THE Union of the two noble and illustre famelies of Lancastre & York, being long in continual descension for the crown of this noble realm, with all the acts done in both the times of the Princes, both of the one lineage and of the other, beginning at the time of king Henry the fourth, the first author of this division▪ and so successively proceeding to the reign of the high and prudent prince king Henry the eight, the undubitate flower and very heir of both the said lineages. 1548.   

¶ To the most mighty, virtuous and excellent prince Edward the sixth, by the grace of God, king of England, France and Ireland, defender of the Catholic faith, and under God supreme head, of the churches of England and Ireland. Your most humble subject Edward Halle, wisheth health, honour and felicity.  
Oblivion the cankered enemy to Fame and renown the sucking serpent of ancient memory, the deadly dart to the glory of princes, and the defacer of all conquests and notable acts, so much bore rule in the first and second age of the world, that nothing was set out to men's knowledge either how the world was made either how man and beasts were created, or how the world was destroyed by water till father Moses had by divine inspiration in the third age, invented letters, the treasure of memory, and set forth fine notable books, to the great comfort of all people living at this day. Likewise Mercury in Egipte invented letters and writing, which Eadmus after brought in to Grece. So every nation was desirous to enhance lady Fame, and to suppress that deadly beast Oblivion. For what diversity is between a noble prince & a poor beggar, ye a reasonable man and a brute beast, it after their death there be left of them no remembrance or token. So that evidently it appeareth that Fame is the triumph of glory, and memory by literature is the very dilator and setter forth of Fame. How much therefore are princes, governors and noble men bound to them which have so lively set forth the lives and acts of their parents, that all though they be dead by mortal death, yet they by writing and Fame live and be continually present. If no man had written the goodness of noble Augustus, nor the pity of merciful Traian, how should their successors have followed their steps in virtue and princely qualities: on the contrary part, if the cruelty of Nero, the ungracious life of Caligula had not been put in remembrance, young Princes and frail governors might likewise have fallen in a like pit, but by reading their vices and seeing their mischeveous end, they be compelled to leave their evil ways, and embrace the good qualities of notable princes and prudent governors: Thus, writing is the key to induce virtue, and repress vice, Thus memory maketh men dead many a thousand yer● still to live as though they were present: Thus Fame triumpheth upon death, and renown upon Oblivion, and all by reason of writing and history.  
Alas my sovereign Lord, my heart lamenteh to know and remember what rule this tyrant Oblivion bore in this realm, in the time of the Britons. For from the first habitation of this land, no man of the Britons either set forth history of their beginning, or wrote the hole lives of their princes & kings, except Gildas which inveighed against the evil doings of a few tyrants and evil governors. In so much that Cesar writeth, that when he was in this realm, the people could not tell their lineage, nor their beginning. But one Geffrey of Monmothe a thousand year and more after julius Cesar, translated a certain british or Welsh book, containing the coming of Brutus with the sequel of his lineage, till the time of Cadwallader, which british book if it had slept a little longer, Brutus with all his posterity had been buried in the poke of Oblivion, for lack of writing.  
The strong Saxons, after they had gained this land, set up the banner of Fame, and had their lives notably written by diverse and sundry famous clerks, even from their first entry into this land, till the first Monarchy, and so sucessyvely. In the Normans time, many notable works hath been set forth, some of one prince particularly, and some of more: So that in fine, all the stories of kings, from king William the first, to king Edward the third, be set wurthe at length by diverse authors in the Latin tongue, as by Matthew of Paris sometime religious in saint Albon and other. After whom John Frossart wrote the lives of king Edward the third, and king Richard the second, so compendiously and so largely, that if there were not so many things spoken of in his long works, I might believe all written in his great volumes to be as true as the Gospel. But I have red an old Proverb, which saith, that in many words, a lie or twain soon may scape. Scythe the end of Frossarte which endeth at the beginning of king Henry the fourth, no man in the English tongue, hath either set forth their honours according to their deserts, nor yet declared many notable acts worthy of memory done in the time of seven Kings, which after king Richard succeeded: Except Robert Fabian and one with out name, which wrote the common English Chronicle, men worthy to be praised for their diligence, but far shooting wide from the butt of an history.  
Wherefore most dread and benign sovereign Lord, jest cancarde Oblivion should deface the glory of these seven Princes, to whom you be of all sides lineal heir and very inheritor, I have compiled and gathered (and not made) out of diverse writers, as well foreign as English, this simple treatise which I have named the union of the noble houses of Lancaster and York, conjoined together by the godly marriage of your most noble grandfather, and your virtuous grandmother. For as king henry the fourth was the beginning and rote of the great discord and division: so was the godly matrimony, the final end of all dissensions, titles and debates.  
Beseeching your high Majesty, to take this my simple and rub work, according to your accustomed goodness in good part, not regarding the thing, but my good will to my native country, whose fame for lack of writing may much be darkened and defaced, and thus I pray to the celestial Lord to sand you victory over your enemies, Peace with your confederates, love of your subjects: and in conclusion, perpetual joy & ❧ eternal felicity ❧   

RICHARD GRAFTON to the reader.  
I Must crave of the most gentle reader, charitably to judge of me the imprinter of this work, if aught herein shallbe seen unto the of purpose to be omitted either not sufficiently delated and set forth, or else something too plainly spoken, in the which might be noted affection, that thou wilt excuse me therein, for I profess that I have as near as in me lay, neither altered nor added any thing of myself in the whole work, otherwise than the author writ the same. But this is to be noted, that the Author thereof, who though not to all men, yet to many very well known, was a man in the later time of his life not so painful and studious as before he had been: wherefore he perfected and writ this history no farther then to the four and twenty year of king Henry the eight: the rest he left noted in divers and many pamphletes and papers, which so digently & truly as I could, I gathered the same together, & have in suchewise compiled them, as may after thesay years, apere in this work: but utterly without any addition of mine. Therefore my request and desyr as a foresaid, is, that thou wilt truly and charitably judge me: And so soon as my leisure will serve, for thine ease & ready finding of any thing herein contained I purpose to gather an exact table of the whole work   

¶ The names of the authors aswell Latin as other, out of the which this work was first gathered, and after compiled and conjoined.  

Latin authors.  
Policronicon.  
Cronica Cronicarum.  
Nauclerus.  
Polidorus.  
Paulus Aemilius.  
Voluteranus.  
Gauguinus.  
Albertus Krantz.  
Michael Ricius.  
Hector Boetius.  
joannes Maior.  
Abbas Wyssenbergensis.  
Carion.  
Supplementum Cronicarum.  
Gesta Tholosanorum.  
Cronica Brabancie.   

French authors.  
Enguerant de Munstrellet.  
jean tuchet.  
jean Mayer de Belget.  
Argenton.  
Le Mere de▪ Histories.  
Les annales de France.  
Les annales de Aquitaine.  
Les Cronique de Britain.  
Giles Corozett,  
Les Croniques de Normandi.  
Le rosary.  
Le genolagie des Roys.   

English writers.  
Trevisa.  
Fabian.  
Sir Thomas Moor.  
Caxton.  
John Harding.  
The Chronicles of London.  
John Basset.  
Balantyne.  
And out of other divers Pamphlettes, the names of whom are to most men unknown.    


The names of the histories conteigned in this volume.  
An introduction into the division of the two houses of Lancastre and york.  
The unquiet time of king Henry the fourth.  
The victorious acts of king Henry the u  
The troubleous season of king Henry the vj.  
The prosperous reign of king Edward the iiij.  
The pitiful life of king Edward the u  
The tragical doings of king Richard the iij.  
The politic governance of king Henry the seven.  
The triumphant reign of king Henry the viii.   
FINIS.   

¶ An introduction into the history of King Henry the fourth.  
WHat mischief hath insurged in realms by intestine division, what depopulation hath ensued in countries by civil dissension, what detestable murder hath been committed in cities by separate factions, and what calamity hath ensued in famous regions by domestical discord & unnatural controversy: Rome hath felt, Italy can testify, France can bear witness, Beam can tell, Scotland may writ, Denmark can show, and especially this noble realm of England can apparently declare and make demonstration. For who abhorreth not to express the heinous facts committed in Rome, by the civil war between julius Cesar and hardy Pompey by whose discord the bright glory of the triumphant Rome was eclipsed & shadowed? Who can rehearse what mischiefs and what plagues the pleasant country of Italy hath tasted and suffered by the seditious factions of the Guelphs and Gebelynes? Who can report the misery that daily hath ensued in France, by the discord of the houses of Burgoyne and Orliens: Or in Scotland between the brother and brother, the uncle and the nephew? Who can curiously endi●e the manifold battles that were fought in the realm of Beaine, between the catholics and the pestiferus sects of the Adamites and others? What damage dissension hath done in Germany and Denmark, all christians at this day can well declare. And the Turk can bear good testimony, which by the discord of christian princes hath amplified greatly his signory and dominion. But what misery, what murder, and what execrable plagues this famous region hath suffered by the division and dissension of the renowned houses of Lancastre and York, my wit cannot comprehend nor my tongue declare neither yet my pen fully set forth.  
FOR what noble man liveth at this day, or what gentleman of any ancient stock or progeny is clear, whose lineage hath not been infested and plagued with this unnatural division. All the other discords, sects and factions almost lively flourish and continued at this present time, to the great displeasure and prejudice of all the christian public wealth. But the old divided controversy between the forenamed families of Lancastre and York, by the union of Matrimony celebrated and consummate between the high and mighty Prince King Henry the seventh and the lady Elizabeth his most worthy Queen, the one being indubitate heir of the house of Lancastre, and the other of York was suspended and appalled in the person of their most noble puissant and mighty heir king Henry the eight, and by him clearly buried and perpetually extinct. So that all men (more clearer than the son) may apparently perceive, that as by discord great things decay and fall to ruin, so the same by concord be revived and erected. In likewise also all regions which by division and dissension be vexed, molested and troubled, be by union and agreement relieved pacified and enriched.  
BY union of the Godhead to the manhood, man was joined to God which before by the temptation of the subtle serpent, was from him segregate and divided. By the union of the catholic church and the outworn synagogue, not only the hard ceremonies and deadly peines of the Mosaical law were clearly abholished and made frustrate, but also christian liberty is inferred and Christ's religion established & erected By the union of man & woman in the holy Sacrament of Matrimony the generation is blessed, and the sin of the body clean extinct & put away. By the union of marriage, peace between realm and realm is exalted, and love between country and country is nourished. By conjunction of matrimony, malice is extinct, amity is embraced, and indissoluble alliance and consanguinity is procured. What profit, what commfort, what joy succeeded in the realm of England by the union of the forenamed two noble families, you shall apparently perceive by the sequel of this rude and unlearned history. And because there can be no union or agreement but in respect of a division, it is consequent to reason that I manifest to you not only the original cause and fountain of the same, but also declare the calamities, troubles & miseries which happened and chanced during the time of the said contentious dissension.  
FOR the which you shall understand (according as it is in an Act of Parliament made in the first year of the reign of King Edward the fourth specified and declared.) That the high and mighty Prince king Henry the third of that name, 
The line of ●yng Henry the third.  had issue Edward his first begotten son borne at Westminster the eleventh kalends of july in the vigil of Saint Mark and Marcilian in the year of our Lord a thousand two hundrd xxix And Edmonde his second begotten son borne on the day of saint Marcell in the year of our Lord a thousand two hundred xlv Which Edward after the death of king Henry his father, was entitled and called king Edward the first, and had issue his first begotten son entitled and called after the death of king Edward his father, king Edward the second, which had issue the right noble and honourable prince king Edward the third which king Edward had issue Edward his first begotten son prince of Wales, William of Hatfeld the second begotten son, Lionel duke of Clarence the three begotten son, John of Gaunt duke of Lancaster the four begotten son, Edmond of Langley duke of York the .v. begotten son, Thomas of Wodstocke duke of Glocestre the uj begotten son, and William of Wynsor the vij begotten son. The said prince Edward died in the life of his father king Edward the three & had issue Richard borne at Bordeaux, which after the death of king Edward the three as cousin and heir to him, that is to say son to the said Edward prince of Wales son to thesay king Edward the third succeeded him in royal estate and dignity, lawfully entitled and called king Richard the second and died without issue, Lionel duke of Clarence the third begotten son of thesay king Edward the third, had issue Philippe his only daughter which was married to Edmond mortimer earl of March and had issue Roger mortimer earl of March: which Roger had issue Edmond Mortimer earl of March, Anne and Elienor, which Edmond and Elinor died without issue. And thesay Anne was married to Richard earl of Cambrige son to Edmond of Langley duke of York the fifth begotten son of the said king Edward the third which richard had issue thee famous prince Richard Plantagenet duke of York which had issue that noble prince king Edward the fourth father to Queen Elizabeth united in matrimony to the high and sage prince king Henry the vij  
❧ John duke of Lancastre had issue Henry earl of Derby, and John earl of Somersette. This Henry earl of Derby had issue, king Henry the fifth father to king Henry the sixth which begat prince Edward that was slain at Tewkesbery, and diseased without issue. John the earl of Somersette before named, son to John duke of Lancastre, engendered John duke of Somer●ette father to the lady Margarete Countess of Richemonde mother to the noble and haute Prince King Henry the seventh which espoused lady Elizabeth the heir of the illustre family of York, by the which marriage the devise or badge of the house of Lancastre which was the red Rose, was unite and joined with the white Rose, which was the cognisance and ensign of the noble progeny of York, as by the genealogy conteigned in the end of this work more plainly shall appear.  
❧ This aforenamed Henry earl of Derby being created a little before duke of Herfforde, aprudente and politic person, but not more politic than well-beloved, and yet not so well-beloved of all, as of some highly disdained, began to consider with himself how that king Richard his cousin germane was now brought to that trade of living that he little or nothing regarded the counsel of his uncles, nor of other grave and sad persons, but did all thing at his pleasure, setting his will and appetite in stead of law and reason. Wherefore on a day being in the company of Thomas Mowbrey first duke of Norfolk and earl Martial, began to break his mind to him more for dolour and lamentation, then for malice or displeasure, rehearsing how that king Richard little esteemed and less regarded the nobles and Princes of his realm, and as much as lay in him sought occasions, invented causes and practised privily how to destroy the more part of them: to some thretening death, to other menacing exile and banishment, forgetting and not remembering what blot it was to his honour, and what detriment and damage it was to the public wealth, to suffer his realm to l●se the ancient fame and pristinate renown by his sloth and negligence, and that all things both in the time of peace, and also of war, aswell in the realm as without, waxed worse and worse, and had never prosperous success nor fortunate conclusion. And because noble men murmured, and the common people grudged, and all men wondered at his unprincely doings, he desired the duke of Norfolk, which was one of the kings privy counsel and well heard with him, to advise the king to turn the leaf and to take a better lesson. When the Duke of Norfolk had heard fully his devise, he took it not in good part, but reckoned that he had gotten a pray by the which he should obtain greater favour of the king then ever he had, and so he at that time dissimuled the matter (as he was in deed both a deep dissimuler and a pleasant flatterer.) And after when he had opportunity and saw his time, was very glad (as tell tales and scicophantes be, when they have any thing to instill in to the ears and heads of Princes) to declare to the king what he had heard, and to aggravate and make the offence the greater, he much more added but nothing diminished.  
❧ This matter somewhat quickened and more tikeled the wavering mind of king Richard, and brought him into a great fury. But when the water of fumitory was well digested in his stomach, he determined to here both the parties indifferently, and called to him the duke of Lancastre and his counsel, and also the dukes of Herfforde and Norfolk, & caused the accusor to report openly the words to him declared, which rehearsed them again as he had before related to the king When Duke Henry heard the tale otherwise reported than he either thought or said, somewhat unquieted for the novelty of the thing, or troubled with anger for the untruth of the matter, stood still & paused a good while looking steadfastly upon the king. And after the taking a good courage to him, making low obeisance, besought his highness to conceive no mistrust in him till he had seen & herd more. Then turning himself to his accuser, declared word by word what he had said showing the cause & occasion why he so spoke, denying fiercely all the other new inventions alleged & proponed to his charge: affirming that if the king would permit & suffer him he would prove his accusor untrue, unjust & afalse forger of lies & seditious tales by the stroke of a spear & dent of a sword. The duke of Norfolk affirmed constantly his saying to be true & refused not the combat. The king demanded of them if they would agree between themselves, which they both denied and threw down their gauges, by my truth ꝙ the king, if you of yourselves will not agree I will not study how to agree you: and then he granted them the battle & assigned the place to be at the city of coventry in the month of August next ensuing, where he caused a sumptuous theatre and lists royal gorgeously to be prepared. At the day appointed the two valiant dukes can to Coventre, accompanied with the nobles & gentiles of their lineages which them encouraged & hertened to the utmost. At the day of the combat and fight, the duke of Aumarle that day high counstable, and theduke of Surrey that day high Marshal of England entered into the lists with a great company of men appareled in silk sendal embroidered with silver both richly and curiously, every man having a tipped staff to keep the field in order. About the time of prime came to the barriers of the lists, the duke of Herfford mounted on a white corser barbed with blue and green velvet embroidered sumpteously with Swans and Antelopes of goldsmiths work, armed at all points. The Constable and Martial came to the barriers, demanding of him what he was, he answered: I am Henry of Lancastre duke of Herfford, which am come hither to do my devoir against Thomas Mowbrey duke of Norfolk as a traitor untrue to God, the king, his realm and me Then incontinent he swore upon the holy Evangelists that his quarrel was true and just, and upon that point he desired to enter into the lists. Then he put up his sword which before he held naked in his hand, and put down his viser, made a cross on his forehead, and with spear in hand entered into the lists, and descended from his horse and set him down in a chair of green velvet which was set in a travers of green and blue velvet at the one end of the lists, and there reposed himself expecting and abiding the coming of his adversye. soon after him entered into the field with great pomp King Richard accompanied with all the pecres of his realm, and in his company was th'earl of scent Paul, which was come out of France in post to see this challenge performed. The king had above ten thousand persons in harness, lest some fray or tumultie might spring amongst his nobles by parttaking or quarrelling. When the king was set on his stage which was richly hanged and pleasantly adorned. A King at Arms made open proclamation, prohibiting all men in the name of the king and the high Constable and Marshal to enterprise or attempt to approach or touch any part of the lists upon pain of death, except such as were apoyncted to order and marshal the field. The proclamation ended, another Herald cried: behold here Henry of Lancastre duke of Herfford appellant, which is entered into the lists royal to do his devoir against Thomas Mowbray duke of Norfolk defendante, upon pain to be proved false and recreant. The duke of Norfolk hovered on horseback at the entry of the lists, his horse being barbed with crimosen velvet embroidered richly with Lions of silver and Mulberry trees, and when he had made his oath before the Constable and Martial that his quarrel was just and true, he entered the field manfully saying aloud, God aid him that hath the right, and then he departed from his horse & sat down in his chair which was Crimosen Velvet, cortened about with white and red Damask. The lord Martial viewed their spears to see that they were of equal length, and delivered the one spear himself to the duke of Herfforde, and sent the other spear to the duke of Norfolk by a knight. Then the herald proclaimed that the traverses and chairs of the Champions should be removed, commanding them on the Kings behalf to mount on horseback and address themselves to the battle and combat. The duke of Herfforde was quickly horsed and closed his bavier and cast his spear into the rest & when the trumpet, sounded, set forward courageously toward his enemy uj or vij paces. The duke of Norfolk was not fully set forward when the king cast down his warder & the heralds cried ho, ho. Then the king caused their spears to be taken from them, and commanded them to repair again to their chairs, where they remained two long hours, while the king and his counsel deliberately consulted what way was best to be taken in so weighty a cause. Then the Heraltes cried silence and sir John Borcy secretary to the king read the sentence and determination of the king and his counsel in a long roll, pronounsing it after this manner. My lords and masters I intimate and notify to you by the king & his counsel, that Henry of Lancastre duke of Herfforde appellante: and Thomas duke of Norfolk defendante, have honourably and valiantly appeared here within the lists royal this day, & have been ready to darraine the battle like two valiant knights and hardy champions, but because the matter is great and weighty between these two great princes, this is the order of the king and his counsel, that Henry duke of Herfford for diverse considerations and because he hath displeased the king, shall within xu days depart out of the realm for term of ten years, without returning except by the king he be repealed again and that upon pain of death. When the people which heartily loved the duke of Herfford heard this cry, they were not a little amazed, & marveled much that he which had done his devor to the performance of his challenge should be thus banished and exiled Then the herald cried again oyes, & the secretary declared that Thomas Mowbrey duke of Norfolk by the ordinance of the king and his counsel because that he had sown sedition in this realm by his words whereof he can make no proof, shall a void the realm of England and dwell in Hungry, Beam, Pruce or where he list, & to never return again into England nor approach the confines nor borders of the same upon pain of death, and that the king would stay the profits and revenues of his lands in his hands till he had received such sums of money as the duke had taken up of the kings treasurer for the wages of the garrison of Caleis which were still unpaid. When these judgements were thus divulged, the king called before him the two exiles and made them swear that the one should never come into the place where the other was (willingly) nor keep company together in any foreign region, which oath they received humbly and departed from the lists. It was supposed that the king mistrusted that if they two should join in one again, and conspire to be revenged against him, that they and their friends might work him great trouble and calamity, and for that cause to have devised this oath. The duke of Norfolk which supposed to have been borne out by the king, was sore repentant of his enterprise, and departed sorrowfully out of the realm into Almain, and at the last came to Venice where he for thought and Melancholy deceased, The duke or Herfforde took his leave of the king at Eltham, 
The Duke of Harforde banished the realm.  which there released four years of his banishment. And so he took his journey & came to Caleis, & so into France, where he continued a while  
wonderful it is to writ, and more strange to here, what number of people ran in every town & street, lamenting and bewailing his departure: As who would say that when he departed, the only shield, defence & comfort of the comen people was vadid & go, as though the son had fallen out of the spear, or the moon had lapsed from her proper epicicle.  
When he was arrived in France, king Charles' hearing the cause of his banishment, which he esteemed very small and light, received him gently, & him honourably entreteyned: In somuch that he had by favour obtained the marriage of the only daughter of John duke of Berry uncle to the French king, if king Richard had not cast astoppe in his way: For he well considered how the commonalty loved the duke, and how desirous they were of his return into England, and then foreseeing that if he should be joined with so great an affinity as the blood of the house of Berry was in France, & afterward suddenly to return into England, it might fortune to redound to his more displeasoure than pleasure, wherefore he letted the marriage to his own destruction.  
During the first year of this duke's exile, his father John of Gaunt duke of lancaster decessed, 
John of G●unt Duke of Lancaster deceased.  & is buried on the north side of the high aultare of the cathedral church of saint Paul in London. The death of this duke abbreviated the life of king Richard, for he notwithstanding the the duchy of Lancaster was to this duke Henry lawfully descended, not only seized without right or title all the goods of duke John his parent, but also defrauded his heir of his lawful inheritance, receiving the rents and revenues of all his patrimony, and giving to other that which was not his, & distributed the duke's lands to his paresites and flattereing foloers. This fact was adjudged to all the nobility to be unlawful, unjust & ungodly, to deprive a man being banished out of the realm without desert, without culpe, and without cause, of his inheritance and patrimony: but Edmund duke of York uncle to Henry now lawfully duke of Lancastre, was sore moved with this chance to see the king break and violate all laws, all justice and equity and after the murder of his brother the duke of Glocestre, to spoil and rob the son of his other brother. For he before this time as much as his patience could bear, did tolerate and suffer the death of his brother, the exile of his nephiew, and an hundred more injuries, which for the levity and youth of the king, he remitted and buried in oblivion. And therefore considering that the glory of the public wealth of his native country was like to decay by reason that the king was not moste ingenious, & had no man near him that would boldly admonish him of his office & duty, thought it the act of a wiseman in time to get him to a resting place and to leave the following of such a doubtful captain which with a leaden sword would cut his own throat bowl. Wherefore he with the Duke of Aumarle his son went to his house at Langley, rejoicing that there was nothing in the common wealth mishappened either by his device or consent, and daily he lamentably desired aid of almighty God to turn away from king Richard the dark cloud which he saw hanging over his head.  
In this season king Richard sailed into Ireland as divers authors testify▪ but what he did there, 
King Richard sailed into Ireland.  is no part of my process, which dependeth on the sequel of this division. While king Richard was in Ireland, the grave persons of the nobility, the sage prelate's of the clergy, the sad Magistrates & rulers of the cities, towns & commonalty, perceiving daily more & more the realm to fall into ruin & desolation (in manner irrecurable as long as king Richard either lived or reigned,) after long deliberation, wrote into France to duke Henry, whom they now called (as he was in deed) duke of Lancastre and Herfford, soliciting and requiring him with all diligent celerity to convey himself into England, promising him all their aid, power, and assistance, if he expelling king Richard as a man not meet nor convenient for so princely an office and degree, would take upon him the Sceptre, rule, and Diadem of his native country and first nutritive soil. And for that cause they sent the reverent father Thomas Arundel archbishop of Cauntorbury with certain lords and citizens of divers cities & boroughs in habit palliate & dissimuled, into the city of Paris, some going one way and some another, but all assembling together at the house of Cluigny where the duke than sojourned.  
When he saw the archbishop his especial friend & looked on other his fautors & lovers, if he thanked God no man aught to marvel, if he welcomed these Ambassadors none need to wonder: but if he rejoiced and applauded not at their access and coming, wise men may think folly, & fools may laugh him to scorn. When he was of them saluted, and they of him not only resaluted but heartily welcomed & friendly entertained: The archbishop desiring the duke to absent all other persons than such aswer his companions, said these or like words to him.  
When your loving and natural kinsmen and countrymen most noble & mighty prince, 
An 〈◊〉 made by Thomas Arundel archbishop of Cauntorbury to Henry duke of Lancaster.  had much & long time considered and debated with themselves of their affairs & business in this tempestuous world and season (in the which no man of our nation is sure of his life, nor enjoyeth his lands and signiories without dread, nor possesseth his movables without terror or fear, which outrageous doings many years occupied hath brought the public wealth of our abundant country almost to wreck and utter exterminion) their last ankerhold, refuge and comfort was to study and devise how to have a governor and ruler which should excel and flourish in wisdom, policy and justice above all other: By which reason a great number of the nobility and in manner all the commonalty, being led & persuaded (when they had well cast their eyes and marked all the peers and nobles of the realm of England) they could find no duke nor marquis, no earl nor other potentate within all the realm, to whose Empire and authority they would be subject and vassals so gladly as to yours: For this I assure you (and you know it aswell as I) that we miserable subjects have so long borne the yoke of wanton unwitty king Richard, and have patiently tollerat the parnicious persecution of his greedy and avaricious counsellors, and have winked at the polling and extortion of his unmeasurable officers, that our backs be so galdde that we can no more suffer, and our chin bones so weak that we can no longer carry. And therefore necessity, and not will, reason, and not affection, constancy and not levytie enforceth us to lament and desire your aid and comfort, to whom we be sent by the most part of the nobility and also of the more part of the universal commonalty, to desire and require you to take upon you the high power, governance and sceptre of your native country and right inheritance, and the same to govern, rule and defend according to your approved wisdom and long experimented policy, whom we have ever known to be of that justice, of that prudence and of that integrity that you will not command, admonish or attempt any thing which shall not be just, honest and laudable: Which request if you well consider and diligently ponder privily with yourself, you shall easily perceive that nothing more profitable, more honest, or more glorious can by any ways happen or chance to you then to accept and conform yourself to the same. For what can you more desire & wish, then to command and do all things according to right reason and honesty? We offer not to you gold, silver, pearl or precious stone, but our country, our bodies, goods and us all to use as yours and not as ours, desiring you to give to us in recompense, indifferency quietness and peace, and to restore to her seat and throne again the lady justice which hath so long been banished out of our nation, to th'intent that wise, sage and good persons (whose desire and appetite is ever to live well) may honour, love & embrace you as a governor and king sent from God, and that malicious and obstinate persons (whose conscience is grudged with daily offences, and whom the fear of justice & punishment doth continually vex and trouble, fearing you as the scourge and plague of their naughty doings and mischievous acts) may either soon amend, or shortly avoid your country and region. Now occasion is offered, refuse it not, by the which your wisdom, policy and valiantness shall appear to the universal world, by the which you shall not only bring us into an unitre & monacord, but also repress all sedition and cankered dissimulation: then the noblemen shall triumph, the rich men shall live without fear, the poor and needy persons shall not be oppressed nor confounded, and you for your so doing, shall obtain thanks of your creator, love of your people, favour of your neighbours, fame and honour for ever. When the bishop had ended, the Duke paused awhile, and then put of his hood and said.  
My lord of Cauntourbury and you my other friends and lovers, your coming to us is very pleasant, 
The answer of henry duke of Lancaster 〈◊〉. E. Arundel B of Canterbury.  but more joyous is your message, for we of our own natural disposition for the good will & singular affection that you have ever borne to us, have loved, embraced and highly esteemed you and all your doings. Surely we would you knew with what sorrow and agony of mind we have borne your vexations, calamities and oppressions (as for the manifest injuries and obprobrious offences done and committed against us, as you know well enough, we wool not speak at this time) of the which we esteemed ourself a partner, as a thing common between us. For as it is hard that the head shall not feel when the hand or any other member is grieved of sick, so it is unlike that any displeasure or discommoditee should happen to you with which we should not taste in part, such agreement is among membres, & such community is among friends: Wherefore, neither for ambition of worldly honour, nor for desire of Empire or rule, or for affection of worldly riches and muck of the world, we wool agree to your petition, but only to relieve your miserable calamity, to restore justice to her ancient room and pre-eminence, & to defend the poor innocent people from the extort power of the greedy cormerantes & ravenous oppressors, requiring you to join with us & we with you in advauncing forward this our incepted purpose & pretenced entreprice.  
When the duke had condescended to the bishops request, the bishop and his complices departed into England, making relation to their confederates of the duke's agreement and pleasure, exhorting every man to be priest and ready at his arrival.  
After their departure, the duke feigned to the French king that he would go into Brytein to visit his friend duke John of Brytein: The French king thinking him to mean inwardly as he outwardly dissimuled, sent to the duke of Britain letters of commendation in favour of the duke of Lancaster. But if he had known that his intent was to trans●ret into England and depose his son in law King Richard, he would surely have stopped him a tide, and let his purpose and passage. What should I say? the which shallbe, shallbe. The duke passed into Britain and there conducted and waged certain men of war and ships, 
The aryving and landing of the Duke.  and with good wind & better speed sailed into England and landed at Ravenspurre in holdrenes as most writers affirm. But some say that he landed at Plymmoth, and other at Portesmouth, but where soever he arrived, sure it is that he took land peaceably with out any againsaie or interruption. I will not be tedious to you in rehearsing how the earls of Northumbrelande and Westmerlande, the lords Percy, Rose, Willoughby and other resorted to him, and taking an oath of him that he should not do to king Richard any bodily harm, made to him homage and became his liege men: I omyte how children rejoiced, how women clapped their hands, & how men cried out for joy in every town and village where he passed, I relinquish farther the concourse of people, the number of horses, which occurred to him as he journeyed toward London, rejoicing at his repair and coming to the City. I will not speak of the procession and singing of the Clergy, nor of the pleasant salutations nor eloquent oracio●s made to him by the Prelacy, nor of the presents, welcomynges, laudes, gratifications made to him by the citiesens and comminaltee of the city of London, but I will go to the purpose. When he was come to London he consulted with his friends divers days, to whom came Thomas Earl of Arundel son to Richard of Arundel, by king Richard a little afore put to death, which had lately escaped out of prison. When the Duke had perceived the favour of the Nobility, the affection of the Clergy and the sincere love of the comminalte toward him and his proceedings, he marched forward with a great company toward the West country, and in passing by the way, the people assembled in great and huge multitudes (as the nature of the common people is, ever desirous of new changes) calling him their king, depraving and railing on king Richard, as an innocent a dastard, a meicocke and not worthy to bear the name of a king. When he had assembled together a convenient number of people for his purpose and was clearly determined to depose king richard from his rule and dignity, he proclaimed open war against him and all his partakers fautors and friends. King Richard being in Ireland was certified of the Duke's arrival, from whence (when he had pacified the savage and wild people) he returned again into England, intending to resist and defend the eminent peril and apparent jeopardy, and for the more tuition and safeguard entered into the strong castle of Flint in North Wales ten miles distant from Chester. When king Richard perceived that the people by plumps fled from him to Duke Henry, he was amazed and doubted what council suddenly to take, for on the one part he saw his title just, true, and unfallible, and beside that he had no small trust in the Welshemen, his conscience to be clean pure immaculate without spot or envy: on the other side, he saw the puissance of his adversaries, the sudden departing of them that he most trusted, and all things turned upsydoune, with these things he being more abashed then encouraged, compelled by necessity, determined to keep himself in that castle till he might see the world stable and in more surety. For now he evidently espied and manifestly perceived that he was left, lowted and forsaken of them by whom in time he might have been aided and relieved, and which now was to late and to far overpassed: and this thing is worthy to be noted with a whitestone, of all prince's rulers and men set in authority and rule, that this Duke Henry of Lancastre should be thus called to the kingdom and have the help and assistance all most of all the whole realm, which perchance never thereof once thought or yet dreamt: and that king Richard should thus be left desolate voided and desperate of all hope and comfort, in whom if there were any offence, it aught more to be imputed to the frailtee of his wanton youth then to the malice of his heart or cankerdnesse of his stomach, but such is the frail judgement of mortal men which vilepending and not regarding things present before their eyes, do ever think all things that are to come to have a prosperous success and a delectable sequcie. When the Duke of Lancastre knew that king Richard was come to the castle of Flint, which a man may call the dolorous Castle, because there king Richard declined from his dignity and lost the type of his glory and pre-eminence, he assembled together a great army in small space jest he might give his enemy's time to prevent his purpose and so to loose the good occasion of victory to him given, came to the town of Bristol where he apprehended William lord Scrope the kings treasurer sir John bush and sir Henri Grene knights, and caused their heads to be stricken of, and from thence took his journey directly to Chester. When Thomas Percy Earl of Worceter and great Master or lord Stuard of the kings household being brother to the Earl of Northumberland hard tell of the duke's approach, bearing displeasure to the king because he had proclaimed his brother a traiter, broke before all the kings household his white staff, which is the ensign and token of his office and without delay went to duke Henry. When the kings familiar servitors perceived this, they dispersed themselves some into one country and some into another.  
❧ The Duke came toward the castle of Flint whereof king Richard being advertised by council of John Pallet and Richard Seimer his assured servants departed out of the castle and took the sands by the river of Dee trusting to escape to Chester and there to have refuge and succour, but or he had far passed he was forelayed and taken and brought to the Duke, which sent him secretly to the Tower of London. When the Duke had thus possessed his long desired pray, he came to London in solemn estate and there called a Parliament in the kings name, to the which many of the kings friends, but more of his there appeared. There was declared how unprofitable king Richard had been to the realm during his reign, how he subverted the laws, polled the people and ministered justice to no man but to such as pleased him. And to the intent that the commons should be persuaded that he was an unjust and unprofitable Prince and a tyrant over his subjects, and worthy to be deposed. There were set forth xxxv solemn articles very heinous to the ears of men, and to some almost uncredible: The very effect of which articles I will truly report hereafter according to my copy.  
¶ first that king Richard wastefully spent the treasure of the realm and had given the possessions of the Crown to men unworthy, by reason whereof daily new charges more and more were laid in the necks of the poor commonalty. And where diverse lords as well spiritual as temporal, were appointed by the high court of Parliament to common and treat of divers matters concerning the common wealth of the same, which being busy about the same commission, he with other of his affinity went about to impeach of treason, and by force and menace compelled the justices of the realm at Shrewsburie to condescend to his opinion, for the destruction of the said Lords: in so much that he began to raise war against John duke of Lancastre, Thomas earl of Arundel, Richard earl of Warwick, and other lords contrary to his honour and promise.  
¶ Item that he caused his uncle the Duke of Gloucester to be arrested without law, and sent him to Caleis, and there without judgement murdered him. And although the Earl of Arundel upon his arainement pleaded his charter of pardon, he could not be heard, but was in most vile and shameful manner suddenly put to death.  
¶ Item he assembled certain Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make war on the foresaid Lords, and suffered them to rob and pill without correction or reproof.  
¶ Item although the king flateringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the realm, that the lords before named were not attached for any crime of treason, but only for extortions and oppressions done in this realm, yet he laid to them in the parliament, rebellion and manifest treason.  
¶ Item he hath compelled divers of the said lords servants and friends by menace & extreme payments, to make great fines to their utter undoing. And notwithstanding his pardon to them granted yet he made them fine of new.  
¶ Item where divers were appointed to common of the estate of the realm, and the common wealth of the same. The same King caused all the rolls and records to be kept from them, contrary to his promise made in the parliament, to his open dishonour.  
¶ Item he uncharitably commanded that no man upon pain of loss of life and goods should once entreat him for the return of Henry now duke of Lancastre.  
¶ Item where this realm is holden of God, and not of the Pope or other prince, the said king Richard after he had obtained divers acts of parliament for his own peculiar profit and pleasure, than he obtained Bulls and extreme censures from Rome, to compel all men straightly to keep the same, contrary to the honour and ancient privileges of this realm.  
¶ Item although the duke of Lancastre had done his deuoir against Thomas duke of Norfolk in proof of his quarrel, yet the said King without reason or ground banished him the realm for ten years contrary to all equity.  
¶ Item before the duke's departure, he under his broad seal licensed him to make attourneiss to prosecute and defend his causes: The said king after his departure would suffer none attorney to apere for him but did with his at his pleasure.  
¶ Item the same king put out divers shrives' lawfully elected and put in their rooms, divers other of his own minions subverting the law contrary to his oath and honour.  
¶ Item he borrowed great sums of money, and bound him under his letters patents for the repayment of the same, & yet not one penny paid.  
¶ Iten he taxed men at the will of him & his unhappy council, & the same treasure spent in folly, not paying poor men for their victual & viand.  
¶ Item he said that the laws of the realm were in his head, and sometime in his breast, by reason of which fantastical opinion, he destroyed noble men and impoverished the poor commons.  
¶ Item the parliament setting and enacting divers notable statutes for the profit and advancement of the common wealth, he by his privy friends and solicitors caused to be enacted that no act then enacted should be more prejudicial to him than it was to any of his predecessors, through which Proviso he did often as he list and not as the law ment.  
¶ Iten for to serve his purpose he would suffer the Shrefes of the shire to remain above one year or two.  
¶ Item at the summons of the parliament when knights and burgesses should be elect that the election had been full proceeded, he put out divers persons elected, and put in other in their places to serve his will and appetite.  
¶ Item he had privy espials in every shire, to here who had of him any communication, and if he commoned of his lascivious living or outrageous doing, he straight ways was apprehended and made a grievous fine.  
¶ Item the spirituality alleged against him that he at his going into Ireland exacted many notable sums of money, beside plate & jewels, without law or custom, contrary to his oath taken at his coronation.  
¶ Item when divers lords and justices were sworn to say the truth of divers things to them committed in charge both for the honour of the realm and profit of the king, the said king so menaced them with sore threatenings, that no man would or durst say the right.  
¶ Item that with out the assent of the nobility, he carried the jewels and plate and treasure over the see into Ireland, to the great empoverishing of the realm. And all the good records for the common wealth and against his extortions, he caused privily to be embesiled and conveyed away.  
¶ Item in all leagues and letters to be concluded or sent to the see of Rome or other regions: His writing was so subtle and so dark, that no other prince durst once believe him, nor yet his own subjects.  
¶ Item he most tyrannously and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his subjects were in the prince's hands & at his disposition  
¶ Item that he contrary to the great Charter of England caused divers lusty men to appeal divers old men, upon matters determinable at the common law, in the court martial, because that in that court is no trial but only by battle: Whereupon the said aged persons fearing the sequel of the matter submitted themselves to his mercy whom he fined and ransomed unreasonably at his pleasure.  
¶ Item he craftily devised certain privy oaths contrary to the law, & caused divers of his subjects first to be sworn to observe the same and after bound them in bonds for former keeping of the same, to the great undoing of many honest men.  
¶ Item where the Chancellor according to the law would in no wise grant a prohibition to a certain person: the king granted in unto the same person under his privy seal with great threatenings if it should be disobeyed.  
¶ Item he banished the bishop of Canterbury without cause or judgement and kept him in the parliament chamber with men of Arms.  
¶ Item the bishop's goods he granted to his successor upon condition that he should maintain all his statutes made at Shrewsburie, Anno xxi and the statutes made. Anno xxii at Coventry.  
¶ Item upon the accusation of the Archbishop, the king craftily persuaded the said bishop to make no answer, for he would be his warrant, and advised him not to come to the parliament. And so without answer he was condemned and exiled, and his goods seized.  
These be the articles of any effect which were laid against him, saving four concerning the bishop of Caunterbury, which only touched him, but his working unwrought king Richard from his croune.  
AND for as much as these articles, and other hemous and detestable accusations were laid against him in the open parliament, it was thought by the most part that king Richard was worthy to be deposed of all honour, rule and Princely governance. And instruments authentic and solemn to depose, and other instruments were made to certain persons for them, and all homagers of the realm to resign to him all the homages and fealties dew to him as king & sovereign.  
But or this deposition was executed in time, he came to Westminster and called a great council of all the nobility and commons to the intent to conclude and make expedition of all things which before were purposed and set forward.  
❧ In the mean season diverse of king Richard's servants which by licence had access to his person, comforted, animated and encouraged him being for sorrow withered, broken and in manner half dead, advertising and exhorting him to regard his wealth and to save his life. And first they advised him willingly to suffer himself to be deposed both of his dignity, & deprived of his riches: so that the duke of Lancastre might without murdre or battle obtain the sceptre and Diadem, after the which they well perceived he gaped and thrusted by the mean whereof they thought be should be in per●●● assurance of his life long to continued, & therefore might commit himself to good hope, which is the best fellow & companion that a man in adversity can associate or join himself withal. Surely this council was both good and honest in so great an extremity, but yet the full effect followed not as the sequel of the thing showeth and apparantely declareth. What profit, what honour, what surety bade it been to king Richard, if he when he might, which professed the name and title of a king, which is as much to say, the ruler or keeper of people, had excogitate or remembered to have been a keeper of ●is own head and life, which now being forsaken, reject and abandoned of all such as he, being an evil shepherd or herdsman, before time did not ply, keep and diligently oversee was easily reduced and brought into the hands of his enemies. Now it was no mastery to persuade a man being desperate pensive and full of dolour, to abdicate himself from his empire and imperial pre-eminence: so that in only hope of his life and safeguard, he agreed to all things that of him were demanded, and desired his keepers to show and declare to the duke, that if he would vouchsafe to accord and come to him, he would declare secretly things to him both profitable and pleasant. His keepers sent word of all his sayings to the duke, which incontinent repaired to his chamber. There king Richard commoned with him of many things, and amongst all other affirmed those accusations to be to much true which the commonalty of the realm alleged against him: that is to say, that he had evil governed his dominion and kingdom, and therefore he desired to be disburdoned of so great a charge and so heavy a burden, beseeching the Duke to grant to him the safeguard of his life, and to have compassion of him, now as he before that time had been to him bountiful and magnificent.  
❧ The duke bidding him to be of good comfort and out of fear warranted him his life, so that he would resign to him his sceptre crown & dignity: also neither to procure nor consent to any thing or act which might be hurtful or prejudicial to his person or succession, to the which demands he granted and freely condescended and agreed.  
THE Duke of Lancastre the next day declared all king Richard's hole mind to the council, but especially to his uncle Edmund duke of York (whose help he much used) which hearing all things to be in a broil, a few days before was come to London. The nobles and commons were well pleased that king Richard should frankly and freely of his own mere motion, which they much desired (jest it should be noised and reported that he thereunto were enforced and by violence constrained) resign his crown and departed from his regalitee.  
Not long after he caused a great assemble to be appointed at the Tower of London, where king Richard apparelled in vesture and rob royal the diadem on his head, & the sceptre in his hand, came personally before the congregation and said these words in effect. I Richard king of England Duke of France, Aquitaine, and Lord of Ireland, confess and say before you my lords and other our subjects, that by the hole space of xxii year in the which I have obtained and possessed the rule and regiment of this famous realm of England, partly ruled and 〈◊〉 by the evil & sinister council of perverse & flattering persons: and partly led by the frailty of young wavering and wanton youth, and with delectation of worldly and voluptuous appetite, have omitted and not executed my royal office and bounden duty according as I ought to have done, in ministering justice and prefermente of the common wealth, which negligence I more than any of you as I think myself, do sore repent and bewail, and specially because I am brought to this point, that I knowledge and confess myself, not worthy longer to reign nor to have any farther rule. So that now I can nother amend my misdedees, nor correct my offences which surely I intended to do, and especially in my old age, in the which evil things be accustomed to be amended, and the faults and offences of youth, to be corrected and reform. For what young man commonly can befounde endued with so much virtue and so good qualities, which agitate & pricked with the heat of youth, shall not turn and decline from the right path and direct way, and yet when he cometh to the more ripeness of years and great gravity, doth not amend and change into be●ter his old errates and wanton acts, for experience teacheth, that of a rugged colt, cometh a good horse, and of a shrewd boy, proveth a good man. But scythe Fortune doth not permit and suffer me so to do, to th'intent that the public wealth of this realm may be helped and advanced by my mean, and after this not like again to decline and decay. And to the intent that it shall be leeful to you, to elect and choose my cousin german, Henry duke of Lancastre, a man meet for a realm, and a prince apt for a kingdom, to your king and sovereign lord. I of my own mere motion and free-will, do put and depose myself out of all royal dignity, pre-eminence and sofferaignitee, and resign the possession, title and use of this realm, with all rights there unto apperteiging, into his hands and possession. And then with a lamentable voice and a sorrowful countenance, delivered his sceptre and crown to the duke of Lancastre, requiring every person severally by their names, to grant and assent that he might live a private and a solitary life, with the sweetness whereof, he would be so well pleased, that it should be a pain and punishment to him to go abroad, and delivered all the goods that he had, to the some of three hundred thousand pound in coin, beside plate and jewels, as a pledge and satisfaction, for the injuries and wrongs by him committed and done. But what soever was promised, he was deceived For shortly after his resignation he was conveyed to the castle of Ledes in Kent, & from thence to Poumffret where he departed out of this miserable life, as you shall hear hereafter.   


