burn the same withal.  
To note the goodness or the badness of the havens, & harbours in the Islands.   

If a strait be found what is to be done and what great importance it may be of.  
ANd if there be a straight in the passage into the Scythian Seas, the same is specially and with great regard to be noted, especially if the same strait be narrow and to be kept, I say it is to be noted as a thing that doth much import, for what Prince soever shall be Lord of the same, and shall possess the same, as the king of Denmark doth possess the strait of Denmark, he only shall have the trade out of these regions into the North-east parts of the world for himself, and for his private profit, or for his subjects only, or to enjoy wonderful benefit of the toll of the same, like as the king of Denmark doth enjoy of his straits, by suffering the Merchants of other Princes to pass that way, If any such strait be found, the elevation, the high or low land, the havens near, the length of the straits, & all other such circumstances are to be set down for many purposes: And all the Mariners in that voyage are to be sworn to keep close all such things, that other Princes prevent us not of the same, after our return upon the disclosing of the mariners, if any such thing should hap.   

Which way the Savage may be made able to purchase our cloth and other their wants.  
IF you find any Island or main land populous, and that the same people hath need of cloth: Then are you to devise what commodities they have to purchase the same withal.  
If they be poor, then are you to consider of the soil, and how by any possibility the same may be made to enrich them, that hereafter they may have something to purchase the cloth withal.  
If you enter into any main by portable river and shall find any great woods, you are to note what kind of timber they be of: That we may know whether they are for pitch, tar, masts, deleborde, clapborde, or for building of ships or houses, for so if the people have no use of them they may be brought perhaps to use.   

Not to venture the loss of any one man.  
YOu must have great care to preserve your people, since your number is so small, and not to venture any one man in any wise.   

To bring home besides merchandise certain trifles.  
BRing home with you (if you may) from Cambalu, or other civil place, one or other young man, although you leave one for him.  
Also the fruits of the countries, if they will not of themselves dure, dry them, and so preserve them.  
And bring with you the Curnelles of peers, & apples, and the stones of such stone fruits as you shall find there.  
Also the seeds of all strange herbs and flowers, for such seeds of fruits and herbs coming from another part of the world and so far off, will delight the fancy of many, for the strangeness and for that the same may grow and continued the delight long time.  
If you arrive at Cambalu or Quinsay, to bring thence the Map of that Country, for so shall you have the perfect description which is to great purpose.  
To bring thence some old printed book, to see whether they have had print there, before it was devised in Europe as some writ.   

To note their force by sea and by land.  
If you arrive in Cambalu or Quinsay, to take a special view of their Navy, and to note the force, greatness, manner of building of them, the sails, the tackles, the anchors, the furniture of them, with ordinance, armour, and munition.  
Also, to note the force of the walls and bulwarks of their cities, their ordinance, and whether they have any calivers, and what powder and shot.  
To note what armour they have.  
What sword.  
What pikes, halbertes and bills.  
What horses of force, and what light horses they have.  
And so throughout, to note the force of the country, both by sea and by land.   

Things to be marked to make conjectures by.  
TO take special note of their buildings, and of the ornaments of their houses within.  
Take a special note of their apparel and furniture, & of the substance that the same is made of, of which a merchant may make a guess, as well of their commodities as also of their wants.  
To note their shops and warehouses and with what commodities they abound, the price also.  
To see their shambles, and to view all such things as are brought into the markets, for so you shall soon see the commodities, and the manner of the people of the inland, and so give a guess of many things.  
To note their fields of grain, and their trees of fruit, and how they abound or not abound in one and other, and what plenty or scarcity of fish they have.   