The first year of ¶ The unquiet time of King Henry the fourth.  
_●HEN the fame was dispersed abroad that King Rycharde had put himself from his dignity royal, 
The i year.  and resigned his sceptre and diadem imperial, Henry Plantagenet borne at Bolyngbroke in the County of Lyncolne, duke of Lancastre and Herfford earl of Derby, Leicester and Lyncolne son to John of Gaunt duke of Lancastre, with one voice both of the nobles and commons, was published, proclaimed & declared king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, and on the day of saint Edward the confessor, was at Westminster with great solemnity and royal pomp, sacred, anointed and crowned king by the name of king Henry the fourth. But who so ever rejoiced at this coronation, or whosoever delighted at his high promotion, sure it is that Edmond Mortimer earl of March which was heir to Lionel duke of Clarence, the third begotten son of king Edward the third as you before have heard, and Richard earl of Cambrige the son to Edmond duke of York, which had married Anne sister to the same Edmonde, were with these doings neither pleased nor content. In so much that now the division once being begun, the one lineage persecuted the other, and never ceased till the heirs males of both the lines were by battle murdered or by sedition clearly extinct and destroyed.  
At the day of the coronation, to th'intent that he should not seem to take upon him the crown and sceptre royal without title or lawful claim but by extort power and injurious intrusion, he was advised to make his title as heir to Edmonde, surnamed or untruly feigned Crouchebacke, son to king Henry the third, and to say that the said Edmond was elder brother to king Edward the first, and for his deformity repudiat and put by from the crown royal to whom by his mother Blanch daughter and sole heir to Henry duke of Lancastre, he was next of blood and undoubtful heir. But because not only his friends but also his privy enemies knew, that was but a title and that this title was by inventors of mischief feigned, imagened & published and were surely informed not only that the said Edmond was younger son to king Henry the third according as it is declared in the act of Parliament before recited. Also having true knowledge that Edmond was neither Crokebacked nor a deformed person, but a goodly gentle man and a valiant captain, and somuch favoured of his loving father, that he to prefer him to the marriage of the Queen dowager of Naverne having a great livelihood, gave to him the county palantyne of Lancastre with many notable honours, high signiories and large privileges. Therefore they advised him to make some other claim to the new obtained regiment, and so caused it to be proclaimed and published that he challenged the realm not only by conquest, but also be cause he was by king Richard adopted as heir, & declared successor & of him by resignation had accepted the crown and sceptre, & also that he was the next heir male of the blood royal to king Richard.  
After that he was crowned, he created his eldest son lord Henry, Prince of Wales, duke of Cornwall, and earl of Chester, then being of the age of twelve years. This solicit finished, he called his high court of parliament, in the which it was demanded by the kings friends what should be done with king Richard. The bishop of Carleile which was a man both well learned & well stomached rose up and said. My lords I require you take heed what answer you make to this question. For I think there is none of you worthy or meet to give judgement on so noble a Prince as king Richard is, whom we have taken for our sovereign and liege lord by the space of xxij years, and I assure you, there is not so rank a traitor, nor so arrant a thief, nor so cruel a murderer, which is apprehended and deteigned in prison for his offence, but he shall be brought before the justice to hear his judgement, and yet you will proceed to the judgement of an anointed king, and here nother his answer nor excuse. And I say that the duke of Lancastre whom you call king, hath more offended & more trespassed to king Richard and this realm, than the king hath other done to him or to us. For it is manifesty known that the duke was banished the realm by king Richard and his counsel, and by the judgement of his own father, for the space of ten years, for what cause all you know, and yet without licence of King Richard he is returned again into the realm, ye and that is worse, hath taken upon him the name, title and prehemiennce of a king. And therefore I say and affirm that you do apparently wrong, and manifest injury to proceed in any thing against king Richard, without calling him openly to his answer and defence. When the bishop had ended, he was incontinent by th'earl Marshal attached & committed to ward in the Abbey of. S. Alban's.  
❧ And than it was concluded, that king Richard should continue in a large prison, and should be plentifully served of all things necessary both for viand and apparel, and that if any persons would presume to rear war or congregate a multitude to relieve or deliver him out of prison, that then he should be the first that should die for that seditious commotion. In this Parliament the Lord Fitzwater appealed the duke of Aumarle of high treason, and offered to fight with him in lists royal. Likewise the lord Morley appealed th'earl of Salisbury, and there were more than twenty appellantes which waged battle in this parliament. But the king pardoned all their offences saving the faults of the lord Morley and th'earl of Salisbury, whom he committed to ward, and after at the request of their friends, their offences were remitted & they delivered. He punished also extremely all such as were privy and doers of the homicide of Thomas his uncle late duke of Gloucester, which was shamefully murdered before in the town of Caleis. Besides this, he avansed his friends, and called out of exile Richard earl of Warwick, and restored the earl of Arundelles son to his own possession and dignity, and many other. He took into his special favour John Holland duke of Exeter and earl of Huntyngdone half brother to king Richard, which had espoused the lady Elizabeth his own sister. And being before captain of Caleis, greatly moved and inwardly grieved that King Richard his brother was amoved out of the seat royal, began to raise and stir up new motions and fedicious factions within the realm. Wherefore to avoid such pestiterus dangers, the new king reconciled him to his favour, and made him as he surely conjectured his perfit friend, where in deed he was inwardly his deadly enemy. In this parliament were annihilate all the acts pa●ed in the parliament holden by king Richard in the xxj year of his reign, which was called the evil parliament for the nobility, the worse for the menaltie, but worst of all for the commonaltee. For in that parliament, will ruled for reason, men alive were condemned without examination, men dead and put to execution by privy murder were adjudged openly to die, the high prelate of the realm without answer was banished: An earl arraigned could not be suffered to plead his pardon, and consequently one counsellor did all thing, and all counsellors did nothing, affirming the saying of Esope, which hearing his fellow to say that he could do all things, said he could do nothing. When he had thus reconciled his nobility, and got the favour of the spiritualty and wonderfully pleased the comonaltee, but not so much pleasing them, as the possessing of the crown pleased himself and his friends, he of them and by the favour of them both, for the avoidance of all claims, titles and ambiguitees to be made unto the crown and diadem of the realm had his dignity line and succession enacted, confirmed and entailed by the assent of the high court of Parliament as followeth word by word.  
At the request and petition aswell of the nobility as of the commons in this parliament assembled, it is ordaigned and established that the inheritance of the crowns and realms of England and of France, and of all other lordships to the king our sovereign lord, aswell on this side the seas as beyond apperteigning with their appurtenances, shall be united and remain in the person of our sovereign lord the king, and in the heirs of his body lawfully begotten. And especially at the request and assent aforesaid, it is ordained, established, pronounced, enacted, written and declared, that my lord Prince, Henry eldest son to our sovereign lord the king, shall be heir apparante and successor to our said sovereign lord in the said crown, realms & signiories, to have & enjoy them with all their appurtenances after the disease of our said sovereign to him and the heirs of his body begotten. And if he die without heirs of his body begotten, that then the said crowns, realms and signiories with their appurtenances shall remain to the lord Thomas, second son to our said sovereign lord and to the heirs of his body begotten, and if he depart without issue of his body begotten, all the premises to remaigne to lord John his third son and to the heirs of his body begotten. And if he die without issue, than the crowns, realms, & signiories aforsaied with their appurtenances shall remain to the lord Humphrey the four son to our said sovereign lord, and to the heirs of his body lawfully begotten.  
After which act passed, he thought never to be by any of his subjects molested or troubled. But O Lord, what is the mutabilitee of fortune? O God what is the change of worldly safety? O Christ what stableness consisteth in man's provision? Or what farm surety hath a prince in his throne and degree? Considering this king having the possession of the crown and realm, and that in open parliament, agreed to by the princes, condescended to by the Clerks, ratified by the commons, and enacted by the three estates of the realm, was when he thought himself surely mortised in a farm rock & immovable foundation, suddenly with a trimbeling quickesande & unsteadfast ground like to have sonken or been overthrown. For diverse lords which were king Richard's friends, outwardly dissimuled that which they inwardly conspired and determined, to confound this king Henry to whom they had both sworn allegiance and done homage, and to erect again and set up their old lord and friend king Richard the second.  
In this case there lacked only an orgaine and conveyance both how secretly to search and know the minds of the nobility, as all so to bring them to an assemble and counsel, where they might consult and comen together, how to bring to efficacity and effect, their long desired purpose and secret enterprise. See how the devil is as ready to set forth mischief, as the good angel is to advance virtue. At this time was an Abbot in Westminster, a man of apparent virtues, professing openly Christ, christian charity, and due subjection and obeisance to his prince: which Abbot hearing king Henry once say when he was but earl of Derby and of no mature age or grown gravity, that princes had to little, and religeons had to much, imagined in himself that he now obtaining the crown of the realm, if he were therein a long continuer, would remove the great beam that then grieved his eyes and pricked his conscience. For you must understand that these monastical persons, learned and unliterate, better fed then taught, took on them to writ & register in the book of fame, the noble acts, the wise doings, and politic governances of kings and princes, in which cronographie, if a king gave to them possessions or granted them liberties or exalted them to honour & worldly dignity, he was called a saint he was praised without any desert above the Moon, his geanelogie was written, and not one jot that might exalt his fame, was either for gotten or omitted. But if a christian prince had touched their liberties or claimed any part justly of their possessions, or would have intermitted in their holy francheses, or desired aid of them against his and their common enemies. Then tongues talked and pens wrote, that he was a tyrant, a depresser of holy religion, an enemy to Christ's Church and his holy flock, and a damned and accursed person with Dathan and Abiron to the deep pit of hell. Whereof the proverb begun, give and be blessed, take away and be accursed. Thus the fear of losing their possessions, made them pay yearly annates to the Romish bishop: thus the fear of correction and honest restraint of liberty, made them from their ordinaries, yea almost from obedience of their princes to sue dispensations, exemptions and Immunitees.  
THIS Abbot that I spoke of which could not well forget the saying of king Henry, and being before in great favour and high estimation with king Richard called to his house on a day in the term season all such lords & other persons which he either knew or thought to be as affectionate to king Richard, and envious to the estate and advancement of king Henry, whose names were, John Holland duke of Exeter and earl of Huntyngdon, Thomas Holland duke of Surrey and earl of Kent, Edward duke of Aumarle and earl of Rutland son to the duke of York, John Montagew earl of Salisbury, Hugh Spenser earl of Gloucester, John the bishop of Carleill, sir Thomas Blount and Magdalen one of king Richard's chapel, a man as like to him in stature and proportion in all lineaments of his body, as unlike in birth dignity or conditions. This Abbot highly feasted these great lords and his special friends, and when they had well dined, they all withdrew themselves into a secret chamber and sat down to counsel, when they were set, John Holland duke of Exeter whose rage of reven ging the injury done to king Richard was nothing mitigate nor mollified, but rather increased and blossomed, declared to them their allegiance promised, and by oath confirmed to king Richard his brother, forgetting not the high promotions and notable dignities which he and all other there present had obtained by the high favour and munificent liberality of his said brother, by the which they were not only by oath and allegiance bound, and also by kindness and urbanitee incensed & moved to take part with him and his friends, but also bound to be revenged for him and his cause, on his mortal enemies and deadly foes, in which doing he thought policy more meeter to be used then force, and some witty practice rather to be experimented then manifest hostilitee or open war. And for the expedition of this enterprise he devised a solemn jousts to be enterprised between him and twenty on his part, and the earl of Salisbury and twenty on his part at Oxford: to the which triumph, King Henry should be invited and desired, and when he were most busily regarding the martial play and warly disport, he suddenly should be slain and destroyed. And by this means king Richard which was yet a live, should be restored to his liberty and repossessed of his crown and kingdom, and appointed farther who should assemble the people, the numbered and persons, which should accomplish and perform this invented assay and policy.  
THIS devise so much pleased the seditious congregation, that they not only made an indenture sextipartite sealed with their seals and signed with their hands in the which each bound himself to other to endeavour theim selfes both for the destruction of King Henry and the creation of king Richard, but also swore on the holy Evangelists the one to be true and secret to the other, even to the hour and point of death. When all things were thus appointed and concluded the Duke of Exeter came to the king to Windsor, requiring him for the love that he bore to the noble acts of chivalry, that he would vouchsafe not only to repair to Oxford to see and behold their man lie feats, and warlike pastime: but also to be the discoverer and indifferent judge (if any ambiguity should arise) of their couragions acts and royal triumph. The king seeing himself so effectuously desired, and that of his brother in law, and nothing less imagining than that which was pretended, gently granted and friendly condescended to his request. Which thing obtained, all the lords of this conspiracy departed to their houses (as theinoised) to set armourers on work for trimming of their harness against the solemn jousts. Some had the helm the visere the two baviers & the two plackardes of the same curiously graven and cunningly costed: Some had their collars fretted and other had them set with guilt bullions, one company had the plackard, the rest, the port the burley, the tasses, the lamboys, the backpece the tapull, and the border of the cuirass all guilt: And another band had them all enamelled Azure. One sort had the vambrases the pacegardes the grandgardes the poldrens, the pollettes, parted with gold and azure: And another flock had them silver and sable: Some had the mainferres, the close gantlettes, the guissettes the flancardes droped & gutted with read, and other had than spekeled with green: one sort had the quishes, the griefs, the surlettes, the sockettes on the right side and on the left side silver. Some had the spear, the burr, the cronet all yellow, and other had them of divers colours. One band had the scafferon the cranet, the bard of the horse all white, and other had them all guilt. Some had their arming swords freshly burnyshed and some had them cunningly varnished. Some spurs were white, some gilt, and some coal black. One part had their Plumes all white, another had them all red, and the third had them of several colours. One ware on his headpece his Lady's sleeve, and another bore on his helm the glove of his darling: But to declare the costly Bases, the rich bards the pleasant trappers both of goldsmiths' work and embrawdery, no less sumptuously then curiously wrought, it would ask a long time to declare, for every man after his appetite devised his fantasy verifying the old Proverb, so many heads, so many wits.  
The duke of Exeter came to his house & raised men on every side and prepared horse and harness, meet and apt for his compassed purpose. When the Duchess his wife which was sister to king Henry perceived this, she no less trouble conjectured to be prepared against her brother then was in deed eminent & at hand, wherefore she wept & made great lamentation. When the duke perceived her dolour, he said, what Bess, how chanceth this, when my brother king Richard was deposed of his dignity, and committed to hard and sharp prison which had been king and ruled this realm nobly by the space of xxii years and your brother was exalted to the throne and dignity imperial of the same, than my heart was heavy, my life stood in jeopardy and my comb was clearly cut, but you then rejoiced laughed and triumphed, wherefore I pray you be content that I may aswell rejoice and have pleasure at the delivering and restoring of my brother justly to his dignity, as you were jocund and pleasant when your brother unjustly and untruely deprived and disseazed my brother of the same. For of this I am sure, that if my brother prosper, you and I shall not fall nor decline: but if your brother continued in his estate and magnificence I doubt not your decay nor ruin, but I suspect the loss of my life, beside the forfeiture of my lands and goods. When he had said, he kissed his Lady which was sorrowful and pensive, and he departed toward Oxford with a great company both of Archers and horsemen, and when he came there, he found ready all his mates and confederates well appointed for their purpose, except the Duke of Aumerle earl of Rutland, for whom they sent messengers in great haste. This duke of Aumerle went before from Westminster to see his father the duke of York, and sitting at dinner had his counterpane of the endenture of the confederacy whereof I spoke before in his bosom.  
The father espied it and demanded what it was, his son lowly and benignly answered that it might not be seen, and that it touched not him. By saint George quoth the father I will see it, and so by force took it out of his bosom, when he perceived the content and the six signs and seals set and fixed to the same, whereof the seal of his son was one, he suddenly rose from the table, commanding his horses to be sadeled, and in a great fury said to his son, thou traitor these, thou hast been a traitor to king Richard, and wilt thou now be false to thy cozen king Henry? thou knowest well enough that I am thy pledge borrow and mayneperner, body for body, and land for goods in open parliament, and goest thou about to sekemy death and destruction? by the holy road I had leaver see the strangled on a gibbet. And so the duke of York mounted on horseback to ride toward Windsor to the king and to declare the hole effect of his son and his adherentes & partakers. The duke of Aumerle seeing in what case he stood took his horse and road another way to Windsor, riding in post thither (which his father being an old man could not do.) And when he was alighted at the castle gate, he caused the gates to be shut, saying that he must needs deliver the keys to the king. When he came before the kings presence he kneeled down on his knees, beseeching him of mercy and forgiveness: The king demanded the cause: then he declared to him plainly the hole confederacy and entire conjuration in manner and form as you have hard: Well said the king, if this be true we pardon you, if it be feigned at your extreme peril be it. While the king and the duke talked together, the duke of York knocked at the castle gate, whom the king caused to be let in, and there he delivered the endenture which before was taken from his son, into the kings hands. Which writing when he had red, and seen, perceiving the signs and seals of the confederates, he changed his former purpose. For the day before he hearing say that the challengers were all ready and that the defenders were come to do their deuoir, purposed to have departed toward the triumph the next day, but by his prudent and forecasting council, somewhat stayed till he might see the air clear and no dark cloud near to the place where the lists were. And now being advertised of the truth and verity, how his destruction and death was compassed, was not a lictell vexed, but with a great and meruclous agony perturbed and unquieted, and therefore determined there to make his abode not having time to look and gaze on justes and tourneys, but to take heed how to keep and conserve his life and dignity, and in that place tarried till he knew what way his enemies would set forward. And shortly wrote to the Earl of Northumberland his high Constable, and to the earl of Westmoreland his high Marshal, and to other his assured friends of all the doubtful danger and perilous jeopardy. The coniuratoures perceiving by the lack of the duke of Aumerles coming, and also seeing no preparation made there for the kings coming, imagined with themselves that their enterprise was intimate and published to the king: Wherefore that thing which they attempted privily to do, now openly with spear & shield they determined with all diligent celerity to set forth and advance. And so they adorned Magdaleve, a man resembling much king Richard in royal and princely vesture, calling him king Richard, affirming that he by favour of his keepers was delivered out of prison and set at liberty, and they followed in a quadrat array to the intent to destroy king Henry as the most pernicious & venemus enemy to them and his own natural country. While the confederates with this new published Idol accompanied with a puissant army of men, took the direct way and passage toward Windsor: King Henry being admonished of their approaching, with a few horse in the night, came to the Tower of London about xii of the clock, where he in the morning caused the More of the city to apparel in armure the best and most courageous persons of the city: which brought to him iii M. archers and iii M. bill men, beside them that were deputed to defend the city,  
The Lords of the confederacy entered the castle of Windsor, where they finding not their pray, determined with all speed to pass forth to London: But in the way, changing their purpose they returned to the town of Colbroke and there tarried. These Lords had much people following them, what for fear and what for entreaty surely believing that king Richard was there present and in company. King Henry issued out of London with twenty M. men and came to Hounsloe Heath, where he pitched his camp, abiding the coming of his enemies: but when they were advertised of the kings puissance, or else amazed with fear, or forthinking and repenting their begun business, or mistrusting their own company and fellows, departed from thence to Barkamstede and so to Aucester, and there the Lords took their lodging: The duke of Surrey earl of Kent and the earl of Salisbury in one in, and the duke of Exeter and the earl of Gloucester in another, and all the host lay in the fields. The Bailie of the town with four score archers set on the house where the duke of Surrey and other lay: the house was mannely assaulted and strongly defended a great space: The Duke of Exeter being in another inn with the earl of Gloucester set fire on divers houses in the town, thinking that the assailants would leave the assault and rescue their goods, which thing they nothing regarded. The host lying without hearing noiseand seeing fire in the town, believing that the king was come thither with his puissance, fled without measure to save themselves. The duke of Exeter and his company seeing the force of the towns men more & more increase, fled out of the backside intending to repair to the army, which they found dispersed and retired. Then the duke seeing no hope of comfort, fled into Essex, and the earl of Gloucester going toward Wales was taken and beheaded at Bristol. Magdalent flying into Scotland was apprehended and brought to the Tower. The lords which fought still in the town of Chichester were wounded to death and taken and their heads stricken of and sent to London: and there were taken sir Bennet Shelley or cell, and sir barnard Brokas and xxix other Lords Knights and esquires & sent to Oxford, where the king than sojourned, where sir Thomas Blonte and all the other prisoners were executed. When the Duke of Exeter hard that his complices were taken, and his counsellors apprehended, and his friends and allies put in execution, he lamented his own chance, and bewepte the misfortune of his friends, but most of all bewailed the fatal end of his brother king Richard, whose death he saw as in a mirror by his unhappy sedition and malicious attempt to approach, and so wandering lurking and hiding himself in privy places, was attached in Essex, and in the lordship of Plasshey a town of the Duchess of Gloucester and there made shorter by the head, and in that place especially because that he in the same Lordship seduced & falsely betrayed Thomas duke of Gloucester, and was the very inward author and open dissimuler of his death and destruction. So the common Proverb was verified, as you have done, so shall you feel. O Lord I would wish that this example, of many highly promoted to rule, might be had in memory, the which meet and measure their own iniquity and ill doings, with force authority and power, to the intent that they by these examples should avert their minds from ill doings, and such ungodly and execrable offences. After this Magdalein that represented the person of king Richard amongst the rebels, and diverse other were put in execution, and all the heads of the chief conspirators set on poles on London bridge, to the fear of other which were disposed to commit like offence. The Abbot of Westminster in whose house this traitorous confederacy was conspired, hearing that the chefetains of his fellowship, were espied, taken and executed, going between his monastery and mansion, for thought fell in a sudden palsy, and shortly after without any speech ended his life: after whom the Bishop of Carlisle more for fear then sickness, rendered his spirit to God, as one rather desiring to die by deaths dart, then temporal sword. But now was come the time when all the confederates and compaignions' of this unhappy sedition, had tasted according to their deserts, the painful penance of their pleasant pastime, or rather pestiferus obstinacy, that an innocent with a nocent, a man unguilty with a guilty, was pondered in an equal balance. For poor king Richard ignorant of all this conjuration kept in miserable captivity, knowing nothing but that he saw in his chamber, was by king Henry adjudged to die, because that he being singed and tickled with the last crafty policy of his enemies, would deliver himself out of all inward fear and discord, and clean put away the very ground whereof such fruits of displeasure might by any way be attempted against him, so that no man hereafter should either feign or resemble to represent the person of king Richard: wherefore some say he commanded, other talk that he condescended, many writ that he knew not till it was done, and then it confirmed. But how so ever it was, king Richard died of a violent death, without any infection or natural disease of the body. The common fame is that he was every day served at the table with costly meat like a king, to the intent that no creature should suspect any thing done contrary to the order taken in the parliament, and when the meat was set before him, he was forbidden that he should not once touch it, ye not to smell to it, and so died of famine: which kind of death is the most miserable, most unnatural, ye and most detestable that can be, for it is ten times more painful than death (which of all extremities is the most terrible) to die for thirst standing in the river, or starve for hunger, beset with twenty dainty dishes. One writer which seemed to have much knowledge of king Rychardes' affairs, saith that king Henry sitting at his table sore sighing said, have I no faithful friend which will deliver me of him whose life will be my death, and whose death will be the preservation of my life. This saying was much noted of them which were present and especially of one called sir Piers of Exton. This knight incontinently departed from the court with eight strong persons and came to Pomfret, commanding that the esquire which was accustomed to sew and take the assay before king Richard, should no more use that manner of service, saying, let him eat well now, for he shall not long eat. King Richard sat down to dinner and was served without courtesy or assay, he much marveling at the sudden mutation of the thing, demanded of the Esquire why he did not his duty? sir said he, I am otherwise commanded by sir Pyers of Exton, which is newly come from king Henry. When he heard that word, he took the carving knife in his hand and struck the esquire on the head saying, the devil take Henry of Lancastre and the together: and with that word sir Piers entered into the chamber well armed with viii tall men in harness, every man having a bill in his hand. King Richard perceiving them armed, knew well that they came to his confusion, and putting the table from him, valiantly took the bill out of the first man's hand, and manly defended himself, and slew four of them in a short space. Sir Piers benig somewhat dismayed with his resisting, leapt into the chair where king Richard was wont to sit, while the other four persons assailed and chased him about the chamber, which being unarmed defended him against his enemies being armed, (which was a valiant act) but in conclusion chasing and traversing from the one side to the other, he came by the chair where sir Piers stood, which with a struck of his Pole-axe felled him to the ground, and then shortly he was rid out of the world, without either confession or receipt of sacrament. When this knight perceived that he was dead, he sobbed, wept, and rend his hear crying, O Lord, what have we done, we have murdered him whom by the space of xxii years we have obeyed as king, and honoured as our sovereign lord, now all noble men will abhor us, all honest persons will disdain us, and all poor people will rail and cry out upon us, so that during our natural lives, we shallbe poincted with the finger, and our posterity shall be reproved as children of Homecides, ye of Regicides & prince quellers. Thus have I declared to you the diversities of opinions concerning the death of this infortunate prince, remitting to your judgement which you think most true, but the very truth is that he died of a violent death, and not by the dart of natural infirmity.  
When Atropos had cut the line of his life, his body was embalmed and seared and covered with lead all save his face (to the intent that all men might perceive that he was departed out of this mortal life) and was conveyed to London, where in the cathedral church of saint Paul he had a solemn obsequy, and from thence conveyed to Langley in Buckyngham shire, where he was interred, and after by king Henry the .v. removed to Westminster, and there entombed honourably with queen Anne his wife, although the Scots untruly writ that he escaped out of prison, and led a virtuous and solitary life in Scotland, and there died and is buried in the black Friars at Sterling. What trust is in this world, what surety man hath of his life, & what constancy is in the mutable commonalty, all men may apparently perceive by the ruin of this noble prince, which being an undubitate king, crowned and anointed by the spirituality, honoured and exalted by the nobility, obeyed and worshipped of the common people, was suddenly deceived by them which he most trusted, betrayed by them whom he had preferred, & slain by them whom he had brought up and nourished: so that all men may perceive and see, that fortune weigheth princes and poor men all in one balance.  
WHEN news of king Richard's deposing were reported into France, king Charles and all his court wondered, detested & abhorred suchean injury to be done to an anointed king, to a crowned prince, & to the head of a realm: but in especial Waleram earl of scent Paul which had married king Richard's half sister, moved with high disdain against king Henry, ceased not to stir and provoke the French king and his counsel to make sharp war in England, to revenge the injury and dishonour committed and done to his son in law king Richard, & he himself sent letters of defiance to England. Which thing was son agreed to, and an army royal appointed with all speed, to invade England. But the French king so stomached this high dispel sure, & so inwardly conceived this infortunate chance in his mind, that he fell into his old diseace of the frenisy, that he had need according to the old proverb, to sail into the Isle of 
* Anticyra is an Isle in Asia, wherein groweth an Herb that purgeth Melancholy, & thereof can the proverb, go sail to Anticira, as who saith, go purol your Melancholy.  Anticyra, to purge his melancholy humour, but by the means of his physicians, he was somewhat relieved & brought to knowledge of himself. This army was come down into Picardy, ready to be transported into England, but when it was certainly certified that king Richard was dead, & that their enterprise of his deliverance was frustrate & void, th'army scattered & departed asunder.  
BUT when the certainty of king Richard's death was declared to the Aquitaynes and Gascons, the most part of the wisest men of the country, fell into a great bodily fear, and into a deadly dread. For some lamenting the instabilitee of the English people, judged them to be spotted with perpetual infamy, and brought to dishonour & loss of their ancient fame and glory, for committing so heinous a crime and detestable an offence against their king & sovereign lord. The memory whereof, they thought would never be buried or extincted. Other feared the loss of their goods and liberties, because they imagined that by this civil dissension and intestine division, the realm of England should so be vexed and troubled, that their country (if the frenchmen should invade it) should be destitute and left void of all aid and succour of the English nation. But the citizens of Bordeaux took this matter very sore at the stomach, because king Richard was borne and brought up in their city, lamenting and crying out, that sith the beginning of the world, there was never a more detestable, a more villainous nor a more heinous act committed: which being sad with sorrow and inflamed with malencolie, said that untrue, unnatural and unmerciful people had betrayed and slain, contrary to all law and justice and honesty, a good man, a just prince and politic governor. Beseeching God devoutly on their knees, to be the revenger and punisher of that detestable offence and notorious crime.  
WHEN the Frenchmen (which have eyes of the waking serpent, perceived the dolour and agony that the Aquitaynes and Gascons were in for the death of their prince, duke and countrymanne, they rejoiced and applauded in marvelous manners, thinking with theimselfes that (the Gascons now abhorring and detesting the English men more than a Dog or an Adder) they very easily might obtain the whole country and douchie of Aquitaine, with the members and territories there to apperteigning, if they would either by entreaty or by invasion move the people being now amazed and comfortless, as sheep without a shepherd, or beasts without an herdman. Wherefore in great haste and slow speed, Lewes' duke of Bourbon was sent to Angiers, & wrote to diverse cities and towns on the confines of Aquitain and Gascon, exhorting them with large promises and flattering words, to revolt and turn from the English subjection, and become vassals to the crown of France. But all his glozing words served little, and all his fair promises profited much less. For the people knew that the English yoke was but a feather, & the yoke of France, was more ponderus than lead, seeing daily how the French men vexed and molested there miserable people with extreme exactions and intolerable talleges, rasing their skin to the very bone, and their purses to the very bottom wherefore they determined rather to abide in their old subjection and obedience, then for a displeasure irrecurable to adventure themselves on a new chance and a doubtful apparel.  
KING Henry being advertised of all the French attempts and covert conveyances, sent the lord Thomas Percy earl of Worceter with a goodly crew of soldiers into Aquitain, to aid and assist sir Robert Knolles his levetenante there, and to persuade and exhort the people to continue in their ancient liberty and dew obeisance. The earl arrived there, and so wisely entreated the noble men, so gravously persuaded the magistrates of the cities and towns, and so gently and familiarly used and tracted the vulgar people, that he not only appeased their fury and malice, but brought them to a loving and uniform obeisance, receiving of them oaths of obedience and loyal fealty, which done he returned again into England with great thanks. When king Charles of France perceived that his purpose and attempt was frustrate and came to no good conclusion in Aquitaine and that king Richard being dead, his enterprise into England was of no value and of small purpose, he determined with himself to invent some way how to have the Lady Isabella his daughter, sometime espoused to king Richard restored to him again: and for that purpose sent a solemn ambassade into England to king Henry, which gently received them, and gave in answer that he would sand his commissioners shortly to Caleis, which should farther common and conclude with them, not only that request, but divers other matters of great effect and efficacy. And shortly after their departing he sent Edward duke of York, before called duke of Aumerle, which succeeded in the said duchy his father Edmond duke of York, a little before deceased and Henry earl of Northumberland into the countrei of Guisnes. The commissioners assembled at divers places at sundry times. The duke of Borbon above all things required in the name of the French king his master, to have queen Isabella to him delivered. The Englishmen that to do continually did deny, requiring to have her married to Henry Prince of Wales, a man both in blood and age to her in all things equal. But the French king that marriage utterly refused, saying he would never join affinity after with the English nation, because that the alliance had so unfortunate success.  
Then they began to entreat a continual peace, which request the frenchmen refused, and in conclusion their agreed that the truce which was taken between them and king Richard, for the term of xxx years, was renovate and confirmed. Some authors affirm that there was a new league concluded and confirmed between both the realms during the lives of both the princes, which seemeth to have a certain colour of verity. For the king sent shortly after the foresaid Lady Isabella under the conduct of the Lord Thomas Percy earl of Worceter, associate with many noble and honourable personages, as well of women, as men, having with her all the jewels ornaments & plate (with a great surplusage given to her by the king which she brought into England) was sent in solemn estate to Caleis, and there delivered to Waleran earl of saint Paul Lieutenant for the French king in Picardy, and so conveyed to her father, which gave her in marriage to Charles son to Lewes duke of orleans. The Frenchmen often times required king Henry to assign to her a dower, but all was in vain, for the Englishmen answered that the matrimony was never consummate, by reason whereof she was not dowable, by the very treaty of the marriage concluded, and so this matter seized, and was no more moved. As the old proverb saith, after wind cometh rain, & after one evil commonly ensueth another, so during the time that king Henry was vexed and unquieted, both within the realm & without.  
OWEN Glendor a squire of Wales, perceiving the realm to be unquieted, and the king not yet to be placed in a lure and unmovable seat, intending to usurp and take upon him the principality of Wales, and the name and pre-eminence of the same, what with fair flattering words and with large promises, so enuegled enticed and alured the wild and undiscrite Welshmen, that they took him as their prince and made to him an oath of aliegeance and subjection. By whose supportation, he being elated and set up in authority, to the intent to be out of all doubt of his neighbours, made sharp war on Reignolde lord Grey of Rithen and took him prisoner, promising him liberty and discharging his ransom, if he would espouse and marry his daughter, thinking by that affinity, to have great aid and much power in Wales. The lord Grey being not very rich neither of substance nor of friends, considering this offer to be the only way of his releffe and deliverance, assented to his pleasure and married the damosel. But this false father in law, this untrue, unhonest and perjured person, kept him with his wife still in captivity till he died. And not content with this heinous offence, made war on lord Edmond Mortimer earl of March, and in his own lordship of Wigmore, where in a conflict he slew many of th'earls men and took him prisoner, and feet ring him in chains, cast him in a deep and miserable dungeon. The king was required to purchase his deliverance by diverse of the nobility, but he could not hear on that side, rather he would and wished all his lineage in heaven. For than his title had been out of all doubt & question, and so upon this cause as you hear, after ensued great sedition.  
THUS Owen Glendor glorifying himself in these two victories, invaded the Marches of Wales on the West side of Severne, rob villages, brent towns, and slew the people, and laden with preys and bloody ●andes returned again into Wales, never desisting to do evil till the next year, that the king raised a great army and puissance to resist and defend his malicious attempts and seditious invasions, as after shall be declared. It was not sufficient in this first year of king Henry, this realm to be troubled with domestical sedition, vexed with the crafty practices and inventions of the French men, and invaded and infested with the frantic wavering Welshmen, but also fortune having envy at the glory and fortunate proceeding of this man, must in his said first year also, arm the Scots with spear and shield against him and his realm, whereof the occasion shall be to you declared according to the Scotticall histories. A little before this time, George of Dunbar earl of the Marches of the realm, made means to king Robert of Scotland, that David his eldest son might marry and espouse the earls daughter called Elizabeth, and delivered for the performance of the same marriage, into the kings hands a great some of money. When Archebaulde earl Douglas heard of this conclusion, disdaining th'earl of the Marches blood to be advanced before his stock, wherefore either by fair words, or else by disbursing a greater some of money, he so enuegeled King Roberte of Scotland, that David his heir refusing the first damosel, espoused Mariell the earl Douglas daughter. th'earl of March desired restitution of his money, to whom the king gave many frivolous and trifling answers, wherefore he disdaining so to be mocked & deluded of his money, with his wife and family, fled into England, to Henry earl of Northumberlande, intending with dent of sword to revenge the injury & displeasure to him by the king committed & done, & so with the help of the borderers brent diverse towns, & slew many persons in the realm of Scotland.  
KING Roberte being thereof advertised, first deprived the Earl George of all his dignities and possessions, and caused his goods to be confiscate, and after wrote to the King of England, instantly requiring him, if he would the truce any longer to continue either to deliver into his possession the Earl of March, and other traitors and rebels to his person and realm, or else to banish and exile them out of his realm, territories and dominions. King Henry discreetly answered the herald of Scotland, that the word of a prince aught to be kept, and his writing and seal aught to be inviolate, and considering that he had granted a save conduit to the earl and his company, he would neither without cause reasonable break his promise, nor yet deface his honour. Which answer declared to the king of Scots, he incontinente did proclaim and intimate open war, against the king of England, with blood fire and sword. King Henry perceiving, that policy preventeth chance, gathered and assembled together a great army, and entered into Scotland, burning towns villages and castles, sparing nothing but religious houses and churches, and brent a great part of the towns of Edenbrough and Lithe and besieged the castle of Maidens in Edenbrough, in th'end of September, whereof was captain, David duke of Rothsay and prince of the realm, and Archibalde earl Douglas, with many hardy men. Roberte duke of Albany, being appointed governor of the realm, because the king was sick and unapt to rule, sent unto king Henry an harrold, assuring him on his honour that if he would abide and tarry his coming and repair, which should be within six days at the most he would give him battle, and remove the siege, or else die for it.  
The king being glad of these joyous good news, rewarded the herald with a gown of silk and a chain of gold, promising him in the word of a prince, not to departed thence but abide there, the coming of the governor. The six days passed, ye six and sixteen to, the governor neither appeared nor sent word, the winter waxed cold, victual failed, men died of the flux, it reigned every day so abundantly, that hunger and cold caused the king to break up his siege, and to depart out of Scotland, without battle or skirmish offered. During which time both the Wardens of the Marches being with the king, the Scots made a road into Northumberlande, and burned diverse towns in Bamborough shear, and shortly returned again, or else they had been trapped & come to late home. When the king of England had dismissed his soldiers, and discharged his army, the Scots intending to be revenged of their great damages to them by the English nation done and committed by th'earl Douglas, appointed two armies to invade England. Of the first was chieftain, sir Thomas Halibarton of Dirlton, and Patrick Hebburne of Hales, which made a road into England, and returned with little loss and no great gain. After this the foresaid sir Patrick Hebburne, encouraged & boldened with the prosperous success of this first journey, with a great army of the people of Lowdian invaded Northumberlande, robbing and spoiling the country and departed homeward, not without great gain of beasts and captives. But in the return he was encountered with th'earl of northumberlands vicewarden, & other gentlemen of the borders at a town in Northumberlande called Nes●it, and there the Englshemen sore assailed, and the Scots valiantly resisted, but after a long fight, the victory fell on the English part, and as John Mayer the Scot writeth, there were slain the flower of all Loughdean, and especially sir Patrick Hebburne with many of his lineage. There were apprehended sir John and William Cockeburne, sir Robert of Bas, John and Thomas Hablincton esquires, and a great number of the common people. The earl Douglas sore being grieved with the loss of his nation and friends, intending a requitement if it were possible of the same, by the consent of the governor of Scotland, did gather a huge army of twenty thousand tall men and more.  
In the which army was Lord Mordake earl of Fife son to the governor of Scotland, the earl of Angus, and many other earls and barons of the nobility of Scotland. These valiant captains and courageous soldiers entered into Northumberlande with banners displayed like men either apt or thinking theim selfes able to destroy the towns and spoil the country and Marches of Northumberlande. When they were entered into England thinking no puissance able to encounter with their force, out of a valley beside a town called Homeldon issued suddenly the Lord Henry Percy, whom the Scots for his haut and valiant courage calledsir Henry hotspur, and in his company the Lord George of Dunbar earl of March before banished Scotland, as you have heard, with all the gentle men of Northumberland, and eight thousand men on horseback and on foot. The encounter was sharp, the fight was dangerous, the long continuance was doubtful, for some were felled and rescued, some in reseving other were slain, other greedy of pray more than of strokes fled to see what baggages were kept amongst the Pages. Thus with pure fighting of the Englishmen, and faint hearts of the bragging Scots, the bright beam of victory shone on saint George's cross, and there were slain of men of great renown and estimation sir John Swinton▪ sir Adam Gordon; sir John Leviston, sir Alexander Ransey of Dalehowse, and xxiii knights more, Whose names either for ignorance or for fear of reproach, Hector Boece the Scottish archechronocler keepeth in silence and doth omit, beside ten M. commons. But there were taken prisoners, Mordacke earl of Fife, Archebald earl Douglas, which in the combat lost one of his eyes, Thomas earl of Murrey, Robert earl of Angus, and as other writers affirm, the earls of Athell and Montethe with .v. C. other.  
When the Lord Percy had thus obtained this glorious victory, he sent his prisoners into diverse fortresses, and determined to subdue or destroy all the countries of Lowdene and March, whose heads and Governors either he had slain or by force taken captives. And so with a great power entered into Tivedale wasting and destroying the hole country, and they besieged the castle of Cokelaves, whereof was captain sir John Grenlowe, which seeing that his castle was not long able to be defended compounded with the Englishmen that if the castle were not suckered within iii months, that then he would deliver it into the English men's hands. The captain thereof wrote unto the Governor, which calling a great council, the most part advised him rather frankly and freely to yield the castle, than to put in jeopardy and cast in hazard the remnant of the flourishing nobility of the realm. So much was their courages abated and their fumishe cracks refrigerat with the remembrance of the last conflict and battle. But the governor rebuking their timorous hearts, and Feminine audacity (whether he thought so or no was a question) swore that if no man would follow of the nobility he would do his devoir to rescue the castle at the day. But his oath was neither kept nor broken, for he little preparing and less intending the oath which he solemnly made never set foot forward during the first ii months, for the reising of the siege or rescue of the castle. But the English men being sent for to go with the king into Wales, raised their siege and departed leaving the noble men prisoners still with the earl of Northumberland and the Lord Percy his son, which by the king were commanded to keep them to his use, and not to deliver them without his assent.  
KING Henry forgot not his enterprise into Wales, 
The second year.  but made provision for men, munitions and artillery meet and convenient for so great a business, whereof the French king being advertised, sent privily Lord james of Burbone earl of March and his two brethren John and Lewes, with xii C. knights and esquires to aid Owen Glendor against the invasions of king Henry, he took shipping with xxx sail at the mouth of Seine, and the wind was not favourable to his purpose for he could never approach the coast of Wales but came before the town of Plimmouthe in Devonshire, and there leaving his great ships lying at anchor, in the night took land and brent, spoiled and destroyed divers small villages, and poor cottages, and rob .v. or vi little Craiers and fisher boats laden with fish and corn. But while he and his company like greedy wolves were seeking after their pray, the wind rose high and a great tempestuous rage and furious storm suddenly flushed and drowned xii of his great ships which lay in the mouth of the haven for his safeguard and defence. Whereof when the earl was advertised, and perceiving by the firing of the beacons that the people began to assemble in plumps to encounter with him, and also seeing his power sore diminshed as well by the slaughter of such as ranged abroad in hope of spoil and pray, as by the furious rage of the unmerciful see and hideous tempest, with much pain and great labour took his ships again, and was not without jeopardy of his life driven on the coast of Britain and landed at saint Malos. The French king perceiving that this chance had ill success, appointed one of his Marshals called Memorancie, and the master of his Crossbows with xii M. men, to sail in to Wales, which took shipping at Breast and had the wind to them so prosperous that they landed at Milford haven, and leaving the castle of Penbroke unassaulted, because it was well fortified, manned, and vitailed, besieged the town of Harforde West which was so well defended by the earl of Arundel and his power that they much more lost then gained. And from thence they departed toward Owen Glendor whom they nominated prince of Wales, and found him at the town of Dinbigh abiding their coming with ten thousand men. They were of him lovingly received, and gently entertained, and when all things were prepared, they passed by Glamorgan shire toward Worcester and there brent the suburbs, but hearing of the kings approaching suddenly returned into Wales. The king with a great puissance followed and found them embattled on a high mountain, and a great valley between both the armies, so that each army plainly perceived other, and every host looked to be assaulted of his adversary, and of the ground to take the most advantage: thus they continued eight days from morning to night ready to abide but not to give battle. There were many fierce skirmishes and many proper feats of arms daily done, which the French Chroniclers more than the English writers can report. For there were slain the Lord Patrioles of Tries, brother to the Marshal of France, the Lord Mattelone and the Lord Uale and the bastard of Bourbon, with .v. hundred gentlemen.  
The French men and Welsh men were sore trobeled and afflicted with famine, that their hearts were appalled and their courages sore abated, for the king had so stopped the passages that neither victual nor succour could by any way be conveyed to them. Wherefore of very necessity they were compelled either to fight or flee: And so by the advisement and council of the Marshal of France, which put not to much confidence in the wavering Welshmen, the hole host departed th'eight day at midnight in the most secrets manner that they could devise. The French men with little rewards and no gain returned into Britain making small boast of their painful journey.  
THE king seeing them departed, followed them into Wales, and chase them from hills to dales, from dales to woods, from woods to marshes, and yet could never have them at any advantage. A world it was to see his quotidian removing, his painful and busi wandering, his troublesome and uncertain abiding, his continual motion, his daily peregrination in the desert, fells and craggy mountains of that bareine unfertile and depopulate country. And thus being tossed from country to country, from hill to vale, from marsh to wood, from nought to worse, without gain or profit, without victual or succour, he was of necessity compelled to retire his army and return again to Worcester, in which returning the Welshmen knowing the passages of the country, took certain carriages of his laden with victual to his great displeasure, and their great comfort. When he came to Worcester perceiving winter to approach which season of the year is not convenient and proper for men of war to lie in the fields, and specially in such a barren and hilly country as Wales is, dispersed his army for that time and returned to London. In the mean time while the king was thus occupied in Wales, certain malicious and cruel persons envying and maligning in their hearts that king Henry contrary to the opinion of many, but against the will of more had so shortly obtained and possessed the realm and regality, blazed abroad & noised daily amongst the vulgar people that king Richard (which was openly seen dead) was yet living and desired aid of the common people to repossess his realm and royal dignity. And to the furtherance of the fantastical invention partly moved with indignation, partly incensed with furious inalencolie, set upon posts and cast about the streets railing rhymes, malicious metres and tenanting verses against king Henry and his proceedings. He being nettled with these uncourteous ye unvirtuous pricks & thorns, searched out the authors, and amongst other were found culpable of this offence and crime, sir Roger Claryngdon knight, and eight grey Friars which according to their merits and deserts were strangled at Tyburn and there put in execution. I may not here forget to show you how that king Henry seeking now affinity and friendship in Germany sent this year his eldest daughter Blaunche accompanied with the Earl of Somerset, the Bishop of Worcester, and the Lord Clifforde, and other noble personages into Almain. which brought her to Coleyne, and there with great triumph she was married to William Duke of Bavier, son and heir to Lewes of Bavier the Emperor, in which year also died Lady Katherine Swinsford the third wife of John of Gaunt duke of Lancastre father to this king Henry, & was buried at Lincoln. In the same year king Henry married jane Duchess of Britain late wife to John duke of Britain at the city of Winchester and with triumphal pomp conveyed her thorough the city of London to Westminster, and there she was crowned Queen.  
While these things were thus doing in England Waleran Earl of saint Paul which had married the half sister of Richard, having a malicious heart and a deadly hatred to King Henry, assembled a great company of men of war to the number of xvi or xviii C. whereof the greatest part were noble men, and made great provision of all things necessary for his feat and enterprise. And on saint Nicholas day entered into his ships at Harflete and landed in the Isle of Wight, and when he saw no appearance of defence, he burned two poor villages and four simple cottages, and for great triumph of this noble act he made four knights: but suddenly when he was advertised by his espials that the people of the Isle were assembled and approached to fight with him. He with all haste possible took his ships and returned home again, wherewith the noble men of his company were much discontent and displeased, considering that his provision was great and his gain small or none. And in the same very season John earl of Cleremount son to the Duke of Burbone, won in Gascoigne the castles of saint Peter, saint Marie and the new castle, and the Lord Delabrethe won the castle of Carlaffin, which was no small loss to the English nation: During which time died Philippe duke of Burgoin, and duke Albert of Bavier earl of Henault.   

¶ The third year. 
The iii▪ year.   
IN this year appeared a comet or blazing Star of a huge quantity by a long season which as the Astronomers affirmed, signified great effusion of man's blood, which judgement was not frustrate as you shall perceive. For Henry earl of Northumberland and Thomas earl of Worcester his brother, and his son Lord Henry Percy called hotspur, which were to king Henry in the beginning of his reign both fautors friends and aiders, perceiving now that he had pacified all domestical sedition and repressed his enemies, and reduced his realm to a convenient quietness, began somewhat to envy the glory of him, and grudged against his wealth and felicity. And specially grieved, because the king demanded of the Earl and his son such Scottish prisoners as they had taken at the conflicts fought at Homeldon and Nesbit as you before have heard. For of all the captives which were there taken, there was delivered to the kings possession only Mordake earl of Fife son to the duke of Albany Governor of Scotland, for the king them divers and sundry times of th'earl and his son required. But the Percies affirming them to be their own proper prisoners and their peculiar prays, and to deliver them utterly denaied, insomuch that the king openly said that if they would not deliver them, he would take them without deliverance. Wherewith they being sore discontent, by the council of Lord Thomas Percy earl of Worcester, whose study was ever to procure malice, and to set all things in broil and uncertainty, feigning a cause to prove and tempt the king, came to him to Wyndsor, requiring him by ransom or otherwise to 'cause to be delivered out of prison Edmond Mortimer earl of March their cousin germane whom (as they reported) Owen Glendor kept in filthy prison shakeled with irons, only for that cause that he took his part, and was to him faithful and true. The king began not a little to muse on this request, and not without a cause, for in deed it touched him as near as his shirt, as you well may perceive by the Genealogy rehearsed in the beginning of this story. For this Edmond was son to Earl Roger which was son to Lady Philip daughter to Lionel Duke of Clarence, the third son to king Edward the third, which Edmonde at king Richard's going into Ireland was proclaimed heir apparent to the crown and realm, whose Aunt called Elinor this Lord Henry Percy had Married. And therefore the king little forced although that that lineage were clearly subverted and utterly extinct.  
WHEN the king had long digested and studied on this matter, he made answer and said that the Earl of March was not taken prisoner neither for his cause nor in his service, but willingly suffered himself to be taken, because he would take no part against Owen Glendor and his complices, and therefore he would neither ransom nor relieve him, which fraud the king caused openly to be published and divulged, with which answer if the parties were angry doubt you not. But with the publishing of the cautel, that the Earl of March was willingly taken, they ten times more fumed and raged in so much that sir Henry hotspur said openly: Behold the heir of the realm is rob of his right, and yet the robber, with his own, will not redeem him. So in this fury the Percies departed, nothing more minding then to depose king Henry from the high type of his regality, and to deliver and set in his throne their cousin friend & confederate Edmonde Earl of March, whom they not only delivered out of the captivity of Owen Glendor, but also entered into a league and amity with the said Owen against king Henry and all his friends and fautors, to the great displeasure and long unquieting of king Henry and his partakers. Here I pass over to declare how a certain writer writeth that this earl of March, the Lord Percy and Owen Glendor were unwisely made believe by a Welsh Prophecier, that king Henry was the Moldwarpe, cursed of Gods own mouth, and that they three were the Dragon, the Lion and the Wolffe, which should divide this realm between them, by the deviation and not divination of that mammet Merlin. I will no● rehearse how they by their deputies in the house of the Archdeacon of Bangor, seduced with that false feigned prophesy divided the realm amongst them, nor yet writ how by a tripartie endenture sealed with their seals, all England from Severne and Trent South and Eastward, was assigned to the earl of March: Nor how all Wales and the lands beyond Severne Westward, were appointed to Owen Glendor, and all the remnant from Trent Northward to the lord Percy. But I will declare to you that which was not prophesied, that is the confusion destruction and perdition of these persons, not only giving credit to such a vain fable, but also setting it forward and hoping to attain to the effect of the same which was especial of the lord Percy and Owen Glendor. For the earl of March was ever kept in the court under such a keeper that he could neither do or attempt any thing against the king without his knowledge, and died without issue, leaving his right title and interest to Anne his sister and heir, married to Rycharde earl of Cambrige father to the duke of York, whose offspring in continuance of time, obtained the game and got the garland. O ye wavering Welshmen, call you these prophecies? nay call them unprofitable practices. Name you them divinations? nay name them diabolical devices, say you they be prognostications? nay they be pestiferous publishinge. For by declaring & credit giving to their subtle & obscure meanings, princes have been deceived, many a noble man hath suffered, and many an honest man hath been beguiled & destroyed.  
KING Henry knowing of this new confederacy, and nothing less minding then that that happened after, gathered a great army too go again into Wales: whereof the Earl of Northumberlande and his son were advertised, by lord Thomas earl of Wocester, and with all diligence raised all the power that they could make and sent to the Scots which before were taken prisoners at Hamaldon for aid and men, promising the earl Douglas the town of Berwick and a part of Northumberlande: and to other Scotishe lords great lordships and segniories, if they obtained the upper hand and superioritee. The Scots alured with desire of gain, and for no malice that they bore to king Henry, but somewhat desirous to be revenged of their old griefs, came to the earl with great company, and to make their cause seem good and just, they devised certain articles by the advise of Richard Scrope archbishop of York, brother to the lord Scrope, whom king Henry caused to be beheaded at Bristol as you have heard before. Which articles they showed to diverse noble men and prelate's of the realm, which favouring and consenting to their purpose, not only promised them aid and succour by words, but by their writing and seals confirmed the same. Howbeit, whether it were for fear, either for that they would be lookers on and no deed doers, neither promise by word or by writing was performed. For all the confederates them abandoned, & at the day of the conflict left alone the earl of Stafford only except, which being of a haute courage and high stomach, kept his promise & joined with the Percies to his destruction  
THE lord Percy with th'earl Douglas and other earls of Scotland with a great army, departed out of the Northparties, leaving his father sick (which promised upon his amendment & recovery without delay to follow) and came to Stafford where his uncle th'earl of Worcester and he met, and there began to consult upon their great affairs and high attempted enterprise, there they exhorted their soldiers and compaignions' to refuse no pain for the avancement of the common wealth, nor to spare no travel for the liberty of their country: protestyngopenly that they made war only (to restore the noble realm of England to his accustomed glory and freedom, which was governed by a tyrant and not by his lawful and right king. The captains swore and the soldiers promised to fight, ye & to die for the liberty of their country. When all things was prepared, they set forward toward Wales, looking every hour for new aid and succours, noising abroad that they came to aid the king against Owen Glendor. The king hearing of the earls approaching, thought it policy to encounter with them before that the Welshmen should join with their army, and so include him on both parts, and therefore returned suddenly to the town of Shrewesbury. He was skantely entered into the town, but he was by his posts advertised that the earls with banners displayed and battles ranged, were coming toward him, and were so hot and so courageous, that they with light horses began to skirmish with his host. The King perceiving their doings, issued out and encamped himself without the Estgate of the town. Thearls nothing abashed although their succours them deceived, embattled themselves not far from the kings army. And the same night they sent the articles whereof I spoke before, by Thomas Kaiton and Thomas Saluaine esquires to king Henry, signed with their hands and sealed with their seals, which articles (because no Chronicler save one, maketh mention what was the very cause and occasion of this great bloody battle, in the which on both parts were above forty thousand men assembled) I word for word according to my copy do here rehearse.  
WE Henry Percy earl of Northumberland, high Constable of England, and Warden of the West Marches of England toward Scotland, Henry Percy our eldest son▪ warden of the east Marches of England toward Scotland, and Thomas Percy earl of Worcester being proctors and protectors of the common wealth, before our Lord jesus Christ our supreme judge do allege, say and intend to prove with our hands personally this instant day, against the Henry duke of Lancastre, thy complices and favourers, unjustly presuming and named king of England without title of right, but only of thy guile and by force of thy fautors: that when thou after thine exile didst entre England, thou madest an oath to us upon the holy Gospels bodily touched and kissed by thee at Dancastre that thou wouldst never claim the crown, kingdom or state royal but only thine own proper inheritance, and the inheritance of thy wife in England, and that Richard our sovereign lord the king and thine, should reign during the term of his life, governed by the good counsel of the lords sp●rituall and temporal. Thou hast imprisoned the same thy sovereign lord and our king within the tour of London, until he had for fear of death, resigned his kingdoms of England and France, and had renounced all his right in theforsaid kingdoms, and others his dominions and lands of beyond the sea. Under colour of which resignation and renunciaion by the counsel of thy friends and complices, and by the open noising of the rascal people by thee and thy adherentes assembled at Westminster, thou hast crowned thyself king of the realms aforesaid, and hast seized and entered into all the castles and lordships pertaining to the kings crown, contrary to thine oath. Wherefore thou art forsworn and false.  
ALSO we do allege, say a●d intend to prove, that where thou sworest upon the same Gospels in the same place and time to us, that thou wouldst not suffer any dimes to be levied of the Clergy, nor fifteens on the people, nor any other tallagies and taxes to be levied in the realm of England to the behoffe of the realm during thy life, but by the consideration of the three estates of the realm, except for great need in cau●es of importance or for the resistance of our enemies, only and none otherwise. Thou contrary to thine oath so made, hast done to be levied right many dimes and fifteens, and other impositions and tallagies, aswell of the Clergy as of the comonaltee of the realm of England, & of the Merchants, for fear of thy majesty royal. Wherefore thou art perjured and false.  
ALSO we do allege, say & intend to prove, that where thou sworest to us upon the same Gospels in theforsaied place and time, that our sovereign lord and thine, king Richard, should reign during the term of his life in his royal prerogative and dignity: thou hast caused the same our sovereign lord and thine, traitorously within the tastell of Poumfret, without the consent or judgement of the lords of the realm, by the space of fifteen days and so many nights (which is horrible among christian people to be heard) with hunger, thirst and cold to perish, to be murdered. Wherefore thou art perjured and false.  
ALSO we do allege, say & intend to prove, that thou at that time when our sovereign lord and thine, king Richard, was so by that horrible murder dead as above said, thou by extort power, didst usurp and take the kingdom of England, and the name and the honour of the kingdom of France, unjustly and wrongfully, contrary to thine oath, from Edmonde Mortimer Earl of March and of Ulster, than next and direct heir of England and of France immediately by due course of inheritance after the decease of theforsaied Richard. Wherefore thou art perjured and false.  
ALSO we do allege, say & intend to prove as aforesaid, that where thou madest an oath in the same place and time, to support and maintain the laws and good customs of the realm of England, and also afterward at the time of thy coronation thou madest an oath, thesay laws and good customs to keep and conserve inviolate. Thou fraudulently and contrary to the law of England and thy fautors, have written almost through every shire in England to choose such knights for to hold a parliament as shallbe for thy pleasure and purpose, so that in thy parliaments no justice should be ministered against thy mind in these our complaints now moved and showed by us, whereby at any time we might have any perfect redress, notwithstanding that we according to our conscience (as we trust ruled by God) have often times thereof complained, as well can testify and bear witness the right reverend fathers in God Thomas Arundel archbishop of Canterbury, and Richard Scrope, archbishop of York. Wherefore now by force and strength of hand before our Lord jesus Christ we must ask our remedy and help.  
ALSO we do allege, say and intend to prove, that where Edmond Mortimer earl of March and Ulster, was taken prisoner by Owen Glendor in a pitched and fought field, and cast into prison and laden with iron fetters, for thy matter and cause, whom falsely thou hast proclaimed willingly to yield himself prisoner to thesay Owen Glendor, and neither wouldst deliver him thyself, nor yet suffer us his kinsmen to ransom and deliver him: Yet notwithstanding, we have not only concluded and agreed with the same Owen for his ransom at our proper charges and expenses, but also for a peace between thee and the said Owen. Why hast thou then not only published and declared us as traitors, but also craftily and deceitfully imagined, purposed and conspired the utter destruction and confusion of our persons. For the which cause we defy thee, thy fautoures and complices as comen traitors and destroyers of the rea●me, and the invadours, oppressoures and confounders of the very true and right heirs to the crown of England, which thing we intend with our hands to prove this day, almighty God helping us.  
WHEN King Henry had overseen their articles and defiance, he answered the esquires that he was ready with dent of sword and fierce battle to prove their quarrel false and feigned, and not with writing nor slanderous words, ●nd so in his righteous cause and just quarrel he doubted not but God would both aid and assist him, against untrue persons and false forsworn traitors: with which answer the messengers departed. The next day in the morning early, which was the vigil of Mari Magdalene, the king perceiving that the battle was nearer than he either thought or looked for, lest that long tarrying might be a minishing of his strength, set his battles in good order: likewise did his enemies, which both in puissance and courage were nothing to him inferior. Then suddenly the trumpets blue, the kings part cried saint George upon them: The adversaries cried esperance Percy, and so furiously the armies joined. The Scots which had the forward on the lords side, intending to be revenged of their old displeasures done to them by the English nation, set so fiercely on the kings forward, that they made them draw back, and had almost broken their array. The Welshemen also which sith the kings departure out of Wales, had lurked and lain in woods mountains and marshes, hearing of this battle toward, came to the aid of the earls, and refreshed the weary people with new succurs. When a fearful messenger had declared to the king, that his people were beaten down on every side, it was no need to bid him stir, for suddenly he approached with his fresh battle, and comforted, hertened and encouraged his par● so, that they took their hearts to them, and manly fought with their enemy's. The prince Henry that day holp much his father, for although he were sore wounded in the face with an a-row, yet he never ceased either to fight where the battle was moste strongest, or to courage his men where their hearts was most daunted. This great battle continued three long hours with indifferent fortune on both parts. That at the last the king crying saint George, victory, broke the array and entered into the battle of his enemies and fought fiercely, and adventured so far into the battle, that the earl Douglas struck him down and slew sir Water ●lonte, and three other apparelled in the kings suit and clothing saying: I marvel to see so many kings so suddenly arise again, the king was raised and did that day many a noble feat of arms. For as the Scots writ and French men affirm, all though that Englishmen keep silence, that he himself slew with his hands that day▪ xxxuj. persons of his enemies, the other of his part encouraged by his doings, fought valiantly and slew the lord Percy called sir Henry hotspur, the best captain on the part adverse. When his death was known, the Scots fled, the Welshemen ran, the traitors were overcome, then neither woods letted, nor hills stopped the fearful hearts of them that were vanquished to fly, and in that flight th'earl Douglas, which for haste falling from the nag of a mountagnie brake one of his genitals and was taken, and for his valiantness of the king freely & frankly delivered. There was taken also sir Thomas Percy earl of Worcester & diverse other, on the kings part were slain sir Water Blount and xvi C. other persons, but on the part of the rebels were slain the earl of Stafford, the lord Percy and above five thousand other, and as for the Scots few or none escaped alive.  
AFTER this glorious victory by the king obtained, he rendered to almighty God his humble and hearty thanks, and caused th'earl of Worcester the morrow after Mary Magdaleine, at Shrewesbury ●o be drawn hanged and quartered, and his head to be sent to London, at which place many more captains were executed. After this great battle, he like a triumphant conqueror returned with great pomp to London, where he was by the senate and magistrates solemnly received, not a little rejoicing of his good fortune and fortunate victory. But before his departure from Shrewesbury, he not forgetting his enterprise against Owen Glendor, sent into Wales with a great a●my prince Henry his eldest son against the said Owen and his seditious fautors, which being dismayed and in manner desperate of all comfort by the reason of the kings late victory, fled in desert places and solitary caves, where he received afinall reward meet and prepared by god's providence for such a rebel and seditious seducer. For being destitute of all comfort, dreading to show his face to any creature, lacking meat to sustain nature, for pure hunger and lack of food miserably ended his wretched life. This end was provided for such as gave credence to false prophecies. This end had they that by diabolical divinations were promised great possessions and signiories. This end happeneth to such as believing such fantastical follies, aspire and gape for honour and high promotions. When the prince with little labour and less loss, had tamed & bridled the furious rage of the wild and savage Welshmen, and left governors to rule and govern the country, he returned to his father with great honour & no small praise. The earl of Northumberland hearing of the overthrow of his brother and son, came of his own free will to the king, excusing himself as one neither party nor knowing of their doing nor enterprise: the king neither accused him nor held him excused, but dissimuled the matter for ij. causes, one was he had Berwicke in his possession, which the king rather desired to have by polici then by force: the other was that th'earl had his castles of Alnewicke, Warkeworth and other fortified with Scots, so that if th'earl were apprehended, all Northumberland were in jeopardy to become Scottish. For these cause the king gave him fair words & let him departed home, where he continued inpeace a while, but after he rebelled as you shall perceive by the sequel of this story.   