Things to be carried with you, whereof more or less is to be carried for a show of our commodities to be made.  
Kerseys of all orient colours, specially of stamel, brode-cloth of orient colours also.  
Frisadoes, motleys, bristol frices, spanish blankettes, bays of all colours, specially with stammel, wosteds, carels, says, wedmoles, flanelles, rash, etc.  
Feltes of divers colours.  
Taffeta hats.  
Deep caps for mariners coloured in stammel, whereof if ample vent may be found, it would turn to an infinite commodity of the common poor people by knitting.  
Quilted Caps of levant Taffeta of divers colours, for the night.  
Knit stocks of silk of orient colours.  
Knit stocks of jersey yearn, of orient colours, whereof if ample vent might follow the poor multitude should be set in work.  
Stocks of kersey of divers colours for men and for women.  
Garters of Silk of several kinds, and of colours divers.  
Girdles of Buff, and all other leather, with gilt and ungilt Buckles, specially waste girdles, waste girdles of velvet.  
Gloves of all sorts, knit and of leather.  
Gloves perfumed.  
Points of all sorts of silk, thread, and leather, of all manner of colours.  
Shoes of spanish leather, of divers colours, of divers lengths, cut and vncut.  
Shoes of other leather.  
Velvet shoes, and pantoples.  
These shoes and pantoples to be sent this time, rather for a show then for any other cause.  
Purses knit, and of leather.  
Night caps knit and other.  
A garnish of Pewter, for a show of a vent of that english commodity, Bottelles, flagons, spoons, etc. of that metal.  
Glasses of english making.  
Venice glasses.  
Looking glasses for women, great and fair.  
Small dials a few for proof, although there they will not hold the order they do here.  
Spectacles of the common sort.  
Others of Crystal trimmed with silver and otherwise.  
Hour glasses.  
Comes of ivory.  
Comes of Box.  
Comes of Horn.  
Linen of divers sorts.  
Handkerchewes with silk of several colours wrought.  
Glasen eyes to ride with against dust.  
Knives in sheaths, both single and double, of good edge.  
Needles great and small of every kind.  
Buttons greater and smaller, with moulds of leather and not of wood, and such as be durable of double silk, and that of sundry colours.  
Boxes with weights of gold, and of every kind of the coin of gold, good and bad, to show that the people here, use weight and measure which is a certain show of wisdom, and of a certain government settled here.  
All the several silver Coins of our English moneys, to be carried with you to be showed to the governors at Cambalu, which is a thing that shall in silence speak to wise men more than you imagine.  
Locks and keys, hinges, bolts, haspes, etc. great and small of excellent workmanship, whereof if vent may be hereafter, we shall set our subjects in work, which you must have in great regard. For in finding ample vent of any thing that is to be wrought in this realm, is more worth to our people besides the gain of the merchant, than Christ-church, Bridewell, the Savoy, and all the Hospitals of England.   

For banqueting on Shipboard, persons of credit.  
FIrst the sweetest perfumes to set under hatches to make the place sweet against their coming aboard, if you arrive at Cambalu, Quinsey, or in such great cities and not among savages.  
Marmelade.  
Sucket.  
Figs barreled.  
Reysings of the sun.  
Comfits of divers kinds made of purpose, that shall not dissolve by him that is most excellent.  
Prunes damask.  
Dried peers.  
walnuts.  
Almonds.  
Smalnuttes.  
olives to make them taste their wine.  
The Apple john that dureth two years to make show of our fruits.  
Hullocke.  
Sack.  
Vials of good sweet waters, & casting bottles of glasses to besprinckel the gests withal, after their coming aboard.  
Sugar, to use with their wine, if they william.  
The sweet oil of Santie and excellent French vinegar, and a fine kind of Biscuit, stiped in the same do make a banqueting dish, and a little Sugar cast in it cooleth and comforteth, and refresheth the spirits of man.  

Synomome water is to be had with you to make a show of by taste, and also to comfort your sick in the voyage.  
Imperial water is to be had with you to make a show of by taste, and also to comfort your sick in the voyage.   
With these and such like, you may banquet where you arrive the greater and best persons.  
Or with the gift of these Marmelades in small boxes, or small viols of sweet waters you may gratify by way of gift, or you may make a merchandise of them.   

The map of England and of London.  
Take with you the map of England set out in fair colours, one of the biggest sort I mean, to make show of your Country from whence you come.  
And also the large map of London, to make show of your City. And let the river be drawn full of ships of all sorts, to make the more show of your great trade and traffic in trade of merchandise.   

Ortelius book of maps  
If you take Ortelius book of maps with you, to mark all these regions, it were not amiss, and if need were to present the same to the great Cam, for it would be to a Prince of marvelous account.   

The book of the attire of all nations.  
Such a book carried with you and bestowed in gift, would be much esteemed, as I persuade myself.   

Books.  
If any man will lend you the new Herbal, and such books as make show of Herbs, plants, Trees, Fish, Foules and Beasts of these regions, it may much delight the great Cam, and the nobility, and also their merchants to have the view of them: for all things in these parties so much differing from the things of those regions, since they may not be here to see them, by mean of the distance, yet to see those things in a shadow, by this mean will delight them.   

The book of Rates.  
TAke with you the book of Rates, to the end you may prick all those commodities there specified that you shall chance to found in Cambalu, in Quinsey, or in any part of the East, where you shall chance to be.   