¶ The fourth year. 
The four yer●   
THis year Waleram earl of sent Pole, considering that he had defied king Henry, and also that he had made diverse voyages, and done little damage to the Englishnation, and susteigned much loss, continuing in his old malice against the king of England, by the assent of the French king assembled a great numbered of men of war, as .v. C. men of arms .v. C. Genewaies' with Crosebowes, and a. M. flemings on foot, and laid siege to the Castle of Mark three leagues from Caleis, within the territory of the king of England, the xvi day of july, whereof was captain Philip Halle esquire, with lxxx archers and xxiiii other soldiers. th'earl raised against the Castle diverse engines but they prevailed not, for they within shot so fiercely, and cast out stones so incessantly, and took such pain that to the hearers it is almost incredible. The earl perceiving that his feat had such success as he looked for, retired with his men lodged in the town, fortifying the same for fere of rescous that might issue from Caleis, the next day he gave a sore assault again, and with great force entered the utter court of the castle, and took therein a great number of horse kyen and cattles, at the which assault sir Roberte Barenguile cousin to th'earl was slain. Thesame day a. C. Archers on horseback coming out of Caleis, law and perceived the doings & demeanour of th'earl and his company, and toward night they sent an herald certifying him that the● would dine with him the next day: to whom he proudly answered, that he would gladly receive them, and their dinnar should at their coming be ready prepared. The next day ensuing issued out of Caleis. CC. men of arms. CC. archers. CCC. men on foot with ten or, xii. chariots laden with victual and artillery, conducted by sir Richard Astone knight, lieutenant of the English pale for the earl of Somerset captain general of those marches: which in good order of battle marched toward their enemies, which before by their espials were advertised of their coming, but that notwithstanding they issued not out of their lodgings to encounter with them, but kept themself within their closure. The Englishmen shot so sharply and so closely together, that the flemings and footmen began to fly, the men of arms fearing the slaughter of their horses ran away with a light gallop the Genowais which had spent the most part of their shot at th'assault made little defence and small resistance and so all were slain and put to flight. The hasty & rash earl of scent Paul & diverse other without any stroke given to their enemies fled to scent Omers, and there were taken of the best of the army, as the French and Duche Chronicle reporteth three or four score persons, amongst whom the captain of Bullayne was one, and many lords and kinghtes slain. After that the Englishmen had taken all the carts munitions & victuals that their enemies had brought thither, they returned to Caleis in great triumph, and within five days after there issued out of the English pale, about the numbered of .v. C. men toward Arde by night time, thinking to have found the town unprovided, but sir Mansard de Boys and the lord Kygnie defended it and let the Englishmen of their purpose, and so with loss of forty men they returned to Caleis: which dead persons were brent in an old house, because their enemies should be ignorant of the damage that the Englishmen had by them sustained. th'earl of scent Paul being at Terwin, imagining how to recover somewhat of his loss but more of his honour, sent for a great company of noble men and valiant personages, and concluded to invade the Marches of his enemies. But the French king considering the earls evil fortune and unfortunate chance, commanded him to leave of his enterprise, with which he was sore displeased. Yet to avoid perils thee, French king laid in garrison at Bullein and other places, the Marquis of Pownt son to the duke of Bar, and th'earl of Dampnay, and sir John Harpadane a knight of great renown and high estimation. The king of England circumspectly foreseeing things to come, and imagining that the frenchmen attempted some new enterprise, against him or his dominions beyond the sea, sent four M. men to Caleis and to the sea, whereof iii M. landed at Sluice, which besieged a castle standing at the mouth of the haven, and made diverse assaults and lost diverse of their company, but news were brought to them, that the duke of Burgoyne had required licence of the French king to besiege the town of Caleis, for which cause they raised their siege, and returned to the defence of that fortress and desired pray of the French nation.   

¶ The fifth year. 
The v year.   
About this season Joys Duke of orleans brother to the French King, a man of no less pride than haute courage, wrote letters to King Henry advertising him, that he for the perfect love which he bore to the noble feats of chivalry and martial acts, in avoiding the slow worm and deadly Dormouse called Idleness, the ruin of realms and confounder of nobility, and for the obteigning of laud and renown by deeds of arms and manly enterprises, could imagine or invent nothing either more honourable or laudable to them both, then to meet in the field each part with an hundred Knights and esquires, all being Gentlemen both of name and arms armed at all points and furnished with spears, axes, swords and daggers, and there to fight and combat to the yielding, and every person to whom God shall sand victory to have his prisoner, and him to ransom at his pleasure, offering himself with his company to come to his city of Angulesme, so that the king of England would come to the lands of Bordeaux and there defend this challenge. The king of England which was as grave and witty as the duke was light and courageous, wrote to him again that he not a little mused but much more marveled that the duke being sworn aswell to him as to king Richard to maintain the peace between his brother the French king and them concluded, and to that had set his sign and great seal, would now for vainglory under colour of doing deeds of Arms not only violate the peace and break the amity between them before concluded, but also give an occasion of displeasure and ingratitude, by the which in conclusion might rise mortal war and deadly enmity, affirming farther that no king anointed of very duty was either bound or obliged to answer any challenge but to his peer of equal estate and equivolent dignity, and that no christian prince either aught or should consent to war or effusion of christian blood but only for the defence of his realm, or for conquest of his right, or for amplifying of Christ's faith and christian religion, and not for pride, worldly ●ame and vainglory, declaring also that when opportunity of time and convenient leisure served, he would trans●ret and pass the sea himself with such company as he thought most convenient into his country of Gascoigne, at which time the Duke might set forward with his band for the attaining of honour and accomplishing of his courageous desire and haute enterprise, promising in the word of a prince not thence to departed till the duke either by fulfilling his own desire, or by singular combat between them two, only for avoiding the effusion of Christian blood, should think himself satisfied and fully answered. Howbeit, at that time he being enbusied with weighty affairs & urgent causes concerning the public wealth of his realm could neither appoint time nor place, protesting that the deferring of time was neither for disdain nor yet for cowardness, but only to abate the pride of him which knowing not himself, nor fering reproach, regarded not his oath writing nor seal. To this answer the duke of orleans replied and king Henry rejoined, which doings what for the unprincely taunts and uncharitable checks in them conteigned, and what for rehearsing again things to you here before declared I omit and put in oblivion. The duke of orleans not content with the king of England, assembled an army of vi M. men and entered into Guien and besieged the town of Uergy, whereof was captain sir Robart Antelfelde a valiant knight and an hardy captain, having with him only three hundred Englishmen. The duke almost every day assaulted the town fiercely, but they within the town conragiously defended the same: In so much that when he had lain there three months & had lost many of his men and nothing gotten, without honour or spoil returned into France. After this the Admiral of Britain which being highly elated and much encouraged because the last year he had taken certain English ships laden with wine accompanied with the Lord Castyll a valiant baron of Britain, and xii. C. men of arms, & xxx ships, sailed from saint Malowes and came before the town of Darthmouthe and would have landed, but by the puissance of the townsmen and aid of the country, they were repulsed and put back in which conflict the Lord of Castle with his two brethren with four hundred other were slain, and above two hundred prisoners taken and ransomed, whereof the Lord of Baquevile high Marshal of Britain was one, which was brought to the king and after redeemed. The Admiral sorry of this infortunate enterprise with much loss and no gain returned hastily into his country King Henry being advertised of this attempt, sent the Lord Thomas his son which after was duke of Clarence to the sea with a great navy of ships to the intent either with battle or depopulation of the sea coasts both of Britain and of France to revenge this injury and invasion: he sailing by the sea costs landed divers times and fired ships & brent towns and destroyed people without favour or mercy, and when he thought his quarrel well revenged he sailed toward England, and in his returning he encountered with two great Carickes of jeane laden with rich merchandise and substantial stuf between whom was a great conflict and a bloody battle, but after long fighting, the Englishmen prevailed and brought both the Carickes into Camber before Rye, where one of them by misauenture of fire perished to the loss and no gain of both the parties. About this this time John duke of Burgoin which had long laboured and now obtained licence to besiege the town of Caleis, preparing engines, ladders, carts, and all other instruments necessary and convenient for so great a feat and notorious siege, and assembled at S. Omers vi. M. men of arms, xv. C. Crossbows, beside xii M. footmen, having victual Bumbardes' and other munitions of war sufficient and convenient for his abroad blown enterprise. But when all things were prepared and the hole army assembled he was by the French king and his council (which put diffidence in the exploit of his glorious business) countermanded & prohibited farther to proceed in that weighty purpose: for the which cause he conceived so great an hatred and deadly malice against the Duke of orleans (as the only stop and let of his glory and renown) that he ever after not only maligned and grudged against him and his proceedings, but also (as you shall shortly hear) brought him to death and final destruction.   

¶ The sixth year. 
The vi year.   
IN this year the Earl of Northumberland which bore still a venomous scorpion in his cankered heart, and could not desist to invent and devise ways and means how to be revenged of king Henry and his fautors, began secretly to communicate his interior imaginations and privy thoughts with Richard Scrope archbishop of York brother to William lord Scrop treasurer of England whom king Henry (as you have heard) beheaded at the town of Bristol, and with Thomas Mowbrey earl Marshal son to Thomas duke of Norfolk, for king Henry's cause before banished the realm of England, and with the lords, Hastynges, Fauconbridge, Bardolfe and diverse other which he knew to bear deadly hate and inward grudge toward the king. After long consultation had, it was finally concluded and determined amongst them that all they, their friends and allies with all their power should meet at York's would at a day appointed and that th'earl of Northumberland should be chefetaine and supreme governor of the army, which promised to bring with him a great number of Scots.  
THIS seditious conspiracy was not so secretly kept nor so closely cloaked but that the King thereof had knowledge, and was fully advertised. Wherefore to prevent the time of their assembly, he with such power as he could suddenly gather together with all diligence marched toward the North parties and used such a celerity in his journey that he was thither come with all his host and power before the confederates heard any inkeling of his marching forward, and suddenly there were apprehended the archbishop, the earl Marshal, sir John Lampley, and sir Robart Plumpton. These persons were arraigned, atteinted and adjudged to die, and so on the Monday ●n Whitsun week all they without the City of York were beheaded. Here of necessity I ought not nor will not forgeate how some foolish and fantastical persons have written, how erroneous hyocrites and seditious Asses have indited, how superstitious Friars and malicious Monks have declared and divulged both contrary to god's doctrine the honour of their prince and common known verity that at the hour of the execution of this Bishop (which of the Execucioner desired to have five strokes in remembrance of the five wounds of Christ) the king at the same time sitting at dinner had .v. strokes in his neck by a person invisible, & was incontinently stricken with a leprey, which is a manifest lie as you shall after plainly perceive. What shall a man say of such writers which took upon them to know the secrets of God's judgement? what shall men think of such beastly persons which regarding not their bounden duty and obeisance to their prince & sovereign Lord envied the punishment of traiters and torment of offenders? But what shall all men conjecture of such which favouring their own worldly dignity, their own private authority, their own peculiar profit, will thus juggle rail and imagine fantasies against their sovereign lord and Prince, and put them in memory as a miracle to his dishonour and perpetual infamy: Well let wise men judge what I have said. Beside these persons, divers other of the said conspiracy and faction, the lord hastings, the lord Fauconbridge, sir John Coluile of the dale, sir John Griftith were beheaded at Durham. th'earl of Northumberland hearing his council to be revealed and his confederates to be put to execution and shameful death, fled into Scotland to his old friend George of Dunbarre earl of the March, which the year before was renoked out of exile and restored to his possessions name and dignity, where he tarried till the next Summer & then sailed into France and after into Flaunders desiring aid and assistance against king Henry, but when he saw little hope of comfort and that few willingly were ententife to his request, he accompanied with the Lord Bardolffe much dismayed and more desperate returned again to his true friends into Scotland and there made his abode the hole year abiding the favour of Fortune and change of his unfortunate chance during which time the king without any difficulty took into his possession the town of Berwick, the castles of Alnewyke and all other Fortresses appertaining to the Earl: and lying at Berwycke he caused to be put to death the Baron's son of Greystocke, sir Henry Beynton, and John Blenkensoppe and five other as fautoures and workers of this new invented conspiracy. When the king had thus appeased and assuaged that late begun commotion, he sent his son the prince of Wales accompanied with Edward duke of York and a great puissance, to encounter with the Scots which by promise were bound to aid and assist the confederates and rebels. But they hearing that the founders of the war were apprehended and put to death, made no haste f●●ward but tarried peaceably at home. So that the prince entering into Scotland and finding no resistance, brent towns spoiled villages and wasted the country every where as he passed, which thing so much amazed the king of Scots and his council, that notwithstanding that he had gathered and appointed a great host under the conduct of the Earls of Douglas and Bowgham to resist the prince and his invasions, yet they sent Ambassadors to him requiring him of peace and final concord, which request he utterly denaied, but at their humble petition he granted them a truce for certaie months, of the which they were both glad and joyous, and so the prince laden with prey and spoil returned with great gain to his father. While the prince thus infected the country of Scotland on the land, sir Robart Umfrevile vice Admiral of England vexed the countries of Fyffe and Loghdian on the sea coast, for he lying in the Scottish sea xiiii days and every day landed on the one side or the other and took preys spoils and prisoners ma●gre the great powers of the duke of Albany and the Earl Douglas, insomuch that he brent and took the town of peoples on their fair day and caused his men to meet Cloth with their bows: and with great gain returning to his ships brent the Galiet of Scotland with many other vessels, and sent Cloth victual and divers Merchandises to every town in Northumberland, setting thereon no great price: Wherefore the Scots called him Robin mendmarket. The king about this time was newly unquieted and perturbed, for notwithstanding this fortunate success that he had obtained in all his outward wars and interior affairs, yet some of his people bore such a cankered heart toward him that to expel him from his rule and dignity they left no occasion unsought nor device unattempted. For suddenly sprang out a fame of an uncertain author that king Richard was yet living in Scotland, to which fable such credit was given that if prudent policy had not foreseen the sequel, it had kindled a greater flame than within short space might have well been quenched or extinct.   

¶ The seventh year. 
The vii year.   
IN this summer, the Pestilential plague so infected the City of London and the countrei round about, that the king durst not repair thither nor yet near to the confines of the same, wherefore he departing from the castle of Ledes, determined to take ship at Quinboroughe in the Isle of Shepey, and to sail over to Lie in Essex and so to Plasshey, there to pass his time till the plague were seized: and because certain pirates of France were lurking at the Thames mouth waiting for their prey, Thomas Lord Camois with certain ships of war was appointed to wafte over the king. When the king was on the see, in the midst of his journey, whether the wind turned, or that the Lord Camois kept not a direct course, or that his ship was but a slug. The frenchmen which by all similitude had knowledge of the Kings passage entered amongst the kings navy and took four vessels next to the kings ship and in one of them sir Thomas Rampston knight the kings vicechamberlain with all his chamber stuff and apparel, and followed the king so near that if his ship had not been swift he had landed sooner in France then in Essex, but by god's provision and fortunate chance he escaped the danger and arrived at his appointed port. The king being sore moved with the lord Camois, caused him to be attached and indited that he condescended and agreed with the frenchmen that the king in his journey should be intercepted and taken. On this point he was arraigned the last day of October before Edmond earl of Kent that day high steward of the realm, on which day were he guilty or guiltless, faulty or clear, culpable or innocent of that fact and doing, he was by his peers found not guilty and dismissed at the bar, having restitution both of his lands goods and offices. In this year king Henry not only desiring new affinity with foreign princes but also the preferment of his line and progeny, sent the Lady Phylip his younger daughter to Ericke king of Denmark, Norwey and Swethen which was conveyed thither with great pomp and there with much triumph married to the said king, where she tasted both wealth, and woe, joy & pain. About this season died sir Robert Knolles knight a man of great policy, wisdom and experience in war, which had been a capitain from the time of King Edward the iii till his latter days, in the which he being Governor of Aquitaine encumbered with age, resigned his office to sir Thomas Belfford a valiant captain and returned to London, where he deceased and was honourably buried in the Church of the White Friars.   

¶ The eight year. 
The viii year   
YOu have heard before how king Robert of Scotland being very aged and impotent, was not able to rule and govern his realm, and how Walter his brother being by him created duke of Albani●, (which was the first duke that ever was in Scotland) was made governor of his brother's country and dominion. After which office and pre-eminence by him obtained, he so sore thirsted after the crown and sceptre royal that he cared little though the king his brother, and his two sons had been at Christ's foot in heaven. And somewhat to further his purpose, it unfortunately chanced that Davy of Rothesay prince of the realm and eldest son to the king, was accused to his father of diverse heinous crimes, and in especial of lascivious & dissolute living, as ravishing of wives, deflowering of virgins, and defiling of maidens, wherefore the king delivered him to his brother the governor, trusting that by his good counsel and discrete advertisement he would not only amend his life, but also to fall to wisdom prudence and gravity. When the duke had possessed part of his desired prey, he sent his nephew from castle to castle, from prison to prison, from place to place, and in conclusion lodged him in a tour within the castle of Franckelande, where with famine he caused miserably to end his life, putting a poor woman to painful death, which gave to the Prince the milk of her breasts by a reed into the prison. His death was long hidden from the king his father, but in conclusion, the governor showed to the king how diverse persons traitorously had murdered him, which were apprehended and judged to die, & yet in their lives they never knew nor yet saw him. The king notwithstanding his brother's excuse, doubted much th'end of his other son named james, wherefore he privily provided a ship, in the which he put the child being then of the age of ix years, under the tuition of the lord Henry Senclere earl of Orkeney, willing him to convey the prince into the realm of France if by any possibility he could thither attain. And if fortune should drive him on the cost of England, he wrote letters to the king of England, the tenor whereof ensueth.  
ROBERT King of Scots, 
A letter sent by the King of Scots.  sendeth greeting to King Henry of England, although by relation of other persons I have known before this time, what magnanimity, what clemency, and other infinite virtues be planted and rooted in your royal person, yet in the voyage that you yourself personally last made into Scotland, I have had manifest and open experience of the same. For when you like our enemy invaded our country, brent our towns, and destroyed our people, yet by the favour that you showed to such places and people which received and fostered your noble father when he fled out of England (for fear of rebels which then sore afflicted his land) we have received almost as much profit and advantage as we did hurt and damage, by your terrible wars and bloody invasions. Wherefore I cannot but laud and praise your highness & judge your noble heart meet for a kingdom, but also I do love and will not cease to love you during my natural life. And notwithstanding that realms and nations daily contend and make war for glory rule and empire, yet to us both being kings, no such occasion is given to do as they do, or to follow their steps or progression, but we (which is the duty of a king) ought to strive who shall prosecute other with most human favour and continual clemency, and as much as we may to be fellows, compaignions' and allies, in singular love and perpetual amity. And as for such causes as now be different and in dissension between us and our realms for my part I shall endeavour myself to bring all things to a good conclusion & mutual conformity. And because that I now am in the same trouble and perplexity for my children, that your father was with the rebels of England, I am compelled of very necessity to desire aid and seek comfort of foreign princes and strange nations. And although that by the help of God and power of my people, I am able enough to keep the same against all outward powers and foreign attempts. Yet from the secret malice of such as lurk and be daily nourished in my very bosom, I cannot keep them in surety within mine own dominion. And yet in no other place they can be from that pestiferous conspiracy put in any sure defence or perfect safeguard, except they be preserved by the faith and fidelity of good and just men. The world this time is so full of malice, so replenished with rancour, that wheresoever that gold or silver (which be instruments of mischief) may enter or penetrate, there shallbe found ministers prove and ready to do and perpetrate all detestable crimes and mischievous inventions: But because I know and perceive your person to be endued with so many notable virtues, and to be adorned with such Magnanimity, fidelity, justice, clemency, and finally, not only to be replenished with the whole company and fellowship of the virtues Moral, but also to be of that power, riches & puissance that no prince in our time, may to your highness be either compared or assimuled, I being by your noble and notable qualities allected and encouraged, most heartily require your help and humbly desire your aid, relief and comfort. For mine eldest son David, (as I suspect and as the fame runneth, although I cannot yet thereof make a perfect proof) is murdered, by no comen murder, by no open thief, by no notorious malefactor nor by no furious person, but by my brother his uncle which aught to have protected and saved him, to whom I committed the governance of me, my children, my whole realm and all that I had, which unnatural kinsman hath not only killed my child, but hath shamefully slain and murdered him with the most cruel and miserable kind of death, which is famine. And so he, which aught & whose duty was to have avoided and put from me the injuries of all other persons, hath afflicted me with the most contumely, the greatest injury and manifest damage, that ever subject did attempt against his Prince, or brother against brother, or enemy against kinsman. For he whom I made governor to withstand the power and malice of mine outward enemies, compasseth and imagineth how to destroy mine issue, and consequently mine own person. Wherefore for the favour that you bear to justice sent by God to mankind, and for the natural love and fatherly affection that you bear to your children and posterity, I humbly require and heartily desire your magnificence, that this mine only child, not only may safely and surely live under your defence & protection, but also that you of your accustomed goodness will vouchsafe to preserve and defend this the only heir of my posterity from the malicious attempts of his cruel kindred and ambitious consanguinity. And this the rather, for the remembrance both of your father's chance, which in his necessity found much humanity in our nation, and also of the frailty of worldly surety, which assoon changeth from good to evil, and from evil to worse, as the fair and redolent flower this day flourisheth, and to morrow widreth and suddenly vadeth. Requiring you to have in remembrance, that if princes put their whole confidence only in their common people, which be more variable than the Weathercock or Wind, and have no outward friends nor foreign amity, their empire is falling and their regiment very britell. But if princes be coupled in the chains of indissoluble amity, and will mutually & faithfully defend their comen enemies, and avoid their manifest injuries, there is no power or strength of the comen people, that either can hurt or cast them from the throne: in such a surety is a king that so is garnished with the love, favour and amity of outward princes and loving neighbours. Wherefore, if it may seem expedient to your high wisdom, to here this my lowly request and loving suete (which I think your clemency will not reject nor refel) my desire is, that according to the last truce concluded between you and us, in the which is contained that all men conveying letters from the one of us to the other, should surely & safely pass and repass without any contradiction: That it would please you not to break nor deny the said liberty to this bearer our only son, but for your honour to keep your promise sincerely inviolated & faithfully observed. And thus the gracious God preserve your noble person in your royal estate long to continue.  
WHEN all things necessary were prepared, the mariners halsed up their anchors and departed from Bas castle with this young prince and Henry Percy son to the lord Percy slain before at Shrewesbury, and by rigour of tempest were driven on the cost of Holdernes called Flamborough head the xxx day of March, where the young prince for to refresh himself took land. He wrought not so privily, but he was known and taken with all his company, & conveyed to the king being at Windsor, where he with due reverence delivered his father's letter. When the letter was red & understand, the king assembled his counsel to know what should be done with this noble enfant. Some to whom the continual wars and daily battle was both displeasant and odious, affirmed that there could not happen a better or a more surer occasion of peace and amity between both the realms, which being so offered, they would in no wise should be rejected but taken, considering that this prince was sent thither, in trust of safeguard, in hope of refuge, and in request of aid and comfort against his evil willers and malicous enemies: other (whose opinion took place) affirmed him to be a prisoner and so to be ordered, for asmuch as he was taken the war being open, and that his father did not only maintain th'earl of Northumberland and other rebels within his country and give them great honours, but also sent a great number of his nobility against the king at the battle of Shrewesbery. Wherefore it was agreed that he should be detained as a prisoner, lawfully taken and duly apprehended. When tidings of this definitive sentence was showed to his father, he took such an inward conceit and so sore a penciffenes, that he ended his natural life within a few months after. Although the taking of this young prince, was at the first time displeasant to the realm of Scotland: yet surely, after he and all his region had great cause to rejoice and thank God of their fortunate chance and good luck that ensued. For where before that time the people of Scotland were rude, rustical, without any urbanity, having little learning and less good manners, & good qualities lest of all. This prince being xviij years prisoner within this realm, was so instructed and taught by his schoolmasters & pedagoges appointed to him by the only clemency of the king, that he not only flourished in good learning and fresh literature (as the time then served) but also excelled in all points of Martial feats, Musical instruments, Poetical arts and liherall sciences. In so much that at his return from captivity, he furnished his realm both with good learning and civil policy, which before was barbarous, savage, rude & without all good nurtur.   

¶ The nineth year. 
The ix year.   
Thearl of Northumberland, which had been in France and other regions to obtain aid against king Henry, and had misled of his purpose, now put his whole confidence in the Scots, and in especial in his old friend George earl of March, and so assembled a great power of the Sctotish nation to invade Northumberland, and recovered diverse of his own castles and signories, to whom the people without number daily resorted. wherefore he intending to be revenged of his old griefs, accompanied with the lord Bardolffe and diverse other Scots and Englishmen entered into York shire and there began to destroy and depopulate the country. Whereof the king being advertised, caused a great army to be assembled and marched toward his enemies, but or the king came to Notyngham, Ralph Rekesbie shrife of York shire, in the midst of February with the power of the country, suddenly set on th'earl and his compargnie, at a place called Bramham Moore, where after long fighting, the earl and the Lord Bardolffe and many other were taken and brought to Yo●ke and there executed, and their heads sent to London.  
AFTER this the king having knowledge that diverse pirates were wandering on the cost of England, prepared a great army furnished with men, victual and munitions of war meet & convenient for such an enterprise, and in the beginning of March sent to the sea, lord Edmond Holland earl of Kent, chieftain of that crew and army. When the earl had searched all the coast of France, and had found not one pirate or s●a robber, he was advertised by his espials that they hearing of his army, were diverted to the parts of britain. Wherefore the said earl intending to be revenged on them which he sought for, made his course thither, before his arrival they had conveyed their ships in to the havens, so that he could not fight with them on the sea, wherefore he launched out his boats and with his fierce soldiers took land and fiercely assaulted the town of Briake standing on the sea side. The citizens threw out dar●es, cast stones, shot quarrels and manfully defended their walls. In which conflict the earl received such a wound in his head that he departed out of this world the .v. day after. The assailants not dismayed but set a fire with the death of their captain like men desperate still assaulted the town and by fine force entered into the same and set it a fire and slew all that would make any resistance, and for lack of a captain, the men of war laden with preys and prisoners returned again into England.  
THIS Edmond earl of Kent was in such favour with king Henry that he not alonely advanced and promoted him to high offices and great pre-eminences, but also by his mean and no small cost obtained for him the eldest daughter and one of the heirs of the Lord Barnabo of Milan brother to Lord Galeace whose son also called Galeace murdering his uncle Barnabo made himself first duke of Milan, for which marriage Lord Barnabo paid to him an hundred M. Duccates at the church of saint Marie Oueryes in Southwark at the day of the solemnity, by done Alphons de Caniola. This Lucy after the death of her husband by whom she had no issue, was moved by the king to marry with his bastard brother the Earl of Dorcet a man very aged and il visaged, whose person neither satisfied her fantasy nor whose face pleased her appetite, wherefore she preferring her own mind more than the kynged desire, delighting in him the which should more satisfy her wanton pleasure then gain her any profit, for very love took to husband Henry Mortimer a goodly young Esquire and a beautiful Bachelor. For which cause the king was not only with her displeased but also for marrying without his licence he seized and fined her at a great some of money, which fine king Henry the .v. both released and pardoned and also made him knight and promoted him to great offices both in England and Normandy, which sir Henry had issue by this Lady, Anne married to sir John Awbemond mother to Elizabeth Chandos mother to Phillis married to sir Davie Halle captain of Caen, she had also issue Mari married to John Cheddur and Luce espoused to sir John Cressy. This year by reason of Frost, sheep and birds died without number, which continued fifteen weeks.   

¶ The. ●. year. 
The ten year.   
About this time John duke of Burgoine a man of a quick wit, desirous of rule, & of an haute courage, being of great authority amongst the French nation to whom civil discord was more pleasure then faternall amirie and mutual concord, began sore to grudge and malign against Lewes' Duke of Orleans brother to the French king, because that he was chief of the kings council and ordered all things by his discretion, because the king his brother was (as you have heard) fallen into a frenzy and therefore meddled in nothing. The duke of Orleans on the otherside being highly set up in pride, began to disdain and frown at the duke of Burgoin, because he perceived that he aspired ●gaped to have the supreme regiment in the public affairs and weighty causes, thus the one would have no superior, and the other would have no peer. This cankered disdain in short space grew to such a hate, that all the realm of France was divided into two factions, th'one part favouring the duke of Orleans, and the other inclining to the duke of Burgoyne, which division had almost brought the realm of France to utter ruin and perpetual confusion. The French king being somewhat amended of his disease, hearing of this controversy between these two princes, sent for them both to Paris, where he reproved their pride, rebuked their malice, and taunted their ungodly doings, in so much that all the nobility being present, judged the displeasure to have been both forgotten and forgiven. But high courages are not so soon abated, nor rooted malice is not in haste plucked up, for the duke of Burgoyne still compassing the destruction of the duke of Orleans, appointed a secret friend called Raffe of Actoville, to bring his purpose to pass. This Raffe forgetting not his enterprise, assembled together a company of such persons as he most trusted, & as a Wolffe greedy of his prey, when the duke of Orleans was coming from the court in the night season, he fiercely set upon him and shamefully slew him. When this murder was published, the king lamented, the nobles grudged, and the common people cried to God for vengeance. The duke of Burgoyne justified this act by the mouth of Master John Petit doctor in divinity, which wrested scripture and doctors so far out of course, that his justification within few years after was adjudged heresy by the whole university of Paris. The French king, jest that greater mischief should ensue, was compelled to hide and cloak his inward affection and dolorous heart and to dissimule the matter, doubting jest the duke of Burgoyne whose heart and haute courage he had well known before, (if he should proceed against him for this evil act) would join and take part with the English nation against the realm of France. Wherefore after long consultation had by the entreaty of the king and other Princes of the blood royal, Charles duke of Orleans son to duke Lewes lately murdered, and John duke of Burgoyne were reconciled and brought to a feigned concord and a faint agreement, each of them taking a corporal oath upon the holy Evangelists, never after to disagree or renew any displeasure for any thing before passed. But what prevaileth an oath where hearts still burn & malice continually smoketh, who careth for perjury when appetite of revenging daily increaseth.  
IN this case was the duke of Orleans which perceiving the king his uncle to bear with the duke of Burgoyne, and to let the detestable murdre of his father so lightly pass without pain or punishment, allied and confederated himself with the dukes of Berry and Bourbon, & the earls of Alaunson and Arminacke, which raised agreate puissance of people, and defied the duke of Burgoin and his complices as their mortal foo and deadly enemy. The duke of Burgoine fearing the sequel of the matter (because there was a mation of marriage to be had between the prince of Wales and his daughter) was somewhat the bolder to sand to the king of England for aid and succours against his enemies. King Henry no less foreseeing then that which after ensued, which was that the discord of these two great princes might turn his realm to profit and honour, sent to the duke of Burgoine, Thomas earl of Arundel, sir Gilbert Umfrevile lord of Cows, sir Robert Umfrevile, and sir John Grey with twelve C. archers, which took shipping at Dover and landed at Sluice. When thenglishmen were arrived in Flaunders, the duke of Burgoin with thenglishmen and all his power, road day and night till he came near to Paris, and there the next day after with hard fighting and courageous shooting, the Englishmen got the bridge of saint Clow, which passed over the river of Saine, and took and slew all the soldiers which the duke of Orleans had left there in garrison to defend the bridge. Amongst whom sir Mansard de Boys a valiant captain was taken prisoner by the Englishmen & highly ransomed. But the duke of Orleans and his compainy which were like to have been compassed with their enemies, so that almost all their ways of refuge were stopped and enclosed, in the night time made a bridge over the river on the part of saint Denis street, & so escaped & fled into the high countries. And after this conflict the duke of Burgoyn being now in his ruff thinking no man either in authority or blood equivalent to his person, and blinded with a kall of vainglory before his eyes, took upon him the hole rule and governance of the realm and ordered the king as pleased him, and not to the kings will, and thinking that in so trobelous a season he had unknit the knot of all ambiguities & doubts perceiving all things to have better succeeded for his purpose than he before imagined, dismissed Thenglishmen into their country giving to them hearty thanks and great rewards. Which doing king Henry much disallowed, considering that he had sent away his defence before the great brunt of the war were overpassed, & should have taken heed before what policy his enemies had practised or what puissance they had assembled. For he well remembered that one fair day assureth not a good Summer, nor one flying Swallow prognosticateth not a good year.   

¶ The eleventh year. 
The xi year.   
King Henry now being quiet & not molested with civil dissension nor domestical factions, called his high court of parliament, in the which after he had concluded diverse Acts meet and expedient for the public wealth of his realm and people, he exalted and promoted his three younger sons to high honours, as lord Thomas to the Duchy of Clarence, lord John to the duchy of Bedford, & lord Humphrey to the duchy of Gloucester, and lord Thomas his half brother earl of Dorcet he made duke of Excester. Howbeit some writers say he was erected to that estate and dignity by king Henry the .v. in the first year of his reign, which thing is neither material nor disputable considering he had none issue.   

¶ The twelfth year. 
The xii year.   
VUhile these things were thus doing in England, John duke of Burgoyn which ruled the roast and governed both king Charles the French king and his whole realm, so much stomached and envied the duke of Orliance & his fautors that he caused the French king in person to arm himself against them and their adherentes, as traitors to him and apparent enemies to the common weith, & sent diverse captains to invade their lands and territories in the countries of Poitiers and Angulesme, & other signiories appertaining and belonging to the homage and obeisance of the duchy of Aquitain & Guien. Wherefore the dukes of Orleans, Berrie, and Bourbon with their friends and allies, seeing that now their only hope consisted in the king of England, sent to him Albert Aubemound a man of no less learning then audacity, & yet of no less audacity, than wit and policy, which in the name of the confederates offered certain conditions as you shall here after according to mine author truly reported, which were made & concluded in the year of our Lord. M. CCCC.●ij. the eight day of May.  
FIRST, the said lords offered that from thence forth they should expose and set forth their own persons, finances and lands to serve the king of England his heirs and successors, when sooner they were required or called in all just quarrels: which just quarrels the king of England shall take to aperteigne to the duchy of Guienne with the appurtenances, affirining how the said duchy perteigneth and aught to apertain to him of right by lineal heritage and lawful succession, manifesting from thence forth, that they should not blemish nor spot their truth nor fidelity to assist and aid him in recovering the same duchy.  
ALSO thesay Lords offered their sons, daughters, nephews and neces, parents and all their subjects, to contract marriage according to the discretion of the king of England.  
ALSO they offered towns castles treasures, & generally all their goods to aid the King his heirs and successors for the defence of their rights and quarrels, so that the bond of their allegiance might be saved, the which in another secret appointment they before had declared.  
ALSO they offered to the king of England generally all their friends adherentes allies and well willers to serve him in his quarrel for the recovery of the hole Duchy of Guien.  
ALSO to cease all fraud, the said lords recognized that they were ready, to affirm the said Duchy of Given to belong to the king of England, in like and semblable wise in liberty and franchises, as ever any of the said kings predecessors held or possessed the same.  
ALSO the said lords knowledged that all the towns castles and fortresses that they had within the Duchy of Guien, to hold them of the king of England as the very true duke of Guien, promising all service and homages after the best manner that in such case might be.  
ALSO they promised to deliver to the king as much as lay in them all towns and castles appertaining to the royalty and signory of England, which are in number twenty what towns and castles, and as to the regard of other towns and fortresses which were not in their puissance and signory, they would help the king of England his heirs and deputies to win them with men in sufficient number at their proper charges and expenses.  
ALSO the king of England was agreed that the duke of Berry his true Uncle and 
* Uassal, is one that holdeth lands or prehem●n●̄ces by fealty or homage.  vassalle and the duke of Orleans his lubiecte and vassalle and the Earl of Arminacke should hold of him by homage and fealty the lands and signiories hereafter following, that is to say the Duke of Berry to hold the County of Pontiew during his life, and the duke of orleans to hold the county of Augulesme during his life only, and the county of Perigot for ever, and the Earl of Arminacke to hold four castles upon certain sureties and conditions as by indenture should be appointed.  
FOR the which offers covenants and agreements they affirmed that the king of England as Duke of Guien, aught to defend & secure them against all men as their very Lord and sovereign, and not to conclude any treaty of league with the Duke of Burgoine, his brethren, children, friends or allies.  
FURTHERMORE, the king of England aught to aid the said Lords as his true vassals in all their just quarrels for recovering of damages for injuries to them wrongfully done.  
ALSO they required the king of England to sand to them viii thousand men to aid them against the Duke of Burgoine, which daily provoked the French king to make open war on them, their lands and signiories, promising farther to discourse and pay all the costs and charges which the said army of Englishmen should expend during their war, which letter was written the viii day of May.  
KING Henry lovingly received & gently entertained this messenger Albert, and when he had well debated and considered the case, he first detesting the abominable murder of the late duke of orleans and seeing no justice ministered nor no punishment done for so shameful an act, having also approved experience that the Duke of Burgoine would keep no longer promise than he himself listed. And secondarily considering what large offers these Princes had made to him both greatly to his honour and to the high profit and commodity of his realm and subjects, thought that he was bound by the office of a king to aid and secure them which cried for justice and could have none, and in especial because they in that point being his subjects and vassals aught to be defended in maintenance of his superiority and signiory: wherefore he lovingly promised them aid and relief. This return of the messenger was to them as pleasant as is the deliverance of a captive from his sore imprisonment, or of a merchant passing by the way beset about by thieves, being rescued by his friends or companions. And not without cause, for the French king not of his own courage animated, but maliciously encensed by the duke of Burgoyn, persecuted the faction of the Orliaunces from city to city from town to town, with such power and extremity that they were both of force and necessity compelled to repair to the City of Bourges in Berry, and there to appoint themselves ●ther to tender or defend. You must understand that princes sometime have 
* Argus, the son of Aristor the .v. king of the Argives, y● 〈◊〉 feign him to have had an hundred eyes, signifying there by his wysewme and circumspection.  Argus eyes and 
‡ Midas, the poets fa●e to have long ears signifying hereby, that kings hear far of.  Midas ears. For this feat was not so secretly wrought in England but it was apparently espied in France, wherefore the French kings counsel sent the Earl of S. Paul the old cankered enemy to the Englishmen into the parties of Picardy with fourteen HUNDRED horsemen and a great number of footmen, he ordained certain of his men to give assault to the town of Guisnes while he stood in a stolen to lie in wait for the relief that might come from Caleis. The furious Frenchmen broke a few old pales about poor men's gardens of Guisnes, but the men of war of the Castle shot so fiercely at them with arrows and cast out wildefier in such abundance that the assailants were feign to retire. And so the earl of saint Paul which never won gain but lost honour at the English men's hands, returned not only with loss of his people but defrauded of his desired prey, returned to the town of Saint Quintin's.   

¶ The xiii year. 
The xiii year   
THe French king in the mean season by the enticement of the duke of Burgoine laid siege to the city of Bourges in Berry where the duke of Orleans and his confederates had included and fortified themselves. When the King of England was thereof aducrtised, he with all diligence sent forth his son Thomas duke of Clarence, and Edward duke of York with viii C. horsemen and ix thousand archers which took land in the bay of Hogs in Normandy by saint Waste in the territory of Constantine. Thenglishemen swarmed like Bees round about the country, robbing Merchants, spoiling husbandmen and brenning towns, and were joyously received of the Earls of Alaunson and Richmond fautors of the Orliencial part. The council of France not willing that the Englishmen should join or concur with the Dukes of orleans and Berry or their complices, caused a common fame (although it were not true) to be divulged abroad that there was a final peace and a perfect amity concluded between the French king & his lords which lately were to him adversaries. When this fable was notified to the Englishmen which were by hasty journeys passed the river of Leire, the● spoiled the town and Monastery of Beauliew, and wasted with fire and sword the countries of Touraine and Maine. Against whom the duke of Burgoyn sent the lord of Rambures with a great army, which in short time was before vanquished. The dolphin of France fearing the doings of the Englishmen concluded a feigned peace between the dukes of orleans and burgoyne and their adherentes, so that the duke of orleans should without delay dispatch out of the dominions of France all the English army. The duke was not rich to pay, and the Englishmen were greedy to have, in so much that they marching toward Given in good order what by sacking of towns & what with ransoming of rich persons, got great treasure and many good prays. Beside this to the aid of the duke of orleans king Henry sent to Caleis th'earls of Kent and Warwick with ii thousand fighting men which spoilt & defaced the county of Bullenois, and brent the town of Samer de Boys and took with assault the fortress of Russalte with divers other. The duke of Orleans which was daily called on to dispatch the Englishmen out of France, came to the duke of Clarence and his army rendering to them a M. gramercies and disoursed to them as much money as either he or his friends might easily spare: and for two hundred and ix M. Frankes which remained unpaid he delivered in gage his second brother John earl of Angules●e which was Grandfather to Frances afterward French king and sir Marcell of Bourge, sir John of Samoures, sir Archibault of Uiliers and divers other, which earl long continued in England as you shall perceive hereafter. When this agreement was taken, the dukes of Clarence and York with great prey (rich prisoners, and wealthy hostages) came to Bordeaux making war on the frontiers of France, to their great gain and profitable lucre. So by the only coming of the Englishmen into France the duke of orleans was restored not only to peace and quietness with all persons save the duke of Burgoyne: But also fell in such favour with the king & the realm that he was of all men well-beloved, much honoured and highly esteemed, and so continued till wavering Fortune turned her variable wheel. For after this he being enemy to the English nation was vanquished and taken prisoner and so remained in England above xxiiii years, till the flower of his age was passed or sore blemished.   

¶ The fourteenth year. 
The xiiii year   
AFter these great and fortunate chances happened to king Henry, he perfectly remembering that there could be no more praise given to a prince then to execute his office in administering justice which above all thing is the very necessary minister to all people, intending to live in quietness, being now delivered of all Civil division and intestine dissension, with the which almost all Christendom was infected and disturbed, not only to the great decay of Christ's religion and Christian creatures but to the great exaltation of Painim princes, by the dilating of the pestiferus sect of the false counterfeit prophet vainglorious Mahumet: called a great counsel of the three estates of his realm, in the which he deliberately consulted and concluded aswell for the politic governance of his realm as also for the war to be made against the Infidels, and especially for the recovery of the holy City of Jerusalem, in which Christian wars he intended to end his transitory life, and for that cause he prepared a great army, and gathered much treasure, intending to set forward in the same spring time? But see the chance, what so ever man intendeth God suddenly reverseth, what princes will, god will not, what we think stable, God suddenly maketh mutable, to the intent that Salomons saying might be found true, which wrote that the wisdom of men is but foolishness before God. When this Prince was thus furnished with treasure sufficient, with valiant captains and hardy soldiers, with tall ships furnished with victuals munitions and all things necessary for such a journey royal, he was taken with a sore sudden disease and mayed in his bed: which disease was no Lepry stricken by the hands of God as foolish Friars before declared, for them he neither would for shame, nor for dehilitie was able to enterprise so great a journey as in to jewrie in his own person, but he was taken with a sore 
* Apoplerye is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of gross humous which fill the vessels of the head from whence the feeling of the body co●meth. And therefore they which have this dis●●ase are deprived of feeling, 〈◊〉 & moving.  Apoplexye of the which he languished till his appointed hour, and had none other grief nor malady. During which likeness as authors write he caused his crown to be set on the pillow at his beds head and suddenly his pang so sore trobeled him that he lay as though all his vital spirits had been from him departed: such chamberleins as had the cure and charge of his body thinking him to be departed and dead covered his face with a linen cloth. The prince his son being thereof advertised, entered into the chamber and took away the crown & departed: the father being suddenly revived out of his trance quickly perceived the lack of his crown, and having knowledge that the prince his son had possessed it, caused him to repair to his presence, requiring of him for what cause he had so misused himself. The prince with a good audacity answered, sir to mine and all men's judgements you seemed dead in this world, wherefore I as your next & apparent heir took that as mine own & not as yours: well fair son said the king (with a great sigh) what right I had to it & how I enjoyed it God knoweth, well ꝙ the prince if you die king I will have the garland & trust to keep it with the sword against all mine enemies as you have done: well said the king I commit all to god & remember you to do well, and with that turned himself in his bed & shortly after departed to god, in a chamber of the abbots of westminster called jerusalem the twenty day of March in the year of our Lord M.iiii. C.xiii and in the year of his age xlvi when he had reigned xiii years, u months & odd days in much perplexity and little pleasure, whose body with all funeral pomp was conveyed to Canterbury, and there solemnly buried, leaving behind him by the lady Marie daughter to lord Humfrey earl of Hereford & Northhampton, Henry prince of Wales, Thomas duke of Clarence, John duke of Bedford, Humphrey duke of Gloucester, Blanch duchess of Bavier & Philip Queen of Denmark, for by his last wife Queen jane he had no children. This king was of a mean stature well proportioned and formally compact, quick and deliver & of a stout courage. After that he had appeased all civil dissensions he showed himself so gently to all men that he got him more love of the nobles in his latter days than he had malice and ill will of them in the beginning. When tidings of his death was related to the duke of Clarence being in Aquitayn, he with all diligent celerity took ship with th'earl of Angulesme, and other his hostages & returned into England to the great comfort of his brethren.  
The end of the unquiet time of king Henry the fourth.    

The victorious acts of King Henry the fifth.  
HEnry Prince of wales, 
The i year.  son and heir to king Henry the four borne at Monmouth on the River of Wye, after the obsequies of his noble parent solemnly celebrated and sumpteously finished, took upon him the high power & regiment of this realm of England the twenty day of March in the year after that Christ our saviour had entered into the immaculate womb of the holy Virgin his natural mother a thousand four hundred and xii. and was crowned the ix day of April than next ensuing, and proclaimed king by the name of king Henry the fifth. Before which royal possession so by him obtained, diverse noble men and honourable personages did to him homage, liege and swore dew obeisance (which thing had not been before experimented) as to him in whom they conceived a good expectation both of his virtuous beginnings and also of his fortunate success in all things which should be attempted or begun during the time of his prosperous reign and fortunate Empire.  
THIS king, this man was he, which (according to the old Proverb) declared and showed that honours aught to change manners, for incontinent after that he was stalled in the siege royal, and had received the crown and sceptre of the famous and fortunate region, determined with himself to put on the shape of a new man, and to use another sort of living, turning insolency and wildness into gravity and soberness, and wavering vice into constant virtue. And to th'intent that he would so continued without going back, & not thereunto be alured by his familiar companions, with whom he had passed his young age and wanton pastime & riotous misorder (insomuch that for imprisonment of one of his wanton mates and unthrifty plaifaiers he struck the chief justice with his fist on the face. For which offence he was not only committed to straight prison, but also of his father put out of the privy counsel and banished the court, and his brother Thomas duke of Clarence elected precedent of the kings counsel to his great displeasure and open reproach) he therefore banished and separated from him all his old flatterers and familiar compaignions', (not unrewarded nor yet unpreferred) inhibiting them upon a great pain not once to approach either to his speech or presence, nor yet to lodge or soiourue within ten miles of his court or mansion. And in their places he clected and chose men of gravity, men of wit, and men of high policy, by whose wise counsel and prudent instruction he might at all times rule to his honour and govern to his profit. This prince was almost the arabical Phoenix, and amongst his predecessors a very Paragon: For that he amongst all governors, chief did remember that a king aught to be a ruler with wit, gravity, circumspection, diligence and constancy, and for that cause to have a rule to him committed, not for an honour, but for an onorarius charge and daily burden, and not to look so much on other men's livings, as to consider and remember his own doings and proper acts. For which ●use, he not to much trusting to the readiness of his own wit, nor 〈◊〉 judgements of his own wavering will, called to his counsel su●●e prudent and politic personages, the which should not only help to ease his charge & pain in supporting the burden of his realm and Empire, but also incense and instruct him with such good reasons and fruitful persuasions, that he might show himself a singular mirror and manifest example of moral virtues and good qualities to his comen people and loving subjects. For it is daily seen, that a vicious prince doth much more hurt with his pernicious example to other, then to himself by his own peculiar offence. For it is not so much evil as Cicero saith (although it be evil in itself) a prince to do evil, as he by his evil doings to corrupt other, because it is daily seen, that as prince's change, the people altereth, and as kings go, the subjects follow. For certainly he that is preferred to high authority, is therefore much exalted and had in honour, that he should rule, oversee and correct the manners and conditions of the people, and vigilantly to foresee and daily study how to acquire to himself laud and glory, and to other profit and commodity, and not to delight in worldly pleasures which are comen amongst the lowest sort of the vile and rustical people. And he that will do nothing nor can do nothing is more worthy to be called a servant then a ruler, & a subject rather than a governor. For what can be more shame or reproach to a prince, than he which aught to govern and rule other shall by cowardness, sloth and ignorance as a pupille not of eight or x years of age, but being of .xx or xxx years and more, shallbe compelled to obey and follow the wills of other, and be ruled and bear no rule, like a ward and not like a garden, like a servant and not like a Master. Such a governor was king Richard the second, which of himself being not of the most evil disposition, was not of so simple a mind, nor of such debility of wit, nor yet of so little heart and courage, but he might have demanded and learned good and profitable counsel, and after advise taken, kept, retained and followed the same: But howsoever it was, unprofitable counsellors were his confusion and final perdition. Such another ruler was king Edward the second, which two before named kings fell from the high glory of fortunes wheel to extreme misery and miserable calamity. By whose infortunate chance (as I think) this king Henry being admonished, expulsed from him his old play fellows, his privy sycophants and ungracious guard as authors and procurers of all mischiefs and riot, and assigned into their places men of gravity, persons of activity, and counsaillers of great wit and policy.  
AFTER that he had laid this prudent and polletique foundation, he intending in his mind to do many noble and notable acts, and remembering that all goodness cometh of God, and that all worldly things and human Acts be more weaker and poorer than the celestial powers & heavenly rewards, determined to begin with some thing pleasant and acceptable to God. Wherefore he first commanded the Clergy sincerely and truly to preach the word of God and to live after the same, so that they to the temporaltee might be the Lanterns of light and mirrors of virtue. The lay men he willed to serve God and obey their prince, prohibiting to them above all things breach of matrimony use of swearing & wilful perjury, exhorting both to love toge there as man with wife or brother with brother. Beside this he elected the best learned men in the laws of the realm to the offices of justice, and men of good living he preferred to high degrees and authority.  
THE madness of the Welshemen and Scots (whose often incursions and robberies he well had in his father's days experimented and assayed) he studied to assuage and repress, to the intent that he being quiet in his own regions, might either make outward war without doubt or danger, or else for the comen wealth of his realm to study how to increase the glory of his signory, & so both keep & conserve it.  
WHEN all things were thus settled and framed to his purpose, he caused the body of king Richard the second 〈◊〉 removed with all funeral pomps convenient for his estate, from Langeley to Westminster, where he was honourably interred with Queen Anne his first wife in a solemn tomb erected and set up at the costs and charges of this noble prince king Henry.  
ALTHOUGH this prudent prince and this politic governor had set and established all things being in difference and variance within his own peculiar realms, countries and territories and confines of the same: yet he nothing less forgetting nor no one thing more minding or desiring, than the ceasing of the long schism and division sprung & continued in the catholic church of Christian religion by the most ambitious desire and avaricious appetite of certain persons calling themselves spiritual fathers, but in deed carnal coveteours and greedy gluttons aspiring for honour and not for virtue to the proud see of Rome, desiring more to pill then to profit Christ's flock or Christian religion, having knowledge that a general counsel was summoned to be celebrated and kept at the fair city of Constance upon the river of Ryne, though that it was not his honour nor yet his ductie, being thereof warned by the Emperor Sigismond to be as a hearer and no partaker in so high a cause, and in especial in so high an assemble. Wherefore he sent thither Richard earl of War●●ke and three bishops with other famous prelate's and doctor's, besides knights & esquires to the numbered of eight hundred horses. They were men so well apparelled and their horses so richly trapped, and all the company so well furnished, that the Almains wondered, the Italians gazed, and all other nations were astonied to see such an honourable company come from a country so far distant. At this Sinody were assembled (as one authore writeth) Ccc.xluj. bishops, abbots and doctors v. C.lxiiij: noble men, knights and esquires xuj M. beside servants which (not accounting the towns men) were numbered .lxv. M. persons. These Ambassadors were highly received of the Emperor Sygismond and of the romish bishop called John the xxiij which in the same counsel for great and abominable crimes and detestable offences by him perpetrated and committed (of the which he could not purge himself nor make any defence) was by the same Sinody according to his demerits put down and of his estate deprived. Gregory the twelve was one of the Scismatical numbered, fearing shame more than regarding his worldly affection did put down himself of his own proper motion from his foolish usurped name and Popish dignity. But Benedict the xiii still and stiffly affirming himself to be the very Uiker of God, so much desired honour, and so much was wrapped in his own foolish and fantastical opinion, that no friend could persuade him, nor argument entice him, nor no reason refrain him from the same, and so according to his desert by open judgement, against his will, lost both name and honesty. And three years after Otho Columbe a noble Roman born was elected to the bishopric of Rome and named Martyne the fifth.  
IN this counsel John Wicliffe borne in England, and John hus and Iherom of prague were condemned to death. During this first year, sir John Old Castle, which by his wife was called lord Cobham, a valiant captain and an hardy gentleman, was accused to the Archbishop of Cauntorbury of certain points of heresy. Which bishop knowing him to be highly in the kings favour, declared to his highness the whole accusation. The king first having compassion of the noble man, required the prelate's that if he were a strayed sheep, rather by gentleness then by rigour to reduce him to his old flock. After that he sending for him, godly exhorted and lovingly admonished him to reconcile himself to God and his laws. The lord Cobham not only thanked the king of his most favourable clemency, but also declared first to him by mouth and afterward by writing the foundation of his faith, the ground of his belief and the bottom of his stomach, affirming his grace to be his supreme head and competent judge & none other person, offering an hundred knights and esquires to come to his purgation, or else to fight in open lists with his accusors. The king not only knowing the laws of the ream, but also persuaded by his counsel, that heretical accusations aught to be tried by the spiritual prelate's, sent him to the tower of London there to abide the determination of the clergy according to the statutes in and for that case provided. After which time the xxiij day of Septembre, a solemn session was appointed in the Cathedral church of saint Paul, and another the xxv da of the said month in the hall of the friars preachers in London, in which places the said lord was examined, opposed and fully heard, & in conclusion by the Archbishop denounced an heretic and so remitted again to the tour of London: Fron which place, either by help of friends or corruption of keepers, he privily escaped and came into Wales, where he temained by the space of three years and more.  
AFTER this time in a certain unlawful assemble was taken sir Robert Acton knight, a man of great wit & possessions, John Broune Esquire, John Beverley clerk and a great numbered of other which were brought to the kings presence, and to him declared the cause of their commotion and rising: and accusing a great numbered of their sort and society (which confession because. I have not seen, I leave at large.) After this foolish act, so many persons were apprehended that all the prisons in and about London were replenished with people. The chief of them which were xxix were condemned by the clergy of heresy, and attainted of high treason as movers of war against their king by the temporal law in the guilded hall the twelve day of December, and adjudged for treason to be drawn and hanged, and for heresy to be consumed with fire gallows and all: Which judgement was executed in janiver following on thesay Robert Acton and the xxviij other  
SOME say that the occasion of their death was the conveyance of the Lord Cobham out of prisone. Other writ that it was both for treason and heresy as the record declareth. Certain affirm that it was for feigned causes surmised by the spirituality more of displeasure than truth: the judgement whereof I leave to men indifferent. For surely all conjectures be not true, nor all writings are not the Gospel, & therefore because I was neither a witness of the fact, nor present at the deed I overpass that matter and begin another.  

¶ The second year. 
The ii year.   
King Henry continually studying for the honour of himself and advancement of his people, called his high court of parliament the last day of April in the town of Leicester In the which parliament many profitable laws were concluded: and many petitions moved were for that time deferred. Amongst which requests, one was, that a bill exhibited in the parliament holden at Westminster in the xj year of king Henry the fourth (which by reason that the king was then vexed and troubled with civil division & domestical dissension, came to none effect) might now be well studied, pondered, regarded and brought to some good conclusion. The effect of which supplication was, that the temporal lands devoutly given, and disordinately spent by religious and other spiritual persons, might suffice to maintain to the honour of the king and defence of the realm, xv. earls, xv. C. knights uj M.ii C. esquites, and. C. almole houses for relief only of the poor impotent and needy persons, and the king to have clearly to his coffers twenty thousand pounds, with many other provilions and values of religioushouses which I overpass.  
THIS before remembered bill was much noted and feared amongst the religious fort whom in effect it much touched, insomuch that the fat Abbots' sweat, the proud Priors frowned, the poor Friars cursled the silly nuns wept, and all together were nothing pleased nor yet content. Now to find a remedy for a mischief and a rent to stop a wound, the Clergy minding rather to bow then break, agreed to offer to the king a great some of money to stay this new moved demand. The cause of this offer seemed to some of the wise prelate's neither decente nor convenient, for they well foresaw and perfectly knew that if the commons perceived that they by reward or offer of money would resist their request & petition, that they stirred & moved with a fury would not only rail and despise them as corruptours of Princes and enemies of the public wealth, but would so cry and call on the king and his temporal lords that they were like to lose both work and oil, cost and lining: Wherefore they determined to cast all chances which might serve their purpose, & in especial to replenish the kings brain with some pleasant study that he should neither fantasy nor regard the serious petition of the importunate commons.  
WHEREFORE on a day when the king was present in the parliament, Henry Chicheley archbishop of Canterbury thereto newly preferted, which beforetime had been a Monk of the Carthusians, a man which had professed wilful poverty in religion, and yet coming abroad much desired honour, & a man much regarding Gods law, but more loving his own lucre. After low obeisance made to the king he said after this manner in effect. When Iconsider our most entirely beloved and less dread sovereign lord and natural Prince, 
The o●acion of Henry chicheley archbishop of ●auntortrry  the loving mind, the daily labour and continual study which you incessantly implore both for th'advancement of the honour of your realm and also profit of your people: I cannot nor aught nor, except I would be noted not only ingrate to your royal person being my patron & preferrer, but also a neglecter of my duty, a secret mummer of such things which touch both the inheritance of your crown & the honour of your realm either hold my peace or keep silence. For all authors agreed that the glory of kings consisteth not only in high blood and haute progeny, not in abundant riches and superfluous substance, nor in pleasant pastime and joyous solace: But the very type of the magnificence of a prince resteth in populous rich regions, subjects and beautiful cities and towns, of the which thanked be God, although you be conveniently furnished both within your realms of England & Ireland and principality of Wales, yet by lineal descent, by progeny of blood and by very inheritance, not only the duchy of Normandy and Aquitaine with the counties of anjou and Maine and the countrei of Gascoyn are to you as true and undubitate heir of the same lawfully devoluted and lineally descended from the high and most noble prince of famous memory king Edward the third your great grandfather, but also the whole realm of France with all his prerogatives and pre-eminences, to you as heir to your great grandfather is of right belonging and apperteigning. In which realm, to rehearse what noble persons, what beautiful cities, what fertile regions, what substantial merchants, and what plentiful rivers are contained and included, I assure you that time should rather fail then matter should wax scant. The fraudulent Frenchmen to defraud and take away your right and title to the realm of France, in the time of your noble progenitor king Edward the third, alleged a law, untruly feigned, falsely glossed and Sophistically expounded, whereof the very words are these, In terram ●alicam mulieres ne succedant, which is to say, let not women succeed in the land 
* The land Salic.  Salic. This land Salicque the deceitful glosers' name to be the realm of France. This law the Logical interpreters assign to direct the crown and regality of the same region, as who would say that to that pre-eminence no woman were able to aspire, nor no heir Female was worthy to inherit. The French writers affirm that Pharamont king of the French Gauls, first instituted this law, which never was, should or might be broken. See now how an evil gloze confoundeth the text, and a partial interpreter marreth the sentence, for first it is apparently known and by an hundred writers confirmed that Pharamont whom they allege to be author of this law was duke of Franconia in Germany, and elected to be king of the Sicamb●es, which calling themselves Frenchmen had gotten a part of the Gaul Celtike between the rivers of Marne and Seyn. This Pharamont diseased in the year of our Lord four C. &, xxvi. long after whose death, Charles the great being Emperor and many years making war on the Saxons did in bloody battle disperse and confound the whole puissance of that nation in the year of our Lord viii. C and five, and brought them to the catholic faith and christian conformity. After which victory certain soldiers as the French Cronographiers affirm, passed over the water of Sala and there inhabited, between the rivers of Ell and Sala, and were commonly called Sali frenchmen or Sali Gauls, which country now is the land of Mismie. This people had such displeasure at the unhonest fashions of the German women, that they made a law that the Females should not succeed to any inheritance within that land.  
NOW with indifferent ears if you will note these two points you shall casily perceive that the law Salicque was only feigned and invented to put your noble progenitors and you from your lawful right and true inheritance. For they say that Pharamont made the law for the land Salicque, which the gloze calleth France. Then I demand of master Gloser or rather master Doctor commenter, if I may call a commenter an open liar, whether Pharamont which died iiii. C.xxi years before the frenchmen possessed the Gaul Salicque and never saw or knew it, made a law of that thing which at that time was not his nor inhabited by his people. Beside this, the realm of France which is your patrimony is compact of iii Gauls, Belgic, Celtique and Aquitain, and no part of Salicque: then may the glosser expound aswell that Gaul Belgic is the country of Bryttam, as to gloze that the land Salicque is the whole realm and dominion of the crown of France. Wonder it is to see how the Frenchmen juggle with this fantastical law, following the crafty hasarders which vie a plai called seest thou me or seest thou me not. For when King Pepyn which was Duke of Brabante by his mother Begga, and Master of the palace of France coveted the crown and sceptre of the realm, the French nation not remembering this infringible law, deposed Childeryck the iii the very heir male and undoubted child of the line of Pharamont and Clovis kings of France by the counsel of ●achary then Bishop of Rome, and set up in throne this pepin as next heir general descended of lady Blithyld daughter to king Clothayre the first. Hugh Capet also which usurped the crown with out right or reason on Charles duke of Lorraine the sole heir male of the line and stock of Charles the great, after that he had shamefully murdered and in pitiful prison by the procurement of the Bishop of orleans destroyed the said Charles, to make his title seem true and apere good, where in deed it was both evil and untrue, to blind the opinions of the common people and to set a glass before their eyes, conveyed himself as heir to the lady Lyngard daughter to the king Charlemagne son to Lewes the Emperor which was son to Charles the great king of France. King Lewes also the ninth whom the Frenchmen call Saint Lewes being very heir to the said usurper Hugh Capet, could never be satisfied in his conscience how he might justly keep and possess the crown & regality of the realm of France till he was persuaded and fully instructed that Queen Isabella his grandmother was lineally descended of Lady Ermengard daughter and heir to the above named Charles duke of Lorayn, by the foresaid Hugh Capet of life and realm wrongfully deprived: by the which marriage the blood and line of king Charles the great was again unitedland restored to the Crown and Sceptre of France, so that it more clearer than the son, openly appeareth the title of King Pepyn, the claim of Hugh Capet, the possession of king Lewes, ye and of all the French kings to this day, are derived, claimed and conveyed from the heir Female, and yet they would bar you as though your great grandmother had been no woman nor heir female, but a painted Image or famed shadow. If so many examples, if such copy of presidents collected out of your own histories and gathered out of your own writers suffice not to confound your simple Salicque law invented by false fablers and crafty imaginers of you fabling French men, than here what God saith in the book of Numeri. When a man dieth without a son, let the inheritance descend to the daughter: If your princes call themselves most Christian kings, let them follow the law of God before the law of the Painym Pharamont.  
Are not all laws discrepant from God's laws evil, and to all Christian ears odious and noisome? Are French women descended of the blood royal no Christians, and not worthy to inherit in the realm of France? Is the realm of France more noble than the kingdom of juda of whom Christ descended by a woman? When God said to Abraham that in one of his seed all nations should be blessed, how came Christ of the seed of Abraham but only by that immaculate Virgin his glorious mother? Likewise, when the Prophet Michee said, thou tribe of juda art not the least of estimation amongst the Princes of juda, for out of the shall come a captain which shall rule and direct my people of Israel. How descended Christ from the rote of jesse, and how was he duke and captain of the Israelites, and how descended he of the line of David: But only by his mother a pure virgin and a married wife. Behold, by god's law, women shall inherit Behold in France, frenchmen have inherited by the only line of the women, and yet Englishmen be prohibit to claim by the heir Female contrary to the law of God and man. Wherefore regard well my sovereign Lord your just and true title to the realm of France, by God's law and man's law to you lawfully divoluted as very heir to Queen Isa●ell your great grandmother daughter to king Philip the fair and sister and heir to iii kings disceasing without any issue. Which inheritance of the woman is declared to be just by the Mosaical law and used and approved by the Gallican descent as I have before declared. Therefore for God's sake lose not your patrimony, disherit not your heirs, dishonour not yourself, d●●ninishe not your title, which your noble progenitors so highly have esteemed. Wherefore advance forth your banner, fight for your right, conquer your inheritance, spare not sword blood or fire, your war is just, your cause is good, and your claim true: and therefore courageously set forward your war against your enemies. And to the intent that we your loving chaplains and obedient lubiectes of the spirituality would show ourselves willing and desiring to aid you for the recovery of your ancient right and true title to the crown of France, we have in our spiritual convocation granted to your highness such a some of money as never by no spiritual persons was to any prince before your days given or advanced, beside our daily prayers and continual precations to God and his saints for prosperus success to ensue in your merciall exploit and royal passage. When the archbishop had finished his prepared purpose, Raulfe Earl of Westmoreland, a man of no less gravity than experience, and of no more experience than stomach, which was then high Warden of the marches toward Scotland, and therefore thinking that if the king should pass over into France with his whole puissance, that his power should be to weak to withstand the strength of Scotland if they should invade during the kings absence's. Wherefore he rose up, & making his obeisance to the king said.  
SURELY sir, 
The Oration of Ralph earl of Westmoreland.  as my lord of Canterbury hath clerkly declared, the conquest of France is very honourable, and when it is gotten and obtained very profitable and pleasant: But saving your grace's reformation, I say and affirm that to conquer Scotland is more necessary, more apparent easy, and more profitable to this realm than is the gain of France. For although I am not so well learned as my lord Archbishop is, nor have not proceeded to degree in the University, yet I have read, and heard great clarks say, that strength knit and combined together is of more force and efficacy then when it is severed and dispersed. As for an example, sprinkle a vessel of water and it moisteth not, but cast it out wholly together and it both washeth and nourisheth. This notable saying before this time hath encouraged Emperors, animated kings and alured princes to conquer realms to them adjoining, to vanquish nations to their dominions adjacent, to subdue people either necessary for their purpose, or being to them daily enemies or continual adversaries. For proof whereof, behold what was the chief cause and occasion why rulers and governors so sore laboured, thirsted and coveted to bring all regions to them adjoining into one rule or Monarchy? Was it not done to this intent that the conquerors might have the only power & entire gubernation of all the lands and people within their climate, and govern them in time of peace and also have their aid in time of war? Which monarchy was of that majesty and estimation in the world, that no otherforein prince or exterior potentate either had audacity or was able to attempt any thing within the territory or region of the monarchial prince and adorned king. Let the kingdom of the assiriens be your example, and if that suffice not, then look on the Percians, after on the Greeks and last on the Romans, which ever desired and coue●ed more to have the little Isle of Scicile, the territory of the Numidians and the mean City of the Samnites being daily within their kenning and smell, rather than to obtain populous Gaul, plenteous Pannony, or manly Macedony lying far from sight and out of their circle or compass. This desire seemeth to rise of a great prudent and vigilant policy, for as a prince is of more puissance when his countries join, so is he of more strength when his power is at hand. And as men lacking comfort be more relieved by friends which be present, then by kinsfolk dwelling in foreign and regions far of. So princes have commonly coue●ed and ever desired to see and behold their dominions lying near about them, rather than to here by report from the countries far distant from them. If this hath been the policy of conquerors, th'appetite of purchasers and the study of governors, why doth your grace desire France before Scotland, or coue● a country far from your sight, before a realm under your nose? Do you not remember how the hole Isle of Britain was one entire Monarchi in the time of your noble auncetor King Brutus first king and ruler of your famus Empire and glorious region: which dividing his realm to his three sons gave to Lothryne his eldest son that part of Britain that your highness now enjoyeth, and to Albanact his second son he gave the country of Albany now called Scotland, and to Camber his third son he gave the country of Cambria now called Wales: reserving always to him & his heirs homage, league and fealty loyal for the same countries and dominions. By this division, the glory of the monarchy of Britain was clearly defaced, by this separation the strength of the british kings was sore diminished, by this dispersion intestine war began, and Civil rebellion sprang first within this region. For while all was under one, no nation durst either once invade or attempt war against the Britons: but when the land was once divided and the monarchy undone, outward enmity or foreign hostility not half so much infested, grieved or troubled the valiant Britons as their own neighbours descended of one parent, and come of one progeny. For the Albanac●es otherwise called the false fraudulent Scots, and the Camber's otherwise called the unstable Welshmen, did not alonely withdraw their fealty, deny their homage, and refuse their allegiance due to the kings of this realm, but also made continual war and destroyed their towns and slew the people of their neighbours and Britons. For which cause, diverse of your noble progenitors have not only made war and subdued the Scots for the denying of their homage and stirring of rebellion, but also have deposed their kings & princes and erected and set up other in their estates and dignities. Scatter king of Scots, for his rebellion was by Dunwallo Moluncius your noble predecessor slain and extincted. King Arthure also the Glory of the Britons erected Angosile to the sceptre of Scotland and received of him homage and fealty. If I should rehearse how many kings of Scotland have done homage to your ancient predecessors, or rehearse how many Scottish kings they have corrected and punished for their disobedience and denying of homage, or declare what kings they as superior lords and high Emperors over the underkinges of Scotland, have elected & made rulers, to th'intent that all people might manifestly perceive that it was more glorious, more honourable and more famous to a King to make a King then to be a king by natural descent, I assure you, your ears would be more weary of hearing, than my tongue would be fatigate with open truth telling. Your noble progenitor king Edward the first coveting to be superior and to surmount in honour, or at the lest to be equivolent in fame with his noble ancestors and famous progenitors, daily studied and hourly compassed how to bring the whole Isle of Briteygne which by Brutus was divided into three parts into one monarchy and one dominion. After long study and great consultation had, he subdued Wales, and tamed the wild people and brought that unruly part to his old home and ancient degree, which thing done he likewise invaded Scotland and conquered the country to the town of Perch called Saint Ihons' town standing on the river of Tay, which he walled, diched and fortified, ruling that part with English laws, english customs and by English judges, and was all most at a point thereof to have made a perfect conquest and a complete Monarchy. But O Lord, hasty death which maketh an end of all mortal creatures, suddenly bereft him of his life and took away his spirit, and so all things which he had devised, which he had ymagened and seriously pretended, the small moment of an hour turned upside down and suddenly subverted. Sigh whose death your great Grandfather, ye and your noble father have attempted to bring that runagate region into his ancient course and former line, as a thing both necessary, convenient and meet to be joined and united to this realm, and so not only to revive the old empire and famous Monarchye, but also to unite and combine that virtue and strength which from the time of Brutus was dispersed and severed, in one body, in one head and one corporation. Wherefore, if to your high wisdom it seemeth not necessary taking this term neccssary for needful to conquer the realm of Scotland as a thing that needs must be done, yet will I not fly from my first saying, but prove it necessary (as the logical paraphrasian and Philosophical interpreters) do by a distinction expound this term necessary to signify a thing convenient: That the conquest in Scotland before the invading of France is most expedient, for experience teacheth and reason agreeth that every person intending a purposed enterprise, or a determinate voyage should only provide and make preparation for all things requisite and needful for his purpose or exploit, but also aught vigilantly to foresee with 
* Lynt is a beast like to a wolf, whose sight doth pierce all things.  Lincis eyes, and prevent and study with the serpentine policy how to avoid and refel all things which might either be an impediment to his progression and setting forward or occasion of his return and loss of his enterprise, lest he leaving behind him an evil neighbour, a continual adversary & a secret enemy, may assoon lose his own proper realm, as conquer and gain the dominion of another: wherefore the trite and common adage saith, leave not the certain for the uncertain. Wherefore it is necessary that I enucleate and open to you certain articles contained in the old league and amity between the realms of France and Scotland, whereof the words be these.  
THE war or injury moved or done by the Englishmen to one of thesay nations, to be as a comen wrong to both.  
IF the Englishmen make war on the French nation, than the the Scots at the costs and charges of the French king, shall minister to them succours.  
LIKEWISE if the Scots be molested by the English wars, the French nation having their costs allowed, shall be to them aiders and assisters.  
AND that none of both the nations shall either contract or make peacewith the realm of England without the consent and agreement of the other.  
AND to th'intent that this league and amity should be kept univolate Robert le Bruse the usurper of Scotland willed by his testament two things in especial to be observed, the one, never to break the treaty concluded with France: The second never to keep peace or promise with Englishmen longer than the keeping thereof were to them either profitable or necessary. Yet John Mayer and other Scottish writers colour this cause, saying that he would have no peace concluded with England above three years. But whatsoever writers writ or talkers say, they be to him most faithful executors and have never yet broken his testament but daily keep his precept and commandment And for the performance of this will and keeping of this league, none of your ancestors ever invaded France, but incontinent the Scots troubled and vexed England. None of your progenitors ever passed the sea in just quarrel against the French nation, but the Scottish people in their absence entered your realm, spoiled your houses, slew your people and took great prays innumerable, only to provoke your ancestors for to return from the invading of France. If I should declare to you their comen breaking of leagues, their crafty and subtle dissimulation, their false fair promises often sworn and never kept, I doubt not but you would ten times more abhor their doing, than I would be ashamed of the telling. Therefore I say still, and affirm it necessary and convenient to force, that you leave no enemies behind at your back when you go to conquer adversaries before your face. Beside this, if you consider the daily charges, the inconstant chances that may happen, I think, yea and little doubt but Scotland shallbe tamed before France shallbe framed. For if you will invade France, account what number of ships must transport your army, reckon what charge of anchors, what a multitude of Cables, and what innumerable things appertain to a navy. When you be there, if your men decay by sickness or by sword, if vitaill fail, or if money wax scant, if the wind turn contrary or an hideous tempest arise, you shall be destitute of aid, provision and treasure, which in a strange region are the confusion & defacing of an army. On the other side, if you invade Scotland, your men be at hand, your victual is near, your aid is ever at your back, so that in that voyage you shall have abundance in all things, and of nothing you shall have want. See what an occasion fortune hath offered unto you, is not their king your captive and prisoner? Is not the realm in great division for the cruelty of the duke of Albany, rather desiring to have a foreign governor, than a natural tyrant Wherefore my counsel is, first to invade Scotland, and by God's grace to conquer and join that region to your Empire, and to restore the renowned Monarchy of Britain to her old estate and pre-eminence, and so beautified with realms and furnished with people, to entry into France for the recovering of your righteous title and true inheritance, in observing the old ancient proverb used by our forefathers, which saith, he that will France win, must with Scotland first begin.  
NO ꝙ the Duke of Excester uncle to the King, 
An O●acion of the Duke of Excester.  (which was well learned, and sent into Italy by his father intending to have been a priest) he that will Scotland win, let him with France first begin. For if you call to remembrance the common saying of the wise and expert Philitions, which both writ and teach, that if you will heal a malady you must first remove the cause: If you will cure a lore, you must first take away the humour that feedeth the place: If you will destroy a plant, pluck away his sap which is his nourishing and life. Then if France be the nori●sher or Scotland, if the French pencions be the sustainers of the Scottish nobility, if the education of Scots in France be the cause of practice and policy in Scotland, then pluck away France and the courage of the nobles of Scotland shall be soon daunted and appalled: Take away France and the hearts of the comen people will soon decay and wax faint: Pluck away France and never look that Scotland will resist or withstand your power. For when the head is go, the body soon falleth, and when the sap faileth the tree soon withereth. Let men read the Chronicles and peruse our English Chronographiers, & you shall soon find that the Scots have seldom of their own ●ocion invaded or vexed England, but only for the observing of the league in the which they be bound to France: For the Scots are the shaft and dart of the frenchmen to shoot and cast at their pleasure against the English nation. And where they have invaded, as I cannot deny but they have done, what glory or what profit succeeded of their entrep●ice, I report me to their peculiar histories. King Malcolyn invaded England, when king William the ●econd was making war in Normandy. David le Bruse also entered England, your great grandfather king Edward the third lying at the siege of Caleis. Was not Malcolin slain beside Tinmouth and king David taken beside Durrham. Let the governors of Scotland, (for the king is sure enough) enter into England on that price and see what he shall gain thereby. What notable act were Scots ever able to do out of their own country and proper climate? Or when were they able to convey an army over the sea at their own costs and expenses? Reed their own histories and you shall find few or none. Their nature and condition is to tarry at home in idleness, ready to defend their country like brute beasts, thinking their rustical fashion to be high honesty, and their beggarly living to be a welfare. Beside this, what ancient writer or authentic historiographier either writ of them honour or once nameth them, ex●pte saint Iherom, which saith that when he was young, he saw in France certain Scots of the isle of Britain eat the flesh of men, and when they came into the woods finding there great herds of beasts and flocks of sheep, left the beasts and cut of the buttocks of the herdmen and the paps and breasts of the sheperdes' women, exteming this meat to be the greatest dainties: And Sabellicus saith that Scots much delight and rejoice in lying. You may now apparently perceive what puissance Scotland is of itself, little able to defend and less able to invade like a noun adjective that cannot stand without a substantive. If France be taken from them, of whom shall they seek aid? Denmark will then refuse because the king is your brother in-law: Portyngall & castle will not them regard, both the kings being your cousins germane and aunts sons: Italy is to far: Germany and Hungary be with you in league. So that of necessity they in conclusion destitute of all aid, deprived of all succour, bereaved of all friendship (if France be conquered) must without war or dent of sword come under your subjection and due obeisance. And yet I would not in this your conquest, France should be so much minded, that Scotland should be forgotten, nor that your entire power should be sent into France and no defence left against the invasions of Scotland. For of that might ensue this mischief, that if your whole power were vanquished in France, the Scots being elated by the victory of their friends might do more displeasor to your realm in one year than you should recover again in five. But scythe God hath sent you people, riches, munitions of war and all things necessary, either to invade both, or to defend the one and penetrate the other. Pass the sea yourself with an army royal, and leave my lord of Westmerlande and other grave captains of the north with a convenient number to defend the Marches if the subtle Scots encouraged by the Frenchmen will any thing attempt during your voyage and absence. And this is to be remembered, if you get Scotland you have a country barren almost of all pleasure and goodness, you gain people savage, wavering and constant, of riches you shall have little and of poverty much: But if you get France, you shall have a country fertile, pleasant and plentiful, you shall have people, Civil, witty and of good order. You shall have rich cities, beautiful towns innumerable Castles xxiiij puissant Duchies, lxxx. and odd populous countries, and an hundred and three famous bisshoprickes, a. M. and more fat Monasteries, and parish Churches (as the French writers affirm) x. C. thousand and more. This conquest is honourable, this gain is profitable, this journey is pleasant, and therefore neither to be left nor forslewed. Uitaill you shall have sufficient from Flaunders aid of men you may have daily out of England, or else to leave a competent crew in the Marches of Caleis to refresh your army and to furnish still your numbered. Although the cost in transporting your men be great, yet your gain shallbe greater, and therefore according to the trite adage, he must liberally spend that will plentifully gain. And because my lord of Westmerlande hath alleged that the Romans desired the dominion of such as were under flight of their own Eagle, or whose possessions were a mote to their eye, as the Numidians & other which he hath wisely rehearsed. Behold the conditions of the counsellors and the desire of the movers, what persons were they which coveted their poor neighbours rather than rich foreines? Men effeminate, more meet for a Carpet then a Camp, men of a weak stomach desiring rather to walk in a pleasant garden then pass the sees in a tempestuous storm, what should I say? men that would have somewhat and yet take little pain, men that coveted things nothing honourable nor yet greatly profitable. But I remember that the noble Cato the Censor which when it was alleged in the Senate at Rome that Africa was far of, and the sea broad, and the journey perilous caused certain new figs to be brought into the Senate, which grew in the territory of Carthage, and demanded of the Senators how they liked the Figs? Some said they were new, some said they were sweet and some said they were pleasant. O qoud Cato, if they be new gathered, them is not the region farof where they grew (● kant three days sailing) and if it be of no longer distance than so near to us be our enemies. If the figs be sweet, then is the soil delicious and fertile. If the figs be pleasant, then is the country profitable. If you gain the Scicilians, you shall be rich men in corn. If you get the Samnites you shall have plenty of oil. If you vanquish the Numidians, you shall have copy of beasts: but subdue Carthage and conquer afric, you shall have not only Corn Oil and beasts, but gold, purple, precious stones, elephants and all things both necessary and pleasant. Therefore my council is rather to seek riches being far distant than poverty lying at hand, for pain is forgotten ever where gain followeth. This noble saying of sage Cato so encouraged and inflamed the haut hearts and lusty courages of the manly Romans, that they never desisted to persecute the people of Africa till Carthage was utterly destroyed and the whole country subdued and brought under the Roman Empire. julius Ceasar also desired rather to conquer the Britons divided from the continent, ye and inhabiting almost in th'end of the world, rather than to gain the Pannonians adjoining to Italy, saying, break the stronger and the weaker will bow: Subdue the rich and the poor will yield be lord of the lords and the vassals must needs be subject, vanquish the frenchmen and the Scots be tamed. This counsel of Cato, and this saying of Cesar maketh me both to speak and think that if you get France, ye get two, and if you get Scotland you get but one When the duke had said and sat down, his opinion was much noted and well digested with the king, but in especial with his three brethren and diverse other lords being young and lusty, desirous to win honour and profit in the realm of France, ensuing the courageous acts of their noble progenitors, which got in that region both honour and renown. So that now all men cried war, war, France, France, and the bill put into the parliament for desoluing of religious houses was clearly forgotten and buried, and nothing thought on but only the recovering of France according to the title by the Archbishop declared and set forth. And so upon this point after a few Acts for the public wealth of the realm condescended and agreed, the parliament was prorogued to Westminster.  
THE king like a wise prince and politic governor, intending to observe the ancient ordres of famous kings and renowned potentates used aswell among paynims as Christians, which is, not to invade another man's territory without open war and the cause of the same to him published and declared, dispatched into France his uncle the duke of Excester and the earl of Dorcet, the lord Grey admiral of England, the Archbishop of Develin, the bishop of Norwiche with v hundred horse, which were lodged in the Temple house in Paris, keeping such triumphant cheer in their lodging, and such a solemn estate in riding through the city, that the Parisians & all the French men had no small marvel at their honourable fashions and lordly behaveors. The French king received them very honourably, and sumpteously banqueted them, showing to them goodly jousts and martial pastimes, by the space of three days together, in the which jousts the king himself to show his courage and activity to the Englishmen, manfully broke spears and lustily turneyed.  
WHEN this great triumph and martial disport was finished, the English Ambassadors according to their commission, required of the French king to deliver to the king of England the realm and crown of France with the entire Duchies of Aquitain, Normandy and Aniowe, with the countries of Poytieu and Maine and diverse other requests, offering that if the French king would without war of effusion of Christian blood render to the king their Master his very right and lawful inheritance, that he would be content to take in marriage the lady Katheryn daughter to the French king & to endue her with all the duchy and countries before rehearsed. And if he intended not so to do, than the king of England did express and signify to him that with the aid of God and help of his people he would recover his right and inheritance wrongfully with holden with mortal war and dent of sword. The frenchmen were much abashed at these demands thinking them very unreasonable and far excessive, and yet not willing to make any determinate answer till they had farther breathed in so weighty a cause, prayed th'English Ambassadors to say to the king their master that they now having no opportunity to conclude in so high a matter would shortly sand Ambassadors into England which should certify & declare to the king their whole mind, purpose and answer.  
THE English Ambassadors nothing content with this doing departed into England making relation of every thing that was said or done. Here I overpass how some writers say that the dolphin thinking king Henry to be given still to such plays and light follies as he exercised & used before the time that he was exalted to the crown sent to him a tun of tennis balls to play with, as who said that he could better skill of tennis then of war, and was more expert in light games then martial policy. Whether he were moved with this unwise present, or espying that the frenchmen dallied and vainly delayed his purpose and demand, was moved and pricked forward I cannot judge, but su●e it is that after the return of his Ambassadors, he being of a haute courage and bold stomach, living now in the pleasantest time of his age, much desiring to enlarge and dilate his Empire and dominion, determined fully to make war in France, conceiving a good trust and a perfect hope in this point which he had before experimented, which is, that victory for the most part followeth where right leadeth, advanced forward by justice and set forth by equity. And because many frenchmen were promoted to Ecclesiastical dignities, some to benefices, some to abbeys and priores within his realm and sent daily innumerable sums of money into France for the relief and aid of their natural countrymen and lineal kinsmen, he therefore for the public wealth of his realm and subjects, ordained that no stranger here after, should be promoted to any spiritual dignity or degree within his realm without his especial licence and royal consent, and that all they that should so be admitted, should found sufficient surety not to disclose the secrets of this realm to any foreign or strange person, nor also to minister to them any aid or succour with money or by any other mean. Beside this he assembled a great puissance & gathered a great host through all his dominions, and for the more furniture of his navy, he sent into Holland, zealand and Frizeland to conduct and hire ships for the transporting and conveying over his men and munitions of war, and finally provided for armure, victual, money, artillery, carraiges, tents and other things necessary for so high an enterprise: Which provisions were soon blown into France & quickly known in Paris. Wherefore the Dolphin who had taken on him the governance of the realm, be cause his father was fallen again into his old infirmity, sent for the dukes of Berry and Alaunson and all the counsel of France, to conclude what should be done in so great a matter and so weighty a cause. After long consultation, it was determined to assemble people through the whole realm of France, to resist & repulce the king of England and his puissance whensoever he would arrive or set foot in France, and also to fortify their towns & stuff them with garrisons and men of war, and farther by taxes & subsedies to levy as much money as by wit or policy could be devised or imagined. Moreover to stay the king of England at home, it was polletiquely devised to send to him a solemn Ambassade to make to him some offers according to the demands before rehearsed. The charge of this Ambassade was committed to the earl of Uandosme, to Master William Bouratier archbishop of Bourgues and to Master Peter Fremel bishop of Lysieux and to the lord of Yury and Braquemont and to Master Gaultier Cole the kings secretory and diverse other. These ambassadors accompanied with. CCC. and fifty horses passed the sea at Caleys and landed at Dover, before whose arrival the king was departed from Wyndsor to Winchester, intending to have go to Hampton and to have viewed his navy, but hearing of the Ambassadors approaching, tarried still at Wynchester, where the said French lords showed themselves very honourably before the king and the nobility. And in the bishops hall before the king, sitting in his throne imperial & his lords spiritual and temporal & a great multitude of the commons there for that intent assembled, At a time prefixed, the archbishop of Bourgesse made an eloquent and a long Oration, dissuading war, and praising peace, offering to the king of England a great some of money with diverse base & poor countries with the Lady Katherine in marriage, so that he would dissolve his army & dismiss his soldiers which he had gathered and made ready.  
When this Oration was ended, the king caused the Ambassadors to be highly feasted, & set them at his own table, And at a day assigned in the foresaid hall, the archbishop of Cauntorbury made to their Oration a notable answer: theffect whereof was, that if the French king would not give with his daughter in marriage, the duchies of Acquitain, Normandy, Aniowe, & all other signories & dominions sometime appertaining to the noble progenitors of the king of England, he would in no wise retire his army nor break his journey but would with all diligence entre into the realm of France & destroy the people, depopulate the country & subvert the towns, with sword blood & fire, & never cease till he had recovered his ancient right & lawful patrimony. The king avowed the archbishops saying, & in the word of a prince promised to perform it to the uttermost. The bishop of Bourgesse being in flamed with anger that his purpose took none effect, desiring licence & pardon of the king that he might speak: which once attained he very rashly and unreverently said. thinkest thou to put down and destroy wrongfully the most christian king, our most redoubted sovereign lord and most excellentest prince of all christianity of blood and pre-eminence O king, saving thine honour, thinkest thou that he hath offered or caused to be offered to the lands, goods, or other possessions with his own daughter for fear of the or thy English nation, or thy friends or well willers or fautors. Not no? but of truth he moved with pity, as a lover of peace, to the intent that innocent blood should not be dispersed abroad, and that christian people should not be afflicted with battle and destroyed with mortal war, hath made to the this reasonable offers and this Godly motion, putting his hole affiance in god most puissant according to right and reason, trusting in his quarrel to be aided and supported by his benevolent subjects and favourable well willers. And sith we be subjects and servants, we require the to 'cause us safely and surely without damage to be conducted out of thy realm and dominions & that thou wilt writ thine answer wholly as thou hast given it, under thy seal and sign manuel.  
THE King of England nothing vexed nor yet moved with the presumptuous sayings and proud brags of the unnurtered and unmannerly bishop, but well remembering king Solomon in the xxiiii of his proverbs, which saith, that with discretion wars must be taken in hand, & where many can give council, there is victory, coldly and soberly answered the bishop saying: My lord, I little esteem your French brags, and less set by your power & strength, I know perfectly my right to your region, and except you will deny the apparent truth so do you, and if you neither do nor will know yet god and the world knoweth it. The power of your Master you see daily, but my puissance you have not yet tasted, If your master have loving ●rendes and faithful subjects, I am I thank God not disgarnished nor unprovided of the same: But this I say unto you, that before one year pass I trust to make the highest crown of your country stoop and the proudest Mitre to kneel down: And say this to the usurper your Master that I within three months will enter into France not as into his land, but as into mine own true and lawful patrimony intending to conquer it, not with bragging words, flattering orations or coloured persuasions, but with puissance of men and dent of sword by the aid of God in whom is my whole trust and confidence. And as concerning mine answer to be written, subscribed and sealed, I assure you that I would not speak that sentence the which I would not writ and subscribe, nor subscribe that line to the which I would refuse to put my seal. Therefore your safeconduct shall be to you delivered with mine answer, and then you may depart surely and safely I warrant you into your country, where I trust sooner to visit you then you shall have cause to salute or bid me welcome. With this answer the Ambassadors sore dismayed, but more displeased (although they were highly entertained & liberally rewarded, departed into their country, relating to the dolphin and the kings council what they had done during the time of their Ambassade.  
After the french Ambassadors were departed, the king as I said before having a great foresight and disposing all things in an order forgetting not the old pranks and sudden tricks of the variable Scottish nation, appointed the earl of Westmerlande, the lord Scrope, the Baron of Greystocke and sir Robert Umfrevile with divers other hardy parsonages & valiant captains to keep the frontiers and Marches adjoining to Scotland, which sir Robert Umfrevile on the day of Mari Magdalene entered with the Scots at the town of Gedering, having in his company only. CCCC. Englishmen, where he after long conflict and doubtful battle slew of his enemies lx and odd, and took captynes. CCC.lx. and discomfited and put to flight a thousand and more, whom he followed in chase alone xii miles, and so jaded with preys and prisoners recoiled again not unhurt to the castle of Rokesbroughe, of the which at that time he was chief captain and governor.  
When the king had ordered all things for the tuition and safeguard of his realm and people, he leaving behind him for governor of the realm, the Queen his mother in-law, departed to the town of Southampton, intending there to take ship, and so to transfrete into France. And to th'intent he would steal on the French king before he were ware of him, he dispatched Antelope his pursuivant at Arms with letters, the which the French chronographers declare to be these.  
TO the right honourable prince Charles our cossyn of France & adversary, Henry by the grace of God king of England & of France. etc.  
To deliver to every man his own, is a work of inspiration and a deed of sage council, for right noble prince our cousin and adversary, sometimes the noble realms of England & of France were united, which now be separated and divided, and as than they were accustomed to be exalted through the universal world by their glorious victories, and it was to them a notable virtue to decore and beautify the house of God, to the which appertained holiness, and to set a concord in Christ's religion. And by their agreeable wars they brought fortunately the public enemies to their subjection: but alas this fraternal faith is perverted to fraternal occasion as Lot persecuted Abraham by human impulsion, but now the glory of fraternal love is dead, and the descent of ancient humane condition is departed, and mother malice and Ire are resuscitate from death to life, but we call to witness the sovereign judge in conscience, which will not bow either for prayer or for gi●●es, that we to our power for pure love have proceeded by all means to peace & amity. And sith we have read in writing and by council have learned the just title of our inheritance from us detained in prejudice of our ancient lineage, we be not of so small a courage but that we will fight to death to obtain right and justice: but by the authority written in the book of Deuteronomy, all men are taught which come to besiege or assault any city or fortress, first to offer peace And albeit that violence the ravisher of justice have taken away of long time the nobleness of our crown and our just inheritance, yet we by charity have done what we might to recover and bring our old inheritance to the first degree and ancient estate, and therefore for fault of justice we may return to arms. Wherefore, that our glory may be witness of our conscience now and also by personal request, in the beginning of our journey to the which we are toward for fault of justice, we exhort you in the bowels of our saviour jesus Christ, whose evangelical doctrine willeth that you aught to tender to all men that which you aught to do, and so to do to us is the will of God our sovereign lord and creator. And to th'intent that th'effusion of Christian people should be exchewed which are the images of God, we have demanded our right and restitution of the same from us wrongfully withholden and detained, or at the lest of such things which we have so often times by our Ambassadors and messengers required & instantly desired, wherewith we have offered to be pleased, satisfied and contented for the only reverence of almighty God & for the utility of a universal peace which we thought should have ensued. And therefore we for our part because of a marriage to be had and concluded between us, were determined to forsake & refuse the fifty thonsand crowns to us last promised and proffered, preferring peace before riches, & choosing rather our rightful patrimony to us by our noble progenitors lawfully devoluted and descended with our cossyn your daughter the fair lady Katherine, rather than for treasure and desire of money the multiplier of iniquity, shamefully to dishenerite ourself and the crown of our realm which God forbidden.  
given under our privy seal at our castle of Hampton on the sea side, the .v. day of August.  
WHEN the letter was presented to the French king & by his council well overloked, he made answer to th'officers of arms that he had well perceived the content of the letters, whereupon he would take advice and provide for the same in time and place convenient, licencing the messenger to departed at his pleasure.   