Parchment.  
Rolls of Parchment, for that we may vent much without hurt to the Realm, and it lies in small room.   

Glue.  
To carry Glue, for that we have plenty, and want vent.   

Read Ochre for Painters.  
To seek vent because we have great mines of it, and have no vent.   

Soap of both kinds.  
To try what vent it may have, for that we make of both kinds, and may perhaps make more.   

Saffron.  
To try what vent you may have of Saffron, because this Realm yields the best of the world, and for the tillage and other labours, may set the poor greatly in work to their relief.   

Aquavitae.  
By new devise wonderful quantities may be made here, and therefore to seek the vent.   

Black Conie skins.  
To try the vent at Cambalue, for that it lies towards the North, and for that we abound with the commodity, and may spare it.   

Threade of all colours.  
The vent thereof may set our people in work.   

Copper Spurs, and hawks bells.  
To see the vent, for it may set our people in work.   

A note and a caveat for the merchant.  
That before you offer your commodities to sale that you endeavour to learn what commodities the Country there hath. For if you bring thither velvet, taffeta, spice, or any such commodity that you yourself desire to lad yourself home with, you must not cell yours dear, lest hereafter you purchase theirs not so cheap as you would.   

Seeds for sale.  
Carry with you for that purpose, all sorts of Garden seeds, as well of sweet strawing herbs and of flowers, as also of pot herbs, and all sorts for roots, etc.   

lead of the first melting.  
lead of the second melting of the slagges.  
To make trial of the vent of lead of all kinds.   

English iron, and wire of iron and copper.  
To try the sale of the same.   

Brimstone.  
To try the vent of the same, because we abound of it made in the Realm,   

Anthimoney a mineral.  
To see whether they have any ample use there for it, for that we may lad whole navies of it, and have no use of it unless it be for some small portion in founding of bells, or a lithel that the Alcumistes use, of this you may have two sorts at the Apothecary's,   

Tinder boxes with Steel, flint, and matches, and tinder, the matches to be made of Gineper, to avoid the offence of brimstone.  
To try and to make the better sale of Brimstone by showing the use.  
Candles of wax to light.   

A painted bellows.  
For that perhaps they have not the use of them.   

A pot of cast iron.  
To try the sale, for that it is a natural commodity of this Realm.   

All manner of edge tools.  
To be sold there or to the less civil people by the way where you shall twitch.   

What I would have you there to remember.  
To note specially what excellent dying they use in these regions, and therefore to note their garments, & ornaments of houses: and to see their die houses and the materials, and simples that they use about the same: and to bring Musters and shows of the colours and of the materials, for that it may serve this clothing realm to great purpose.   

To take with you for your own use.  
All manner of Engines to take fish and foul.   

To take with you those things that be in perfection of goodness.  
For as the goodness now at the first may make your commodities in credit in time to come: So false and sophisticate commodities shall draw you and all your commodities into contempt and ill opinion.    

❧ Notes framed by a Gcntleman heretofore to be given to one that prepared for a discovery, and went not: And not unfit to be committed to print, considering the same may stir up considerations of these and of such other things, not unmeet in such new voyages as may be attempted hereafter.  
THat the first Seat be chosen on the seaside so as (if it may be) you may have your own Navy within Bay, river or lake, within your seat safe from the enemy. And so as the enemy shallbe forced to lie in open road abroad without, to be dispersed with all winds and tempests that shall arise. Thus seated you shall be lest subject to annoyed of the enemy, so may you by your Navy within, pass out to all parts of the world, and so may the ships of England have access to you to supply all wants, so may your commodities be carried away also. This seat is to be chosen in temperate Climate, in sweet air, where you may possess always sweet water, wood, seacoles, or curse, with fish, flesh, grain, fruits, herbs and roots, or so many of those, as may suffice very necessity for the life of such as shall plant there. And for the possessing of mines of gold, of silver, copper, quicksilver, or of any such precious thing, the wants of divers of those needful things may be supplied from some other place by sea, etc.  

are to be looked for as things without which no City may be made nor people in civil sort be kept together.  
Stone to make Lime of.  
Slate stone to tile withal or such clay as maketh tile,  
Stone to wall withal if Brycke may not be made,  
Timber for building easily to be conveyed to the place,  
Reed to cover houses or such like, if tile or slate be not.   
The people there to plant and to continued are either to live without traffic, or by traffic and by trade of merchandise. If they shall live without sea traffic, at the first they become naked by want of linen and woollen, and very miserable by infinite wants that will otherwise ensue, and so will they be forced of themselves to departed, or else easily they will be consumed by the Sp. by the Fr. or by the natural inhabithantes of the country, and so the enterprise becomes reproachful to our nation, and a let to many other good purposes that may be taken in hand.  
And by trade of merchandise they can not live, except the sea or the land there may yield commodity for commodity. And therefore you aught to have most special regard of that point, and so to plant, that the natural commodities of the place and seat, may draw to you access of Navigation for the same, or that by your own Navigation you may carry the same out, and fetch home the supply of the wants of the seat.  
Such navigation so to be employed, shall beside the supply of wants, be able to encounter with foreign force.  
And for that in the ample vent of such things as are brought to you out of engl. by sea, standeth a matter of great consequence, it behoveth that all humanity and courtesy and much forbearing of revenge to the inland people be used, so shall you have firm amity with your neighbours, so shall you have their inland commodities to maintain traffic, & so shall you wax rich and strong in force. divers & several commodities of the inland are not in great plenty to be brought to your hands, without the aid of some portable or Navigable river, or ample lack, and therefore to have the help of such a one is most requisite: And so is it of effect for the dispersing of your own commodities in exchange into the inlandes.  
Nothing is more to be endeavoured with the Inland people than familiarity. For so may you best discover all the natural commodities of their country, and also all their wants, all their strengths, all their weakness, and with whom they are in war, and with whom confiderate in peace and amity, etc. which known, you may work many great effects of greatest consequence.  
And in your planting the consideration of the climate and of the soil be matters that are to be respected. For if it be so that you may let in the salt sea water, not mixed with the fresh into flats, where the sun is of the heat that it is at Rochel, in the Bay of portingall, or in Spain, then may you procure a man of skill, and so you have won one noble commodity for the fishing, and for trade of merchandise by making of Salt.  
Or if the soil and climate be such as may yield you the Grape as good as that at Burdeus, as that in Portugal, or as that about Sivi in Spain, or that in the islands of the Canaries, than there resteth but a workman to put in execution to make wines, and to dress Resings of the sun and other, etc.  
Or if you find a soil of the temperature of the South part of Spain or Barbary, in which you find the Olif tree to grow: Then you may be assured of a noble merchandise for this realm, considering that our great trade of clothing doth require oil, and weighing how dear of late it is become by the vent they have of that commodity in the West Indies, and if you find the wild olif there it may be graffed.  
Or if you can find the berry of Cochenile with which we colour Stammelles, or any Root, Berrie, Fruit, wood or earth fit for dying, you win a notable thing fit for our state of clothing. This Cochenile is natural in the west Indies on that firm.  
Or if you have hides of beasts fit for sole Leather, etc. It willbe a merchandise right good, and the savages there yet can not can Leather after our kind, yet excellently after their own manner.  
Or if the soil shall yield Figs, Almonds, Sugar Canes, Quinces, Oranges, Lemons, Potatoes, etc. there may arise some trade and traffic, by figs, almonds, sugar, marmalade, Sucket etc.  
Or if great woods be found, if they be of Cypress, chests may be made, if they be of some kind of trees, pitch and tar may be made, if they be of some other than they may yield Rosin, Trupentine, etc. and all for trade and traffic, and Casks for wine and oil may be made: likewise ships and houses, etc.  
And because traffic is a thing so material, I with that great observation be taken what every soil yieldeth naturally, in what commodity soever, and what it may be made to yield by endeavour, and to sand us notice home, that thereupon we may devise what means may be thought of to raise trades.  
Now admit that we might not be suffered by the savages to enjoy any whole country or any more than the scope of a City, yet if we might enjoy traffic and be assured of the same, we might be much enriched, our Navy might be increased, & a place of safety might there be found, if change of religion or civil wars should happen in this realm, which are things of great benefit. But if we may enjoy any large Territory of apt soil, we might so use the matter, as we should not depend upon Spain for oils, sacks, resinges, oranges, lemons, Spanish skins, etc. Nor upon France for wood, bay-salt, and gascoyne wines, nor on Estlande for flax, pitch, tar, masts, etc. So we should not so exhausted our treasure, and so exceedingly enrich our doubtful friends, as we do, but should purchase the commodities that we want for half the treasure that now we do: but should by our own industries & the benefits of the soil there cheaply purches oils, wines, salt, fruits, pitch, tar, flax, hemp, masts, boards, fish, gold, silver, copper, tallow, hides and many commodities: beside if there be no flates to make salt on, if you have plenty of wood you may make it in sufficient quantity for common uses at home there.  
If you can keep a safe haven, although you have not the friendship of the near neighbours, yet you may have traffic by sea upon one shore or other, upon that firm in time to come, if not present.  
If you find great plenty of timber on the shore side or upon any portable river, you were best to cut down of the same the first winter, to be seasoned for ships, barks, boats and houses.  
And if near such wood there be any river or brook upon the which a sawing mill may be placed, it would do great service, and therefore consideration would be had of such place.  
And if such port & choose place of settling were in possession & after fortified by art, although by the land side our Englishmen were kept in, and might not enjoy any traffic with the next neighbours, nor any vittel: yet might they vittel themselves of fish to serve very necessity, and enter into amity with the enemies of their next neighbours, & so have vent of their merchandise of England and also have vittel, or by means hereupon to be used to force the next neighbours to amity. And keeping a navy at the settling place, they should find out along the tract of the land to have traffic, and at divers Islands also. And so this first seat might in time become a stapling place of the commodities of many countries and territories, and in time this place might become of all the provinces round about the only governor. And if the place first choose should not so well please our people, as some other more lately found out: There might be an easy remove, and that might be razed, or rather kept for others of our nation to avoid an ill neighbour, etc.  
If the soils adjoining to such convenient haven and settling places be found marshy and boggy, than men skilful in draining are to be carried thither. For art may work wonderful effects therein, and make the soil rich for many uses.  
To plant upon an Island in the mouth of some notable river, or upon the point of the land entering into the river, if no such Island be, were to great end. For if such river were navigable or portable far into the land, then would arise great hope of planting in fertile soils, and traffic on the one or on tother side of the river, or on both, or the linking in amity with one or other petty king contending there for dominion.  
Such rivers found, both barges and boats may be made for the safe passage of such as shall pierce the same. These to be covered with doubles of course linen artificially wrought, to defend the arrow or the dart of the savage from the rower.  
Since every soil of the world by art may be made to yield things to feed and to clothe man, bring in your return a perfect note of the soil without and within, and we shall devise if need require to amend the same, & to draw it to more perfection. And if you find not fruits in your planting place to your liking, we shall in u dryfats furnish you with such kinds of plants to be carried thither the winter after your planting, as shall the very next summer following, yield you some fruit, and the year next following, as much as shall suffice a town as big as Calais, and that shortly after shall be able to yield you great store of strong durable good cider to drink, & these trees shallbe able to increase you within less than seven. years as many trees presently to bear, as may suffice the people of divers parishes, which at the first settling may stand you in great stead, if the soil have not the commodity of fruits of goodness already. And because you aught greedily to hunt after things that yield present relief, without trouble of carriage thither, therefore I make mention of these, thus specially, to the end you may have it specially in mind.  
FINIS.   