¶ The third year. 
The three year.   
THis noble prince having his navy furnished, and all things necessary for such a royal voyage, perceiving his fresh captains to complain that they had lost so many months of the year in the which they might have done diverse haute terprices in the lands of their enemies, and that nothing was to them & more odious than prolonging lingering of time, determined with all diligence to 'cause his soldiers to enter his ships and so to departed.  
SE the chance, the night before the day of departure appointed, he was credibly informed that Richard earl of Cambridge brother to Edward duke of York and Henry lord Scrope & sir Thomas Grace knight had compassed his death and final destruction: wherefore he caused them to be apprehended lamenting sore his chance that he should be compelled to lose such personages by whose valiantness and puissance he should be more dreadful and fearful to his foes & enemies. When these prisoners were examined, they not only confessed the conspiracy, but also declared that for a great some of money which they had received of the French king, they intended either to deliver the king alive into the hands of his enemies, or else to murder him before that he should arrive in the duchy of Normandy. When king Henry hard all things opened which he sore desired, he caused all his nobility to assemble before his majesty royal, before whom he caused to be brought the three great offenders and to them said: If you have conspired the death and destruction of me which am the head of the realm and governor of the people, without doubt I must of necessity think that you likewise have compassed the confusion of all that be here with me and also the final destruction of your native country and natural region. And although some private Scorpion in your hearts, or some wild worm in your heads hath caused you to conspire my death and confusion, yet you should have spared that devilish enterprise as long as I was with mine army which cannot continued without a captain, nor be directed without a guide, nor yet with the destruction of your own blood and nation you should have pleased a foreign enemy and an ancient adversary. Wherefore seeing that you have enterprised so great a mischief, so abominable a fact, to th'intent that your fautors being in the army may abhor so detestable an offence by the punishment of you, hast you to receive the pain that for your demerits you have deserved, & that punishment that by the law for your offences is provided.  
WHEN these noble men were executed, the king said to his lords, see you not the mad imagination of men which persecute me that daily study, and hourly labour, to my great travail and unquietness for the advancement of the public wealth of this realm and region, and for that cause I spare no pain nor refuse no time, to th'intent to do good to all men, and to hurt no man, and thus to do is my duty & to this as I think am I borne. I pray to God that there be none among you that be infected with so much untruth that had liefer see me destroyed and brought to confusion, rather than to see his country flourish increased with honour and empire. I assure you that I conceive no such opinion in any of you, but put in you both trust & confidence and if I may have your help to beautify my realm and to recover again the old honour of mine ancestors by subduing the French nation, I for myself will forget all peril and pain and be your guide lodesman and conductor. And if you draw back and will not move forward, beleveue me, God will so dispose, that hereafter you shallbe deceived and sore repent had I wist. When the king had finished his saying, all the noble men kneeled down & promised faithfully to serve him and duly to obey him, and rather to die then to suffer him to fall into the hands of his enemies.  
THIS done, the king thought surely in his conceit all sedition to be drowned & utterly extinct. But if he had cast his eye to the fire that was newly kindled, he should have surely seen an horrible flame incensed against the walls of his own house and family, by the which in conclusion his line and stock was clean destroyed and consumed to ashes, which fire at that very time peradventure might have been quenched and put out. For diverse writ that Richard earl of Cambridge did not conspire with the lord Scrope and sir Thomas Graye to murder king Henry to please the French king withal, but only to th'intent to exalt to the crown his brotherinlawe Edmond earl of March as heir to duke Lyonel. After whose death considering that the earl of March for diverse secret impediments was not able to have generation, he was sure that the crown should come to him by his wife, or to his children. And therefore it is to be thought that he rather confessed himself for need of money to be corrupted by the French king, than he would declare his inward mind & open his very intent For surely he saw that if this purpose were espied, the earl of March should have drunken of the same cup that he did, and what should have come to his own children he much doubted. And therefore being dedestitute of comfort and in despair of life, to save his children he feigned that tale, desiring rather to ●aue his succession then himself, which he did in deed. For Richard duke of York his son not privily but openly claimed the crown, and Edward his son both claimed & gained it as hereafter you shall hear, which thing at this time if king Henry had foreseen I doubt whether either ever that line should have either claimed the garland or gained the game.  
WHEN the wind was prosperous and pleasant for the navy to set forward, they weighed up the Ankers and hoist up their sails and set forward with. C.xl ships on the vigil of the Assumption of our Lady and took land at Caux, commonly called kid Caux (where the river of Seine runneth into the sea) without resistance or bludshedding. The king was lodged on the shore in a small priory with the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester his brethren: the duke of Excetter and York, the earls, Marshal, Oxford, Suffolk, Warwick and other lords were lodged not far from him. The next day after, he marched toward the town of Harflewe standing on the river of Seyne between two hills and besieged it on every part. The captain of the town was the lord Escoutevile with the lord Blaynuile of Hacquevile, the lords of Harmanuile of Galarde Boys, of Clere de Becton, of Adsanches, of Brian, of Gaucort, of Lisleadam and many othrr.  
THE French king being advertised of the kings arrival, sent in all the hast the lord Delabreche constable of France and the lord Bonciqualt Martial of France, the Seneschal of Henaude, the lord Ligny and diverse other captains, which fortified towns with men victual and artillery on all the sea coast. And hearing that the king of England had besieged Harflew at his first landing, came to the castle of Cawdebec being not far from Harflewe, to th'intent to succour their friends which were besieged if they might by any policy or invention, and if not, than they imagined how to slay and hurt the Englishmen when they went into the country on foraging for beasts and victual and so trap and destroy them, for they construed with themselves that their victual would soon fail because of the air of the sea and smell of the water. But they were deceived, for notwithstanding the provision and policy of the frenchmen, the Englishmen forrayed the country, spoiled the villages and brought many a rich pray to the Camp be fore Harflewe. Thenglishmen daily ceased not to assail the town, the duke of Gloucester to whom the order of the assault was committed, made three mines under the ground & approached the walls with ordinance and engines, and would not suffer them within to rest at any time. The king lying on the hill side with his battle did not only keep the Frenchmen from succoring of the town, but also took away from the towns men all the hope and trust of their succour, aid and relief, and also all the gonnepouder that was sent by the French king to them that were besieged was taken by thenglishmen. The captains of the French men within the town perceived that they were not able to resist the continual invasions and hourly assaults of the fierce englishmen, and knowing that their walls were undermined and shortly like to fall, & fearing that might hap of the chance if they should fortune to be overcome and taken by force, desired of the king of England only truce for three days, promising that if they were not rescued within the same time, than they to yield themselves and the town their lives only saved. And to perform this, they delivered into the kings possession xxx of the best captains and Merchants of the town. The king of England accepted this offer, lest he intending greater exploits might lose his time in such small matters. When this composition was agreed, the lord Hacquevile was sent to the French king to declare the necessity of the town and the short time of the truce. To whom the dolphin answered that the kings power was not yet assembled in such a number as was convenient to raise so great a siege. When the answer was reported to the captains, they seeing no hope nor similitude of aid and comfort to them coming, after the third day rendered to the king of England the town, being the xxxvij day after that it was besieged, which was the day of saint Mawrice, to the great abashment of all Normandy, for it was the sovereign port of all that country. The soldiers were ransomed and the town was sacked to the great gain of the Englishmen. The king of England ordained captain of the town of Harflew his uncle Thomas duke of Excester which established his lieutenant there John Fastolffe with xu C. men and xxxv kinghtes, whereof the Baron of Carew & sir Hugh Lutterell were two counsaillers. And because diverse of his nobles lying before Harflew were sick of the flux and many were dead, amongst whom th'earl of Stafford, the bishop of Norwich, the lords Molins and Burnell were four beside other. The king licenced the duke of Clarence his brother, John earl Martial and John earl of Arundel being infected with that disease to return into England.  
KING Henry not a little rejoicing of his good luck and fortunate success in the beginning of his pretenced conquest, determined withal diligence to set forward in performing his intended purpose and warrely enterprise, but because Winter approached faster and more furiously then before that time had been accustomed, he was sore troubled and vexed. For the which cause he called together all the Chevetaines and men of policy in his army to consult upon the proceeding forward and to be sure of way and ready passage. After long debating and much reasoning, it was as a thing both necessary and convenient and fully agreed and determined to set forward withal diligence before the dead time of Winter approached, toward the town of Caleis. And because their going forward should be called of slanderous tongues a running or flying away, it was decreed that the whole army should pass the next way by land through the midst of their enemies, and yet that iouruey was adjudged perilous by reason that the numbered was much minished by the flix and other fevers, which sore vexed and brought to death above xu C. persons, which was the very cause that the return was sooner concluded and appointed: but before his departing he entered into the town of Harflew and went on foot to the church of saint Martynes and there offered. And all the men of war which had not paid their ransom, he swore them on the holy Evangelists to yield themselves prisoners at Caleis by the fea●● of S. Martin in November next, diverse of the burgesses he highly ransomed, and a great part of the women and children he expelled the town, giving to every poor creature five sowse. The priests had licence to departed leaving behind them their substance. The goods in the town were innumerable which were all pray to the Englishmen, which sent the best into England as a remembrance of good luck. There were two strong towers standing on the haven side, which looking for aid did not yield ten days after the town was rendered.  
WHEN the king had repaired the walls, fortified the bulwarks refreshed the rampires and furnished the town with victual and artillery, he removed from Harflew toward Pountoyse, intending to pass the river of Some with his army before the bridges were either withdrawn or broken. The French king hearing that the town of Harfflewe was gotten and that the king of England was marching forward into the bowels of the realm, sent out proclamations and assembled people in every quarter, committing the whole charge of his army to his son the Dolphin & the duke of Aquitayn, which incontinent caused the bridges to be broken and all the passages to be defended, beside that they caused all corn and other victual to be destroyed in all places where they conjectured that thenglishmen would repair or pass through, to th'intent that they might either keep them in a place certain without any passage or departure, and so to destroy them at their pleasures, or else to keep them in a strait without victuals or comfort, and so by famine either cause them to die or yield.  
THE king of England afflicted withal these incommoditees at one time was neither dismayed nor discouraged, but keeping forth his journey approached to the river of Some, where he perceived that all the bridges were by his enemies broken and unframed: wherefore he came to the passage called Blanchetaque where king Edward's great grandfather passed the river of Some before the battle of Cressy. But the passage was so kept that he could not pass without great danger, considering that his enemies were at his back & before his face. Wherefore he passed forward to Arannes', burning villages & taking great booties, and every day he sent his light horsemen abroad to spy and seek what perils there were at hand, what embushmentes there were laid on the one side or tother, & to found out where he might most safely pass the river. The espials returned and declared for a truth that the country swarmed with men of war, whereof he being advertised, set forth in good order, keeping still his way forward and so ordered his army and placed his carriage, that having his enemies on both sides of him, he passed so terribly that his enemies were afraid once to offer him battle, and yet the lord Delabreth Constable of France, the Marshal Bonceqault, the earl of Uandosme great Master of France and the lord Dampier Admiral of France, the duke of Alencon and the earl of Richemonde withal the puissance of the Dolphin lay at Abbevile and durst not once touch his battles, but ever kept the passages and coasted aloof like a hawk that liketh not her pray. The king of England still kept on his journey till he came to the bridge of saint Maxence, where he found above xxx M. frenchmen and there pitched his field, looking surely to be set on and fought withal. Wherefore to encourage his captains the more, he dubbed certain of his hardy & valeant gentleman knights, as John lord Ferreis of Groby, Reignold of Greistocke, Piers Tempest, Christopher Morisby, Thomas Pikering, William Huddleston, John Hosbalton, Henry Mortimer, Philip Halle & William his brother, & jaques de Ormond & diverse other. But when he saw the the Frenchmen made no semblance to fight, he departed in good order of battle by the town of Amience to a town near to a castle called Bows, and there lay two days, every hour looking for battle. And from thence he came near to Corby where he was stayed that night by reason that the comen people and peysantzes of the country assembled in great number, and the men of Arms of the garrison of Corby skirmished with his army in the morning, which tarrying was to him both joyous and profitable, for there he discomfited the crew of horsemen & drove the rustical people even to their gates, & also found there the same day a shallow ford between Corby & Peron, which never was espied before. At the which he, his army & carriages the night ensuing passed the great river of Some without let or danger, the morrow after saint Luke's day, determined withal diligence to pass to Caleis, and not to seek for battle except he were thereto constrained & compelled, because that his army by sickness was sore minished and appaired, for he had only two. M. horsemen and xiij M. Archers, bill men and of all sorts. The Englishmen were afflicted in this journey with an hundred discomodities, for their victual was in manner all spent, and new they could get none, for their enemies had destroyed all the corn before their coming: Rest they could take none, for their enemies were ever at hand, daily it reined and nightly it fresed, of fuel was skacenes and of fluxes was plenty, money they had enough but comfort they had none. And yet in this great necessity the poor folks were not spoiled nor any thing without payment was of them extorted, nor great offence was done except one, which was that a foolish soldier stole a pyx out of a church and unreverently did eat the holy hosts within the same conteigned. For which cause he was apprehended, and the king would not once remove till the vessel was restored & the offender strangled. The people of the countries there about hearing of his strait justice & godly mind, ministered to him both victuals & other necessaries, although by open proclamation they were thereof prohibited.  
THE French king being at Rouen, hearing that the king of England was passed the water of Some, was not a little discontent, and assembled his counsel to the numbered of xxxv to consult what should be done, the chief whereof were the Dolphin his son whose name was Lewes, calling himself king of Cicile, the dukes of Berry & britain th'earl of Pontieu the kings youngest son and diverse other, whereof thirty. agreed that the Englishmen should not depart unfoughten with all, and five▪ were of the contrary opinion, but the greater numbered ruled the matter. And so Mountioye king at Arms was sent to the king of England to defy him as the enemy of France, and to tell him that he should shortly have battle. King Henry soberly answered: Sir mine intent and desire is none other, but to do as it pleaseth almighty God and as it becometh me, for surely I will not seek your Master at this time, but if he or his seek me I will willingly fight with him. And if any of your nation attempt once to stop me in my journey toward Caleis, at their jeopardy be it, and yet my desire is that none of you be so unadvised or harebrained as to be the occasion that I in my defence shall colour and make red your tawny ground with the deaths of yourselves and th'effusion of Christian blood. When he had answered the herald, he gave to him a great reward & licensed him to departed  
WHEN the Lords of France heard the king of England's answer, it was incontinent proclaimed, that all men of war should resort to the Constable of France to fight with the king of England and his puissance. Whereupon all men accustomed to bear Arinure and desirous to win honour through the realm of France drew toward the field. The dolphin sore desired to be at that battle, but he was prohibited by the king his father, likewise Philip earl of Charolous son to the Duke of Burgoyn would gladly have been at that noble assemble if the duke his father would have suffered him, but many of his men stolen away and went to the frenchmen.  
THE King of England informed by his espials that the day of battle was nearer than he looked for, dislodged from Bomyers & road in good array through the fair plain beside the town of Blangy, where to the intent that his army should not be included in a straight or driven to a corner, he chose a place meet and convenient for two armies to darrayne battle between the towns of Blangy and Agincourte, where he pight his field.  
THE Constable of France, the Marshal, the Admiral, the Lord Rambures Master of the Crossbows and diverse lords and knights pitched their banners near to the banner royal of the Constable in the Countee of saint Paul within the territory of Agincourte, by the which way the Englishmen must needs pass toward Caleis. The frenchmen made great fires about their banners, and they were in numbered had lx M. horsemen, as their own historians and writers affirm, beside footmen pages and wagoners, and all that night made great cheer and were very merry. The Englishmen that night sounded their trumpets and diverse instruments Musical with great melody, and yet they were both hungry, weary, sore travailed and much vexed with cold diseases: Howbeit they made peace with God in confessing their sins, requiring him of help and receiving the holy sacrament, every man encouraging and determining clearly rather to die then either to yield or fly.  
NOW approached the fortunate fair day to the Englishmen and the infest and unlucky day to the French nobility, 
The battle of Agincourt  which was the five and twenty day of October in the year of our Lord jesus Christ a thousaude four hundred and fifteen, being then friday and the day of Crispin and Crispinian. On the which day in the morning, the French men made three battles: In the Uaward were eight thousand Healmes of Knights and esquires and four thousand Archers and fifteen hundred Crosebowes, which were guided by the Lord Delabret Constable of France, having with him the dukes of orleans and Burbone, th'earls of Ewe and Richmond the Marshal Bonciqualt and the Master of the Crosebowes, the Lord Dampier Admiral of France and other captains. And the earl of Uandosme and other the kings officers with xuj C. men of Arms were ordered for a wing to that battle. And the other wyug was guided by sir Guyshard Dolphyn and sir Clugnet of Brabant and sir Lewes of Bourbon with eight C. men of Arms, of chosen and elect persons. And to break the shot of the Englishmen were appointed sir Guyllian of Savensens with Hector and Philip his brethren. Ferry of Maylley and allen of Gaspanes with other eight C. men of Arms. In the middle ward were assigned as many persons or more as were in the foremost battle, and thereof was the charge committed to the dukes of Bar and Alenson, th'earls of Nevers, Uawdemont, Blamount, Salynges, Grauntpree and of Roussy. And in the rearward were all the other men of Arms, guided by the earls of Marle, Dampmartyne, Fawquenberge and the Lord of Lourrey Capitayne of Arde, who had with him men of the Frontiers of Bolonoys.  
WHEN these battles were thus ordered, it was a glorious sight to behold them, and surely they were esteemed to be in numbered six times as many or more than was the whole company of the Englishmen with wagoners' pages and all. Thus the Frenchmen were every man under his banner only waiting for the bloody blast of the terrible trumpet, and in this order they continued resting themselves and reconciling every one to other for all old rancours and hatreds which had been between them, till the hour between ix and ten of the day. During which season, the Constable of France said openly to the captains in effect as followeth.  
FRIENDS and companions in arms, 
The oration of the Constable of France  I cannot but both rejoice and lament the chances & fortunes of these two armies which I openly see and behold with mine eyes here present. I rejoice for the victory which I see at hand for our part, and I lament and sorrow for the misery and calamity which I perceive to approach to the otherside: For we cannot but be victors and triumphant conquerors, for who saw ever so flourishing an army within any christian region, or such a multitude of valiant persons in one company? Is not here the flower of the French nation on barded horses with sharp spears and deadly weapons? Are not here the bold Britons with fiery handgonnes and sharp swords? See you not present the practised Pickardes with strong and weighty Crossbows? Beside these, we have the fierce Brabanders & strong Almains with long pikes and cutting slaughmesses. And on the otherside is a small handful of poor Englishmen which are entered into this region in hope of some gain or desire of profit, which by reason that their victual is consumed & spent, are by daily famine sore weakened, consumed & almost without spirits: for their force is clearly abated and their strength utterly decayed, so y● or the battles shall join they shallbe for very feebleness vanquished & overcome, & in stead of men ye shall fight with shadows. For you must understand, that keep an Englishman one month from his warm bed, fat beef and stolen drink, and let him that season taste cold and suffer hunger, you then shall see his courage abated, his body wax lean and bore, and ever desirous to return into his own country. Experience now declareth this to be true, for if famine had not pinched them, or cold wether had not nipped them surely they would haue made their progress farther into France, and not by so many perilous passages retired toward Calays. Such courage is in Englishmen when fair wether and victual follow them, and such weakness they have when famine and cold vex and trouble them. Therefore now, it is no mastery to vanquish and overthrow them, being both weary & weak, for by reason of feebleness and faintness their weapons shall fall out of their hands when they proffer to strike, so that ye may no easilier kill a poor sheep then destroy them being already sick & hungerstaruen. But imagine that they were lusty, strong and courageous, and then ponder wisely the cause of their coming hither, and the meaning of their enterprise: first their king a young stripling (more meet for a tennis play then a warlike camp), claimeth the crown, sceptre and sovereignty of the very substance of the French nation by battle: then he and his intend to occupy this country, inhabit this land, destroy our wives and children, extinguish our blood and put our names in the black book of oblivion. Wherefore remember well, in what quarrel can you better fight then for the tuition of your natural country, the honour of your prince, the surety of your children and the safeguard of your land and lives. If these causes do not encourage you to fight, behold before your eyes the tents of your enemies, with treasure, plate & jewels well stuffed and richly furnished, which pray is surely yours if every man strike but one stroke, beside the great ransoms which shallbe paid for rich captains and wealthy prisoners, which as surely shallbe yours as you now had them in your possession. Yet this thing I charge you withal, that in nowise the king himself be killed, but by force or otherwise to be apprehended & taken to the intent that with glory & triumph we may convey him openly through the noble city of Paris to ou●e king and dolphin as a testimony of our victory & witness of our noble act. And of this thing you be sure, that fly they cannot, and to yield to our fight, of necessity they shallbe compelled. Therefore good fellows take courage to you, the victory is yours, the gain is yours & the honour is yours without great labour or much loss.  
KING Henry also like a leader & not like one led, like a sovereign and not like a soldier ordered his men for his most advantage like an expert captain and a courageous warirer. And first he sent privily CC. archers into a low meadow which was near to the forward of his enemies, but separate with a great ditch, and were there commanded to keep themselves close till they had a token to them given to shoot at their adversaries. Beside this, he appointed a vaward, of the which he made captain Edward duke of York which of a haute courage had of the king required and obtained that office: and with him were the lords Beaumond, Wylloughby and Fanhope, and this battle was all archers. The middle ward was governed by the king himself with his brother the duke of Gloucester, & the earls Marshal, Oxford and Suffolk, in the which were all the strong bilmen, The duke of Exeter uncle to the king led the rearward, which was mixed both with archers & billmen. The horsemen like wings went on every side of the battle. When the king had thus ordered his battle, like a puissant conqueror without fear of his enemies, yet considering the multitude of them far to exceed the small number of his people, doubting that the frenchmen would compass and beset him about, and so fight with him on every side, to th'intent to vanquish the power of the French horsemen which might break the order and array of his Archers, in whom the whole force of the battle did consist and in manner remain he caused stakesbound with iron sharp at both ends of the length of u or vi foot, to be pitched before the Archers and of every side the foot men like an hedge, to the intent that if the bard horses ran rashly upon them, they might shortly be gored and destroyed, & appointed certain persons to remove the stakes when the Archers moved, and as time required: so that the footmen were hedged about with the stakes, and the horsemen stood like a bulwark between them and their enemies without the stakes. This device of fortifying an army was at this time first invented, but sense that time, they have imagined caltrappes, harrows and other new tricks to defend the force of the horsemen so that if the enemies at adventure run against their engines, either suddenly their horses be wounded with the stakes, or their feet hurt with the other engines, so that of very necessity for pain, the silly poor beasts are compelled to fall and tumble to the ground. When he had ordered thus his battles, he left a small company to keep his camp & baggage, and then calling his captains and soldiers about him, he made to them an hearty Oration in effect as followeth, saying.  
WELL-BELOVED friends and countrymen, 
The oration of king Henry the fift.  I exhort you heartily to think and conceive in yourselves that this day shallbe to us all a day of joy, a day of good luck and a day of victory: For truly if you well note and wisely consider all things, almighty God under whose protection we be come hither, hath appointed a place so meet and apt for our purpose as we ourselves could neither have devised nor wished which as it is apt and convenient for our small number and little army so is it unprofitable and unmeet ●or a great multitude to fight or give batttaile in: and in especial for such men in whom is neither constant faith nor security of promise, which persons be of God neither favoured nor regarded, nor he is not accustomed to aid and succour such people which by force and strength contrary to right & reason detain and keep from other their just patrimony and lawful inheritance, with which blot and spot the French nation is apparently defiled and distained: so that God of his justice will scourge and aflicte them for their manifest injuries and open wrongs to us and our realm daily committed and done. Therefore putting your only trust in him, let not their multitude fear your hearts, nor their great number abate your courages: for surely old warlike fathers have both said and written that the more people that an army is, the less knowledge the multitude hath of material feats or politic practices, which rude rustical and ignorant persons shallbe in the field unto hardy captains and lusty men of war a great let and sore impediment. And though they all were of like policy, like audacity and of one uniform experience in martial affairs, yet we aught neither to fear them nor once to shrink for them, considering that we come in the right, which ever of God is favoured, set forth and advanced: in which good and just quarrel all good persons shall rather set both their feet forward, then once to turn their one heal backward. For if you adventure your lives in so just a battle & so good a cause, which way soever fortune turn her wheel, you shallbe sure of fame, glory and renown: If you be victors and overcome your enemies, your strength and virtue shallbe spread and dispersed through the whole world: If you overpressed with so great a multitude shall hap to be slain or taken, yet neither reproach can be to you ascribed, either yet infamy of you reported, considering that Hercules alone was not equivolent unto ii men, nor a small handful is not equal to a great number, for victory is the gift of God and consisteth not in the puissance of men. Wherefore manfully set on your enemies at their first encounter, strike with a hardy courage on the false hearted frenchmen, whom your noble ancestors have so often overcome and vanquished. For surely they be not so strong to give the onset upon you, but they be much weaker to abide your strength in a long fight and tired battle. As for me I assure you all, that England for my person shall never pay ransom, nor never Frencheman shall triumph over me as his captain, for this day by famous death or glorious victory I will win honour and obtain fame. Therefore now joyously prepare yourselves to the battle and courageously fight with your enemies, for at this very time all the realm of England prayeth for our good luck and prosperous success.  
WHILE the king was thus speaking, each army so maligned & grudged at the other being in open fight and evident appearance, that every man cried forth, forth, forward forward. The dukes of Clarence, Gloucester and York were of the same opinion, thinking it most convenient to march toward their enemies with all speed & celerity, lest in prolonging of time and arguing of opinions, the French army might more and more increase & hourly multiply. Howbeit, the king tarried a while lest any jeopardy were not foreseen, or any hazard not prevented.  
THE frenchmen in the mean season little or nothing regarding the small number of th'English nation, were of such haute courage and proud stomachs that they took no thought for the battle, as who say they were victors and overcomers before any stroke was stricken, and laughed at the Englishmen, and for very pride thought themselves lifted into heaven jesting and boasting that they had thenglish men enclosed in a strait, and had overcome and taken them without any resistance. The captains determined how to divide the spoil: the soldiers played the Englishmen at dice: the noble men devised a chariot how they might triumphantly convey king Henrye being captive to the city of Paris, crying to their soldiers, hast your selves to obtain spoil, glory and honour, to th'intent that we may study how to give you thanks for the great gifts and rewards which we hope to receive of your great liberality. The foolish folly of this vain solace broke out so far, that messengers were sent to the cities and towns adjoining, willing them to make open plays and triumphs, (as though that the victory were to them certain & no resistance could appear) and also to give God thanks for their prosperous act and notable deed, not remembering that the whirlwind shortly with a puff blew away all their foolish joy and fantastical bragging.  
Of this doing you may gather, that it is asmuch madness to make a determinate judgement of things to come, as it is wisdom to doubt what will follow of things begun. I may not forget how the Frenchemen being in this pleasant pastime, sent a herald to king Henry to inquire what ransom he would offer, and how he answered that within ii or iii hours he hoped that it should so happen that the frenchmen should comen rather with thenglishmen how to be redeemed, than the Englishmen should take thought how to pay any ransom or money for their deliverance: asserteining them for himself that his dead carrion should rather be their prey, than his living body should pay any ransom. When the messenger was departed, the Frenchmen put on their healmettes and set them in order under their banners, richly armed and gorgeously trapped, and caused their trumpets to blow to the battle.  
THE Englishmen perceiving that, set a little forward, before whom there went an old knight called sir Thomas of Herpingham, a man of great experience in war, with a warder in his hand, and when he cast up his warder all the army shouted, at the which the Frenchmen much marveled, but that was a sign to the Archers in the meadow, which knowing the token, shot wholly altogether at the vaward of the Frenchmen. When they perceived the archers in the meadow, whom they saw not before, and saw they could not come to them for a ditch, they with all hast set on king Henry's forward, but or they joined, the archers in the forfront and the archers on the side which stood in the meadow, so wounded the footmen, so galled the horses and so cumbered the men of arms that the footmen durst not go forward, the horsemen ran in plumps without order, some overthrew his fellow, and horses overthrew their masters: So at the first joining, as the frenchmen were clearly discouraged, so thenglishmen were much cheered. When the French vaward was thus discomfited, the English archers cast away their bows & took into their hands axes, malles and sword, bills and other weapons, and therewith slew the Frenchmen till they came to the middleward. Then the king approached and encouraged his soldiers, that shortly the second battle was overthrown and dispersed not without great slaughter of men: howbeit divers being wounded were relieved by their varlets and conveyed out of the field, for the Englishmen so sore laboured with fighting and slaying, and were so busy in taking of prisoners that they followed no chase, nor would once break out of the battle. The Frenchmen strongly withstood the fierceness of Thenglishmen when they came to handy strokes, so that the fight was very doubtful & perilous. And when one part of the Frenchhorse men thought to have entered into the kings battle, they were with the stakes overturned, and either slain or taken.  
THUS this battle continued iii long hours, some struck, some defended, some foined, some traversed, some killed, some took prisoners noman was idle, every man fought either in hope of victory or glad to save himself. The king that day showed himself like a valiant knight, which notwithstanding that he was almost felled with the duke of Alaunson, yet with plain strength he slew ii of the duke's company and felled the duke: but when the duke would have yielded him, the kings guard contrary to the kings mind outrageously slew him And inconclusion, minding to make an end of that days journey, caused his horsemen to fetch a compass about & to join with him against the rearward of France: in the which battle were the greatest number of people. When the Frenchmen perceived his intent, they were suddenly amazed and ran away like sheep without array or order.  
When the king perceived the banners cast down & the array was clearly broken, he encouraged his soldiers and followed so quickly that the Frenchmen truning to flight, ran hither and thither not knowing which way to take, casting away their armure and on their knes desired to have their lives saved. In the mean season while the battle thus continued and that thenglishmen had taken a great number of prisoners, certain Frenchmen on horseback whereof were captains Robinet of Bornevile, Rifflart of Clamas and Isambert of Agincourt and other men of Arms to the number of vi C. horsemen: which fled first from the field at their first coming, and hearing that the English tents and pavilions were far from the army without any great number of keepers or persons meet and convenient for defence, partly moved and stirred with covetous desire of spoil and pray, and partly intending by some notable act to revenge the damage and displeasure done to them & theirs in battle the same day, entered into the kings camp being void of men and fortified with varlets & lackeys, and there spoiled hales, rob tents, broke up chests and carried away caskets and slew such servants as they could find in the tents and pavilions. For the which act they were long imprisoned and sore punished and like to have lost their lives if the Dolphyn had longer lived.  
WHEN the king by a fearful messenger was of this evil act suddenly advertiled, and when the outcry of the lackeys and boys which ran away for fear of the robbers was heard into the field, saying that the Frenchmen had rob all the the tents and lodgings of the Englishmen, he fearing lest his enemies being dispersed and scattered abroad should gather together again and begin a new field: and doubting farther that the prisoners would either be an aid to his enemies or very enemies to him if he should suffer them to live, contrary to his accustomed gentleness and pity he commanded by the sound of a trumpet that every man upon pain of death should incontinently slay his prisoner. When this dolorous decree & pitiful proclamation was pronounced, pity it was to see and loathsome it was to behold how some Frenchmen were suddenly sticked with daggers, some were brained with pole-axes, some were slain with malles, other had their throats cut and some their bellies paunched: so that in effect having respect to the great number, few prisoners or none were saved.  
WHEN this lamentable manslaughter was finished, thenglishmen forgetting their wounds and huries and not remembering what pain they had sustained all day in fighting with their enemies, as men that were fresh and lusty, ranged themselves again in array both priest and ready to abide a new field, and also to invade and newly to set on their enemies, and so courageously they set on the earls of Mail and Fauconbrige and the lords of Louray & of Thine, which with viC. men of arms had all day kept together and slew them out of hand.  
When the king had passed through the field & saw neither resistance nor appearance of any Frenchmen ●auyng the dead corsses, he caused the retreat to be blown and brought all his army together about iiii. of the clock at after noon. And first to give thanks to almighty God giver & tri●utor of this glorious victory, he caused his prelate's & chapelaines' first to sing this psalm In exitu Israel de Egipto▪ etc. commanding every man to kneel down on the ground at this verse.  
Non nobis domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam, which is to say in English, Not to us lord, not to us, but to thy name let the glory be given: which done he caused Te deum with certain anthems to be song giving laudes and praisynges to God, and not boasting nor bragging of himself nor his humane power.  
THAT night he took refreshing of such as he found in the French camp, and in the morning Mountioy king at arms and four heralds came to him to know the number of prisoners and to desire burial for them which were slain. Before he could make any answer to the heralds, he remembering that it is more honourable to be praised of his enemies then to be extolled of his friends: and he that praiseth himself lacketh loving neighbours: wherefore he demanded of them why they made to him that request, considering that he knew not certainly whether the praise & the victory were meet to be attributed to him or to their nation. O lord ꝙ Mountioy king at arms, think you us officers of arms to be rude and beastial persons? If we for the affection that we bear to our natural country, would either for favour or meed hide or deny your glorious victory: The fowls of the air, the worms of the ground feeding on the multitude of the dead carrions, by your only puissance destroyed and confounded, will bear witness against us, ye and much more the captives which be living and in your possession with their wives and little infants will say we be open liars and untrue taletellers: Wherefore according to the duty of our office which is or should be always indifferently to writ and truly to judge, we say, determine and affirm that the victory is yours, the honour is yours and yours is the glory, advising you, as you have manfully gotten it, so polletikely to use it. Well said the king, seeing this is your determination, I willingly accept the same, desiring you to know the name of the castle near adjoining. When they had answered that it was called Agyncourt, he said that this conflict should be called the battle of Agyncourt, which victory hath not been obtained by us nor our power, but only by the sufferance of GOD for injury and untruth that we have received at the hands of your Prince and his nation. That day he feasted the French officers of Arms and granted to them their request, which busily sought through the field for such as were slain, but the Englishmen suffered them not to go alone for they searched with them and found many hurt but not in jeopardy of their life, whom they took prisoners and brought them into their tents.  
WHEN the king of England had well refreshed himself and his soldiers and had taken the spoil of such as were slain, he with his prisoners in good order returned to his town of Caleis. When tidings of this notable victory was blown into England, solemn processions and other praisings to almighty GOD, with bonfires and dances were ordained in every town, city and borough, and the More and the citizens of the city of London went the morrow after the day of saint Simon and Jude from the Church of Saint Paul to the church of S. Peter at Westminster in devour manner, rendering to God their most humble and hearty thanks for his abundant grace and fortunate luck given and sent to the king their sovereign lord.  
WHEN the king of England was departed the sunday toward Caleis, diverse Frenchmen repaired to the plain where the battle was and removed again the dead bodies, some to find their lords and masters and them to convey into their countries there to be buried, some to spoil and take the relics which the Englishmen had left behind: For they took nothing but gold, silver, evils, rich apparel and costly armure. But the ploughmen and peysantes spoiled the dead carcases, leaving them neither shirt nor clout, and so they lay stark naked till Wednesdaie. On the which day diverse of the noble men were conveyed into their countries and the remnant were by Philip earl Charoloys (sore lamenting the chance and moved with pity) at his cost and charge buried in a square plot of xu C. yards, in the which he caused to be made three pits, wherein were buried by account .v. M. and viii. C. persons beside them that were carried away by their friends and servants, and other which being wounded to death died in Hospitals and other places, which grove after was made a church yard, and for fear of Wolves enclosed with a high wall.  
AFTER this dolorous journey and piteous slaughter, diverse clerks of Paris made many lamentable Verses, complaining that the king reigned by will, and that counsaillers were partial, affirming that the noble men fled against nature, and that the commons were destroyed by their prodigalite, declaring also that the clergy were dumb and durst not say the truth, and that the humble commons duly obeyed and yet ever suffered punishment: For which cause by persecution divine, the less numbered vanquished, and the great was overcome. Wherefore they concluded that all things was out of order, and yet there was no man that studied to bring the unruly to frame. And no marvel though this battle were dolorous and lamentable to the French nation, for in it were taken and slain the flower of all the nobility of France, for there were taken prisoners.  

Charles duke of orleans nephew to the French king.  
John duke of Burbone.  
John of Craon lord of Dommart.  
The Lord of Fossenx.  
The Lord of Humyers.  
The Lord of Roye.  
The Lord of Cauny.  
Sir Borsqueret lord of Hancourt  
The lord of noel called the whit knight and Bado his son.  
Lord Boncequalt Martial of France which died in England  
The young Lord of Dyn●hy.  
Sir John of Uawcort  
Sir Arthure Bremyer.  
Sir jenet of Boys.  
The son & heir of the lord Ligny  
Sir Gylbert de lawney  
The Lord Dancobe in Ternoys and diverse other to the numbered of fifteen hundred Knights and esquires beside the comen people.   

❧ There were slain of nobles and gentlemen. ❧  
Charles lord Delabreth high Constable of France.  
jaques of Chastilon lord of Dampier Admiral of France.  
The Lord Rambures Master of the Cross bows.  
Sir Guyshard Dolphyn great Master of France.  
John duke of Alaunson  
Anthony duke of Brabant brother to the duke of Burgoyn.  
Edward duke of Bar.  
th'earl Nevers brother to the duke of Burgoyn.  
Sir Robert Bar earl of Marle.  
The earl of Uawdemont.  
The earl of Bawmont  
The earl of Graundpre.  
The earl of Roussy  
The earl of Fauconberge.  
The earl of Foys.  
The earl of Lestrake  
The lord Boys of Bourbon.  
The Uidane of Amias  
The lord of Croye.  
The lord Belly.  
The lord Dauxcy.  
The lord of Brenew.  
The lord of Paix standard berar  
The lord of Crequy.  
The lord of Lowrey  
The Bailie of Amience & his son  
The lord of Raynuale.  
The lord of Longuale his brother  
The lord of Mawley & his son  
The lord of Divirie.  
The lord of Newffile  
The lord of Galigny,  
The lord of Rocheguiche.  
The Uicedane of Lamoys  
The lord de Laligier  
The lord of Baffremont.  
The lord saint Bris.  
The lord of Contes and his son  
The lord of Nannes & his brother  
The lord of Ront.  
The lord of Applincort.  
lord Delariver with diverse other which I leave out for tediousness.   
But surely by the relation of the heralds and declaration of other notable persons worthy of credit as Enguerrant writeth, there were slain on the French part above ten thousand persons whereof were princes and nobles bearing banners Cxxvi and all the remnant saving xvi C. were knights esquires and gentlemen: so of noble men and gentlemen were slain viii M.iiii. C, of the which .v. C. were dubbed knights the night before the battle. Fron the field escaped on live, the earl Dampmartyn, the lord Deiarivier, Clunet of Brabante, sir Lewes of Bourbon, sir Galiot of Gauls, sir John Dengermes and few other men of name.  
OF Englishmen at this battle were slain Edward duke of York th'earl of Suffolk, sir Richard Kikeley & Davygamme esquire, & of all other not above xxv if you will give credit to ●uche as writ miracles: but other writers whom I sooner believe, affirm that there was slain above u or vj. C. persons, which is not unlike, considering that the battle was earnestly and furiously fought by the space of three long hours wherefore it is not incredible nor yet unpossible but more Englishmen then five and twenty were slain and destroyed.  
THIS battle may be a mirror and glass to all Christian princes to behold and follow, for king Henry neither trusted in the puissance of his people, nor in the fortitude of his champions, nor in the strength of his barded horses, nor yet in his own policy, but he put in GOD (which is the corner stone and immovable rock) his whole confidence hope & trust. And he which never leaveth them destitru●e that put their confidence in him, sent to him this glorious victory, which victory is almost incredible if we had not ●edde in the book of kings that God likewise had defended and aided them that only put their trust in him and committed themselves wholly to his governance.  
AFTER that the king of England had refreshed himself and his soldiers in the town of Caleis, and that such prisoners as he had left at Harfflew (as you have heard) were come to him to Caleis: the vi day of Novembre he with all his prisoners took shipping at Caleis, and the same day landed at Dover, having with him the dead bodies of the duke of York and the earl of Suffolk, and caused the duke to be buried at his college of Fodrynghey, and th'earl at Ewhelme. In this passage the seas were so rough and troubleous that two ships laden with soldiers apperteigning to sir John Cornewal lord Fanhope, were driven into zeland, howbeit nothing was lost nor no person was perished. The king by soft iorneys with all his prisoners came to London and so to Westminster, where he rested himself a convenient time to deliver his prisoners to their keepers, and to see them all in save custody. Here I might declare unto you if I would be tedious and prolix, how the Mayor of London and the Senate apparelled in orient grained Scarlet, how three C. commoners clad in beautiful Murrey well mounted and gorgeously horsed with rich collars and great chains met the king at Blackhethe, rejoicing at his victorius return. How the clergy of London with rich crosses, sumptuous copes & massy censers received him at. s. Thomas of Watering with solemn procession lauding and praising God for the high honour and victory to him given & granted: but all these things I omit and return to the very matter.  
WHEN the dolorous tidings of this bloody battle was declared to the French king being then at Rouen, and with him the dolphin, the dukes of Berry and Briteyne and his second son th'earl of Ponthew, if he lamented this chance and cursed that evil day in the which he lost so many noble men, no man have marvel. And yet the dolour was not only his, for the ladies souned for the deaths of their husebandes, the Orphalines wept and rend their hears for the loss of their parents, the fair damoselles defied that day in the which they had lost their paramours, the servants waxed mad for destruction of their masters, and finally, every friend for his friend, every cousin for his ally, every neighbour for his neighbour, was sorry, displeased & grieved. Wherefore the French king and his counsel preceiving that the war was but newly begun, and that toward them with evil speed, determined to provide for chances that might follow, and to foresee things or they suddenly happened. And first he elected his chief officer for the wars called the Constable, which was th'earl of Arminack, a wise and a politic captain and an ancient enemy to thenglishmen, and sir John of Corsey was made Master of the Crossbows, and then they fortified towns & furnished garrisons. While these things were thus in working, either for melancholy that he had for the loss at Agincourt or by some sudden disease, John Dolphyn of Uienoys heir apparent to Charles the French king departed out of this natural life without issue, which was an happy chance for Robynet of Bournovile and his compaignions' as you have heard before, for his death was their life, and his life would have been their death.   

¶ The fourth year. 
The four year   
AFter this notable victory obtained by the Englishmen and that king Henry was departed into England, and the French king had made new officers in hope to relieve and set up again the old estate of his realm and country. Thomas duke of Excester captain of Harflew accompanied with three. M. Englishmen made a great road into Normandy, almost to the city of Rouen: In which journey he got great abundance both of riches and prisoners. But in his return th'earl of Arminacke newly made Constable of France, intending in his first journey to win his spurs, and in his company above .v. M. horsemen, encountered with him. The skirmish was sore and the fight fierce, but because the Englishmen were not able to resist the force of the French horsemen, the duke to save his men was compelled to retire, as politicly as he could devise: But for all that he could do, he lost almost ccc of his footmen. The Frenchmen not content with this good luck followed them almost to the Barriers of Harflew. When the Englishmen within the town espied the chase, they issued out in good order and met with their enemies, and not only slew and took a great numbered of them, but also chased them above eight miles toward the city of Rouen.  
about this season Sigismond Emperor of Almayn which had married Barbara daughter to th'earl of zilie cousin germane removed to king Henry (as by the pedigree set out in the end of this book you shall plainly perceive) a man of great virtue and fidelity, which had not only long laboured to set an unity and concord in Christ's church and christian religion, but also he sent diverse Ambassadors aswell to the French king as to the king of England, because he was far distant from their countries and regions to increase perfect peace and reasonable unity. Wherefore, seeing that his Ambassade brought nothing to conclusion, he in person came from the farthest part of Hungary into France and after into England, intending to knit together all christian princes in one line and amity, and so being friends together, to make war and revenge their quarrels against the Turk the persecutor of Christ's faith and enemy to all christendom. With this noble Emperor came the archbishop of reins and diverse other noble men, as Ambassadors from the French king into England. The king of England for old amity between the house of England and Beam, withal his nobility him received on Blackheth the vii day of May, & brought him through London to Westminster with great triumph, where justes, tournayes and other martial feats were to him with all joy and pleasure showed and set forth. During which time there came in to England Albert duke of Holland, which also was friendly entreteigned. And these two princes were by the king conveyed to Wynsore to. S. George's feast, and elected compaignions' of the noble order of the Garter, and had the colour and habit of the same to them delivered, and sat in their stalls all the solemnity of the feast: by the which order they knowledged themselves highly honoured and much exalted. After this solemn feast finished, the duke of Holland well feasted and greatly rewarded, returned into his country. But themperor tarried still, never ceasing to declare & persuade what utility, what goodness and what joy might ensue if both the realms of England and France were brought to a final concord and perfect unity. But the evil chance of the French nation was to his purpose a bar and a let, because they were predestinate to suffer yet more plagues and detrimentes of th'English people then before they had tasted. For when concord was at hand and peace was entering into the gates, a new cause of more discord and dissension suddenly broke out and came to the kings knowledge: for he being informed of the loss of his men at the conflict late had in the territory of Rouen (as you have heard) was so displeased and unquieted that he would hear of no treaty, nor have once this word peace named.  
THE Emperor like a wise prince, seeing then the aspect of the planet reigned contrary to his purpose, ceased to talk of that matter any more till another day when the conjunction should be in more meeker signs stirring to peace. And so when a meet & convenient time came, he broached again the vessel of concord and amity, & put it in so fair a cup and presented it with such pleasant words, that surely the king had tasted it sufficiently if the Frenchmen had not suddenly prepared a new army. For th'earl of Arminacke puffed up with his last victory, although the honour were small and the gain less, determined clearly to get again the town of Harflewe, wherefore as closely as he could, he gathered together men in every part, and appointed them all to meet at Harflew at a day assigned. The appointment was kept and the town was besieged both by water & land before the captains of the town knew perfectly the first motion. For John Uicount Narbon Uiceadmirall of France had brought the whole navy to the rivage and shore adjoining to the town, intending privily to have entered into the town on the water side or he had been perceived. But his subtle imagination took no place, for they which kept the watch tour, suddenly perceiving their enemies to approach, rang the alarm bell. The duke of Excester incontinent caused all his men to repair to the walls, and fortified the gates, and dispatched a swift Bark to king Henry with letters, requiring him of aid and succour. Although the frenchmen perceived that their wily enterprise was known, and that the town could not be taken and suddenly stolen as they had devised, yet they continued their siege both by water and by land, and made divers assaults, at the which if they nothing gained, yet ever somewhat they lost. When these news were come to the ears of king Henry, and that he knew that his people were in great jeopardy except great diligence were used for their relief and deliverance, he without delay appareled a great navy & intended in person to minister succours to his subjects so besieged. The Emperor Sigismond sagely disuaded him and wisely counseled him not to adventure himself in that journey, but only to sand some valiant captain which shortly might appease that furious storm & quickly quench that blazing flame: advertising him that it was neither necessary nor honourable for a prince in whom the whole weight and charge of the common wealth consisteth, to adventure & hazard himself in every peril and doubtful chance. The king being persuaded with the reasonable and loving advertisement of his friend the emperor, appointed the duke of Bedforde his brother, accompanied with th'earls of March, Marshal, Oxford, Huntyngdon, Warwick, Arundel, Salisbury, Devonshire, and divers Barons with. CC. sail to pass into Normandy for rescue of the town of Harflew. Which making good expedition shipped at Rye, and with a prosperous wind and a fresh gale came to the mouth of the river of Seyn on the day of the Assumption of our Lady. When the viscount Narbon perceived the English navy to approach, he giving a token to all his company, courageously set toward his enemies & gate the possession of the mouth of the haven. When the duke of Bedford perceived the navy of his enemies to come forward so fiercely, he set before certain strong and well made ships, which at the first encounter vanquished and took two French ships (whereof the captains were rash and somewhat to bold) withal their soldiers and tackeling. The duke followed incontinently with all his puissance and like a valiant captain with great courage and audacitee, set on his enemies: the fight was long, but not so long as perilous, nor so perilous as terrible, for battles of the sea be ever desperate, for neither the assailauntes nor defendants look for any refuge, nor know any backdore how to scape out. After long fight the victory fell to the Englishmen, and they took and sunk almost all the whole navy of France, in the which were many ships, hulks and carikes to the number of five hundred, of the which iii great carickes were sent into England. In the same conflict were slain of the frenchmen no small number, as it appeared by their bodies which swarmed every day about th'English ships.  
AFTER this victory fortunately obtained, the duke of Bedforde sailed by water up to the very town of Harflew, and without let or impediment landed and refreshed it both with victual and money. Which succours if they were welcome to the duke of Excetter his uncle, I report me to them that have been in necessity and would have gladly been refreshed.  
WHEN the earl of armagnac heard that the puissant navy of Frau●ce was vanquished & taken, he raised his siege before the town and returned with small joy to Paris, as he that had no hope nor saw any likelihood or mean to recover again the town of Har●●ew for which he so sore thirsted.  
AFTER this discomfiture and great loss, the fortitude & strength of the Frenchmen began to decay, & their bragging beauty began to fade. For now the princes & nobles of the realm fell into division & discord among themselves, as who say, that the nobility studying how to revenge their old injuries and displeasures, refused to take pain for th'advancement of the pulique wealth and safeguard of their country And for privy displeasure covert or hatred, their power began to wax so slender, & their liberty was brought into such a malicious diversity and doubtful difference, that as hereafter shallbe showed, it was marvel that their country was not brought to a perpetual bondage: which thing no doubt had followed if king Henry had longer lived in this mutable world. For notwithstanding that the duke of ●●leaunce the captain and head of the one faction was at that time captive and prisoner in England, yet there grew so much privy dipleasure & cankered hatred between Charles the dolphin and John duke of Burgoyne, that while the one studied, compassed and devised how to overcome the other with armure or with policy, with dissimulation or crafty conveyance, every journeyman of their faction, & every noble man partaker with the one or the other, put all their whole study and diligence to advance forward their sect and part, and not one of them would take heed how to resist and refel the present jeopardy which was coming out of England. And as one inconvenience suffered many to follow so was it in France at this time, for the French king was not of good memory, the war that was toward, seemed both doubtful and perilous, the princes were untrusty and at discord, and an hundredth more things which might bring the realm to extreme misery and utter destruction as after you shall hear.  
WHEN the duke of Bedford had achieved his enterprise and performed his commission, both in raising the siege of Harflew and vitayling of the town, he with no small number of prisoners and great abundance of prey as well in ships as provision for the sea, 〈◊〉 into England with great triumph and glory. For that victory he was not so much thanked of the king his brother, as lauded and praised by the Emperor Sigismond being to him a stranger, which said openly, happy are those subjects which have such a king, but more happy is the king that hath such subjects.  
WHEN the Emperor perceived, that to move farther a peace, was but a vain request, and to tarry longer in England to procure an amity was but loss of time, because he saw the Englishemens' minds sore offended with the last siege of Harflew, with which fact, he himself was not well content but greatly moved: Therefore leaving all treaty and persuasion, he entered into a league and amity with the king of England. Which confederacy lest it should be broken, every of the contractors studied & devised all ways & means possible how to observe it unviolated and preserve it unbroken: which plain meaning & true dealing was to them both after, not only much honour but great commodity. When the Emperor had thus concluded a league with the king of England and had done all things in England according as was thought necessary, he took his journey homeward into Garmany, and the king partly to show him pleasure, and partly because of his own affairs, associated him to his town of Caleys. During which time the duke of Burgoyn offered to come to Caleys to speak with the Emperor and the king because he heard speak of the league and confederacy that was concluded between them. The king sent to the water of Gravelling the duke of Gloucester his brother, and the earl of March to be hostages for the duke of Burgoyne, and sent also the earl of Warwick with a noble company to conduct him to his presence At Gravelling ford the dukes met, and after salutations done, the duke of Burgoyn was conveyed to Caleys, where of the Emperor & of the king he was highly feasted and welcomed. During which time a peace was concluded between the king of England & the duke of Burgoyn for a certain space, concerning only the counties of Flaunders and Arthoys, for the which cause the French king and his son were highly displeased. The duke of Gloucester also was received at Gravelling by the earl Charoloys son to the duke of Burgoyne, & by him honourably conveyed to S. Omers & there lodged that night The next day the earl Charoloys came with divers noblemen to visit the duke of Gloucester in his lodging, and when he entered into the chamber the duke's back was toward him, talking with some of his servants, and did not see nor welcome the earl Charoloys at the first entry: but after he said to him shortly without any great reverence or coming toward him, you be welcome fair cousin, and so passed forth his tale with his servants. The earl Charoloys for all his youth was not well content, but suffered for that time.  
WHEN the duke of Burgoyn had done all things at Caleys that he came for, he after the ix day returned to Gravelling, where the duke of Gloucester and he met again, and lovingly departed the one to Caleys and the other to saint Omers: for the which voyage the duke of Burgoyn was suspected to be enemy to the crown of France. After the dukes departing the Emperor was highly feasted and rewarded, and at his pleasure sailed into Holland, and so road into Beam. The king likewise took ship and returned into England on saint Luke's even, the year of our Lord M. CCCC.xvii.   

¶ The fift year. 
The .v. year.   
IN this year the king assembled together his high court of Parliament and there in open audience made to them a short and pithy Oration, declaring unto them the injuries lately done and committed by the French nation, he showing also the just and lawful occasion of his wars, signifying furthermore the great discord and civil dissension which reigned amongst the nobility of France, rehearsing many things for the which it were very necessary and needful to repress & overcome them withal their power & puissance, & that without deferring or prolonging of time, desiring them to provide for money & treasure out of hand for the conduct & wages of soldiers, to th'intent that nothing should lack when they should be ready to set on their enemies. His causes were so just and his demands so reasonable, that he had no sooner spoken but it was assented, and he had no sooner demanded but it was granted. And for to give men a courage for to go forth, money was first gathered to make provision for all things necessary for such a royal voyage: for surely there was no creature which with that war was either discontented or displeased, for it seemed to all men no less profitable than honourable, nor no less honourable than convenient.  
IN this Parliament also John duke of Bedford was made governor or regent of the realm and head of the pulique wealth, which office he should enjoy as long as the king was making war on the French nation. The king before he would take his voyage, sent the earl of Huntyngdon to search and skoure the seas, lest any Frenchmen lying in wait for him, might attrape him suddenly or he had any knowledge of their setting forward. This lusty earl called John Holland, son to the duke of Excetter beheaded at Circiter in the time of king Henry the fourth and cousin to the king with a great number of ships searched the sea from the one coast to the other. And inconclusion he encountered with ix great carickes of jeane (which lord jaques the bastard of Bourbon had retained to serve the French king) & set on them sharply, the conflict was great & the fight long, but inconclusion the Frenchmen were overcome and fled, and iii of the greatest carickes with their patrons, and Monsure jaques de Bourbon their admiral were taken with asmuch money as should have paid the soldiers of the whole fleet for half a year, and iii other carickes were bouged and sent to the bottom of the sea.  
THE king hearing of this good chance, about the end of july took his ship at Portesmouth, accompanied with the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester brethren to the said king, the earls of Huntyngdon, Mershal, Warwick, Devonshire, Salisbury, Suffolk and Somerset: The lords Rosse, Wylloughby, Fitzhugh, Clinton, Scrope, Matrivers, Bourchier, Ferreys of Groby and Ferreys of Chartley, Fanhope, Grace of Codnore, sir Gilbert Umfrevile, sir Gilbert Talbot & divers other: and so having wind and wether to his desire, he landed in Normandy near a castle called Touque, where he consulted with his captains what way was best to be taken concerning their high enterprise.  
THE Normans hearing of the kings arrival were suddenly stricken with a deadly fear and were almost distracted from their senses for dread▪ wherefore like mad men in desperation they ran out of their houses, towns and villages with wives and children, bag and baggage into the walled towns and fortified garrisons, carrying with them corn, wine and victual necessary for their sustenance and living, preparing sword, hatchettes, crossbows and all other weapons mere to set back and resist their enemies, sent word to Charles the French king, requiring him to defend and preserve his loving subjects against their cruel and fierce enemies. The men of war which were left in every place to scour the country, went into walled towns with the rural comminaltee, to th'intent to aid and assist the towns men, for well they knew that they were not able to resist their enemies being abroad in the field. So were all the walled towns and castles in Normandy and Maine well furnished with men and victual. The names of the French captains were to tedious to rehearse, and therefore I overpass them.  
WHEN king Henry had taken counsel, he laid siege to the castle of Touque being very well fortified both with nature and man's art and began to assault it: & although that they within valiantly defended it, yet by fine force he overcame it, & took it, and them within to mercy, & made thereof captains sir Robert Kerkeley knight, and after determined to besiege the strong town of Caen, remembering according to the duty of a good captain, that the frenchmen would come to help their friends being in need and extreme necessity: which thing he most desired & wished. And upon that purpose he set forth toward Caen after the warlikest fashion, depopulating the country, & destroying the villages on every part as he passed. The town of Caen standeth in a plain fertile country, no stronger walled then deep ditched, well victualed and replenished with people. For the citizens fearing the kings coming had provided for all things necessary & defensible. And assoon as the king was come, he cast a deep trench with a high mount to prohibit them within the town to have any egress or outward passage: and that done, began fiercely to assault the town. But the men of the town were nothing abashed and stood manly to their defence, abiding all chances which might ensue. The fight was fierce and every man took heed to his charge. The Englishmen studied all the ways possible to damage their enemies, some shot arrows, some cast stones and other shot gonnes: some broke the walls with engines and other undermined: some set scaling ladders to the wall, and other cast in wild fire, every man laboured to come to handstrokes, which was their desire. On the other side, the Normans threw down great stones, bars of iron, darts, hot pitch and burning brimstone and boiling lead. divers days this assault continued, not to the little loss of the Englishmen, which took more harm of the defenders than they got hurt of the assailants. When king Henry perceived that the dice ran not to his purpose, he abstained from the assault, & determined by undermining to subvert and overthrow the walls and towers of the town. Wherefore withal diligence the pioneers cast trenches & the labourers brought timber, so that within a few days the walls stood only upon posts, to fall when fire should be put to it. The king caused his people to approach the walls and to keep the citizens occupied, lest either they should make a countremyne or be an immpediment to his workmen and labourers. Wherefore he caused th'assault to be cried again: then every man ran to the walls, some with scaling ladders, some with hooks and some with cords and plommetes, every man desiring to get upon the walls and with hand to hand to grapple with his enemy: The citizens manfully defended. While the fight was quick and fierce on both parts, the Englishmen in divers places pierced and broke through the walls, and divers overtures and holes were made under the foundation by the pioneers, by the which thenglishmen might easily entre in to the town. The king having compassion on the towns men, desiring rather to have them saved then destroyed if they would humbly submit themselves to his grace, & fearing that if the town by fine force should be spoiled and taken, that he should be compelled to give it as a pray to his men of war to be sacked and destroyed, sent them word by an Herald that yet was time of mercy and clemency if they would incontinently render themselves & the town: But they obstinately hoping of succour, answered that they would stand at their defence. Then the Englishmen again scaled the walls and enterprised to enter through the trenches. The fight was sore by the space of an hour, the English men courageously enforced to enter, and the Normans manfully defended, but inconclusion the Englishmen obtained.  
WHEN the king was possessed of the town, he incontinently commanded all harness and weapons to be brought into one place, which with all diligence was done without any resistance. Then the miserable people kneeling on their knees, holding up their hands, cried mercy, mercy, to whom the king gave certain comfortable words & bade them stand up. And then as he was ever accustomed to do, he went on foot to the chief church in the town and rendered to God his most hearty thanks for his prosperous success and fortunate chance. And yet that same night he would not sleep, but commanded all his army to watch in array, either lest his men of war in the night time might fall to spoil & sack, or else the citizens fearing the sequel that might ensue would privily steal and convey themselves away.  
IN the morning he called all the magistrates and governors into the Senate house, where some for their stony stubbornness and mad obstinacy were adjudged to die, other were sore fined and highly ransomed. Then he calling together his soldiers and men of war, both gave to them high laudes and praises for their manly doings, and also distributed to every man according to his desert the spoil & gain taken of the town & the tounesmen, chief because at that assault he had tried to his honour their valiant courages and unfearful hearts.  
IT is to be imagined that king Henry in this conflict would principally show aswell his own force as the puissance and experience in wars of his nation, either to the intent that the frenchmen should know that they met with such an enemy as both was able to invade their country and defend their strength & malice, or else not oblivious that in making of war every prince must study to obtain fame and renown: and as the old proverb saith, of a thing well begun, succeedeth a prosperous end and a happy conclusion.  
ALTHOUGH the town were won, yet the castle which was strong and well fortified both with men and all things necessary for the defence, was yet in the Frenchmens' possession: The captain where of, to th'intent to show himself valiant and not willing to break his oath, neither to waver from his allegiance, boasted that he would rather die in the defence then freely yield the castle. King Henry was not minded to subvert the Castle (without which way it was not easy to be won) because it was beautiful and necessary, both to keep the town from going back, and also to defend the same when opportunity should serve: Which Castle if he destroyed, he of very necessity must again build and re-edify, or else another in the place. Wherefore he sent word to the lord Mountayny being captain, that if he would yield the castle by a day, he should departed without damage, And if he would be foolish and obstinate, all clemency and favour should be from him sequestered. When the captain and his compaignions' had well digested his message, being in despair of comfort, upon the condition offered, rendered the Castle and yielded themselves. And so king Henry obtained both the town and castle of Caen.  
WHILE the King of England was besieging this town, the Frenchmen had neither a convenient host to resist their power, nor were ready or able to relieve their friends in this miserable necessity, because they had such division and dissension amongst themselves, and a good cause why: for king Charles was of so small wit by reason of his sickness, that he could not rule, and so he was spoiled both of his treasure and of his kingdom, and every man spent and wasted the common treasure. Charles the Dolphin being of the age of xvi or xvii years only lamented and bewailed the ruin and decay of his country: He only studied th'advancement of the common wealth, and he only devised how to resist his enemies: but having neither men nor money, he was greatly troubled and unquieted. And in conclusion, by the counsel of th'earl of armagnac Constable of France, he found a mean to get all the treasure and riches which queen Isabella his mother had gotten and hoarded in diverse secret places: and for the common utility of his country he spent it wisely in waging of soldiers and preparing of things necessary for the war. The queen forgetting the great peril that the realm than stood in, but remembering the displeasure to her by this act done, declared her son and the Constable to be her mortal enemies, & promised that they should be persecuted to the uttermost. And even for very womanly malice, she set in the highest authority about the king her husband, John duke of Burgoyn giving him the regiment and direction of the king and his realm with all pre-eminence and souera●ntie. The duke of Burgoyn having now the sword of authority, for the which he so sore longed and glad to be revenged of his old injuries, began to make war on the dolphin: and when he had once tamed and framed to his purpose this young unbridled gentleman, than he determined as he might to refel and withstand the comen enemies of the realm. Thesame or like reason moved the Dolphin, for he minding first to repress and extinct the civil dissension at home, before he would invade foreign enemies, prepared war to subdue and destroy duke John of Burgoyn as the chief head & leader of that wicked and great mischief: Whereby the realm was much unquieted & more decayed, and in manner brought to a final ruin and utter destruction. So France was inflamed and in every part troubled with war and division, and yet no man would either provide in so great a danger, nor once put forth their finger to hinder the mischief.  
KING Henry not minding to lie still in Normandy, nor to leave his enterprise unperformed, sent the duke of Clarence to the sea coast, which with great difficulty got the town of Bayeux. The duke of Glocestre also with small assault and less defence took the city of Liseaux. In the mean season King Henry tarried still at Cane fortifying the town and the castle, and put out of the town xu C. women and impotent persons, and replenished the town with English people. While the king sojourned at Caen, he kept there a solemn feast and made many knights, and beside that, he showed there an example of great pity & more devotion. For in searching the castle he found there innumerable substance of plate and money belonging to the citizens, whereof he would not suffer one penny to be touched or conveyed away, but restored the goods to the owners and delivered to every man his own When the fame of getting of Caen was blown through Normandy, the Normans were so sore afraid & so much abashed that you should not only have seen men, women & children ronning in every way by great plompes from town to town, not knowing whether to fly: but also the rural persons and huseband men drove the beasts out of the villages into such places where they hoped of refuge or defence: so that a man would have thought that Normandy had suddenly been left desolate and void of people and cattles. But when the rumour was spread abroad of his clemency showed to captives and of his mercy granted to such as submitted themselves to his grace, all the captains of the towns adjoining came willingly to his presence, offering to him themselves, their towns and their goods. Whereupon he made proclamation that all men which had or would become his subjects and swear to him allegiance should enjoy their goods and liberties in as large or more ample manner than they did before. Which gentle entreteining and favourable handling of the stubborn Normans, was the very cause why they were not only content, but also glad to remove and turn from the French part and become subjects to the crown of England.  
WHEN king Henry had set Caen in a good order, he left there, for captains, the one of the town and the other of the Castle, sir Gilbert U●freuile earl of Cows, and sir Gilbert Talbot: and made bailiff their sir John Pophane, and so departed from Caen to Argenton which was shortly rendered to him. Then all these towns following without stroke stricken yielded to him, in whom he made captains these persons whose names ensue.  

At Creuly, sir Henry Tanclux an Almain.  
At Thorigny, sir John Popham to whom the town was given.  
At Boyeux, the lord Matraverse.  
At Argenton, the lord Grey Codner.  
At Chamboy, the lord Fizghugh, and made him lord of the same.  
At Uernoyle in perch, sir John Nevell.  
At Alencon the duke of Gloucester & his lieutenant sir Ralph Lental  
At Essay, sir William Hoddelston baylif of Alencon.  
At Faloys, sir Henry Fitzhugh.  
At Cruly, sir Joys Robset.  
At Conde Norean, sir John Fastolffe.   

❧ diverse towns likewise yielded to the duke of Clarence ❧ wherein he put these Captains.  
At the cite of Lisieux, sir John Kikley  
At Cowrton, John Awbyn.  
At Barney, William Houghton.  
At Chambroys, james Nevell.  
At Becheluyn, th'earl Marshal.  
At Harecort, Richard Woduile esquire.  
At Fangernon, John saint Albon.  
At Crevener, sir John Kerby to whom it was given.  
At Annilliers, Robert Horneby.  
At Ragles, sir John Arthure.  
At Fresheney le Uicount sir Robert Brent.   