 

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

   

The names of certain commodities growing in part of America, not presently inhabited by any Christians from Florida Northward, gathered out of the discourses, of Verarzanus, thorn, Cartier, Ribalt, Thevet, and best, which have been personally in those countries, and have seen these things amongst many others.  

Beasts.  
LLeopardes.  
Stags.  
Hearts.  
dear.  
Bears.  
Hares.  
Wildeswine.  
Connyes.  
White bears.  
A beast far bigger than an ox.  
Wolves.  
Dogs.  
A kind of beast like a Coney.  
Bevers.  
Marterns.  
Foxes.  
Bagers.  
Otters.  
Weasels.  
A beast called Su being like a Bull.   

Birds.  
Hawks.  
Bitters.  
Curlewes.  
Herons.  
Woodcocks.  
Partridges.  
Small birds.  
Plenty of foul for all pleasant game.  
Aporates.  
Blackbirdes.  
Cranes.  
Crows like Cornish Thoughts.  
Ducks.  
Godetes.  
Geese.  
Pigeons.  
Margaves'.  
pheasants.  
Swans.  
Thrushes.  
Turtles.  
Fintches.  
Nightingales. etc.   

Fish.  
cods.  
Salmons.  
seals.  
Mackerel.  
Tortoises.  
Whales.  
Horsefish.  
A fish like a grayhound good meat.  
Lampreys.  
Crabs.  
Crefish.  
Lobsters.  
Eels.  
The rivers full of incredible store of all good fish.   

Worms.  
Silk worms fair and great.   

Trees.  
Bay.  
Cypress.  
Damson.  
Palm.  
Many trees yielding sweet savour.  
Okes.  
Nut trees.  
Fir.  
Vines.  
Cahent good against poison.  
Cedars. Hasell trees.  
Cheritrees. Walnuttrees.  
Pepper trees.  
Ameda which healeth many diseases.   

ash.  
Box.  
Cidron.  
Yew. 

Elmes.  
Whitelmes.  
pines.  
Willows.    
Filbird trees better than ours.  
Whitehornes bearing a berry as big as a Damson.  
Vines bearing a great grape.   

Fruits.  
Cucumbers.  
Citrons.  
Raspis. 

Guordes.  
Mulberries.  
Almonds.    
Apples.  
Damsons. 

Melons.  
Figs.    
Reason's great and small.  
Musk melons.  
Oranges. 

Lemons.  
Dates very great.    
Strawberries.  
Gooseberries read and white.   

Gums.  
Rosen.  
Turpentine.  
Frankincense. 

Pitch. Tar.  
Honey.  
Wax.     

Spices and Drugs.  
Pepper.  
Small spices like to vire.  
rhubarb in Florida: diverse other kinds.   

Herbs and flowers.  
Many sorts of herbs differing from ours.  
Many simples like those of France.  
Hemp.  
Pat●●ley.  
Roses. 

Red.  
White.  
Damask.     

Grain and Pulse.  
Corn like Ric.  
Oats.  
Peason. 

Myllet.  
Beans of divers colors.    
Another strange corn of good nourishment.  
Maiz.   

Metals.  
Gold in good quantity.  
Silver.  
Coper.  
Lead.  
many 〈…〉 all matter.   

Precious stones.  
Turqueses.  
Rubies.  
Pearls great and fair.  
Precious stones of divers colours.  
Esurgni a stone much esteemed there.  
Kiph a kind of stone shining bright.   

Other stones.  
Marble very hard.  
Alabaster. 

jasper.  
Freestone.    
Quarries of glistering stones.   

Colours.  
yellow.  
Blue. 

Red.  
Scarlet.  
Roan colour.    
Dear skins wrought like branched Damask.  
Heart's skins painted and died of divers colours  
Bags of read colours.  
A root called avaty that they die read withal in Florida.   

So as the commodities already known, besides many yet unknown are these, and that in great quantity.  
Flesh.  
Fish. 

Fruits.  
grain.    
Beveradges or drink of divers sorts.  
Gold.  
Silver. 

Copper.  
Lead.    
Pearls.  
Spices.  
Drugs. 

Furs.  
Feathers.  
Gums.  
Oils.    
Silk.  
Hides undressed.  
Beast's skins wrought like Damask.  
Leather died.  
Hearts skins painted.  
Stones for fair building.  
Precious stones.  
Colours.  
All kind of good wood.    

Imprinted at London at the three Cranes in the Vine-tree, by Thomas Dawson. 1582.   


GRadus 180. demercationis Portugalens● a terri● isto {timeperf-prolatimperf-x} oppositis incipiunt, ac termināt●r in gradus 160. huius cattae ve●lus o●●e●t●m, s●●dum compota●●●ne● H●panorum. Et sic insulae Thars● & Ost●r d●issi. maevidentur extra illorum demercationem cadeit. Portugalen●es verò ●●●m elcuationem a terra isto signo ✚ oppositis incipere aiunt, & terminate in gradus 180. hu●●s cat, ut videantur predictas insulas v●enque attingere, & gradus 180. demercationis Hispanorum a prio●e signo {timeperf-prolatimperf-x} secund●m Hispinorum coputationem Vel incipiunt a posteriore secundum Portugalen●es verlus occ●●c●tem, & ●●●minator in gradus 160. secundum Hispanos, vel 180. ●ecundum Portugalen●es ●t sic, l●ce●●●●ulae T●arsis & Ophi● videntur attingere Portugalense. tamen in●ule Capo verde dictae, quae intra supradicta signa timeperf-prolatimperf-x ✚ cadunt, videtur omittere. Et sic dum insulas Capoverde retinere volunt Portugalenses, illas Tharsis & Offi● non possunt attingere.  
This is the form of a Map sent 1527. from Smill in Spain by master Robert thorn merchant, to Doctor Ley Ambassador for king Henry the 8. to Charles the Emperor. And although the same in this present time may seem rude, yet I have set it out, because his book could not well be understood without the same. The imperfection of which Map may be excused by that time: the knowledge of cosmography not then being entered among our Merchants, as now it is.    


ILLUSTRI VIRO, DOMINO PHILIPPO SIDNAEO MICHAEL LOK CIVIS LONDINENSIS HANC CHARTAM DEDICABAT:. 1582.