Likewise diverse towns in the country of Constantine were surrendered to the duke of Gloucester, where he appointed these captains  
At Caventon, the lord Botraux.  
At saint Clow, Reignold West.  
At Ualoignes, Thomas Burgh.  
At Chiergurg, the lord Grey Codner and after his decease, sir water Hungerford.  
At Pont Done, Davy Howel.  
At the Hay Dupayes, sir John Aston Bayly of Constantine.  
At Constances', the lord of Burgainy  
At saint Saluiorle Uicount, sir John Robset.  
At Pontorson, sir Robert Gargrane  
At Ham●ery the earl of Suf●olke, lord of the same place by gift.  
At Briquevile, thesay Earl by gift also.  
At Anranches, sir Philip Halle, Bayly of Alencon.  
At Uire the lord Matravers.  
At Saint james de Bewron, the same lord.   
WHEN the King of England wan thus in Normandy, his navy lost nothing on the sea, but so skowred the streams that neither Frencheman nor Briton durst once apere, howbeit one day there arose so hideous a tempest and so terrible a storm, that neither cable held nor anchor prevailed, so that if the earls of March and Huntyngdon had not taken the haven of Southampton, the whole navy had perished and the people had been destroyed, and yet the safeguard was strange: For in the same haven two Balyngers and two great Carickes laden with merchandise were drowned, and the broken Mast of another Caricke was blown over the wall of Hampton (as diverse writers affirm) such is the power of the wind, and such is the rigour of the tempest. When the fury of the wind was assuaged and the sea waxed calm, th'earls of March and Huntyngdon passed over the sea with all their compainy and landed in Normandy marching toward the king, before whom the Normans fled as fast as the fearful hare doth before the greedy greyhound, or the silly Partridge before the Sparowhauke. And so they passed through the country destroying of villages and taking pains till they came to the king going toward Rouen. During this martial feats and great conquests in Normandy, sir John Oldecastle lord Cobham which was as you have heard before was convicted of heresy, and proclaimed a rebel, and upon the same outlawed and broke out of the tour, was now as his ●ortune chanced apprehended in the Marches of Wales by the Lord Powes, and so restored to his old lodging in the tour, where his keepers looked more narrowly to him than they did before. After which taking, he was drawn from the tour on a hardell to Saint Giles●elde, and there hanged in chains, and after consumed with fire. Well now leaving the matters of England let us return to the affairs in Normandy.   

¶ The si●t year. 
The vi year.   
AFter king Henry had thus victoriously obtained so many towns and so many fortresses from the possession of his enemies, and that his great ●ame and little personage was the whole terror and fear of the French nation, he imagined with himself that he had nothing do●n nor any thing gotten except he brought the famous city of Rouen being the Empery and diadem of the Duchy of Normandy in to his possession & dominion, to the which out of every part the Normans had conveyed their money jewels and household stuff: And which city sith his first arrival they had not only walled and fortressed with many rampires & strong bulwarks, but also with valiant captains and hardy soldiers to no small numbered. Wherefore he set forward his army toward the town called Pontlarche standing upon the River of Seyne eight mile from Rouen between Paris and Rouen. When the frenchmen which kept the passage heard of the kings approaching, they gathered together a great numbered of men of war ready to defend and prohibit the passage, apointing another a band of men if they failed to keep the farther side of the bridge and to watch and hourly attend that he neither by boat nor by vessel should escape any manner of way. When he came to the town, first he set forward toward the bridge, which when he saw it so well defended that it would not without great loss be obtained, suddenly he blew the retreat and recoiled almost a mile backward, where in a pleasant place by the rivers side he pitched his Camp: and in the night season, what with boats and barges, what with hoggeshedes and pipes he conveyed over the broad river of Seyne a great company of his army without any resistance of his enemies. For they which were on the hetherside of Seyne, thinking that thenglishmen had go to conquer some other place followed than not, but studied how to defend their town (which was enough for them to do). When the king saw that his men were on the otherside of the water, he the next day early returned to the town and assaulted it on both the sides. When thinhabitants perceived that contrary to their expectation they were compassed & beset by their enemies and saw no hope of refuge or succour, with humble heart and no great joy rendered up the town▪ And so the king having no let or impediment determined to besiege and assault the city and castle of Rouen for the which he had taken diverse long and tedious iornayes, and sent before him his uncle the lord Thomas duke of Excester with a great company of horsemen and Archers, which with banner displayed came before the town and sent to the captains Wyndsore a herald at arms, willing them to deliver the town to the king his Master, or else he would persecute them with fire, blood and sword. To whom they proudly answered, that none they received of him, nor none they would deliver, except by fine force they were thereunto compelled. And to declare themselves valiant captains & hardy men of war, there issued out of the town a great band of men of arms & encountered fiercely with thenglishmen, which like men neither afraid nor astonished manfully them received & with fine force drove them into the town again, leaving with the Englishmen xxx of their company prisoners and dead persons. The duke with this good speed and proud answer of the French captains, returned to the king to whom was rendered a little before the town of Loviers, which he gave to his said brother the duke of Clarence, which made there his deputy sir John Goddard knight. The duke of Excester also had newly taken the city of Eurcux and made captain their sir Gilbert Halsall knight. When the duke of Excester was returned to Pont●arch as you have heard, the captains of Rouen set fire on the suburbs, bet down Churches, cut down trees, shred the bushes, destroyed the vines round about the city, to th'intent that thenglishmen should have no relief nor comfort either of lodging or fuel.  
WHEN the king heard of 〈◊〉 despiteful doings, 
〈…〉  he with his whole army removed from Pont●●rche, and the last day of july came before the city of Rouen and compassed it round about with a strong siege and a fearful assault. The king lay with a great puissance at the house of charity on the East side of the city, & the duke of Clarence lodged b●fore the port of Caux on the West part of the city. The duke of Excester took his place on the Northside at the port Device: between the dukes of Excester and Clarence was appointed the earl Martial even before the gate of the castle, to whom were joined th'earl of Ormond and the Lords of Haryngton and Talbot. And from the duke of Excester toward the king were encamped the lords of Rosse, Willoughby, Fitzhugh and sir William Porter with a great band of Northrenmen even before the port saint Hillarij. Thearls of Mortaint and Salsbery were assigned about the Abbey of saint Kathermes. Sir John Grey was lodged directly against the Chapel called Mount. S Mighell, sir Philip Leche treasurer of the wars kept the hill next the Abbey, & the Baron of Carew kept the passage on the river of Sayne, and to him was joined a valiant esquire called jenico, which two captains valiantly kept the rivage of the water of Sayne. On the fartherside of the river were lodged th'earls of Warren and Huntyngdon, the lords Nevell and Ferrer, sir Gilbert Umfrevile with a well furnished company of warlike soldiers directly before the gate called port du Pont. And to the intent that no aid should pass by the river toward the city, a great chain of iron was devised at Pontlarche and set on piles from the one side of the water to the other, and beside that chain he set up a new forced bridge, sufficient both for carriage and passage. At which th'earl of Warwick which had gotten Damp●rōt was sent to the town of Cawdebeck standing on the riverside between the sea and the city of Rouen, which town he so hardly assaulted, that the captains offered to suffer the English navy to pass by their town without hurt or detriment to the city of Rouen: And also if Rouen yielded, they promised to render their town without any fail or farther delay. And this composition they sealed, and for performance of the same they delivered pledges. This appointment the English navy to the numbered of. C. sails passed by Cawdebeck and came before Rouen and besieged it on the water side. To this siege came the duke of Gloucester with th'earl of Suffolk and the lord of Burgainy which had taken the town of Chierburgh and were lodged before the port of Saint Hillarij nearer their enemies by forty rods then any other persons of the army.  
DURING this siege arrived at Harflew the lord of Kylmaine in Ireland with a band of xvi hundredth Irishman armed in mail with darts and skeins after the manner of their country, all tall, quick and deliver persons, which came and presented themselves before the king lying still at the siege: of whom they were not only gently entertained, but also (because that the king was informed that the French king and the duke of Burgoyn would shortly come, and either raise the siege or victual or man the town at the North gate) they were appointed to keep the northside of the army, and in especial the way that cometh from the forest of Lions. Which charge the lord of Kylmaine & his company joyfully accepted & did so their devoir, that no men were more praised nor did more damage to their enemies than they did for surely their quickness & swiftness did more prejudice to their enemies, than their great barded horses did hurt or damage the nimble Irishmen.  
THUS was the fair city of Rouen compassed about with enemies besieged by princes, and belet about both by water and land, having neither comfort nor ai●e of king nor dolphin. And although the army were strong without, yet within there lacked neither hardy captains nor manful soldiers. And as for people, they had more then enough, for as it was written by him that knew the number and had no occasion to err from the truth, there were at the time of the siege within the city, of christian people CC. and ten thousand persons. Daily were issues made out of the city at divers ports, sometime thenglishmen got, at another time the Frenchmen saved, sometime neither of both either got or saved: for surely the captains and men of war within the town setting more by honour then by life, preferring fame before worldly riches, despising pleasure & vilepending fearful hearts, swore each to other never to tender or deliver the town while they might either hold sword in hand or put spear in rest. The king of England being advertised of their haute courages and high stomachs, determined to conquer them by famine which would not be tamed by weapon.  
Wherefore he stopped all the passages both by water and land that no victual could be conveyed to the city, he cast treaches round about the walls and set them full of stakes and defended them with archers, so that they within could have no way out either to invade their enemies (or if they could) to departed and relinquish their fortress and city.  
One day tidings were feigned that the French king approached with all his power to raise the siege & rescue the city: Wherefore king Henry commanded all men to lie in their harness jest they might by some subtle cautel be surprised unware and taken unprovided. But the French king neither came nor sent, to the great wonder of thenglishmen.  
This siege thus continuing from Lammas almost to Christmas, divers enterprises were attempted and divers polices were devised how every part might damage and hurt his adversary and enemy, but no part much rejoiced of their gain. During which time, victual began sore to fail within the town, so that only vinegar & water served for drink. If I should rehearse according to the writing of divers authors, not only how dear dogs, rats, mice and cats were sold within the town: but how greedily they were by the poor people eaten and devoured, and also how the people died daily for fault of food, and how young infants lay sucking in the streets on their mother's breasts lying dead, staruen for hunger, you would more abhor the loathsome doings then rejoice at their miserable mischance. The rich men within the town put out at the gates the poor and indigent creatures which were by thenglishmen that kept the trenches beaten & driven back again to the gates of the town, which against them were closed and barred. So this miserable people uncomfortably forsaken & unnaturally despised of their own nation and household fellows, between the walls of their city and the trenches of their enemies lay still crying for help and relief, for lack whereof innumerable silly souls daily died and hourly starved. Yet king Henry moved with pity & stirred with compassion in the honour of Christ's nativity on Christmas day refreshed all the poor people with victual to their great comfort & relief: for the which act they not only thanked, lauded and praised the king of England, but also prayed to God for his preservation and furtherance, and for the hindrance and evil success of their unkind citizens & uncharitable country men. This miserable famine daily more and more increasing so daunted the hearts of the bold captains, & so abated the courages of the rich burgesses, and so tormented the bodies of the poor citizens, that the stout soldier for faintness could ska●e weld his weapon, nor the rich merchant for money could not buy a shiver of bread: so that the commonalty cried to the captains, and the needy people besought the lords to have compassion on them, and to invent some way for their succour and comfort. The governors of the town, after long consultation had, considering the great necessity that they were in, and seeing none appearance of succour or relief, determined it both necessary and convenient to treat with the king of England. And so upon Newyeres even there came to the walls at the gate of the bridge divers commissioners appointed by the captains, which made a sign to thenglishmen lying without to speak with some gentleman or other person of authority. The earl of Huntyngdon which kept that part sent to them sir Gilbert Umfrevile, to whom they declared that if they might have a guide or a safe-conduct they would gladly speak with the king. Sir Gilbert promised not only to do their message, but also to certify them of the kings pleasure & purpose. Which communication ended, he repaired to the duke of Clarence and other of the kings counsel, advertising than of the request of the citizens, which incontinent assembled themselves in the kings lodging, where sir Gilbert Umfrevile wisely and soberly declared to the king the minds and intentes of the citizens. The king like a grave prince considering that a thing gotten without effusion of Christian blood is both honourable and profitable, and saw that the haute courages of the bragging Frenchmen were now by his hard besiegyngsore abated and almost tamed, thought it convenient to hear their lowly petition and humble request, and so willed sir Gilbert to advertise them that he was content to hear xii of them which should be safely conveyed to his presence: With this answer sir Gilbert departed and made relation thereof to the captains standing at the gate. Which on the next day in the morning appointed four knights four lernedmen and four sage burgesses all clothed in black to go to the king of England. These xii persons were received at the port saint Hillarij by sir Gilbert Umfrevile accompanied with divers gentlemen and yeomen of the kings household, commonly called yeomen of the crown, and conveyed to the kings lodging, whom they found at Mass. When the divine service was finished king Henry gorgeously appareled and sumpteously adorned came out of his travers, fiercely and princely beholding the French messengers and passe● by them into his chamber. After him incontinently the xii ambassadors were conveyed, amongst whom one learned in the civil law, more arrogant than learned, & yet not so arrogant as undiscrete said these words. Right high and mighty prince, right noble and puissant king, if you will with your ●elfe diligently consider wherein consisteth the glory of voctorye and the triumph of a conqueror, you shall plainly perceive, that the type of honour is in the taming of proud men, ouercommyng of valiant soldiers and subduing of strong cities and populus regions, and not in ●laiyng christian people by hunger thirst and famine, in which con●●●teth neither manhood, wit nor policy, Alas, regard you your honour, and see yonder great multitude of miserable people crying for meat and weeping for drink and dying for lack of succour and relief? What glory sha● you obtain in killing of wretches by famine, which death of all deaths is most to be despised and abhorred. If you will show your 〈◊〉 charitable before God, or merciful before men, let all our poor pe●p●e which will departed out of our city pass through your camp to get their living in other places, and then manfully assault our city, & by force (if you dare) subdue and conquer it. And if your enterprise succeed fortunately (as a thing that is very doubtful) in this doing you shall not only obtain worldly glory and terrestrial victory for overcoming the strong and puissant men of arms and the riche●cytie, but also merit much before God for delivering and having compassion of the poor needy and indigent persons. When this Orator had said, the king, which no request less suspected than that which was thus desired, began a while to muse: And when he had well perceived the crafty c●●tel and fraudulent invention of the French messengers, he with a ●●erse countenance and a hold spirit made to them this answer saying: Think you O fantastical Frenchmen that I am so ignorant and so brutal that I cannot perceive your double dealing and crafty conveyance? judge you me so simple that I know not wherein the glory of a conqueror consists? Esteem you me so ignorant that I perceive not what crafts and warlike policies by strong enemies are to be subdued and brought to subjection? yes, yes, I am not so loitering a truand as to forget so good a lesson. And if these things be to you blind and obscure I will declare and open them to you. 
〈◊〉, the Goddess of battle.  The goddess of war called Bellona (which is the correctrice of princes for right withholding or injury doing, and the plague of God for evil living and untrue demeanour amongst subjects) hath these iii handmaids ever of necessity attending on her, blood, fire, and famine, which three damosels be of that force & strength that every one of them alone is able and sufficient to torment and afflict a proud prince: and they all joined together are of puissance to destroy the most populous country and most richest region of the world. If I by assaulting of your town should seek your blood (although I gained as I doubt not but I should) yet my gain were not clear without some loss of my people. If I set your city on fire, and so consume it and you also, then have I lost that precious jewel for the which I have so sore longed and so long laboured. Therefore to save mine own people (which is one point of glory in a captain) and to preserve the town which is my lawful and just inheritance: And to save as many of you as will not willingly be destroyed, I have appointed the makest maid of the three damosels to aff●lict and plague you till you be bridled and brought to reason, which shallbe when it shall please me and not at your appointment: And therefore I say and affirm that the gain of a captain by any of these three handmaids is both glorious, honourable and triumphant, but of all three the youngest maid is in all things most profitable and commodious. Now to answer to your demands, as touching the poor people lying in the ditches, I assure you I more lament your lack of charity toward your christian brethren ye and your own nation of one language and one country, than I rejoice at the undoing of so many creatures and casting away of so many enemies. You like tyrants put them out of the town to th'intent that I should slay them, and yet I have saved their lives. You would neither give them meat nor drink, and yet I being their mortal enemy have succoured and relieved them: so that if any uncharitie be, it is in you, if any shame or reproach be taken, receive it yourself, for you be the doers. If I have done them good let God reward me, for I look of them no thanks, if you have done them evil so shall you be done to. And as to suffer your poor people to pass out of the city through my camp, no not, I will not so accomplish your cloaked request, but you shall keep them still to help to spend your victuals: And as to assault your town, I will you know it that I am thereto both able and willing as I see time & occasion: but seeing the choice is in my hand to tame you either with blood, fire, or famine, or with all, I will take the choice at my pleasure & not at yours. And with that the king with a frowning countenance departed from them to his chamber and commanded them to dine with his officers.  
WHEN he was departed, the Frenchmen began to marvel at his excellent wit, and to muse at the hautnes of his courage, and after they had dined and consulted together, they required once again to have access to his royal presence, which when it was to them granted, they humbling themselves on their knees besought him to take a truce for viii days, in the which they might by their commissioners take some end and good conclusion with him and his counsel. The king like a piteous prince rather coveting the preservation of the people, than their destruction, after good deliberation taken, granted to them their asking, with the which answer they joyously returned.  
AFTER their departure were appointed and set up iii rich tents, the one for the lords of England to consult together, the second for the commissioners of the city, and third for both parts to argue and debate the matter. The commissioners for the English part were the earls of Warwick & Salisbury, the lord Fitzhugh, sir water Hungerford, sir Gilbert Umfrevile, sir John Robsert & John be Uasques de Almada. And for the French part were appointed sir Guy de Butteler & vi other.  
DURING this truce, every day the commissioners met, the Englishmen accused and the Frenchmen excused, the Englishmen demanded much, and the Frenchmen proffered little. Thus with arguing & reasoning the viii day came and nothing was done, nor one article concluded. Wherefore the Englishmen took down the tents & the French men took their leave, but at their departing, they remembering themselves required the English lords for the love of God that the truce might continued till the sun rising the next day, to the which the lords son assented. When the Frenchmen were returned to Rouen, suddenly in all the town sprung a rumour that the truce was expired and nothing determined. Then the poor people ran about the streets like frantic persons, shouting and crying and calling the captains and governors murderers and manquellers, saying that for their pride & stiff stomach all this misery was happened in the town, threatening to slay them if they would not agree to the king of England's demand and request. The Magistrates being amazed with the fury of the people, called all the town together to know their minds and opinions. The whole voice of the commons was to yield, yield, rather than starve. Then the Frenchmen in the evening came to the tent of sir John Robsert, requiring him of gentleness to move the king that the truce might be prolonged for four days. The king thereunto agreed and appointed th'archbishop of Cantorbury and the other vii before named for his part, and the citizens appointed an equal number for them. So the tents were again set up, daily was assembles and much treaty on both parties, and on the fourth day by the help of God, the treaty was concluded and finished to the great rejoicing of the poor citizens, the copy whereof followeth word by word.  

¶ The appointmentes of the yielding up of the city and castle of Rouen.  
FIRST it is accorded that Guy de Botellier captain of the City and castle of Rouen with the consent of the noble citizens & other dwelling and being in the said city and castle shall yield and deliver into the hands of the full excellent king of England or other what so he be by him deputed, the city & castle above said without fraud or male engine, what time after the mids of the xix day of this present month of january our said lord the king will the city and the castle to be delivered under manner and form within written.  
ALSO it is accorded that the day & hour the said nobles and citizens & other what so they be dwelling & being in the said city & castle shall submit them in all things to the grace of our said lord the king.  
ALSO it is accorded that from this hour unto real & effectual yielding of the said city & castle, none of the said nobles or other being in the said city or castle shall not go our of the foresaid city and castle without special grace of our said lord the king.  
ALSO it is accorded that from this hour unto the deliverance of the city, every of the parties shall abstain from all deeds of war to make again that other party of them.  
ALSO it is accorded that the foresaid nobles, citizens and other being in the said city & castle shall pay to our foresaid lord the king CCC. thousand scutes of gold, whereof always two shallbe worth an English noble, or in the stead of every scute xxx great blanks white or xu groats. Of which. CCC. thousand scutes, the one half shallbe paid to our said lord the king or to his deputies within the city of Rouen beforesaid the xxii day of this present month of january, and that other half shallbe paid to our said lord the king or to his deputies in the feast of saint Matthew the Apostle next coming that shallbe the xxiiii day of February next, without any utter delay.  
ALSO it is accorded that all and every horse, harness, armours, artileries ●or shot and all other habilimentes of war longing to soldiers or other strangers being in the said city and castle, shallbe put together by them in two houses by our said lord the king to be assigned, & they shallbe delivered by the captain of the said city to our for said lord the king after the mids of the xix day of january thereupon to be required.  
ALSO it is accorded that all and every armour, artilleries and all habilimentes of war of the said castle shallbe put together in one house within the same castle, and they shallbe delivered to our said lord the kyn● or to his deputies in that party, the day that the same castle shall be fallen to be delivered to our said lord the king.  
ALSO it is accorded that all and every armours, artilleries & other habilimentes of war of the said city or of all manner of citizens and of all other dwelling therein, by them shallbe brought and put together in one house or more houses there by them to be delivered to our Lord the king, & by the captain of the same city shallbe delivered to our foresaid Lord the king or to his deputy in what time the said captain by the party of our most doubtful lord the king, after midday of this present month of januarij thereupon be required, out take the armuries that belong to Merchants which were wont for to cell them ceasing fraud and maleengine. And if it befall any merchants any such armours that be not theirs, under colour of theirs to colourens or hiden in any manner, though armours so hid and coloured and all other what that they been that diden, to our Lord the king shall been forfeited, and the body of the same merchant to been punished at the kings william.  
ALSO it is accorded that in no manner shallbe made, brenning, hindering, harming or appairing, wasting or destroying of horse, of armours, of artilleries or of any other habilimentes of war within the foresaid city and Castle being, but that all and every without fraud or maleengine shallbe kept whole and unhurt to our Lord the king as it is beforesaied to be delivered.  
ALSO it is accorded that all & every chain that were wont to be laid overthwart the streets and lanes of the said city, shall be put into an house to be turned to the profit of the citizens of the same city.  
ALSO it is accorded that our foresaid lord the king shall have place and space of land, of the free-will of his highness to be chosen to him a paleis to be made within thesay city or within the walls of the same city where it shall seem most behoveful. So nevertheless that if it fall within the said place or space to be included any house or edefice or place of ground longing to any of thesay citizens or dwellers of the same city, our said lord the king to him whom that such manner of houses, edefices or places of ground longeth or appertaineth shall satisfy, & of other houses & edefices or places congruely shall recompense.  
ALSO it is accorded that all and every subjects of our said lord the king that now be or were prisoners to any person being in the said cite or castle and their pledges, shallbe utterly free as aneyntzes their persons and the sums that they are bound in at the day of this present date and accord.  
ALSO it is accorded that all and every soldier and stranger being in the said city and castle shall swear on the Euangelies of God before their departing, that they shall not bear arms against our lord the king or his, unto the first day of januarij next to come, for no manner of commandment that to them or to any of them of any manner of person in contrary may be done and enjoined.  
ALSO it is accorded that all and every relics & other goods longing to the Abbey of saint Katheryn within thesay city and castle being all holy, shalbeen delivered to him whom the king shall depute them to receive the deliverance of the said city.  
ALSO it is accorded that the foresaid nobles, citizens & other within the said city and Castle being, shall 'cause the same city and Castle before the saied xix day of this present month of januarij sufficiently and honestly to be made clean, and also diligently and honestly all the dead bodies now dead and to be dead unto that day of deliverance of the said city honestly and diligently shall do to be buried.  
ALSO it is accorded that the foresaid nobles, citizens & all being in the said city and castle forthwith shall receive and suffer to enter into the same city all and every poor person being in the ditches or about the ditches of the same cite, which for penury did go out of the same cite whom they shallbe bound to succour unto the xix day of januarij above said, as they will answer to God and to the king, and else they shall receive none other person into the same city or castle unto the foresaid day without special licence of our said Lord the King, but if it hap any messenger or herald of the party adversary of the king to come to the gates or ditches of the said castle or city.  
WHICH articles and apointmentes as it is beforsaid, all & every in manner as it is accorded, the foresaid captain, nobles, citizens & other with in the said castle and city being, well and truly without fraud or malengine to hold, observe and keep they behoten, and tho to be kept & fulfilled they bynden them. So but if it befall our foresaid most doubt full lord the king that God forbidden, to be overcome in battle to him maked by Charles his adversary of France or the duke of Burgoyn or any other to come, the siege of our lord the king to remove from the foresaid city, that neither theforsaid captain ne none of the nobles, citizens, soldiers or other being within theforsaid city and Castle shall go out, ne no manner help they shall deliver, ner lean to them so again our lord the king coming in no manner wise.  
ALSO that all these appointments, covenants and accords and every of them as it is beforsaied well and truly and unbroken be kept, and for the more surety of the same covenants and accords, the●●●● aid captain nobles and citizens and other abovesaid shallbe taken at the time immediately into the hands of our lord the King lxxx notable pledges whereof twenty shallbe knights and esquires and the remnant citizens of the same city, at their own costs to be sustained.  
ALSO for the party soothly of our most doubtful lord the King aforesaid, graciously and ●eningly considering the meek submitting and yielding of the same city and Castle abovesaid, hath granted that all and every person of what estate or degree or condition that he be with in the said city and Castle being, except certain persons within expressed that will become lieges and subjects of our lord the king, and from hencefurth will devil under his obedience, shall have their heritage's and goods, movables and unmovables within the duchy of Normandy constitute, and which before the date of these present letters by our foresaid lord the king to other persons have not been granted, except armurs & artillaries abovesaid, making and doing for their heritage's and their unmovable goods to our foresaid lord the king the service thereof accustomed, or to other to whom such manner services of the grant of our lord the king owen to long.  
ALSO it is granted on our lord the kings behalf that all the citizens and dwellers of the city of Rouen that now been or in time to come shall been, shall have all and every franchises, liberties and privileges which of worthy mind the progenitors of our lord the king kings of England & dukes of Normandy, to them and to the said city were granted in possession whereof they weren the first day that our foresaid lord the king came before theforsaid city. And also of our large grace of his benygnitie hath granted, that the self citizens and dwellers of the city shall have all their liberties franchises and privileges whereof they were in possession theforsaid first day of the coming of our lord the king before the city, of the grant of any of his progenitors kings of France which were before the time of Philip de Ualoys adversary to our said lord the king & daily warring upon his realm.  
ALSO it is granted and accorded on our lord the kings behalf that all the strangers soldiers and other in theforsaied city and castle being at this time, not willing to become lieges of our lord the king, theforsaied city and castle so yielding as it is beforsaid, freely to departen, leaving to our said lord the king all their armours, horse artillaries and other things and harness and goods, except the Normans will not be lieges of our lord the king, which all & every shall abide prisoners to our lord the king, and except Luca Italico which also shallbe prisoner of our lord the king, and also other whose names be not set in this book, for it longeth not to clerks to intermete of them.  
ALSO it is granted on our lord the kings behalf that the war and also shrewd speeches that during this siege the folk above mentioned of what condition that they been against his royal person have done, or with defamed lips have spoken against our most dearest lord the king, considrring the day of pity meekly shallbe forgiven, out take the prisoners that above in special be excepted.  
ALSO it is accorded on our lord the kings behalf that to theforsaied soldiers and strangers by the form of this present treaty and accord willing for to departen, our Lord the king shall ordain and make a safe conduct in form accustomed.  
❧ And so theforsaied city was yelden to our sovereign lord the ❧ king upon s. Wolstones day being the xix day of januarij. and then afterward he got many strong towns and Castles, as Deep, Caudebec, Torney & many more as it shallbe after written.  
WHEN the day apoynctment came, which was the day of. S Wolston, sir Guy de Butteler and the Burgesses of the town in good order came to the kings lodging, and there delivered to him the keys of the city and castle, beseeching him of favour and compassion. The king incontinent appointed the duke of Excester with a great company to take possession of the town, which like a valiant captain mounted on a goodly courser and entered into the town and so into the castle, and appointed watch and ward in every tour, bulwark and fortress, and garnished the walls with banners, standers and penons of the kings arms, badges and devices. The next day being Frydaie the king in great triumph like a conqueror, accompanied with iiij. Dukes, x. Earls viii Bishops, xuj. Barones' and a great multitude of knights. esquires and men of war entered into Rouen where he was received by the Clergy with xlij Crosses which sang diverse sweet songs, outwardly rejoicing what soever inwardly they thought. Then met him the Senate and the burgesses of the town, offering to him diverse fair & costly presents. In this manner he passed through the city to our Lady Church, where with all solemnity he was received by the bishop and Cannons, and after he had said his Orisons, he caused his chapelaynes to sing his Anthem Quis est magnus dominus. Who is so great a Lord as is our God. etc. And that done he came to the Castle where he continued a good space after, receiving homages and fealties of the burgesses and towns men, setting ordres amongst them and reedefied diverse fortresses and towers. During which time he made proclamation that all men which would become his subjects should enjoy their goods, lands and offices, which proclamation caused many towns to yield, and many men become English. At which season the duke of Britain seeing that the power of France began to decay, came to the king to Rouen and concluded with him a league of his own mere motion: Fearing that either he should afterward be compelled thereunto, or else if he offered to late it would not be accepted.  
WHEN the rendering of Rouen was blown through Normandy and the kings proclamation divulged through the country, it is in manner incredible to hear how many towns yielded not once desired, and how many fortresses gave up without contradition, whereof I will show you a small number and the names of them who were appointed captains of the same.  

AT Caudebec, sir Joys Robsert.  
At Deep, William lord Burcher earl of Ewe.  
At Ewe, the same earl.  
At Aubemerle, th'earl of Warwick and his deputy there sir William Mountford.  
At Bell Encumber, Sir Thomas Rampston lord by gift.  
At Longevile, the captain of Beffe earl thereof by gift.  
At the Roche Guyon, sir Guy Butteler late captain of Rouen, and by the king lord of the same.  
At Danuile, sir Christopher Bourden.  
At Couches, sir Robert Marbury  
At Chierburgh, sir John Gedding.  
At Bacquivile, the lord Rosse, lord thereof by gift.  
At Gaylard, the same lord.  
At Dangew, Richard Wooduile  
At Arques, sir james Fines bailie of Caux.  
At Newcastle, sir Philip Leche.  
At Monceaux, the same sir Philip.  
At Gourney, sir Gilbert umfrevile  
At Estripagny, Richard Abraham esquire.  
At Senclere Surgette, William Basset.  
At Nanffle, th'earl of Worcester.  
At Gysors, the said earl.  
At Maunt, th'earl of March.  
At Boncovilliers, John Aburgh Bailiff of Gysors.  
At Uernon, sir William Porter.  
At Melans, sir Thomas Rampson after him sir John Fastolffe.  
At Homflewe, th'earl of Salisbury and after the duke of Clarence by gift.  
At Bretnell, sir Henry Mortimer bailiff of Homflew.   
IF I should here rehearse what towns were conquered, what fortresses were yielded, and who were made captains of the same, this Pamphlet would turn to a volume more tedious than pleasant, and therefore I over passing small names and much doing, will return again to the principal things touching the sequel of this history. And who so desireth to know all the circumstances of the delivery, let him overlook the French writers, which to avoid shame confess and writ the verity.    

¶ The seventh year. 
The vii year   
WHEN the getting of Rouen and the delivery of the other towns were blazed and blown through the whole realm of France, wonder it is to tell and more to believe how the hearts of the Frenchmen were suddenly heavy and their courages soon cooled, mourning and lamenting the imminent mischief which they saw by the division of the nobility like shortly to fall on their heads: and the more sorrowing their evil chance because they saw no remedy prepared, nor yet none help at hand thought on. But whosoever kicked or wynched at this matter, John duke of Burgoyn raged and swelled, ye and so much fretted that he witted not what to say and less to do: And no marvel, for he was vexed and troubled with a double disease at one only time. For he only ruled both king Charles and his, and did all things at his will whether reason agreed or not, and for that cause he knew that he was neither free from dis●ain nor yet delivered from the scope of malice. And therefore he imagined that all mischiefs and calamities which chanced in the common wealth should be imputed and assigned to his unpolitike doing or to his negligent permission: wherefore he imagined it profitable to the realm and to himself most available, if he by any means possible could devise, practice or invent any way or mean by the which he might reconcile and join in amity the two great and mighty kings of England and of France. Which thing once obtained and being delivered from all fear of exterior hostilitee, he determined first to revenge his quarrel against Charles the dolphin, and after to repress all causes of grudge or disdain, and to recover again both the favour of the commonaltee and also to put away all causes of suspicion or imagined infamy against him and his proceedings. And intending to build upon this frail foundation, sent letters and Ambassadors to the king of England, advertising him that if he would personally come to a communication to be had between him and Charles the French king, he doubted not but by his only means, peace should be induced and bloody battle clearly exiled.  
KING Henry heard gently the Ambassadors and agreed to their request and desire, and so came to Maunte, where at the feast of Pentecost he kept a liberal house to all comers, and sat himself in great estate. On which day either for good service before by them done, or for good expectation of things to come, he created Gascon de Foys a valiant Gascoyn earl of Longevile, and sir John Grey was likewise made earl of Tankeruile, and the Lord Burshier earl of Ewe. After this solemn feast ended, the place of the interview and meeting was appointed to be beside Melaus on the river of Seyne, in a fair plain every part was by commissioners appointed to their ground▪ The Frenchmen diched, trenched, and paled their lodgings for fear of afterclappes: But the Englishmen had their part only barred and ported. The king of England had a large tent of blue velvet and green richly embroidered with two devices, the one was an Antlop drawing in an horse mill, the other was an Antlop sitting in an high stage with a branch of Olife in his mouth: And the tent was replenished and decked with this poysie. After busy labour cometh victorious rest, and on the top and height of the same was set a great Eagle of gold, whose eyes were of such orient Diamonds that they glistered and shone over the whole field.  
THE French King likewise had in his park a fair pavilion of blue velvet richly embroidered with flower deluse, on the top of the the same was set a white Harte flying, made all of fine silver with wings enamelled. Between these two Camps or enclosers was appointed a tent of purple velvet for the counsellors to meet in and every part had an equal number to watch on the night and to see good order on the day.  
WHEN the day of apoinctment approached, the king of England acco●paignied with the Dukes of Clarence and Gloucester his brethren, and the duke of Excester his uncle, and Henry Beauford Clerk his other uncle which after was bishop of Winchester and Cardinal and the earls of March, Salisbury and other to the numbered of a thousand men of war, entered into his park and took his lodging. Likewise for the French part, thither came Isabella the French Queen because the king her husband was fallen into his old frenaticall disease having in her company the duke of Burgoyn and th'earl of Saint Paul, and she had attending on her the fair lady Katheryn her daughter and xxvi ladies and damoselles, and had also for her furniture a thousand men of war.  
AFTER these estates had reposed themselves one night in their tents, the next day all such as were appointed repaired toward the pavilion ordained for the consultation. Where the king of England, like a prince of great stomach and no less good behaviour received humbly the French queen and her daughter and them honourably embraced & familiarly kissed. The duke of Burgoyn made low courtesy and bowed to the king, whom the king lovingly took by the hand and honourably entertained. After salutations and embrasynges finished, they fell to counsel within the pavilion assigned, which was kept with a guard appointed by both the parties that none but commissioners should once attempt to enter. After the kings requests made & his demands declared, the French queen and her company took leave lovingly of the king of England and returned to Ponthoyse to certify her husband of her demands and claims, And king Henry returned to Mante. The next day after, they assembled again, & the French part brought with them the lady Katherine, only to th'intent that the king of England seeing and beholding so fair a lady and so minion a damosel, should so be inflamed and rapt in love, that he to obtain so beautiful an espouse, should the sooner agree to a gentle peace & loving composition. This company met together viii several times, sometime the one part was more, and sometime the other. And notwithstanding that the Englishmen and Frenchmen were lodged no great distance asunder, yet was there never fray nor occasion of tumult or riot provoked or stirred of any of both the parties, which (both their natures considered) is somewhat to be marveled at.  
IN this assemble many words were spent and no deeds done, many things required and few offered, many arguments made and no conclusion taken. Some authors writ that the dolphin on let this treaty sent to the duke of Burgoyne sir Tavegny du Chastel, declaring to him that if he would let this agreement, he would common with him and take such an order, that not only they but the whole realm of France should thereof be glad and rejoice: But what was the very cause of the breach, no man certainly declareth. When no effect ensued of this long consultation, both parties after a princely fashion departed, the Englishmen to Nantes and the Frenchmen to Ponthoyse.  
THE king of England was nothing pleased nor yet contented that this communication came to none end, Wherefore he mistrusting the duke of Burgoyn to be the very let and stop of his desires and requests, said unto him before his departing: fair cousin, we will have your kings daughter and all things that we damaund with her, or we will drive your king & you out of his realm. Well said the duke of Burgoyn, before you drive the king and me out of his realm, you shallbe well wearied, and thereof we doubt little.  
AFTER this departure, the duke of Burgoyn being nobly accompanied, road to the town of Melune where the dolphin then sojourned where in the plain fields they ii like friends commoned together & concluded apparently an open amity & sure friendship, which was written by notaries and signed with their hands and sealed with their great s●ales of arms, but as the sequel showeth, heart thought not that tongue talked, nor mind meant that hand wrote. This treaty was concluded the vi day of july in the year of our lord 1419 and was proclaimed in Paris, Amience and Ponthoyse.  
THIS new alience notified shortly to the king of England lying at Maunt, which therewith was sore displeased, and not without cau●e For he perceived that the force of these two princes were much stronger now being united in one, than they were before being separated & divided. Yet notwithstanding this great sworn and sealed amity, he nothing more minded then to set forward his intented enterprise with the aid of God to perform his conquest maugre and evil will and puissance of his enemies. Wherefore he sent the captain of Bueffe brother to the earl of Foys newly created earl of Longuile with xu C. men secretly to the town of Ponthoyse, which on Trinity sunday early in the morning came to the town, and so suddenly and so shortly set up their scaling ladders to the wall, that they were entered into the town or the watch perceived them, crying saint George, saint George The lord Lisleadam captain of the town perceiving the walls scaled and the market place gained, opened the gate toward Paris, at the which he withal his retinue and divers of the towns men to the number of viii thousand fled. For the Englishmen durst not because their number was small ones divide themselves or fall to pilfering, till about prime the duke of Clarence came to their aid with .v. thousand men, and by the way he encountered divers burgesses of the town flying with all their substance toward Beawoys whom he took prisoners & brought them again to their old dwelling place. When the duke was come to Ponthoyse, he much praised the valiantness of the assailants and gave to them the chief spoil of the town and merchants, of the which they had great plenty and foison. Then the duke with a great puissance came before Paris and lay before the city two days and two nights without any proffre either of issue by his enemies or of defence if he had the same assauted, which he could not well do because it was long and ample, and his number small, and for so great an enterprise not furnished: Wherefore seeing that his enemies durst not once look on him, he returned again to Ponthoyse, for the taking of which town, the country of France, & in especial the Parisienswer sore dismayed and astonished, for there was no fortress able to resist or withstand. In so much the Irishmen overcame all the Isle of France and did to the Frenchmen damages innumerable (as their writers affirm) and brought daily prays to the English army. And beside that, they would rob houses and lay beds on the backs of the kine and ride upon them, and carry young children before them and sell them to the Englishmen for slaves: Which strange doings so feared the frenchmen within the territory of Paris and the country about, that the rude persons fled out of the villages withal their stuff to the city of Paris  
THE French king and the duke of Burgoyn lying at S. Device hearing of all these doings, departed in all the haste with the queen and her daughter to Troy's in champaign, there taking great deliberation what was best to be done, leaving at Paris the earl of S. Paul and the lord Lisleadam with a great puissance to defend the city. At the same time the duke of Clarence took the strong town of Gysors, & after that was taken the town of Gayllard: and all the towns of Normandy shortly after were either taken by force or rendered, except the Mount ●aint Michael, which because the gain thereof was very little and the loss in assaulting seemed to be very much, and also it could do small harm or none to the country adjoining, was neither assaulted nor besieged.  
AND thus as you have heard, was the duchy of Normandy reduced again into the right line and restored to the possession of the right heir, which had been ●rom the time of king Henry the third, in the year of our lord 1255 wrongfully detained from the kings of England.  
THE wisemen of France sore lamenting the chance of their country and the misery of their people saw and perceived that they had puissance enough to defend their enemies if they were at a perfit concord amongst themselves. For they apparently saw that although there were a peace openly concluded between the dolphin and the duke of Burgoyn, yet they imagined that no good fruit succeeded of the same for the duke either for secret displeasure that he bore to the dolphin, or for the doubt that he had of thenglishmen, never assailed by himself the army of king Henry, nor never sent aid or succours to the dolphin. Wherefore by means of friends a new communication was appointed to th'intent that the corrupt dregs of their old malice and inward grudges might be clearly cast out and extinct. The place of this meeting was appointed at the town of Monstrel fault Yonne, so called because a small brook called Yonne runneth there to the river of Sein over which river was made a bridge, with divers bars overthwart so that the princes opening the bars might each embrace and touch other, and keeping the bars shut, each might see & common with other at their pleasure. The day was appointed when these ii great princes should meet on this bridge, to th'intent that all civil discord should by this communication be clear forgotten, or at the lest should be suspended till the enemies were vanquished and driven out of their countries and confines. But this motion worse succeeded than the entreators devised, for while every man was fulfilled with hope of peace and concord, crafty imagination crept out of cankered displeasure had almost brought all things from liberty into bondage.  
WHEN the day & place of the solemn interview was agreed & assigned, Tavagny du Chastel, a man prompt and prove to all mischief, called to his remembrance the shameful murder of Lewes duke of orleans (under whom he had long been a captain) done and committed by this duke of Burgoyne as before you have heard, determined with himself to revenge the death of his old Master and lord. Some say that he was thereto stirred & provoked by the dolphin (and not unlike) for the dolphin which bore a continual hatred to the duke of Burgoyn, imagined peradventure by this means to repress and subdue the whole power and high pride of this duke, without any suspection of fraud or reproach of untruth or villainy. Well the day came, which was the xii day of August, and every prince with his number appointed came to this bridge. The duke of Burgoyne being warned by his friends to keep his closure and the bars on his side shut, little regarded his frendesmonition as a man that could not avoid the stroke for him provided, and so opened the bars and closure and came to the dolphins presence, which was clean armed, and kneeled down on the one knee, showing to him great reverence and humility. The dolphin showed him no loving countenance, but reproved him, laying to his charge much untruth and great dishonour. The duke again boldly defended his cause. Now the duke during this communication kneeled still and his sword was at his back with often turning and moving in answering the dolphin and his counsel, and so he put his hand back to pluck his sword forward: what ꝙ sir Robert de Loyer, will you draw your sword against my lord the dolphin? when Tavagny du Chastel apperceived that an occasion was given to perform his enterprise, incontinent he struck him with a hatchet on the head, so that he could not speak, other standing by shortly dispatched him of his life. divers of his part, thinking him not dead, began to draw weapon, amongst whom the lord Novale was slain, and the other taken. For this murder were condemned (but not apprehended) by Parliament the precedent of province, the viscount of Narbone, Guylliam Battelier, Tavagny du Chastel, Robert Loire and four other. This was the end of John called the proud duke of Burgoyne, which more regarded civil war and intestine dissension, than his own life & welfare. And this sudden death as I think came to him not without desert, for shamefully murdering Lewes' duke of Orleans the French kings brother. Such is the justice of God, that blood for the most part is recompensed with blood, & unnatural homicide is requited with shameful death or sudden destruction.  
AFTER this heinous murder thus committed, I might rehearse how the dolphins servants despoiled the duke of all his garments to his shirt, and covered his face with his hosen. I could declare how the dolphin sent his letters to Paris and other cities and towns, publishing untruly divers opprobrious words spoken, & divers great and outrageous offences done by the duke against the king and the whole realm. I could further declare how the wisemen of France detested and abhorred this abominable act, perceiving the end that was like to ensue, and how the contrary side, which was the lineage of Orleans rejoiced and laughed at this miserable chance and sudden fall: but because thenglish nation was party neither to the fact nor to the counsel, I will declare what the king of England did after this notorious deed done and committed.   

¶ The viii year. 
The viii year   
WHen Philip earl Charoloys son and heir to this duke John, and now by this murder and death of his father duke of Burgoyn and earl of Flaunders was informed lying at Gaunt of this misfortune and final end of his noble parent and loving father, he took the matter as he had cause, grievously and heavily, insomuch that no man of his counsel durst once speak to him, and in especial the lady Michael his wife, sister to the dolphin and daughter to the king, was in great fear to be forsaken and cast out of his house and favour: But as all things end, so sorrow assuageth. When his dolour was somewhat mitegate he first by th'advise of his counsel received to his favour and company the fair duchess his loving wife, and after sent divers not able ambassadors to the king of England lying at Rouen to treat and conclude a peace between them both for a certain space: To which request in hope of a better chance king Henry agreed. After that knot knit, he kept a solemn obsequy for his father at saint Uaas in Arras where were xxiii prelate's with crosses: During which time the earl of saint Paul and the Parisiens' sent to him ambassadors to know what they should do, and how they should defend themselves against the Englishmen. He gently answered the messengers, that he trusted shortly by the aid of God and licence of the king to conclude a peace and perpetual amity to their great comfort & relief. When these Ambassadors were departed to make relation to the Magistrates and governors of the city of Paris, he after long consultation had aswell with men of the spirituality as temporal and lay persons, sent the bishop of Arras and two notable persons to the king of England with certain articles and clauses which the duke of Burgoyn offered to him for very love as he said. The king of England considering with himself that the duke of Burgoyn was a convenient organ and a necessary instrument to convey his desires to his purpose, lovingly received & honourably entertained the duke's ambassadors, declaring unto them that he would without prolonging of time sand to him his Ambassadors, which should open his lawful requests & reasonable desires. With this answer, the duke's messengers departed toward Arras. and incontinent after their departure, king Henry sent the earl of Warwick and the bishop of Rochestre with many knights & esquires to the duke of Burgoyn, which to him declared the effect and purpose of their ambassade and coming: he gently heard their requests, and some he allowed and some he augmented, and some he altered and disallowed, but in conclusion, by often sending between the king & the duke they were agreed, so the king and his commons would assent. Now was the French king and the queen and his daughter Katherine at Troy's in champaign, governed and ordered by them which would rather x. times spur forward the purpose & intents of the duke of Burgoyn then once with a bridle to pull back any one jot preferred by him.  
What should I say, a truce tripertited between the ii kings and the duke and their countries was determined, so that the king of England should sand in the company of the duke of Burgoyn his Ambassadors to Troy in champaign sufficiently authorized to conclude so great a matter The king of England being in good hope that all his affairs should prosperously succeed and go forward, sent to the duke of Burgoyn his uncle the duke of Exeter, the earl of Salisbury, the bishop of Ely, the lord Fanhope and lord Fitzhugh, sir John Robsert and sir Philip Hal with divers doctors to the number of. CCCCC. horse, which in the company of the duke of Burgoyn came to the city of Troy's the xxi day of March. The king, the queen and the lady Katherine them received and heartily welcomed, showing great signs and tokens of love and amity. After a few days they fell to counsel, in the which it was concluded that king Henry of England should come to Troy's and marry the lady Katherine, and the king should make him heir of his realm, crown and dignity after his death and departure out of this natural life with many other articles which hereafter in a place more convenient you shall hear rehearsed.  
WHEN all these things were done and concluded, the Ambassadors or England departed toward their king, leaving behind them sir John Robsert to give his attendance on the lady Katherine. When king Henry had heard his Ambassadors rehearse the articles and points of the treaty and amity concluded, he condescended & agreed with all diligence to set toward Troy's, longing for the sight of his darling the fair lady Katherine. And although he rejoiced that all things succeeded more luckily to his purpose than he before imagined, yet he trusted not somuch to the glozing words and golden promises of the French nation being his ancient enemies, that he would rashly adventure his person without a perfit search and diligent inquiry of the doings and attempts of his doubtful and new reconciled friends, being warned and admonished by the late mischance of John duke of Burgoyn yet recent in every man's eye. But when he saw the sun shine and air clear on every side, he accompanied with the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester his brethren, the earls of Warwick, Salisbury, Huntyngdon, Ewe, Tankeruile and Longuile and xu thousand men of war, departed from Rouen to Ponthoyse, and from thence to saint Denis two leagues from Paris, and from thence to Pontcharenton where he left a garrison of men to keep the passage, and from thence by province, he came toward Troy's, where the duke of Burgoyn accompanied with many noble men received him two leagues without the town and conveyed him to his lodging and his princes with him, and all his army was lodged in small villages theraboute. And after he had reposed himself, he went to visete the king, the queen and the Lady Katheryn, whom he found in Saint Peter's Church, where was a joyous meeting, honourable receiving and a loving embracing on both parts, which was the twenty day of May. And there were the king and the lady Katherine made sure together before the high Aultare, and on the third day of june next following, they were with all solemnity espoused and married in the same Church. At which marriage the Englishmen made such triumphs, pomps and pagiauntes as though the king of all the world had been present. In so much (as three French writers affirm) that the nobles of France more marveled at the honour and glory of the Englishmen, than they disdeigned or maligned at their own fortune.  
AND when these solemn ceremonies were honourably finished and the marriage consummate, the two kings and their counsel assembled together diverse days, wherein the former league and treaty was in diverse points altered and brought to a certainty by the device of the king of England and his brethren. When this great matter was finished, the kings swore for their part to observe this agreement and league in all points. Likewise swore the Duke of Burgoyne and a great number of princes and nobles which were present, and that the sooner because they marveled before at his noble Acts done by king Henry, of whom they had knowledge only by report, and now they more marveled when they saw and beheld the honour, estate & wisdom of his person. But whether they swore with outward countenance and inwardly thought the contrary, let them which know the French constancy judge and tell truth. But assuredly they perceived him to be prudent both in asking and giving counsel. They saw him expert and apt to martial feats, and nimble in all things apperteigning to war. They thought him strong against all perils and imagined him fortunate in all chances and doings, wherefore as I said, they much marveled at him, and more regarded his person. Then was he named and proclaimed heir & Regent of France. And as the French king sent the copy of this treaty to every town in France, so the king of England sent the same in English to every city and market town to be published and divulged, the very copy whereof as it was then written, word by word ensueth.  

❧ The Articles and appoynctmentes of the peace ❧ between the realms of England and France.  
HENRY by the grace of God king of England, heir and Regent of France, lord of Ireland, to perpetual mind to Christian people and all though that be under our obeisance we notify and declare that though there hath been here aborne diverse treaties between the most excellent Prince Charles our father of France and his progenitors for the peace to be had between the two realms of France and England the which here before have borne no fruit: We considering the great harms the which hath not only fallen between these two realms for the great division that hath been between them, but to all holy church. We have taken a treaty with our said father, in which treaty betwixt our said rather and us, it is concluded and accorded in the form after the manner that followeth.  
FIRST it is accorded betwixt our father and us, that forasmuch as by the bond of Matrimony made for the good of the peace between us and our most dear beloved Katheryn daughter of our mayed father and of our most dear mother Isabella his wife, the same Charles and Isabella been made father and mother, therefore them as our father and mother we shall have and worship as it sitteth and seemeth so a worthy prince and princess to be worshipped principally before all other temporal persons of the world.  
ALSO we shall not distroble, disseason or let our father aforesaid, but that he hold and possede as long as he liveth as he holdeth and possedeth at this time the crown and the dignity royal of France, and rents and proffites for the same of the sustenance of his estate and charges of the realm. And our foresaid mother also hold aslong as she liveth thestate & dignity of Queen, after the manner of the same realm with convenable convenience part of the said rents and proffites.  
ALSO that the foresaid lady Katherine shall take and have dower in our realm of England as Queens of England here afore were wont for to take and have, that is to say, to the some of xl M. Scutes, of the which two algate shallbe worth a noble English.  
ALSO that by the ways manners and means that we may without transgression or offence of other made by us, for to keep the laws, customs, usages and rights of our said realm of England shall do our labour and pursuit that the said Katheryn all so soon as it may be done, be made su●e to take and for to have in our said realm of England from the time of our death thesay dower of xl M. scutes yearly, of the which twain algate be worth a noble English.  
ALSO if it hap the said Katheryn to overlive us, she shall take and have the realm of France immediately, from the time of our death, dower to the some of twenty M. Frankes yearly of and upon the lands, places and lordships that held and had Blanch sometime wife of Philip Boseele to our said father.  
ALSO that after the death of our father aforsaied, and from thence forward, the crown and the realm of France with all the rights and appurtenances shall remain and abide to us and been of us and of our heirs for evermore.  
ALSO forasmuch as our said father is withholden with diverse sickness, in such manner as he may not intend in his own person for to dispose for the needs of theforsaied realm of France: therefore during the life of our said father, the faculties and exercise of the governance and disposition of the public and common profit of thesay realm of France with counsel and nobles and wise men of the same realm of France shallbe and abide to us: So that from hencefurthe we may govern the same realm by us. And also to admit to our counsel and assistance of the said nobles such as we shall think meet the which faculties and exercise of governance thus being toward us, we shall labour and purpose us spedefully, diligently and truly to that that may be and aught for to be to the worship of God and our said father and mother, and also to the common good of thesay realm, and that realm with the counsel and help of the worthy and great nobles of the same realm for to be defended, peased and governed after right and equity.  
ALSO that we of our own power shall do the court of the Parliament of France to be kept & observed in his authority and soveraignte and in all that is done to it in all manner of places that now or in time coming is or shallbe subject to our said father.  
ALSO we to our power shall defend and help all and every of the Peres, nobles, cities, towns, commonalties and singular persons now or in time coming subjects to our father in their rights, customs, privileges, freedom and franchises longing or dew to them in all manner of places now or in time coming subject to our father.  
ALSO we diligently and truly shall travail to our power and do that justice be administered and done in the same realm of France after the laws, customs and rights of the same realm, without personalx exception. And that we shall keep and hold the subjects of the same realm in tranquillity and peace, and to our power we shall defend them against all manner of violence and oppression.  
ALSO we to our power shall provide, and do to our power that able persons and profitable been taken to the offices aswell of justices and other offices longing to the governance of the demesnes and of other offices of the said realm of France for the good, right and peaceable justice of the same, and for thadministration that shallbe committed unto them, and that they be such persons that after the laws and rights of the same realm and for the utility and profit of our said father shall minister, and that the foresaid realm shall be taken and deputed to the same offices.  
ALSO that we of our power so soon as it may commodiously be done, shall travail for to put into the obedience of our said father, all manner of cities, towns and Castles, places, countries and persons within the realm of France disobedient and re●elles to our said father, holding with them which been called the Dolphin or Arminack.  
ALSO that we might the more commodiously, surely and freely done exercise and fulfil these things aforesaid. It is accorded that all worthy nobles and estates of the same realm o● France aswell spirituals as temporals, and also cities notables and commonalties, and citizens, burgeiss of towns of the realm of France, that been obeissant at this time to our said father shall make these oaths that followen.  
FIRST to us having the faculty, exercise, disposition and governance of the foresaid common profit to our hests and commandments they shall meekly and obediently obey and intend in all manner of thing concerning the exercise of governance of the same realm.  
ALSO that the worthy great nobles and estates of the said realm aswell spirituals as temporals and also cities and notable commonalties and Citizens and burgesses of the same realm in all manner of things well and truly shall keep and to their power shall do to be kept of so much as to them belongeth or to any of them all, those things that been apoyncted and accorded between our foresaid father and mother and us, with the counsel of them whom us lust to call to us.  
ALSO that continually from the death and after the death of our said father Charles, they shallbe our true liegemen and our heirs, and they shall receive and admit us for their ●iege and sovereign and very king of France, and for such to obey us without opposition, contradiction or difficulty, as they been to our foresaid father during his life, never after this realm of France shall obey to man as king or regent of France, but to us and our heirs. Also they shall not be in counsel help or assent that we lose life or lymine, or be take with evil taking, or that we suffer harm or diminution in person, estate, worship or goods, but if they know any such thing for to be cast or imagined against us, they shall let it to their power, and they shall do us to weten thereof as hastily as they may by theimself, by message or by letters.  
ALSO that all manner of conquests that should be made by us in France upon thesay inobedientes out of the Duchy of Normandy shallbe done to the profit of our said father, and that to our power we shall do that all manner of lands and lordships that been in the places so for to be conquered longing to persons obeying to our said father, which shall swear for to keep this present accord, shallbe restored to the same persons to whom they long to,  
ALSO that all manner of persons of holy Church beneficed in the Duchy of Normandy or any other places in the realm of France subject to our father and favouring the party of the dukes of Burgoyne which shall swear to keep this present accord, shall rejoice peaceably their benefices of holy Church in the Duchy of Normandy, or in any other places next aforsaied.  
ALSO likewise all manner persons of holy Church obedient to us and beneficed in the realm of France and places subject to our father that shall swear to keep this present accord, shall enjoy peaceably their benefices of holy Church in places next abovesaid.  
ALSO that all manner of Churches, Universitees and studies general, and all Colleges of studies and other Colleges of holy Church being in places now or in time coming subject to our father, or in the Duchy of Normandy, or other places in the realm of France subject to us, shall enjoy their rights and possessions, rents, prerogatives liberties and franchises longing or dew to them in any manner of wise in the said realm of France, saving the right of the crown of France and every other person.  
ALSO by God's help, when it happeneth us to come to the crown of France, the Duchy of Normandy and all other places conquered by us in the realm of France shall bow under the commandment obeisance and Monarchy of the crown of France.  
ALSO that we shall enforce us and do to our power that recompense be made by our said father without diminution of the crown of France, to persons obeying to him and favouring to that party that is said Burgoyn, to whom longeth lands, lordships, rents or possessions in the said Duchy of Normandy or other places in the realm of France conquered by us hethertoward, given by us in placs, and lands gotten or to be gotten and overcome in the name of our said father upon rebels and inobedientes to him. And if it so be that such manner of recompense be not made to the said persons by the life of our said father, we shall make that recompense in such manner of places and goods when it happeneth by God's grace to the crown of France. And if so be that the lands, lordships, rents or possessions the which longeth to such manner of persons in thesay Duchy and places be not given by us, the same persons shallbe restored to them without any delay.  
ALSO during the life of our father in all places now or in time coming subject to him, letters of common justice and also grants of offices and gifts, pardons or remissions and privileges shallbe written and proceed under the name and seal of our said father. And forasmuch as some singular case may fall that may not be foreseen by man's wit, in the which it might be necessary and behoveful that we do writ our letters, in such manner case if any hap for the good and surety of our said father and for the governance that longeth to us as is beforsaied, and for to eschewen perils that otherwise might fall to the prejudice of our said father to writ our letters, by the which we shall command, charge and defend after the nature and quality of the need in our father's behalf and ours as Regent of France.  
ALSO that during our father's life we shall not call ●e writ us king of France, but utterly we shall abstain us from that name as long as our father liveth.  
ALSO that our said father during his life shall nempne, call, and writ us in French in this manner Nostre 〈◊〉 filz Henry Roy Dengleterre beretere 〈◊〉, and in latin in this manner. Precharissimus filius noster Henricus Rex Angliae & heres Franciae.  
ALSO that we shall put none impositions or exactions, or do charge the subjects of our said father without cause reasonable and necessary, ne otherwise then for common good of the realm of France, and after the saying and asking of the laws and customs reasonable, approved of the same realm.  
ALSO that we shall travail to our power to the effect and intent, that by th'assent of the three estates of either of the realms of France and England, that all manner of obstacles may be done away, and in this party that it be ordained and provided that fro the time that we or any of our heirs come to the crown of France, both the crowns that is to say of France and England perpetually be together in one and in the same person, that is to say from our father's life to us, and from the term of our life thence forward in the persons of our heirs that shallbe one after another. And that both realms shallbe governed fro that we or any of our heirs come to the same, not severally under diverse kings in one time, but under that same person which for the time shallbe king of both the realms and sovereign lord as it is beforesaid, keeping nevertheless in all manner of other things to either of the same realms their rights, liberties, customs, usages and laws, not making subject in any manner of wise one of the same realms to the rights, laws or usages of that other.  
ALSO that hence forward, perpetually shallbe still rest, and that in all manner of wise, dissensions, hates, rancorous, envies, and warns between the same realms of France and England, and the people of ekename realms, drawing to accord of the same peace may cea●e and be broken.  
ALSO that there shallbe for hence forward for evermore peace and tranquillity and good accord and common affection and stable friendship between the same realms and their subjects beforesaied: the same realms shall keep themselves with their counsel helps and common assistance against all manner of men that enforce them for to do or to imagine wrongs, harms, displeasours or grievance to them or to either of them. And they shallbe conversant and Marchandisen freely and surely together paying the custom dew and accustomed. And they shallbe conversant also, that all though confederates and allies of our ●aid father and the realm of France aforesaid, and also our confederates, of the realm of England aforsaied, shall in eight months from the time of this accord of peace as it is notified to them, declare by their letters that they wool draw to this accord and will be comprehended under the treaties and accord of this peace, saving nevertheless either of the same Crowns, and also all manner actions rights and revenues that longen to our said father and his subjects and to us and to our subjects again such manner of allies and confederacies.  
ALSO neither our father neither our brother the duke of Burgoyn shall begin ne make with Charles cleping himself the dolphin of Uyennes any treaty or peace or accord but by counsel and assent of all and each of us three or of other three estates of either of the said realms above named.  
Also that we with assent of our said brother of Burgoyne & other of the nobles of the realm of France the which thereto owen to be called shall ordain for the governance of our said father sekyrly, lovingly and honestly after the asking of his royal estate and dignity by the manner that shallbe to the worship of God and of our father and of the realm of France.  
ALSO all manner of persons that shallbe about our father to do him personal service, not only in office but in all other services aswell the nobles and gentles as other shallbe such as hath been borne in the realm of France or in places longing to France, good, wise, true and able to that foresaid service. And our said father shall dwell in places notable of his obedience and nowhere else. Wherefore we charge & command our said liege subjects and other being under our obedience that they keep and do to be kept in all that longeth to them this accord and peace after the form and manner as it is accorded. And that they attempt in no manner wise any thing that may be prejudice or contrary to the same accord and peace upon pai●e of life and limb and all that they may forfeit against us. Yoven at Troy's the xxx day of May 1420 and proclaimed in London the twenty day of june.  
ALSO that we for the things aforesaid and every one of them shall give our assent by our letters patents sealed with our seal unto our ●ays father with all approbation & confirmation of us and all other of our blood royal and all other of the cities and towns to us obedient sealed with their seals accustomed. And further our said father beside his letters patents sealed under his great seal shall make or cause to be made letters approbatory and confirmations of the peers of his realm and of the lords, citizens and burgesses of the same under his obedience, all which articles we have sworn to keep upon the holy Evangelists.  
HERE I aught not to forget how ii men named learned in both the laws, the one called master John Bouchet the Aquitanical writer & archdeacon of Terbe, & the other Master de Prato a solemn protonotary his prating glosser, wrote o● this treaty and composition, and make thereof so a great matter as by the making of this peace it should appear that England had no right to France, nor by this grant nothing to England was given. first John Bouchet saith that this treaty was the worst contract that ever was made for the kings of England, for by this saith he it is apparent that the king of England hath neither title nor right to the crown of France but by this composition, for if they had right, why did they take it by composition? upon this text Master glosser saith, that this composition giveth a new right, and if there were any old it taketh it away and giveth a new, which new gift was of little value and less afficacie in the law because the issue female may not inherit according to the law Salic, & therefore he cannot make his daughter heir to the crown of France. If I might be so bold I would axe Master John Bouchet this question: if a man wrongfully keep me out of the possession of my true and lawful inheritance (with whom I am neither able with purse neither with power to prosecute my cause before a competent judge by process of the law) will of his own mere motion (moved peradventure with conscience) tender to me my right, so I will suffer him to enjoy my land during his life, or that I will marry his daughter, have I this land by his gift or as a thing to me justly by law and equity rendered and received. Likewise if a rich man own to a poor man an hundredth pounds, which is not able in substance or for fear of displeasure dare not attempt any suit or quarrel against his debtor, if he will offer to pay his money at days, to the which request the poor man agreeth, is this a new gift of the money or a payment of the debt. In the first question if the demaundant had no title, how could he grant to him the action of the land during his life, and in the second, if the plaintiff had none interest how could he give him days of payment and yet in both the cases if the one part had no right why would the other make an offer or compound, for all compositions have respect to a right precedent. But in this matter, who would judge that a king of so great & puissant a realm with the assent of his whole counsel would dishenerite his only son & surrendre his title without an apparent right and open title known and showed by the party, for the old proverb sayeth, long sufferance is no acquittance, nor prolonging of time derogation to right, also restitution is no grant, nor payment of duty is no gift. Doctors writ and clerks affirm that these treaties, arbitrementes and compositions be both godly, charitable and honest, both to restore the one party to his ancient right (whether it be in lands or goods) and to dispense & relieve the other with the taking of the profits of the land and using in merchandise the occupation of the money. Now to Master glosser which affirmeth that a composition taketh away an old right & giveth a new and that this composition is of no value: surely Master John de Prato I would have such a peevish proctor retained against me, for you say that every composition giveth a new right and taketh away the ancient title, yet you said before that this composition neither giveth nor can give any right, which conclusion is manifestly repugnant to the antecedent therefore you must be answered thus, if nothing be given, nothing is taken away, & so consequently no composition, & if there be no composition than remaineth still the old and ancient title in the state that it was. Peradventure Master glosser will say and allege the title of England to be abrogated because the house of Ualoys may lawfully prescribe against the kings of England and have had the possession forty years and more, & so by this mean king Henry had no title to claim or challenge any part of the realm of France. Then I pray you remember the years & account the doings and you shall evidently perceive that king Edward the third the very indubitate heir general to the crown of France King Richard the second, king Henry the fourth and this noble king Henry the fift never desisted vi or viii years at the most either by battle or treaty to challenge and claim their ancient right and old inheritance to them by queen Isabel descended, so the title was ever in strife and never quiet till now the right line is restored: And as for your law Salic put it in your boget among lies & feigned fables. Thus you may see the affections of frenchmen, that an Archefoole cannot forge a lie for his pleasure, but a ●rothodawe will feign a gloze to maintain his foolish fantasy. Let us now leave these wilful writers and return to the king of England, which after all the●e articles of the treaty being concluded and sworn, made the French king, the duke of Burgoyn and other the French lords a solemn and sumptuous supper and banquet, and before their departing, he sadly and soberly said to them these words.  
All my thought care & study is (you noble princes & men of high honour) to invent the mean, study & way, how both my kingdoms by the benefit of almighty God enlarged & amplified, by the connexing & joining the one to the other may be left to my posterity clean & pure with out domestical dissension or civil discord, to th'intent that as no prince nor potestate hath at this day in all Europe a greater governance, a richer regiment nor a more puissant empire: So I trust to leave it that hereafter there shall no power or dominion be able to be to it compared or equyvolent. Wherefore, I intend first to extirpate & pluck away the roots and leavings of the civil dissension in this realm lately begun, which lie in the breast of Charles the kings son, by your decree, judgement and assent, of the new state and dignity of the dolphin utterly deprived and disgraded, against whom it is convenient and decent that you bear armour not so much to destroy & confounded him, as to bring him to do obeisance and reasonable conformity. What manner a prince think you he would prove, when he should obtain & possess a kingdom, which being but a lusty young stripling not fearing God nor regarding his honour contrary to his promise & against all humane honesty, was not ashamed to pollute and stain himself with the blood and homicide of the valiant duke of Burgoyn, O cankered stomach in the breast of a young prince, o tyrannical heart in the body of a gentle men, O untrue tongue in the mouth of a Christian men, a Christian, no a pagan which neglecting his honour, violating his promise and despising honesty, would procure or consent to so abominable a fact and seditious a murder. Wherefore these things well pondered and justly considered I require you to join, stand, and cleave with me as the very heir & successor of my dear & well-beloved father in law king Charles in this realm & kingdom, first to my noble ancestors, & after to me by right title and just claim lawfully descended. Grudge not I pray you because I that am an Englishman shall succeed in the crown of France: I assure you I am not nor will not be noted to be to you a mere alien and stranger, was not my great grandfather king Edward the third son to queen Isabel daughter to Philip the fair and sister and heir to iii kings of this realm dead without issue? was not my great grandmother queen Philip descended of the noble house of Ualoys? if the old & trite proverb be true that the woman's side is the surer side and that the child followeth the womb, although the one part be English yet the surer part is French, and of the French flower budded & brought forth. And therefore remember not that I am an English man, put out of your minds in what country I was borne: and consider that I am a christian man & an anointed king, to whom by both the professions it appertaineth not only to defend & protect their people and subjects from foreign powers & outward invasions, but also to minister to them indifferent justice, to conserve them in politic order and moderate quietness: and finally, according to their desert and merits, them to promote, advance & prefer to riches, honours and estates: which things if I would not do to you my trusty friends whose loving hearts and benevolent minds I shall never forget nor put in oblivion, I should not do my duty to God, I should not do the office of a king, nor I should not do that which by the laws of nature and reason I aught to do, which is to render kindness for kindness, goodness for desert, and honour for merit. Therefore to conclude I humbly require you, to stand strong with king Charles my father in law (who in the stead of mine own parent I worship, love and honour) in this concord and agreement which I both call & trust to be a peace final, and after his mortal end to love, serve & be true to me and my posterity, and I assure you for my part that the Ocean sea shall sooner leave his flowing and the bright sun shall sooner leave his shining, than I shall cease to do that which becometh a prince to do to his subject, or that a father aught to do to his natural child.  
WHEN he had thus persuaded the nobility, he with all his army, having with him that French king and the duke of Burgoyn came before the town of Seine in Burgoyn which took part with the dolphin: and after that he had destroyed the country about it, at the xu day the town was yielded and there he made captain the lord jenuale. And from thence he removed to Monstreau Fault yone, where the duke of Burgoyn was slain as you have heard, which town was taken by assault and many of the dolphins part apprehended before they could get to the castle. After the getting of the town, the castle which was newly replenished with men and victual, denied to rendre, and so it was strongly besieged: during which assault the duke of Burgoyn was informed by divers in what place the duke his father was buried, whose corpse he caused to be taken up & sere and so conveyed it to Diron in high Burgoyn and buried it by duke Philip his father.  
THE king of England sent certain of the prisoners that he had taken in this town to advise the captain of the castle to yield the same, but they obstinately denied the request, giving opprobrious words to the kings Herald, wherefore the king of England caused a gibbet to be set up before the castle, on the which were hanged xii prisoners all gentlemen and friends to the captain. When the lord of Guytry lieutenant of the castle perceived that by no means he could be succoured, and fearing to be taken by force, he began to treat with the king of England, which in viii days would take none of his offers, but in conclusion he and his rendered themselves simply, their lives only saved, and after vi weeks siege the castle was delivered, & the earl of Warwick was made captain of the town and castle▪ which fortified the same with men, ordinance and artillery. From thence the king of England departed to Molyn upon Seyne and besieged it round about in whose company were the French king, the young king of Scots, the dukes of Burgoyn, Clarence, Bedford, and Gloucester.  

The duke of Bar.  
The prince of Orange.  
The earl of Niche in Avernus.  
th'earl of Huntyngdon.  
th'earl of Stafford.  
th'earl of Somerset.  
th'earl Marshal.  
th'earl of Warwick.  
th'earl of Worcester.  
th'earl of Suffolk.  
The archbishop of Britain earl of Yury.  
The lord Charles of Naver.  
th'earl of perch.  
th'earl of Mortaine.  
th'earl of Ormond.  
th'earl of Desmond.  
th'earl of Ewe.  
th'earl of Tankeruile.  
th'earl of Longuile.  
th'earl of saint Paul.  
th'earl of Brain.  
th'earl of Lig●y.  
th'earl of Uatedevontur.  
th'earl of joivigny.  
The Lord Rosse.  
The Lord Matravers.  
The Lord Grace of Codnor.  
The Lord Bourchier.  
The Lord Audeley.  
The Lord Wylloughby.  
The Lord Clinton.  
The Lord Deyncost.  
The Lord Clyfford.  
The Lord Ferreys Groby.  
The Lord Ferreys of Chartley.  
The Lord Talbot.  
The Lord Fitzwaren.  
The Baron Dudley.  
The Lord Moverancy.  
The lord Aubemond of Normandy  
The lord Beauchamp of Normandy  
The Lord Furnivale.  
The Lord Fitzhugh.  
The Lord Fanhope.  
The Lord Scrope of Balos  
The Lord Scrope of Upsabe.  
The Lord Canneys.  
The Lord Bardolf.  
The Lord Scales.  
The Baron of Care.  
The Lord Duras of Gascon  
The Lord de la Land Gascoy.  
The Lord Montferrant.  
The Lord Lovel.  
The Lord Botras of Burge.  
The Lord of Chastelon.  
The Lord Lis●eadam.  
The Lord Uergeer.  
The lord of Crony.  
The lord sent George.  
The lord Pesunes.  
The lord Daugien.  
The lord Tremoyle.  
The Lord jenuale.  
Sir John de Lawuoy.  
Sir John Courcelles.  
The lord of Barenbon.  
The lord of jealous  
The lord Bonuile.  
Sir Guy de Bar.  
Sir John Fastolf.  
Sir Philip Halle.  
Sir Philip Leche.  
Sir John Rodney  
Sir Morice Browne.  
Sir Piers Tempest.  
Sir Robert Tempest.  
Sir Guy moil.  
Sir John Stanley.  
Sir Lewes Mohu. and xu Master soldiers.   
THESE valiant princes & noble men besieged the strong town by the space almost of vii months, they without made mines, cast trenches and shot guns daily at the walls, they within whereof the lord Barbason was chief captain manfully defended the same, this every day was skirmishing, scaling, & assaulting, to the loss of both parties, but most of all to the loss of them within. During which siege the French queen and the queen of England, and the duchess of Burgoyn came divers times to visit their husbands and see their friends, whom the king of England so highly feasted, so lovingly entertained and with so pleasant pastimes comforted them, that every creature of him reported honour, liberality, and gentleness. This siege so long continued that victuals within the town began to fail, and pestilence began to grow, so that the captain begins to treat, and in conclusion the town was delivered upon certain conditions, whereof one was that all that were consenting to the death of the duke of Burgoyn should be delivered to the king, whereof the lord Barbason was suspected to be one, and so they were delivered to the king of England, which sent them under the conduit of the duke of Clarence his brother to the city of Paris whereof the French king made him captain and he took possession of the bastyl of saint Anthony, the Louvre, the house of Needle, and the place of Boys de Uynannes:  
WHEN this town was thus yielded, the king of England made captain theridamas th'earl of Huntyngdon. Fron thence he departed with his army to Corbeil, where the French king and the two queens then sojourned, and from thence the ii kings accompanied with the dukes of Bedford, Burgoyn, Gloucester and Exeter, and th'earls of Warwick Salisbury and a great numbered of noble men and knights set forth toward Paris, whom the citizens in good order met without the gates and the Clergy also with solemn procession, all the streets were hanged with rich clotheses & the people in the streets shouted and clapped hands for joy, the two kings road together, the king of England giving the upper hand to his father in-law through the great city of Paris to our Lady Church, where after they said there devotions they departed to their lodgings, the French king to the house of Saint Paul, & the king of England to the Castle of Louvre. The next day the two Queens made their entry into Paris and were received with like solemnity as their husbands were the day before. If I should declare to you the great gifts, the costly presents, the plenty of victual that was given to the king of England: or rehearse how the conduits abundantly spouted out wine of diverse colours, or describe the costly pagiantes, the pleasant songs or sweet armony that were showed song and played at diverse places of the city, or show the great gladness, the hearty rejoicing and the great delight that the comen people had at this concord and peace final, I should rehearse many things that you would be wearied both with the reading and hearing.  
DURING the season that these ii kings thus lay in Paris, there was a great assemble called, aswell of the spirituality as of the nobility in the which the two kings sat as judges, before whom the Duchess of Burgoyn by her proctor appealed the Dolphin and vii other for the murder of duke John her husband. To the which appeal the counsel of the other part made diverse offers of amendss, aswell of foundations of priests to pray for the soul, as recompense of money to the widow and children, for the final determination whereof the kings took a farther deliberation and appointed a farther day. To the city of Paris at this time resorted the three estates of the realm, where every person severally swore upon the holy Evangelists to keep, support, maintain, and defend the treaty and peace final which was concluded between the two princes and their counsels and thereto every noble man, spiritual governor, and temporal rulers set to their seals, which instruments were sent to the kings treasury of his Exchequer at Westminster, safely to be kept where they yet remain. These two kings so●orned in Paris all the feast of Christmas. The French King lying at the house of S. Paul kept no estate nor open court to no man except his household servants and men of base estate frequented his house. But the King of England and his Queen, kept such solemn estate, so plentiful a house, so princely pastime, and gave so many gifts that from all parts of France, noble men and other resorted to his palace to see his estate and do him honour.  
THAN the king of England took upon him as Regent of France to redress causes, remove officers, reform things that were a miss, and caused a new coin to be made called the Salute, where in were the Arms of France and the Arms of England and France quarterly. And to set all things in a quietness, he constituted sir Gilbert Um●reuile captain of Me●un with a good numbered of valiant soldiers, and the earl of Huntyngdon his cousin germane was deputed captain at Boys de Uincens, and the duke of Excester with .v. C. men of war was assigned to keep the city and town of Paris. When he had thus ordered his affairs according to his device & order, he with the queen his wife his princes and nobles departed from Paris and came to the city of Rouen. But before his removing, he caused process to be made against Charles called the dolphin, commanding him to apere at the table of Marble at Paris, where ●or lack of aperance he was with all solemnity in such a cause requisite, denounced guilty of the murder and homicide of John late Duke of Bugoyne, and by the sentence of the court of parliament he was exiled and banished the realm and territories of France, and deprived of all honours, names, dignities and pre-eminences which he then had or hereafter might have. Wherefore the dolphin went into Lang●edoc and after to Poitiers getting to him such friends as he could, and in especial he obtained so highly the favour of th'earl of Arminack that he not only took his part, but also relieved him with money, aided him with men and in his own person continually served him against his foes and enemies.  
WHILE King Henry sojourned in the city of Rouen, he received homage of all the nobles of Normandy: amongst whom therie of Stafford did homage for the county of Perch, and Arthur of Britayn did homage for the county of Yury, which the king before had given to them. He also ordained his lieutenant general both of France and Normandy his brother Thomas duke of Clarence, and his deputy in Normandy was the earl of Salisbury. When the feast of Christmas (which he kept with all triumph and solemptie in his castle of Rouen) was passed, he with the queen his wife departed from Rouen to Amiens and so came to Caleis where he took ship the morrow after Candelmas day and landed at Dover, and came to Eltham and so through London to Westminster. marvel it is to writ but more marvel it was to see, with what joy, what triumph, what solace and what rejoicing he was received of all his subjects, but in especial of the Londoners, which for tediousness I over pass. And no doubt England had great cause to rejoice at the coming of such a noble captain, so valiant a prince and so mighty a conqueror, which in so small space and so brief time had brought under his obeisance the great & puissant realm & dominion of France. And first to render to God his creator most humble & hearty thanks, he caused solemn processions to be observed & kept .v. days together in every city and town: After that done he made great purueighance of all things necessary for the coronation of his Queen & spouse the fair lady Katheryn, which was done the day of. s. Mathy the xxiiij day of February, on which solemn feast she was conveyed on foot between ii bishops under a rich capapie from the great hall at Westminster to. S. Peter's church, & there she was anointed & crowned with all the ceremonies to so great an estate appertaining or requisite. After which solemnity ended, she was again with great pomp conveyed in to westminster hall & there set in the throne at the table of marble at the upper end of the hall: whose service and solemnity who so list to read let him look on the Chronicle of Robert Fabian which declareth it at large.    

¶ The ninth year. 
The ix year.   
WHile these things were thus doing in England, the duke of Clarence brother to the king and his lieutenant general in France and Normandy, assembled together all the Garrisons of Normandy at the town of Bernay, and from thence departed into the country of Main, and at Pount de gone he passed the river of Youe and road through all the country to Lucy where he passed the River of Loire and entered into anjou, & came before the city of Angiers where he made many knights, that is to say, sir William Rosse, sir Henry Goddard, sir Rowland Rider, sir Thomas Beaufforde called the bastard of Clarence and diverse other, and after that he had forraid, brent, and spoiled the country he returned with pray and pillage to the town of Beaufford in the valley, where he was advertised that a great numbered of his enemies were assembled together at a place called Bangie, that is to say, the duke of Alencon calling himself lieutenant general for the dolphin  

th'earl of March in Avernus.  
th'earl of Merle.  
th'earl of Ponthiure.  
The Uicount Thomars.  
The Uicount Chasteaulerat.  
The Uicount Damboyse.  
The Lord of Egle  
The Bastard of Alencon.  
The Bastard de la March  
The Bastard of Uandosme  
The Lord Champain.  
Sir Anthony of champagne.  
The Lord of Fountayes.  
The Lord of Bellay.  
The Lord Daverton.  
The Lord Rambures  
The Lord Tanagny de Chastell.  
Sir John Turmyn  
The Lord Dasse  
The Lord Buell  
The Lord Gauls.  
The Lord of Graveney.  
The Lord dela Brete.  
The Lord de la Faiet Marshal to the dolphin.  
The Baron of Coluces.  
The Lord Danzebost.  
The Lord Uipond Diagosales. captain of the Spaniards  
And of the Scots which were late come out of Scotland to serve the dolphin  
John earl of Boghan and Robert his brother, sons to the gover nor of Scotland.  
Archibald Dowglas earl of wigton  
Alexander Lynsay brother to th'earl of Crayford.  
Sir Thomas Swynton.  
Sir William Stuard.  
Sir William Doglas  
Sir John Turnbull.  
Sir Robert Lisle  
Sir William Connyngham  
Sir Alexander Meldryne.  
Sir Alexander Hume  
Sir John Balglavie.  
Sir William Lisle.  
Sir John Haliburton  
Sir John Crawforth.  
Sir William Candey  
Sir John Grey.  
Sir John common  
Sir Rober Boence  
Sir Archibalt Forbosse.  
sir Duncane Comine & many other.   
THE duke of Clarence had a Lomberd resorting to him called Andrew Forgusa was retained with the part adverse, of whom the duke enquired the numbered of his enemies, to whom he reported that their numbered was but small and of no strength and far unmeet to compare with half the power of his puissant army, enticing and provoking him to set on the Frenchmen, warranting him a famous victory and a fair day. The duke giving to much credit to this traitor, like a valiant and courageous prince assembled together all the horsemen of his army and left the Archers behind him under the order of the Bastard of Clarence and two portingalings captains of Fresnye le Uicount, saying that he only and the nobles would have the honour of that journey. When the duke was passed a strait and a narrow passage, he espied his enemies ranged in good order of battle by the monition of the Lombard which had sold him to his enemies, and the said adversays had laid such bushementes at the straights that the duke by no ways without battle could either retire or ●lie. The Englishmen seeing no remedy valiantly set on their enemies which were four to one, the battle was ●ierce and the fight deadly, never were so few men seen more courageously to defend theimselfes than did the Englishmen that day they fought and defended, the slew and felled, but it availed not, for they were repressed with a multitude and brought to confusion. There were slain the duke of Clarence, th'earl of Tankeruile, the Lord Rosse, Sir Gilbert U●ffreuile earl of Kent, and sir John Lumley, sir Robert Uerend and almost two thousand Englishmen, and th'earls of Somerset Suffolk and perch, the Lord Fitizwater, sir John Barkeley, sir Rauffe Nevell, sir Henry juglos, sir William Bowes, sir William Longton, sir Thomas a Borough and diverse other taken prisoners, and of the frenchmen were slain above twelve C. of the best men of war so that they gained not much. The Bastard of Clarence which tarried at Beauford was informed of the numbered of the Frenchmen, wherefore he with all the Archers made haste to succour the Duke, but they came to late, for the Frenchmen hearing of the approaching of the Archers fled with their prisoners with all the hast they could, leaving behind them the body of the said duke and the dead carrions. When the archers came and saw their enemies go: Lord how they mourned & lamented the evil chance of the deceived duke, but seeing no remedy, they took the dead bodies and buried them all saving the duke's corpse, which with great solemnity was sent into England and buried at Cantorbury beside his father. After this the Englishmen brent and spoiled the country of Main and so returned to Alaunson and there departed every man to his Garrison. This battle was fought at Bawgy in Anjou on Easter even in the year of our Lord a thousand. CCCC. xxj.  
I lament the folly and foolishness of this duke and I marvel at his unwitty doing and rash enterprise, that he would adventure his life and hazard his company leaving behind him the Archers which should have been his shield and defence: What may be said, he desired honour and lost his life, he coveted victory and was overcome, thus is the old proverb verified which saith: If sheep run wilfully amongst Wolves they shall lose either life or fell.  
KING Henry being advertised of this infortunate chance and deceitful loss of his loving brother, sent● without delay Edmond earl of Mortaigne and brother to th'earl of summersault into Normandy, giving to him like authority & pre-eminence as his brother the late deceased duke of Clarence had or enjoyed. After that he called his high court of Parliament, in the which he declared so wisely, so seriously and with so great a gravity the acts that were done in the realm of France, the estate of the time present and what things were necessary for the time to come (if they would look to have that jewel and high kingdom for the which they had so long laboured and sought for) that the commonalty gladly granted a fifteen, and the Clergy benivolently offered a do●le disme, and because no delay should be in the kings affairs for lack of payment, the bishop of Wynchester his uncle lent to him twenty M. pound, to be received of the same dimes. When all things necessary for this voyage were ready and prepared, he sent his brother John duke of Bedford with all his army (which the Frenchmen writ to be four M. men of Arms and twenty M. Archers and other) before him to Caleis. And he himself shortly after in the middle of May passed the seas and arrived there in great triumph, where to him was showed that the dolphin with vij M. men had besieged the town of Chartiers which was manfully defended by the Bastard of Thyan and other set and appointed there by the duke of Excester. King Henry not minding to loose so fair a town, with all his Army departed in good order of battle toward Paris, and at Monstreull there received him the duke of Burgoin, which from that place attended on the king to Dowast in Ponthiew and so came to Abbevile, and after the King took a town of sir jaques of Herecort called a Ferte, and there the duke departed from the king for a six days promising on his honour by that day to return, the king of England passed forward by Beawoys Guysors, and from thence came to Boys de Uincens where he found the French king and his Queen, whom he lovingly saluted and they him again honourably received and highly feasted, and thither came according to his appointment Philip duke of Burgoyn, where was daily consulting and he wisely devising how to subdue and repress the haultnes and force of the dolphin, having perfect knowledge that as long as he either lived or wandered unbridled so long should never the treaty and final peace be observed, wherefore he and the duke of Burgoyn appointed in all the haste to fight with the dolphin and to raise the siege before Charters. The King of England with all his puissance came to the town of Naunte, and thither repaired the duke of Burgoyn with four M. men, of whose coming the king was not a little rejoiced, but or they from thence departed, they had knowledge and true instruction that the dolphin hearing of the puissant army of the king, approaching to give him battle, was recoiled with his people toward Towers in Towrayne. Wherefore the king of England incontinent, not only sent the duke of Burgoyn into Picardy to resist the malice of sir jaques Harcort which daily inferred war and caused waste & destruction in the same country, but also appointed james king of Scots to lay siege to the town of Driex, which so sore by sword and engines enforced the inhabitants that after six weeks passed, they delivered the same to the king of Scots, to the behoof of King Henry his sovereign Lord which made there of captain the exle of Worcester and bailie there, sir Henry Mortimer. The king himself removed from Aunt and passed over the river of Leyre, following the dolphin toward Tours: but he mistrusting his power and putting diffidence in some of his own flock fled to Burges in Berrie, and choosing that place as his chief refuge and surest fortress both for the situation of the place and also for the fidelity and constancy of the people, determined there to tarry till fortune would turn her wheel and look on him with some gracious look or loving countenance, and therefore in a jest he was commonly called the king of Burges and of Berries. The king of England with all his puissance so fast followed the flying dolphin, that victual began to fail, and horsemen waxed scant: so that he considering that Burges being the Dolphins only succour and refuge, being well vitailed and well manned was more profitable and available to the defender, then to him that should make the assault, wherefore he willing to save his people from famine whom he knew to be from the dent of the French sword clearly exempt and untouched, returned over the river of Leyre and got Gasconeiss upon Youne, and a town called the Kings New town, and diverse other whose names now to rehearse were more tedious than pleasant. But he seeing the town of Meaux in Brye not to be a town replenished with enemies, in the midst of his new gotten subjects determined to take away the open scruple which might poison and infect the membres dwelling hard by, wherefore he with these nobles following besieged the said city of Meaux.  

th'earl of Worcester.  
th'earl of Yury  
th'earl of Brayon.  
The Lord Clifford  
The Lord Fornivall  
The Lord Lovel  
The Lord Iwdeley  
The Lord saint Mawre  
The Lord Deyncort  
The Lord Zouche.  
The Lord Morley  
The lord Fanhope and his son which died there.  
The Lord Ferreis of Chartley  
The Lord Botreux  
The Lord Clinton.  
The Lord Harryngton  
The Lord Willoughby  
The Lord Fitzhewe, the Kings Chamberlain  
Sir John Germayn.  
Sir John Fastolffe  
Sir Lewes Robsert  
Sir William Gascoyn  
Sir Robert Harling.  
Sir willian Philip & diverse other.   
THIS town was no less vitailed then manned, and no better manned then fortified, so that the king of England could neither have it to him delivered at his pleasure, nor he could not gain it by assault with out his great loss and detriment. Wherefore he determined not to departed till he had either gained or subverted the town. During this siege was borne at Wynsore on the day of. S. Nicholas in November the kings son called Henry, whose Godfathers were John duke of Bedford and Henry bishop of Wynchester, and jaquet Duchess of Holland was Godmother, whereof the king of England was certified lying at this siege of Meaux. When he was advertised of this good fortune and happy chance that God had sent him a son, he gave thanks to his Creator or redeemer for the giving to him so goodly an Imp which should succeed in his crown & sceptre. But when he heard reported the place of his nativity, whether he fantasied some old blind prophecy, or had some foreknowledge, or else judged of his sons fortune, he said to the lord Fitzheugh his trusty Chamberlein these words. My lord, I Henry borne at Monmoth shall small time reign & much get, & Henry borne at Wyndsore shall long reign and all lose, but as God will so be it. After the queen of England was thus delivered of her fair son she returned into France first to her husband, and after to her father and mother where she was on all parts so honourably received, so lovingly entertained and so highly feasted that she appeared to be no less loved of her noble husband then of her natural parents.   

¶ The tenth year.  
Ouring the time of this siege, sir Oliver Many a valiant man of war of the Dolphins part, which before was captain of the Castle of Faloys and yielding it by composition, swore never to bear Armure against the king of England, assembled a great numbered of men of war aswell of Britons as frenchmen, that is to say: The lord Mountburchier, the lord of Coynon, the lord of Chastelgiron, the lord Tyntignace, the lord Dela Howssay and diverse other which entered into the country of Constantine in Normandy, and rob and killed the Englishmen where they might either espy or take them at their advantage: but th'earl of Suffolk keeper of those Marches hearing of their doings, sent for the lord Scales, Sir John Aston bailie of Constantine, Sir William Halle, sir John Banaster and many other out of the Errisons within that territory, which encountered with their enemies at a place called le park Levecque in English the bishops Park, there was a sore and a long fight, many a proper feat of Arms was done that day and many a man was in that place overthrown, the Englishmen only desired victory, and the Frenchmen desired a safe return, but in conclusion the Frenchmen being not able to withstand the charge that was laid to them began to fly, in which conflict and flight were slain, the lord Coynon, the lord of Castille Giron, and three hundred other and there were taken prisoners, the lord Dela Howsay and sir Oliver many and lx other. The king being advertised of this good chance and happy journey, sent sir Oliver many to him lying before Meux, to whom he said, fair father you have sworn and promised unto us that you would never make war nor bear armure against us nor our subjects, ye are an ancient knight and aught to have kept your faith and promise, which you have untruly and unhonestly broken and violate, and yet we wool not (although by the law of arms we might lawfully so do) put you to death but grant to you your life, but we wool send you into England to learn you to speak English, and so shortly after he was sent to London where for very shame & mere Malyncoly he died and was buried in the White Friars.  
THE Scots writ (believe them if ye will) that the King of England hearing that the dolphin had sent for aid into Scotland and that he had retained them in wages (for of their own ability they be neither able to sand an army over the sea, nor yet of substance to bear a continual war, for this all their own histories declare and their Chronicles make mention, and yet the country is not so poor but the people be as proud) sent one day for james the Scottish king and in the presence of his counsel declared to him what humanity, what favour and what singular affection king Henry his father bore during his natural life toward the said king of Scots: Putting him in remembrance of the great love and manifold gratuites which he himself sith the beginning of his reign had exhibited and showed to the same king james, that neither he nor his father had any thing negligently omitted which either might appertain to the office of a friend or to the duty of a tutor which should love and cherish his Orphan or pupil, promising him liberty with a great reward if he would 'cause the Scots which were adherentes to the Dolphin to return a gain into their country and native region. To the which request the king of Scots with a very fresh heart answered saying: what your noble father hath done to me & what favour & benefit I have received at your hands, I shall not nor will not when I may (I assure you) forget, and when my power shall serve I shall not fail to recompense your doings with like kindness. But of your request I marvel not a little, first considering that I am a prisoner and have no possession of my realm, secondarily that I am as yet neither sworn to my subjects, nor they by no oath of allegiance are bound to obey my commandments: wherefore I desire you no more to move me inthiss thing which now I cannot do, & yet if I might I would first foresee whether it were to me honourable or to my realm honest to leave our old friend in his extreme necessity without aid or comfort. With this answer the king of England was not content (as the Scots say), but after king james departing fro his presence, king Henry said, happy shall they be which shallbe subjects to such a king that is endued with such wit and wisdom at these young years of age.  
THE king of England lying still before the town of Meux in Brye as you have heard sore bet the walls with ordinance & cast down bulwarks and rampeyres on every side of the town, and sore oppressed them within the town, whereof hearing the lord of Offemond, with a company of chosen persons sent by the dolphin, came privily in the night to the walies and set up a ladder and divers of his company mounted up and entered into the town, and as he passed over a plank to come to the walls he fell into a deep ditch, the Englishmen hearing this noise ran to the ditch where they took the lord of Ofmount & slew divers of his company which stood at defence. The captain within the town perceiving that their succours were taken, plainly judged that the town could not long continued, wherefore they caused all the goods of the town to be conveyed into the market place, which was strong and well fortified. The king of England being thereof advertised, commanded in all haste to give an assault to the town, which was quickly done, so that the town by fine force was within three hours taken & spoiled. And the same day the king besieged round about the said Marketplace, and took the mill adjoining to the same. The captains perceiving in what case they were, fearing to be taken by assault, began to treat with the king of England, which appointed the earl of Warwick and the lord Hungerford to comen with them & in conclusition a treaty was taken, and so the town and Marketplace with all the goods, were delivered into the king of England's hands the ten day of May, in the year of our lord M. CCCC.xxii.  
WHEN the delivery of the strong town of Meaux was published through the country, all the towns and fortresses in the Isle of France, in Lannoys, in Brye, and in Champain yielded themselves to the king of England, which appointed in them valeant captains and hardy soldiers.  
AFTER that king Henry had thus taken and possessed the town of Meaux and other fortresses at his pleasure, he returned again to Boys de Uyncennes where he found the French king & the queen & his wife which with all joy him received, and so the xxx day of May being the vigil of Pentecost, the ii kings and the queens returned to Paris, where the king of England lodged in the castle of Louvre, and and that only by reason of bodily labour & unquietness of mind, from the which no small noise could awake him, insomuch that when his soldiers either sang in the nights or their minstreles played that all the camp sounded of their noise, he then slept most sound. His courage was so constant and his heart so unmutable that he cast away all fear, and dread from him was banished. If any alarm were made by his enemies, he was first in armure and the first that would set forward. In the time of war he got knowledge, not only what his enemiesdid, but what they said and intended, so that all things to him were known, & of his devices few persons before the thing was at the point to be done should be made privy. He had such knowledge in ordering and guiding an army and such a grace in encouraging his people, that the Frenchmen said he could not be vanquished in battle. He had such wit such prudence and such policy that he never enterprised any thing before he had fully debated it and foreseen all the main chances that might happen: and when the end was concluded, he with all diligence and courage set his purpose forward. Marvel it is to hear how he being a prince of honour, a prince of youth, a prince of riches, did continually abstain from lascivious living & blind avarice, yea, & in the time of loss he was no more sad then in the time of victory, which constancy few men have or can use: Such a stable stomach had he and such a gravity was given in the bottom of his heart. What policy he had in finding sudden remedies for present mischiefs, and what practice he used in saving himself and his people in sudden distresses except by his acts they did plainly appear, I think it were almost a thing incredible. What should I speak of his bountifulness and liberality no man could be more gentle, more liberal nor more free in giving rewards to all persons according to their deserts: saying that he had liefer die them to be subject to avarice, and that he never desired to have money to keep, but to give and spend. He was merciful to offenders, charitable to the needy, indifferent to all men, faithful to his friends, and fierce to his enemies, toward God most devout, toward the world moderate, and to his realm a very father. What should I say, he was the blazing comet and apparent lantern in his days, he was the mirror of Christendom & the glory of his country, he was the flower of kings passed, and a glass to them that should succeed. No Emperor in magnanimity ever him excelled. No potentate was more piteous nor lord more bounteous, No prince had less of his subjects and never king conquered more: whose fame by his death as lively flourisheth as his acts in his lifewer seen and remembered. When his death was published among the comen people, incontinent their hearts were appalled and their courages abated, their dolour so much increased & their wits were so much troubled that they like mad men rend their garments and tare their here, accusing and blaming fortune which had taken away from them so precious a jewel, so noble an ornament & so sure a defence: for no doubt as much hope as was taken away from the Englishmen, for the getting of France by his sudden death, so much trust was increased in the stomachs of the French nation, hoping to recover their ancient liberty and old parentage. For which cause some say that he was poisoned, the Scots writ that he died of the disease of s. Fiacre, which is a palsy & a cramp. Enguerant sayeth that he died of S. Anthony's Fire, but all these be but fables as many more writ. For Peter Basset esquire which at the time of his death was his chamberlain affirmeth that he died of a Plurisis' which at that time was so rare a sickness and so strange a disease that the name was to the most part of men unknown & physicians were acquainted as little with any remedy for the same, and therefore every man judged as he thought, and named a sickness that he knew, shooting not near the prick nor understanding the nature of the disease. This king reigned ix years .v. months and xxiii days & lived not full xxxviii years: he was of stature more than the comen sort, of body lean, well membered & strongly made a face beautiful somewhat long necked, black heered, stout of stomach eloquent of tongue, in martial affairs a very doctor, & of all chivalry the very Paragon, His body was enbaumed & closed in lead & laid in a chariot royal richly apparaled with cloth of gold, upon the corpse was laid a representation of his person adorned with robes, diadem, sceptre & ball like a king, the which chariot was drawn with vi horses richly trapped with several arms, the first with the arms of S. George, the ii with th'arms of Normandy, the iii with the arms of king Arthur, the: iiii. with the arms of S. Edward, the fift with the arms of France only, and the sixth with the arms of England and France, On this Chariot gave attendance james king of Scots the principal morner, the duke of Exeter Thomas his uncle, th'earl of Warwick Richard, th'earl of March Edmond, th'earl of Stafford Humphrey, the earl of Mortaine Edmonde Beausford, the lord Fitzhugh Henry, the lord Hungerford Water, sir Lewes Robsert Burchier, sir John cornwall lord Fanhope, and the lord Crumwel were the other morners. The lord Lovel, the lord Audeley, the lord Morley, the lord Souche bore the banners of saints and the Baron of Dudley bore the standard & th'earl of Longuile bore the banner. The Hachementes were borne only by captains to the number of xii and round about the chariot road. CCCCC. men of arms all in black harness & their horses barded black with the but of their spears upward. The conduit & order of all this dolorous dole was commanded to sir William Philip treasurer of the kings household and to sir William Porter his chief carver and other, Beside this, on every side of the chariot went. CCC. persons holding long torches, and lords bearing banners, banerols & pennons. With this funeral pomp he was conveyed from Boys de Uyncens to Paris and so to Rouen, to Abbevile, to Caleys, to Dover and so through London to Westminster, where he was buried with such solemn ceremonies, such mourning of lords, such prayer of priests, such lamenting of commons as never was before that day seen in the realm of England. Shortly after this solemnity, his sorrowful queen returned into England and kept her estate with the young king her son. Thus ended this noble and puissant prince his most noble & fortunate reign over the realm of England: whose life although cruel Atropos before his time abbreviated, yet neither fire, rust, nor fretting tin shall amongst Englishmen either appall his honour or obliterate his glory which in so few years and brief days achieved so high adventures and made so great a conquest.  
¶ The end of the victorious acts of king Henry the fift.    

The trobleous season of King Henry the sixth.  
Death the determinate end of man's life, 
The. ●. year.  and of all earthly things the final point and prick, which favoureth neither Emperor nor spareth King, but at his pleasure confoundeth rich and slayeth poor, unbodiing the soul of this godly prince this martial captain and renowned flower, not only dismayed and appalled the hearts and courages of the English nation, but also puffed up and encouraged the minds and stomachs of the dolphin and his proud people: The one part thinking, the keeping of Normandy and other dominions to him gained to be very dangerous, The other part trusting the farther conquest in France not only to the doubtful, but to their judgements apparently impossible: Yet the politic Princes and sage Magistrates of the realm of England well remembering things that were passed, and sagely pondering the time present, but most of all prudently forscing chances imminent and perils at hand, to th'intent to set the membres of the body steadfast under the head, Which as sheep without a shepherd far from the fold might wander and stray at large, caused young prince Henry, the sole orphan of his noble parent king Henry the fifth, being of the age of ix months or there about with the sound of trumpets openly to be proclaimed king of England and of France the xxx day of August, in the year of our lord. M.ccc.xxii. by the name of king Henry the sixth, to the great rejoicing and comfort of all the English nation.  
AND the custody of this young prince was apoyncted to Thomas duke of Excester, and to Henry Beaufford bishop of Wynchester: the duke of Bedford was deputed to be Regent of France, and the duke of Gloucester was assigned Protector of England. Which taking upon him that office, lest peradventure he might hereafter repent his acts and doings, as a man remembering other and forgetting himself, called to him wise and grave counsellors, by whose advise he provided and ordained for all things which either redounded to the honour of the realm, or seemed profitable to the public wealth of the same And when he had set in an order all matters concerning the inward affairs of the realm of England, he provided farther all things necessary and convenient for war and farther conquest in France, and appointed valiant & expert captains which should be ready when opportunity of time required, Beside this, he gathered great sums of money to maintain the men of war, and left nothing forgotten that might let or hinder his purposed enterprise.  
WHILE these things were thus devised within the realm of England, the duke of Bedforde Regent of France, no less studied than took pain, not only to keep and order the countries and regions by king Henry late conquered and gained, but also determined not to leave of from daily war and continual travail till the time that Charles the Dolphyn (which was now a float, because king Charles his father in the month of Octobre this present year, was departed to God,) were either subdued or brought to dew obeisance. And surely the death of this king Charles caused many alterations & changes in the realm of France, for a great part of the nobility which either for fear of the puissance of the Englishmen, or for to please and follow the mind and appetite of Charles the French king, took part with king Henry against the dolphin: Hearing now of the French kings death, returned from the English part and adjoined themselves to the company of the dolphin, and diligently studied how to vanquish and drive away the English nation out of the territory of France.  
THE Duke of Bedford being greatly moved with these sudden changes, fortified his towns both with Garrisons and munitions, and assembled together a great army both of Englishmen and Normans, to whom he made a long oration, admonishing them to observe and keep their oath & faith (which they had made to the late king Henry and his heirs) inviolate and unbroken, willing them in no wise to be the occasioners or counsellors that young king Henry should be deprived from his father's lawful inheritance, by the hatred of certain traitors frenchmen which had renewed the old hatred being of late extinct between the realms of England and of France, and studied to set all things again in a broil: requiring them also to call to their memory how that the realms of England and of France, the two most famous regions of all Europe, by the benefit of almighty God, were of late so united connexed & joined together in an eternal league and composition, and so strongly established that no worldly power were able or of puissance sufficient, to resist or withstand the malice of the same: And although some times by chance of war the loss might turn on their part, yet in conclusion the detriment should be recovered and a surplusage gained. And if (according to their bounden duties) they would honour serve and love young king Henry their sovereign lord, and would diligently persecute & set on his enemies, they should not only show themselves true and faithful subjects to their true and undoubted king: But also should for their fidelity and good service receive of him condign rewards, over and beside immortal fame and renown.  
THIS exhortation stayed the hearts of many of the French captains, which willingly swore to King Henry fealty and obedience by whose example the commonalty did the same. Thus all the people set in an order in the realm of France, nothing was minded but war and nothing was spoken of but of conquest. The dolphin which lay at this time in the city of Poitiers hearing of the death of his parent had his heart mixed both with joy and sorrow: for notwithstanding that he was sorrowful as a natural child which lamented the death of his father, yet he was joyous that power & princely estate was now to him happened by the which he judged that he should be the more able to defend his enemies and recover more friends: & so calling together the Princes of his faction, caused himself to be proclaimed King of France by the name of Charles the vij And then being in good hope of recovering his patrimony & expelling his enemies, with a haut courage prepared war & assembled together a great army, and first the war began by light skirmishes, but after it proceeded into main battles.  
THE dolphin thinking not to make long delays in so great a cause, jest the power of his enemies might daily be augmented, sent the lord Gravile to the town of Pount Melance standing on the river of Seyne, which so suddenly came to the same that he was on the walls or the soldiers within heard of his approach, and so he took the town and slew a great number of the English soldiers. When the Regent of France was advertised of this sudden enterprise, he apoyncted the Lord Thomas Montacute earl of Salisbury, a man both for his great policy and haute courage more to be compared to the old valiant Romans then to men of his days, accompanied with the earl of Suffolk, the lord Scales, the young lord Pounynges, sir John Fastolffe master of the household with the said lord Regent, and diverse other to besige the town of Pont Melance, which after two months was rendered to the said earl, and the lord of Gravile swore to be true to the King of England ever after that day, but shortly after he forgetting his oath returned to his old master again. The earl of Salisbury appointed sir Henry Mortimer and sir Richard Uernon to be captains of that town. And from thence departed into Champaignie and theridamas besieged the town of Sens and took sir Guillam Maryn the captain and slew all the soldiers within the town, and made there captain's sir Hugh Gedding and sir Richard awbemond.  
THE Parisians which ever like the Weathercock be variable and inconstant, perceiving that the dolphin daily began to have more aid and power than he was before accustomed, trusting to return again under his obeisance and subjection (which they both wished and desired) to the intent that it should not apere to come of their desire and that their faith and fidelity should not be put in the balance of diffidence with the English nation, sent diverse Senators of their city as Ambassadors to the king of England, desiring him of aid and succour, to whom not only great thanks were rendered for doing their duty of subjection, but also high feasts were made, and promises declared that if they still continued in due obeisance, and were not adherent to the kings enemies, that neither succour should want, nor cost should be spared for their comen comfort and public utility. With which answer the compaigny outwardly pleased (whatsoever they inwardly imagined) departed to Paris. In this season Humphrey duke of Gloucester either blinded with ambition or doting for love, married the lady jaquet or jacomin daughter and sole heir to William of Bavier duke of Holland, which was lawful wife to John duke of Brabant then living. which marriage was not only woundered at of the common people, but also detested of the nobility, & abhorred of the Clergy. But surely the sweet taste, of this pleasant marriage, brought after a sour sauce, both to the amorous husband, and to the wanton wife. For John duke of Brabant, what with force, and what with spiritual compulsaries, never left of, till he had recovered his Lady out of the Duke of Gloucesters' possession, as after you shall here.  

¶ The second year. 
The ii year.   
THese chances thus happening as you have heard, John duke of Bedford, Philip duke of Burgoyn, & John duke of britain, made an assemble & friendly interview in the city of Amias, where they renewed the old league and ancient amity made between the noble prince king Henry the fifth, and them, before concluded: adding thereto these conditions and agreements, each of them to be to other both friend and aider, and the enemy of the one to be enemy to the other, and all they to be both friends and aiders to the king of England, and well willing to his well willers, and avengers' of his adversaries. And because that affinity is an embracer of amity, there was concluded a marriage between the duke of Bedford, and the lady Anne sister to the duke of Burgoyn. When these agreements were finished, the Regent departed to Troy's in Champain, whether with high pomp was conveyed the lady Anne of Burgoyn, which in the presence of her brother and her Uncle duke of Brabant, and of th'earls of Salisbury and Suffolk, and of ix C. lords knights and esquires, she was married to John duke of Bedford with such solemnity, feast and triumph, as before that time had not been seen of the Burgonions.  
DURING this triumph, the Parisians thinking to blind the eyes of the duke of Bedford wrote to him, how diverse Castles & fortresses lying round about their territory, were replenished with his enemies, daily stopping their passages, and robbing their merchants, to their utter undoing, if they by his help were not relieved: fraudulently meaning, and falsely enticing him to absent himself from them, till their crafty conveyed purpose were compassed and achieved. For diverse of them stubbornly bearing the yoke and subjection of the English nation perceiving the duke of Bedforde and the principal captains of the Englishmen to be far from Paris, emploiing themselves to joy and solace for the honour of this high marriage, conspired to bring into the city Charles the dolphin calling himself French king, during the time of his absence. And to th'intent that their invented purpose should succeed, they thereof advertised the dolphin and his counsel appointing the day of his coming and the post of his entry. But no treason is commonly hiden nor no sedition long unreveled, for Pies will chatter and Mice will peep, but by whom I cannot declare: The Regente was informed of all the secret confederacy and seditious faction, wherefore he meaning not to loose in short time, that which in no small space was gained, put spurs to the horse, and with a great power entered into Paris one day before the fair was apoinced, and two nights before the looking for of his enemies, whom being unprovided he suddenly caused to be apprehended and taken, and openly put to execution. After this jeopardy thus escaped, he put diffidence in all the Parisians trusting little the nobles and giving less credit to the commons, determined to fortify the Garrisons of his own nation and all the Castles near and adjoining to the city, which within small time were abundantly furnished. And to avoid all night watchers adjoining to Paris and the confines of the same, he first took into his possession either by assault or composition the town of Traynel and Bray upon Seyne, and because two Castles the one called Pacy and the other called Cursay were also evil neighbours to the Parisians, he sent sir John Fastolffe great Master of his household, with a notable army to besiege the Castle of Pacy, which taking upon him that enterprise so handled his enemies that the captain named Guyllam Reymon esquire & all the garrison yielded them simply to his mercy and discretion whom he sent as prisoners to the city of Paris, and after besieged the Castle of Coursay which to him was shortly rendered upon like appointment, and so with pray and prisoners he returned to the lord Regent his master. In this very season the dolphin sent lord William Stuard Constable of Scotland, and th'earl of Uentadore in Auvergne and many other nobles of his part to lay siege to the town of Cravamt in the county of Auxerre within the parts of Burgoyn, whereof hearing the lord Regent and the duke of Burgoyn they assembled a great army, the earl of Salisbury was ordained captain of the which with these valeant parsonages.  

The lord Willoughby.  
The lord Pownynges.  
The lord Molyns.  
Sir Thomas Rampston.  
Sir William Oldhaule.  
Sir John Passheley.  
Sir Thomas Fleming.  
Sir Edmond He●on.  
Sir John Grey  
Sir Reignold Grey.  
Sir John Arthur  
Sir Henry Bisset  
Sir William Peytow.  
Sir Richard Leke.  
Sir Gilbert Haliall.  
Sir Lancelot Lisle.  
Thomas Aborough.  
William Glasdale.  
Matthew Gough.  
Didon Amore  
Richard Ap Madocke.  
Davy Loyd.   

❧ And of the Burgonions. ❧  
The lord Scent George,  
The earl of jonignye  
The earl of Brain.  
The lord of Castelyn Marshal of Burgoyne.  
The lord of Uergier his bastard.  
The lord of Chastelon.  
The lord of Crovy.  
The lord Lisle Adam.  
The lord of Pesmes  
The Bastard of Thyan.  
Sir Frances le Arragonoys.  
John de Gyngie.   
AND many other to the numbered (aswell of Englishmen as Burgonions) of xu M. men of war, which came in good array to give battle to the besiegers of the town of Cravant, and because the River of Youne which runneth by the said town was between the English army and their adversaries, they could not well assail their enemies which defended the banks and passages very strongly, yet notwithstanding both horsemen and footmen of the English part courageously put themselves into the river and with fine force recovered the bank, whom the Burgonions incontinent followed. When they were all gotten into the plain, the Archers shot and the billmen struck, & long was the fight in indifferent judgement, but in conclusion the Frenchmen not able to resist the force and abide the puissance of the English nation, were taken either slain or discomfited, for in the mortal battle were slain and taken to the numbered of viii M. men, where of the names of the chief captains here shall apere.  

❧ frenchmen slain.  
th'earl of Lestrake.  
th'earl of Comygens.  
th'earl of Tunier  
The lord Coquart de Cameron.  
The Bastard of Arnynacke  
The Uicont of Towraye.  
The Bastard of Forest.  
The lord de Port  
The lord Memorancie. And xviii. hundred knights and esquires beside commons.   

❧ Taken prisoners.  
The Constable of Scotland which lost his eye.  
th'earl of Uantadore.  
Sir Alexander Meldryne.  
Sir Lewes Ferigny.  
And xxii C. gentlemen of the French nation taken.   

❧ Scots slain.  
The lord of sent Ihons' town  
Sir John of Balgrarie  
Sir John Turnbull.  
Sir John Holiburton.  
Sir Robert Lile.  
Sir William Conyngham.  
Sir William Douglas  
Sir Alexander Hune.  
Sir William Lisle  
Sir John Rocherforde.  
Sir William Cawford  
Sir Thomas Seton  
Sir William Hammolton and his son John Pillot. And iii M. Scots slain.   

❧ Of Englishmen.  
Sir John Grey.  
Sir William Halle.  
Sir Gilbert Halsel.  
Richard ap Madocke.  
and xxi C. other slain   
AFTER this fortunate victory obtained, the Englishmen first gave great laudes and thanks to almighty God and after entered into the town of Cravant much praising the doings of the captains and the fidelity of the citizens, and when they had set all things in an order they returned to Paris where of the regent they were joyously received, which there constituted th'earl of Salisbury (as he was well worthy) vicegerent and lieutenant for the king & him in the countries of France, Bry and champaign, & sir John Fastolf he substituted deputy under him in the duchy of Normandy on this side the river of Seyne, & with that he deputed him governor of the countries of Anjou & Maine, and assigned able captains in every hold & fortress. th'earl of Salisbury which could not sleep in his great office of trust, laid siege to the town & castle of Mountaguillon in Bry, whereof were captains Pregent of Cotyny & Guille Bourgoys Britons which valiantly defended the castle by the space of u months, but inconclusion the assailants were so fierce that they within for safeguard of their lives rendered the hold, & the captains swore never to bear armure against the Englishmen on this side the river of Leyre: during which siege the earl of Suffolk took by force the castle of Coucy: and the strong castle de la roche he got by appointment in Mosconoys.  
NOW must I go back to put you in memory how james king of Scots being both prisoner in the time of king Henry the fourth and also as subject to king Henry the fift his son, serving him in his wars in France till he departed out of this transsitory life at Boys de Uyncens and so as chief morner attended on the corpse of the said deceased unto his burial, and after at Westminster wasreleased of his captivity and restored to his realm and possession. For the true knowledge thereof you shall understand that England demanded a small ransom for so great a prince as the Scots account their king (and the Scots were neither able nor offered no sum convenient) wherefore the counsel of the realm of England gravously pondered and wisely considered that if by conjunction of marriage, England and Scotland were perfectly knit in one, that the indissoluble band of amity between the French and Scottish nations should be shortly broken and dissolved. Wherefore the protector of the realm of England by the consent of the whole baronage of the same gave to him in marriage the Lady jane daughter to John earl of Somerset deceased, not only sister to John then duke of Somerset but also cousin german removed to the king and niece to the cardinal of Wynchester and the duke of Exeter.  
THE king of Scots having great affection to this fair Lady, but much more desiring his deliverance and liberty, put in hostages for the residue of his ransom because a great part thereof was diminished and abated for the money allowed to him for his marriage, & so was delivered to departed at his pleasure. Alack, the old proverbs be to true: an Ape although she be clothed in purple, will be but an Ape, and a Scotte never so gently entertained of an English prince will be but a dissimuling Scotte. What kindness could be more showed to a prisoner then to bring him up in good literature? What love may be more declared to a captive, then to instruct him in martial feats and warlike affairs? What favour can be more ascribed to a high and renowned prince, then to give in marriage to his underling and vassal his cousin and kinswoman of his royal parentage lawfully descended. All these kindnesses sufficed not, nor all these gratuities availed not to make this king james friendly to the realm of England. For he notwithstanding his homage done to the young Henry king of England and of France at his Castle of Wynsore this present year, before three Dukes, two archbishops, xii. earls ten bishops twenty barons, and two hundred knights and esquires and more, according to the tenor here after following.  
I james Stuart King of Scots, shallbe true and faithful unto you lord Henry by the grace of God king of England and France the noble and superior lord of the kingdom of Scotland, and unto you I make my fidelity for the same kingdom of Scotland, which I hold and claim to hold of you, and I shall bear you my faith and fidelity of life and limb and worldly honour against all men, and faithfully I shall knowledge and shall do to you service due of the kingdom of Scotland aforesaid. So God help me and these holy Evangelists  
NEITHER regarding his oath, nor esteeming the great abundance of plate and rich Clotheses of Arras, to him by the mother and uncles of his wife liberally given and friendly delivered (of which sort of riches few or none before that day were ever seen in the country of Scotland) like a dog which hath cast up his stomach and returneth to his vomit, or like a snake which after his engendering with a Lampray taketh again his old poison: After he had once taken the air and smelled the sent of the Scottish soil become like his false fraudulent forefathers, an untrue prince and like his proud prating progenitors took the image of a bragging and boasting Scot, newly allied himself with the French nation. And yet what soever he did, his nation both writ and testify, that by the learning which he by the great benefit of the kings of England during his captivity in this realm had obtained, replenished his country with good literature, and by the nurture the which he was brought up in England, he brought his people to civility: So that his captivity was to his nation the greatest liberty that ever they could have, delivering them from blind ignorance to Angelic knowledge, reducing them from bestial manners to honest behaviour, and in conclusion causing them to know virtue from vice, policy from rudeness, and human honesty from savage living. This was the deliverance and the doings of james the first of that name king of Scots, which neither reigned very quietly, nor yet ever favoured Englishmen before the French people: saving that he having with him into his country a young gentleman of Northumberland called Andrew Grace (which during his captivity was his companion) promoted him to the marriage of the heir of the lord of Fowls in Anguis, of the which the lord Grace of Scotland at this day do descend.   

¶ The iii year. 
The iii year.   
NOw leave I the doings of Scotland, and return to the affairs of England. The duke of Gloucester being protector and governor of the realm, considering that wood must be ministered to keep fire, and men aught to be sent to set forward war, called to him the peers and nobility of the realm, and by their agreements & devices, sent into France to the regent his brother ten M. men of war, which were of the same regent in the country of Paris lovingly received, & according to their degrees honestly entertained. During their lying in Paris, divers chances happened in France, for even as Englishmen valiantly won, and victoriously conquered towns and castles with open war and apparent conquest: so the Frenchmen fraudulently stolen & covertly obtained divers fortresses and holds appertaining to thenglish faction, & in especial the fair town of Compaigne, & the pretty town of Crotoy.  
WHEN the duke of Bedford was advertised of these crafty tricks and sudden invented trames, he sent forth an army, first to Compaigne, whereof was captain the earl of Suffolk accompanied with th'earl of Liguy, & divers other captains of the Englishmen, which lay on the one side of the river of Sohame, & on the other side lay the lord Lisle Adain, sir Thomas Raupstone, & the provost of Paris. The Frechmen being strongly furnished and well vitailed, courageously defended the town against the assailants. The Englishmen perceiving that Guyllian Remond otherwise called Mariolayn, had been the leader of the soldiers within the town, which before at Pacy was taken prisoner by sir John Fastolf, caused him to be sent for to Paris, and so brought him to the siege, and set him in a chariot with a halter about his neck, and conveyed him to the gibbet without the town, sending word to the garrison within the town, that if they would not without delay rendre the town & fortress, they would incontinent strangle their old captain and chief conductor. The soldiers within the town perceiving that if Guyllian Raymond the only trust of their relief, and the ancient friend in their necessity, should suffer death, that then their hope of all aid were extinguished, & the sure nutriment of their living was from them secluded: for the deliverance of him and safeguard of themselves, yielded the town: so that both he & they might departed with horse and harness only, in sure conduit and safety: yet long or the town of Compaigne was delivered, sir Philip Hal which was sent to Crotoy by the lord regent with viii C. men to besiege the town, got it by assault suddenly, or the Frenchmen had either disposed their garrison, or appointed their lodgings and took all the men of war and put them to ransom. And so these ii towns cowardly stolen, were manfully recovered, but yet the writers of French fables to deface the glory of the Englishmen, writ and say that these towns were yielded to the burgonions, which neither had the keeping of them nor were soldiers to any other person but to the king of England. While these things were thus doing in France, sir John de la Pole brother to th'earl of Suffolk captain of Auranches in Normandy, assembled all the garrisons of the base Marches of the country of Anjou, & came before the city of Angiers and brent the subbarbes, spoiled and destroyed the whole country, and having as many prays and prisoners as his men might carry, he was encountered by the earl of Aubemerle, the viscount Narbone and vi thousand Frenchmen: which finding the Englishmen out of array because of the carriage of their great spoil, suddenly set on them and slew. CCC. persons and took prisoners the said sir John Delapole, sir John Basset, John Auford lieutenant of Faloys, John Clyfton, Henry mortimer and vi C. other. Although the Frenchmen got this day in one place, yet they went not victorious away in another, for the bastard de la Balm and the lord Craignar captains of Courrallon with a great band, made a road into Masconnoys, with whom by chance met Matthew Gough and other Englishmen which were scouring the country to see and hear news of their enemies, there was a sore conflict and an hard encounter, the parts in manner being of courage & number equal, but after long fight, the French men almost all were slain & taken, and the bastard being well horsed fled after whom followed with the fierceness of his spurs Matthew Gough and chased him to his castle gate and there took him as he would have hid him in the ditch & presented him to the earl of Salisbury, returning from Compaigne to Paris, which not only gave to him the rights belonging to the prisoner, but also rewarded him with a goodly courser and highly exalted his name and manhood.  
about this season, Arthur brother to John duke of Britain commonly called the earl of Richemond, having neither profit of the name nor of the country, notwithstanding that king Henry the .v. had created him carl of Yury in Normandy & gave him not only a great pension but the same town of Yury: yet because his brother the duke of Britain fearing the Englishmen now having Normandye would smell and desire to taste the sweet soil of Britain, was late (contrary to his league and oath) returned to the part of Charles the dolphin, he like wise returned and craftily without cause fled into Flaunders & so came to the dolphin to Poitiers, which was more glad of his coming then if he had gained a C.M. crowns, for the Britons which kept the town and castle of Yury hearing that their master was joined with the dolphin both kept the castle against the duke of Bedford, furnishing it daily with new people & municons, and also infested, spoiled and rob the country adjoining, doing to the Englishmen the most hurt & damage that either could be devised or imagined.  
THE lord Regent being advertised of all these troubles & calamities, assembled a great army both of Englishmen and Normans, intending to search the dolphin in every part, to th'intent to give him battle in a pitched field and so to make a final end of his intended conquest. So having in his company th'earl of Salisbury, th'earl of Suffolk, the lord Scales, the lord Wylloughby, the lord pouning, sir Reynold Grace, sir John Fastolf, sir John Saluayne, Lanslot Lisle, sir Philip Halle, sir John Pashely, sir John Grace, sir Thomas Blunt, sir Robert Harling, sir William Oldhal and many other valiant knights and esquires to the number (as the French writers testify) of xviii. C. men of arms and viii M. archers and other, came before the town of Yury which was well defended: but the Englishmen began to undermine the walls, so that they within were glad to render the town upon condition, which was taken. Howbeit the captains of the castle promised to yield if their fortress were not rescued at a day assigned by the dolphin with a number sufficient to raise the siege, & upon this promise hostages were delivered into the possession of the lord regent. By his licence an herald was sent to the dolphin to advertise him of the time determined, the which hearing of the distress that his people & ●rendes were in, sent incontinent John duke of Alencon his lieutenant general, th'earl Doglas whom at that setting forth he made duke of Touraine, and th'earl Boughan, whom then in hope of good speed he made Constable of France (which office he enjoyed not fully an hundredth hours) and th'earls of Aumarle, Uantadoure, Connerre, Maulieurier Forest, the viscounts of Narbon and Thovars, the lords of Gravile, Gauls, Malycorne, many, Ballay, Fountains, Mountfort, & many other noble knights and esquires to the number of xu M. French men & Britons and .v. M. Scots whom the earls Doglas had transported late out of Scotland more for need then for love.  
THIS army royal approached within ii miles of Yury and sent xl light horsemen to view and espy both the number and conduit of the Englishmen. These spies came very near to the siege and were espied and chased to their companions again, and declared all what they had seen and perceived. The duke of Alencon seeing that he could not get any advantage of the Englishmen (although the dolphin had given him in strait commandment to fight with the regent) whether his heart failed or he thought to wait a more fortunate season for his purpose and enterprise, retired back with his whole army to the town of Uernoyle in Perch which belonged to the king of England, & sent word to the garrison of that town that they had discomfited & slain all the English army and that the regent with a small number by swiftness of his horse had saved himself. The inhabitants of Uernoyle giving to light credit to the French fablers, received the duke of Alencon with all his army into the town & submitted themselves to him. Which town he desired to have of the gift of the dolphin as his own inheritance & lawful patrimony. Now approached the day of rescous of Yury, which was the day of our Lady the Assumption, at which day no rescous appeared to sir Gerrard de la Pallier captain of the castle, which being in despair of all aid and comfort, presented the keys to the duke of Bedford & showed him a letter signed & sealed with the hands of xviii great lordesh which the day before promised to give the duke battle and to dissolve the siege and raise the assault: Well said the duke, if their hearts would have served, their puissance was sufficient ones to have proffered or to have performed this faithful promise. But sith they disdain to seek me, God and saint George willing I shall not desist to follow the tracts of their horses till one part of us be by battle overthrown: and so he gave a safeconduyte to the captain and other which would departed, but many of the Britons within the castle of Yury seeing the faint hearts and the false promises of the flattering Frenchmen submitted themselves to the lord regent and swore to be true to the king and him, whom he gently accepted and put them in wages. Then he furnished the castle and town with a new garrison, and incontinent he sent the earl of Suffolk with vi C. horses to espy where the frenchmen were lodged, which passed by Dampevile, and came to Bretnel where he heard news that the Frenchmen had taken Uernoile in perch & were there yet abiding, whereof with all diligent celerite he sent word to the duke of Bedford, which not minding to lose his long desired pray set forward in great haste toward his enemies. The Frenchmen hearing of his coming set their people in array and made all one main battle without forward or rearward, & appointed certain Lombard's and horsemen to break the array of the Englishmen either behind or at the sides, whereof was captain sir Stephyn Uenoyles called the hire. The duke of Bedford not ignorant how to order his men, made likewise one entire battle & suffered no man to be on horse back, and set the archers (every one having a sharp stake) both in the front of the battle and on the sides like wings, and behind the battle were the pages with the chariots and carriages, and all the horses were tied together either with the reins of their bridles or by the tails, to th'intent that their enemies should not suddenly surprise or disturb them on the back behind: and for to defend the carriages were appointed two thousand archers. The Frenchmen at the first light remembering how often times in piched fields they had been overcome and vanquished of the English nation, began somewhat to fear, but when they saw no remedy but to fight, they took good courage to them and set softly forward. In which marching the Duke of Alaunson, sitting on horseback said to his captains.  
●OVYNG compainions, 
O●acion of the duke of Alaunson.  and hardy soldiers, call to your remembrance, how the Englishmen have not only gotten from us the noble isle of France, the duchies of Normandy and Anjou, but also sith their enterprise and conquest hath both slain our parents and killed our friends, yea, and hath driven our natural Prince, and very sovereign Lord from his chief habitation and surest chamber, the fair city of Paris: which act never Pagan durst attempt or ever any prince was able to achieve. Besides this, you see that the duke of Bedford Regent here for the king of England, intending nothing more than the deposition or the destruction of our king and his nobility, and in final conclusion to bring to extreme bondage all us, our wives and children, and all the people of this so long renowned region, by many hundred years called the realm of France, which is as much to say, as a free country, or a frank land. Alas, shall your king now be made a subject, shall your peers and nobility be made vassals, and you also slaves & bondmen to a foreign nation? Where is the liberty of France and where is the ancient freedom? When you defended your franchises, and when your hearts served you: your King ruled kings, your princes possessed the empire, and your nation subdued Germany, conquered Italy, and overcame the proud spaniards. Shall we now, falling out of kind from our fathers, fear the puissance of the arrogant Englishmen, being men of no forecast, nor of no excellent wit, long in getting and shortly losing? Will you now suffer the old glory of France to be put in oblivion? will you have an English infant, which liveth with pap to be your king and governor? Will you live in servitude of a barbarous nation, in whom is neither bountifulness nor honour? clerks say, that the greatest plague, that ever God scourged with the Israelites, was, when he permitted them to be carried from their native country to the bondage of Babylon, where they lived in captivity by the space of many years. What can be a more greater scourge, then to have a foreign ruler in a free region? What dishonour can there be more to a country, then to have the nobility put back from rule, and to be governed by strangers. Believe me believe me, it is to us all one blot, to be a slave in Turkeye, under the Turkish bondage, and to be a free man in France under the English liberty. Of this point you be sure: if they gain this battle, they be not unlike to obtain the whole region: which if they get, then is the inheritance theirs: then be all the riches theirs, and then all the people be their subjects. If they be rulers, far well the frank and French liberty: If they be lords, welcome English servitude. So that now we stand all on this point, either to be free or bondmen. Which term of bondage is so detested of all nations, that there can be no more reproach to a man then to call him a villain or a bondman. Therefore manly defence must only withstand this mischief, and hearty courage must drive back this imminent plague. This is the day either of our deliverance out of vile servitude, or the day of our entry into the vale of bondage. The conclusion of this battle is very doubtful, for if we be vanquished, the gain for our side is almost without recovery, considering, that here be the best men, & wisest captains under our king: And if we get the upper hand, our heads shallbe free and out of the English yoke. And although the duke of Bedforde hath here with him, all the power that he can gather on this side the sea, yet I assure you, (God willing) I will not turn one foot backward for fear of him, or his picked army. Therefore I exhort you to remember, your wives, your children and yourselves. Fight manfully and stick each to other for the liberty of our country: I doubt not but the victory shallbe ours, and the honour shallbe our kings. For if this day we vanquish him and sparkle his army, we shall so diligently follow Fortunes good grace, that not only France to us shall yield, and Normandy bow, but we shall recover again all our cities and towns, which out of our possession were gained, before any aid can come to rescue out of the poor isle of England. Now considering, that we hung in the balance between honour and shame, liberty and bondage, gain or loss, let every man take heart and courage to him, little regarding, or caring, either for death, or the force of his enemies, and with a manly countenance march forth toward our foes.  
THE Englishmen perceiving their great number, and knowing that the chief strength consisted in the Scots, began somewhat to stay and consult, what was most expedient to be doen. The duke of Bedford sitting on a bay courser in the mids of the battle under a banner euriously beaten with his Arms, not content with their whisperynges and protracting of time, said unto them with an audible voice.  
YOU valiant captains and hardy soldiers, 
The orarion of the Duke of Bedforde.  my loving compaynins in arms, and friendly fellows. If you consider with yourself what day this is: What honour and what profit we shall get by our travail and pain, I doubt not but where you now stand still musing, you would run forth a gallop, and where you run on your feet, you would, if you had wings, fly as fast, as ever did Hawk to his pray. For great is the honour that is gotten with pain, and sweet is the lucre, that is gained with travail, for you must remember, that nothing is well done, if it grow not to a good conclusion: and thing were as good never to be begun, as never ended. My brother our late sovereign lord, (whose soul God pardon) hath entered into this country, as into his own lawful inheritance: and first conquered Normandy, and after by agreement of king Charles the usurper, he was by assent of the nobility, agreement of the Clergy, & special request of the commonalty, restored to his rightful inheritance, and lawful patritrimony, which by his death is returned and come to my nephew our most redoubted sovereign. The beginning of this conquest was good, and the sequel better, yet resteth the final knot to be knit, and the last lock to be shut up. For if we suffer Charles the dolphin, which now usurpeth the name, and estate royal of this realm of France, to proceed farther in his purpose, or to gather more puissance, or allure more people, I cannot tell then what feats flattering fortune will work: and of this I am sure, that if we suffer his fire still to flame, as it hath begun, we shall have scant water to quench out the same. Here he hath assembled all the French men that he can get, and for lack of aid, he hath retained the Scots: crop him now at the beginning and he shall grow no more: let him grow farther and he will pass our reach: distomfite him now and bring our conquest to a conclusion: let him alone now, and we shallbe new to begin. Therefore I say, it is wisdom to take occasion, when the hery side and not the bald side is proffered. If we fear the multitude, remember our own victories, which we have ever obtained by less number, and not by the greater. If we fear death, remember the glory and immortal fame, that shall succeed of our valiant acts, if we cell our lives so dear. If we shallbe slain, considre I have a king to my nephew, and a duke to my brother, and two noble uncles, and you have friends, kinsmen and children, which will revenge our death, to the uttermost point: therefore I say let every man this day do his best. For this is the day of thed of our great travail, the day of our great victory, and the day of our everlasting fame: Therefore good fellows, put your only trust in God, call to him for aid boldly, and march forward hardly, for our enemies be at hand.  
HE had skace ended his exhortation, but the Englishmen being encouraged with his prudent persuasion, set on their enemies, crying, Saint George, Bedford. And the frenchmen likewise cried, Mountioye, saint Device. Then the arrows flew out of the long bows on the one part, the quarrels out of the cross bows on the other part. After they came to hand strokes: great was the fight, & terrible was the battle, with so indifferent judgement of victory, that no herald could determine to which part Fortune most showed her loving countenance. For on both sides men were slain and wounded, and on both parts some were felled and recovered, thus still in a doubtful judgement, the battle continued about three hours. The duke of Alaunson in the mean season never ceased to exhort and pray his people manly to fight, and not to suffer their enemies, (which were at the very point to be overcome) by their faint hearts to be victors, and overcomers. Likewise the duke of Bedford road about his army, refreshing the weak with fresh men, and encoraging his people with most pleasant words: But at the last, when he perceived the Frenchmen, what with heat, and with travail, to wax weary and faint, and not to be so fresh as they were before (for surely the nature of the Frenchmen, is not to labour long in fighting, and much more braggeth than fighteth) he with all his strength set incontinent on them with such a violence, that they bore them down to the ground by fine force. The French horsemen that day did little service: for the archers so galled their horses, that they desired not much to approach their presence. This battle was fought the xxvij day of August, in the year of our Lord. M. CCCC.xxv. in the which battle were slain.  

❧ Of frenchmen. ❧  
The earl of Aumerle.  
The earl of Uentadore.  
The earl of Forestes.  
The earl of Mary.  
The lord Gravile.  
The lord Gauls.  
The lord Fountains.  
The lord of Amboys  
The Uicount Thovars.  
The lord Mounteney  
The lord of Combreste  
The lord of Brunell.  
The lord Tumblet.  
The lord of Poysy. And three hundred knights beside.  
The Uicount Nerbon whose body was hanged on a gibbet, because he was one of the murderers, of the duke of Burgoyne.   

❧ Of Scots also were slain. ❧  
Archibald earl Douglas made duke of Toroyne.  
james Douglas his son earl of Nigton.  
John the earl of Boughem newly made Constable of France.  
Sir Alexandre Meldryne  
Sir Henry Balglavie  
Sir John Sterling.  
Sir William of Homelsdone  
Sir james Graye.  
Sir Robert Kanden.  
Sir Alexander Lynsaie.  
Sir Robert Steward.  
Sir Robert Swinton, and xxvij hundred Scots of name and arms, besides other.   
IN this battle were slain by the report of Montioye king at arms in France, and the English heralds there present, of frenchmen and Scots ix thousand and seven hundred, and of the Englishmen xxj. hundred, but no man of name. saving .v. young esquires. And there were taken prisoners, John duke of Alaunson, the bastard of Alaunson, the lord of Fayect, the lord of Hormit, sir Piers Harison, sir Joys de Uancort, Sir Robert Brusset, sir John Turnbull a Scot, and two hundred gentlemen besides common soldiers.  
AFTER that the Duke of Bedforde had thus obtained the upper hand of his enemies, and discomfited the only strength of the dolphin he upon his knees rendered to almighty God his hearty thanks, not without effusion of tears. Then he commanded all the frenchmen within the town of Uernoile, to go out and departed, or else to abide their adventure. They perceiving the evil success of their boasting enterprise, and seeing no mean, whereby in so low an ebb, they might be aided, delivered up the town, and went forth out of the same, their lives saved. Of which town the lord Regent constituted captain, sir Philip Hall, and so departed from thence to the city of Rouen, where, with triumph (and not unworthy) he was joyously received and honourably feasted. And after all things there set in an order, he removed to Paris.  
HERE you may see what succeeded of the spirit of false Prophecy. For the duke of Alaunson thinking it to be predestinate by the bodies above, that he should overcome, and conquer the duke of Bedford, boasted (as you have heard) to the Burgesses of Uernoile, that he had discomfited the Regent of France with his whole army, before the town of Yury: Not knowing, that Mars the God of battle being angry with his lying, appointed, not only all his puissance to be vanquished before Uernoile, but also himself, and his bastard uncle, there to be taken, and brought into bondage. So it is often seen that he, which reckoneth without his host, must reckon twice, and he that fisheth before the net, may lose, but nothing gain. When this victory was published through France, how the common peope lamented their miserable destiny, how the nobility mistrusted their own estate, and how the dolphin was abashed, yea, more than abashed, wonderful it were to writ, but more marvelous for to hear. For he was driven out of all the countries appertaining to the crown of France, and might resort to no countries, except to Burbonoys, Aluerne, Berry, Poyctou, Towrayn, a part of Anjou and Barrayn, & Longnedoe. And because diverse of his friends, which were advocates in Paris, exiled themselves from the parliament of Paris, which was with all rights, and iurisoictions there unto belonging, kept, and holden in the name of king Henry the sixth, as lawful heir and very king of the realm of France: he therefore to show himself as a king, erected his court of Parliament, his Chancery, and all other courts in the city of Poitiers, and there established his great seal, with all due circumstances thereunto appertaining, which there continued by the space of xiiij years, as you shall after hear declared. The duke of Bedford lying at Paris, intending there to bring to obeisance Charles the dolphin, or else to drive him out of his little coney holds, and small countries, sent the lord Scales, sir John Montgomerey, sir John Fastolfe, with two thousand men, to conquer the countries of Anjou and Main, which without assault had rendered to them the strong castles of Beaumont le Uicont, Teune, Silly, Host, Courceriers, Roussy, Uasse, Covetemenant and twenty other, which for prolixity of time, I think necessary to be omitted. For surely the English puissance was so tried, proved, assayed, and spread abroad throughout all France, that the French men thought that in conclusion the English men would have, or should have all things, which they either wished or enterprised. The duke of Bedford yet thirsting after more good fortune, sent the earl of Salisbury, with a great army accompanied with the lord Scales, and other approved captains, (whose names you have heard before) into the countries of Anjou & Main, which were evil neighbours to the duchy of Normandy: in which army were x. M. men of war or there about. These lusty captains entered first into the country of Main, and besieged the rich and strong city of Mauns, the chief town & empery of all that country and region. And although the citizens, aswell for the sudden access of their enemies, as for the fear of the name of therie of Salisbury (which was both dread of his enemies, and honoured of his friends,) were somewhat amazed and astonished: Yet their captains named sir Baldwyn of champaign lord of Toisse, sir Guilliam de Marignie, and sir Hugh de Goos, studied and muented all ways possible how to defend themselves, and do damage and harm to their enemies: and surely, they had within the town a crew and a compainei of warlike and practised soldiers. The Englishmen approached as nigh to the walls as they might without their loss and detriment, and shot against their walls great stones out of great gonnes (which kind of engines before that time, was very little seen or heard of in France,) the strokes whereof so shaked, crushed and rived the walls, that within few days, the city was despoiled of all her towers and outward defences. The citizens of Mauns much merueiling at these new organs, both seeing their destruction imminent, and desperate of all aid and succour, offered the town upon this condition: that all persons which would tarry within the town might abide, and all that would depart with horse and harnessse only, should be permitted: which offers were accepted, and the town rendered, whereof the earl made captain th'earl of Suffolk, and his lieutenant sir John Fastolfe. After this the said earl of Salis●ury besieged the fair town of saint Susan, whereof was captain, Ambrose de Lore, a man of no less audacity than policy, accompainied with a great number of hardy men of war. When the the earl of Salisbury had both viewed and seen the situation and nature of the place, he determined to assault it in that place which was most weak and worn: and so the trumpets blew to the assault, an● scaling ladders were raised to the walls, and the Englishmen with great noise began to climb and ascend. The soldiers which durst not come out of the town to encounter with the English army, manfully ran to the walls to resist and defend the assailants. And so all that day the assault with many adventurrs still continued, and although the inhabitants and citizens were sore wounded, they never let of both to defend theimselfes, and to annoy and hurt their enemies. When th'earl perceived that by this light assault and slight skirmish he lost somewhat, and gained nothing, he made a wall and cast a trench round about the town: & caused his great ordinance to be shot at that part of the wall which was most teble and slender, and so daily and nightly he never ceased to beat, and break down the wall and towers: so that within two days the most part of the wall was pierced and cast down to the ground. When the captain perceived these new feats, he began to entreat, and offered for himself and his soldiers, two thousand crowns, so that they might depart in their doublets only▪ so their lives were saved, which some because winter approached, was taken, and the town yielded. Of the which town he made captain, sir John Popham, a valiant and a circumspect knight. After that the said earl besieged the town and castle of Mayon la Iuhez, wherein was captain the lord of Escotaiz: which town after the space of five weeks was yielded (the lives of the defenders only saved.) To the keeping whereof he appointed sir John Montgomery knight. And after the feast of the purification of our lady, he besieged the castle de lafort Barnard: during which siege, a sale was made of the town of Alencon, being in the Englishmen'S possession by a Gascoyn & one of the garrison there, for four C. crowns, to Charles de Uilliers, Peter le Beuffe, and other French captains. When the day was appointed of the deliverance both of the town and the money, the Gascoigne opened and discovered the whole agreement to the earl of Salisbury: which ordained the lord Willoughby and sir John Fastolfe with two thousand Englishmen to encounter with the buyers of the kings town of Alencon. At the day appointed and time assigned, Charles de Uilliers chief merchant of this rich enterprise, early in the morning with two. C. horsemen, and three hundred footmen approached near the town, and abiding for the Gascoigne, he there displayed his banner, thinking triumphantly to enter into the town: but it happened otherwise. For or they were ware, or suspected any rescues, they were environed with the English army, and slain & taken every creature, save Peter Danthenazy and xxv other, which by the swiftness of their horses saved themselves.  
AFTER this conflict ended, the lord Willoughby with his company returned to th'earl of Salisbury, before the town le Fort Barnard: the captains whereof considering, that there was no hope of succour to be sent to them, and that their victual diminished, and that they were not long able to abide the hard assaults of the English nation, rendered the town and castle, reserving to them their horse and harness only, which town th'earl received to the use of the king: But the regent for the valiant service done by the earl, gave the same town to him and to his heirs for ever. Beside this th'earl partly by assault, partly by composition, took diverse other towns, as saint Kales, where he made captain, Richard Gethyne Esquire, Thanceaux Lermitage, where he made governor, Matthew gough, Guerlande, of the which he assigned ruler, John Banaster, Malicorne, whereof he made captain, William Glasdale esquire, Lisle soubz Boulton, whereof was made captain, sir Lancelot Lisle knight, Lowpellande, whereof was made captain, Henry Branch, Mountseur, of the which was made Constable, sir William Oldhall knight, lafoy Suke, was assigned to the keeping of John Suffolk esquire, and beside this, above xl castles and piles were overthrown and destroyed. When the fame and report of these news were blown through France, some f●●ated, some feared, and some raged for anger: But the verity of all things being by the duke of Bedford declared into England, all men rejoiced and were very glad: not only for the conquest of so many towns, but also that God had sent them victory in a pitched field, and in a mortal battle. Wherefore general processions were commanded, to render to God almighty humble and hearty thanks, by whose only gift, nad not by power of man, these notable victories were gotten and achieved.  
IT is not convenient, that I should talk so much of France, & omit all things done in England. Wherefore, you shall understand, the about easter this year, the king called his high court of parliament, at his town of Westminster, & coming to the parliament house he was conveyed through the city upon a great courser with great triumph, which child was judged of all men, not only to have the very image, the lively portraiture, and lovely countenance of his noble parent and famous father, but also like to succeed, and be his heir in all moral virtues, martial Policies, and Princely feats, as he was undoubted inheritor to his realms, signiories & dominions. In which parliament was granted to the king a subsidy of xii d. of the pound, towards the maintenance of the wars, of all merchandise coming into this realm, or going out of the same, besides other sums set on every ton of liquor and on every sack of wool, aswell of English men, as of strangers. During which Parliament came to London, Peter Duke of Quymber, son to the king of Portyngale, and cousin germane removed to the king, which of the duke of Excester and the bishop of Winchester his uncles, was highly feasted, and liberally rewarded, and was elected into the noble order of the Garter. During which season, Edmonde Mortimer, the last Earl of March of that name (which long time had been restrained from his liberty, and finally waxed lame) diseased without issue, whose inheritance descended to lord Richard Plantagenet, son and heir to Richard earl of Cambridge, beheaded, as you have heard before, at the town of Southampton. Which Richard within less than xxx years, as heir to this earl Edmond, in open parliament claimed the crown and sceptre of this realm, as hereafter shall more manifestly appear. In the time of which Parliament also, whether it were, either for desert or malice, or to avoid things that might chance, according to a proverb, which saith, a dead man doth no harm: Sir John Mortimer cousin to the said earl was attainted of treason and put to execution: of whose death no small slander arose amongst the common people.  
AFTER all these acts done in England, and in France, Humphrey duke of Gloucester, with the lady jaquet his supposed wife, passed the sea, and came to Mons in Henawde, and there by force took all such lands, as John duke of Brabant her first husband had in possession of the said lady jaquet, which doing, Philippe duke of Burgoyne, being great friend to the duke of Brabant, much disdained and more frowned at, and thought for the old love and familiarity, that he hare to the duke of Gloucester, that he would by friendly monition, turn him from his unhonest and ungodly life, to a reasonable reformation, and brotherly conformity. Wherefore he wrote lovingly to him, that he should utterly leave of, any further to follow the new attempted enterprise, advertising him, and protesting openly, that the usurping and wrongfully withholding of another man's possession, was not so vile and slanderous, as the defiling of a pure & clean bed, and adulteriously keeping the wife of his christian brother. The duke of Gloucester being in this case very wilful, either blinded with dotage, or inflamed with covetousness of his wife's possessions, regarding neither the admonishment of the duke of Brabant, nor yet the godly advertisement of the duke of Burgoyn, swore that he would not leave of to make farther war, till he had expulsed the duke of Brabant, out of his wife's signiories, territories & dominions. Wherefore, the duke of Burgoyn assembled together a great army to make war on the duke of Gloucester, in the cause & quarrel of the duke of Brabant his friend and cousin. The duke of Gloucester, partly for great affairs, that then were imminent in the realm of England, and partly to assemble more people, to resist and withstand the power of the dukes of Burgoyn and Brabant, left his wife at Mons in Henaude, with the lords of the town, which swore to him, to defend and keep her against all men, till the time of his return. Wherefore he leaving with her two thousand Englishmen, departed to Calais, and so into England.  
WHEN he was go, the duke of Burgoyn so threatened, so vexed, yea, and almost so famished them within the town of Mons, that they delivered into his possession the lady jaquet or jacomyne: which incontinent sent her to Gaunt, where she disguised herself in a man's apparel, and so escaped into a town of her own in Zelande, called Zirice, and from thence she was conveyed to a town in Holland called Tregowe, where she was honourably received, & there made herself strong to withstand her enemies: And for her succour the Duke of Gloucester sent to her five hundred men. The dukes of Burgoyn and Brabant left her not all in quiet, but brent her towns in Holland, and slew her people in Zelande to her great detriment and displeasure. But inconclusion, this matter was brought before Martin the .v. bishop of Rome: which adjudged the first matrimony with duke John of Brabant, to be good and effectual, and the second espousals celebrated with duke Humphrey of Gloucester, to be of no value, force nor effect: and that if the duke of Brabant died, it should not be lawful to the duke of Gloucester, to marry again with the lady jaquet. The duke of Gloucester obeying to this sentence, began to wax loath of his supposed wife, by whom he never had profit but loss: for whose cause his friends become his enemies, & for whose sake he was openly slandered. Wherefore he, by wanton affection blinded, took to his wife Elinor Cobham daughter to the lord Cobham, of Sterberow, which before (as the fame went) was his sovereign lady and paramour, to his great slander and reproach. And if he were unquieted with his other pretenced wife, truly he was ten times more vexed, by occasion of this woman, as you shall hereafter plainly perceive: so that he began his marriage with evil, and ended it with worse. The Lady jaquet after the death of John duke of Brabant, married a gentleman of mean estate, called Frank of Bursellen, for the which cause the duke of Burgoyn imprisoned her husband, and left her in great trouble: such was the end of these two marriages.   

¶ The fourth year. 
The. iii●. year.   
A Little before this time, sir Thomas Rampstone, sir Philip branch, sir Nicholas Burdeit, and other Englishmen to the number of .v. hundred men, repaired and fortified the town of saint james de Leitron, on the frontiers of Normandy, adjoining to britain. Arthure earl of Richemond and jury brother to the duke of britain, which like an untrue gentleman, sworn and forsworn to the king of England, suddenly fled to Charles the dolphin: which much rejoicing of his favour and amity, gave to him the Constableship of France which th'earl of Boughan slain before at Uernoyl, a small time occupied, and less space enjoyed. This new Constable not a little joyful of his high office, thought to do some pleasure to the dolphin his master, & to advance his name at the first entry into his authority, he imagined no enterprise to be to him more honourable, nor to his prince more acceptable, then to avoid and drive out of the town of saint james de Beveon, all the English nation. So in hope of victory gathered together above xl M. men, of Britons, frenchmen and Scots, and environed the town of saint james, or saint jaques de Beuron, with a strong siege. The Englishmen within, which in number passed not vj. C. men, manfully defended the daily assaults of the fierce French men. The Englishmen consulted together what way was best to be taken: and after long debating, they determined to issue out of the town and to fight with their enemies. So on a day, when the Britons were wearied with a long assault, towards the evening the Englishmen came out of the town, one part by the postern of the Castle, and another part by the gate of the town, crying saint George, Salisburye: and set on their enemies both before and behind. The frenchmen seeing the courage of the Englishmen, and hearing their cry, thinking that th'earl of Salisbury was come to raise the siege, ran away like sheep, and there were taken, slain and drowned in the water, of them four thousand men and more. Besides this, these jolly gallants left behind them for haste, all their tents xiiii great gonnes, and xl barrels of powder. CCC. pipes of wine, CC. pipes of biscuit and flower, CC. frails of Figs and reasons, and .v. C. barrels of hearing.  
THE Frenchmen (being thus vanquished) fell in division amongst theimselfes: the one laying to the charge of the other, the loss of their men and the cause of their flying. Such is ever the chance of the war, that when victory is obtained, the most coward and faint hearted boy will boast and brag, and when the battle is lost, the fault is assigned to the best, and not to the wourste. The new Constable was sore dismayed & much ashamed of this discomfiture and shameful flight, but there was no remedy but patience: But to the intent to blot out and deface this shameful flying with a notable victory, he with a great army entered into the country of anjou, and brent, spoiled and destroyed two or three at the most, little poor thatched villages: Which small act done, his malice was quenched, & his old grief (as he thought) victoriously revenged.  
IN this season fell a great division in the realm of England, which, of a sparkle was like to grow to a great flame: For whether the bishop of Winchester called Henry Beaufort, son to John Duke of Lancastre, by his third wife, envied the authority of Humphrey duke of Gloucester Protector of the realm, or whether the duke had taken disdain at the riches and pompous estate of the bishop, sure it is that the whole realm was troubled with them and their partakers: so that the citizens of London fearing that that should ensue upon the matter, were feign to keep daily and nightly, watches, as though their enemies were at hand, to besiege and destroy them: In so much that all the shops within the cite of London were shut in for fear of the favourers of those two great personages, for each part had assembled no small number of people. For pacifying whereof, the archbishop of Cantorbury, and the duke of Quymber called the prince of Portyngale, road eight times in one day between the two adversaries, and so the matter was stayed for that time. The bishop of Winchester not content with his nephew the lord Protector, seute a letter to the regent of France, the tenor whereof ensueth.  
RIGHT high and mighty prince, and my right noble and after one, levest lord, I recommend me unto you with all my heart. And as you desire the welfare of the king our sovereign lord, and of his realms of England and France, and your own health and ours also, so hast you hither. For by my troth if you tarry, we shall put this land in adventure, with a field, such a brother you have here, God make him a good man. For your wisdom knoweth, that the profit of France standeth in the welfare of England, etc. Written in great haste on Alhallow even. By your true servant to my life's end. Henry Wynchester.  
THE duke of Bedford being sore grieved and unquieted with these news, constituted the earl of Warwick, which was lately come into France, with six thousand men his lieutenant in the French dominions and in the duchy of Normandy, and so with a small company, he with the duchess his wife, returned again over the seas into England and the tenth day of january, he was with all solemnity received into London, to whom the citizens gave a pair of basynnes, and a thousand mark in money, and from London he road to Westminster, and was lodged in the kings palace. The, xxv. day of March after his coming to London, a parliament began at the town of Leicester, where the Duke of Bedford openly rebuked the Lords in general, because that they in the time of war, through their privy malice and inward grudge, had almost moved the people to war and commotion, in which time all men, aught or should be of one mind, heart and consent: requiring them to defend, serve and dread their sovereign ●orde king Henry, in performing his conquest in France, which was in manner brought to conclusion. In this parliament the Duke of Gloucester, laid certain articles to the bishop of Wynchesters' charge, the which with the answers hereafter do ensue.  

¶ The articles of accusation, and accord, between my Lord of Gloucester, and my lord of Wynchester.  
HEre ensueth the articles, as the kings counsel hath conceived, the which the high and mighty prince, my lord of Gloucester, hath furmised upon my Lord of Wynchester Chancellor of England, with the answer to the same.  
FIRST, where as he being protector and defender of this land, desired the tour to be opened to him, and to lodge him therein, Richard Woodevile esquire, having at that time the charge of the keeping of the tour, refused his desire, and kept the same tour against him, unduly and against reason, by the commandment of my said Lord of Winchester: and afterward in approving of the said refuse, he received the said Wodevile, and cherished him against the state and worship of the king, and of my said lord of Gloucester.  
ITEM my said lord of Winchester, without the advise and assent of my said lord of Gloucester, or of the kings counsel, purposed and disposed him to set hand on the kings person, and to have removed him from Eltham, the place that he was in to Windsor, to the intent to put him in such governance as him list.  
ITEM, that where my said lord of Gloucester, to whom of all persons or that should be in the land, by the way of nature and birth, it belongeth to see the governance of the kings person, informed of the said undue purpose of my said lord of Winchester, declared in the articles next above said. And in letting thereof, determining to have go to Eltham unto the king, to have provided as the cause required. My said lord of Winchester, untruly and against the kings peace, to the intent to trouble my said lord of Gloucester going to the king purposing his death in case that he had go that way, set men of arms and archers, at th'end of London bridge next Southwerke: and in forbarring of the kings high way, let draw the chain of the stulpes there, and set up pipes and hardelles, in manner and form of Bulwarks: and set men in chambers, sellers and windows, with bows and arrows and other weapons, to th'intent to bring to final destruction my said lord of Gloucesters' person, aswell as of those that then should come with him.  
ITEM my said lord of Gloucester saith and affirmeth, that our sovereign lord his brother, that was king Henry the fifth, told him on a time, when our said sovereign lord being prince, was lodged in the palace of Westminster in the great chamber, by the 'noys of a spaniel there was on a night a man espied and taken behind a tapet of the said chamber, the which man was delivered to th'earl of Arrundell to be examined upon the cause of his being there at that time. The which so examined at that time, confessed that he was there by the stering up and procuring of my said Lord of Winchester, ordained to have slain thesay prince there in his bed: Wherefore the said earl of Arrundell let sack him forthwith, and drowned him in the Thamise.  
ITEM our sovereign lord that was, king Henry the fifth, said unto my said lord of Gloucester, that his father king Henry the fourth living, and visited then greatly with sickness of the hand of God, my said lord of Winchester said unto the king (Henry the fifth then being prince) that the king his father, so visited with sickness was not personable: and therefore not disposed to come in conversation and governance of the people, and for so much, counseled him to take the governance and crown of this land upon him.   

¶ The answer of the bishop.  
HEre ensueth the answers and excusacious made by my lord of Wynchester Chancellor of England, unto the causes and matters of heaviness, declared in articles against him, by my lord of Gloucester.  
FIRST, as of the refuse made unto my Lord of Gloucester, of opening the tour to him, of his lodging therein, by the commandment of my said lord of Wynchester, he answereth: that in the presence of my said lord of Gloucester, before his coming out of his country of Henawd, for causes such as were thought reasonable, it seemeth leeful that the tour should have been notably stuffed and kept with victual, howbeit, it was not forthwith executed, and that in likewise after, that my said lord of Gloucester was go into his said country of Henawd for seditious and odious bills & language, cast and used in the cite of London, souning of insurrection & rebellion against the kings peace, and destruction aswell of diverse estates of this land, as strangers being under the defence, in so much that in doubt thereof, strangers in great number fled the land: & for the more sure keeping of the said tour, Richard Wooduile squire, so trusted with the king our sovereign lord that dead is, (as well ye know) and also chamberlain & counsellor unto my lord of Bedford, with a certain number of defensible persons assigned unto him, was made deputy there, by th'assent of the kings counsel being that time at London, for to abide therein for safeguard thereof, and straightly charged by thesay counsel, that during that time of his said charge, he should not suffer any man to be in the tour stronger than himself, without especial charge or commandment of the king by th'advise of his counsel.  
ITEM that after, soon upon the coming of my said lord of Gloucester into this land from his country of Henawd, the said lords of the kings counsel were informed, that my said lord of Gloucester, grudged with the said manner of enforcing the tour, and let say to them of London, that he had well understand, that they had been heavily threatened for the time of his absence, and otherwise then they should have been if he had be in this land. Wherefore he was right evil contented, & especial of the said forcing of the tour, set upon them in manner of a chaste villain. Considering the good equity and truth that they had always kept unto the king, offering them thereupon remedy if they would.  
ITEM, that after this, Richard Scot lieutenant of the tour, by the commandment of my said lord of Gloucestre, brought unto him Friar Randolfe, the which had long before confessed treason, done by him against the kings person that dead is, for the which knowledge he was put to be kept in the said tour, and straightly commanded under great pain given unto the said Scotte, to keep him straightly and surely, and not to let him out of the said tour, without commandment of the king, by th'advise of his counsel. The which said Friar Randolf, my said of lord Gloucester kept then with himself (not witting the said Scot) as he declared unto my said lord of Winchester. soon after that he had brought the said Friar Randolf unto my lord of Gloucestre, saying unto my said lord of Winchester, that he was undone but he helped him, and expressed as for cause of the said withholding of Friar Randolf: And saying more over, that when he desired of my said lord of Gloucestre, the deliverance of the said Friar Randolfe, to lead him again unto the tour, or sufficient warrant for his discharge, my said Lord of Gloucestre answered him, that his commandment was sufficient warrant and discharge for him. In the which thing above said, it was thought to my Lord of Wynchester, that my said lord of Gloucester, took upon him further than his authority stretched unto, and caused him for to doubt & dread, lest that he would have proceeded further. And at such time as the said Woodevile came unto him to ask his advise and counsel, of lodging of my said lord of Gloucester into the tour: he advised and charged him, that before he suffered my said lord of Gloucester or any person lodge therein stronger than himself, he should purvey him a sufficient warrant thereof, of the king by th'advise of his counsel.  
ITEM as to the said article of the foresaid causes of heaviness, my said Lord the Chancellor answereth, that he never purposed to set hand on the kings person, nor to remove him, or that he should be removed, or put in any manner of governance, but by th'advise of the kings counsel. For he could not conceive any manner of goodness or of advantage that might have grown unto him thereof: But rather great peril and charge, and hereof my said Lord of Winchester is ready to make proof in time and place convenient.  
ITEM, as to the third article of the foresaid causes and heaviness, my said lord Chancellor answereth, that he was oft and diverse times warned by diverse credible persons, aswell at the time of the kings last Parliament, holden at Westminster, as before and scythe, that my said lord of Gloucester, purposed him bodily harm, and was warned thereof, and counseled by the said persons, and that diverse times to abstain him from coming to Westminster, as my said Lord of Winchester declared unto my said lord of Gloucester.  
ITEM, that in the time of thesay Parliament diverse persons of low estate, of the city of London in great number, assembled on a day upon the Wharf, at the Crane of the Uintry, wished and desired that they had there the person of my Lord of Winchester, saying: that they would have thrown him into the Thamise, to have taught him to swim with wings. For which bills and language of slander and threatenings, cast & spoken in the said cite, by my said lord the Chancellor, caused him to suppose, that they that so said and did, willed and desired his destruction, although they had no cause.  
ITEM, that after the coming to London of sir Ralph Botiller and master Lewes, sent fro my Lord of Bedford, to the rest of the lords of the counsel, they being informed that my said Lord of Gloucester, did bear displeasure to my said Lord of Winchester: They came to my said lord of Gloucester to his In, the second Sunday next before Alhallowen day, and there opened unto him, that they had knowledge and understanding of thesay displeasure, praying him to let them know if he bore such displeasure against my said Lord of Winchester, and also the causes thereof. At the which time (as my said lord of Winchester was afterward informed) that my said lord of Gloucestre, affirmed that he was heavy toward him, andnot withouten causes that peradventure he would put in writing.  
ITEM, that after the Monday next before Alhallowen day last passed in the night, the people of the said city of London, by the commandment of my said lord of Gloucester, as it was said: For what cause my lord the Chancellor witted not, assembled in the city, armed and arrayed and so continued all that night. Amongst diverse of the which, (the same night by what excitation, my said lord the Chancellor witted not) seditious and heavy language was used, and in especial against the person of my said lord the Chancellor. And so the same Monday at night, my said Lord of Gloucester, sent unto the inns of Court at London, charging them of the Court dwelling in the same, to be with him upon the morrow, at eight of the clock in their best array.  
ITEM that on the morrow, being Tewesday next following early, my said lord of Gloucester, sent unto the More and Aldermen of the said city of London, to ordain him unto the number of three hundred persons on horseback, to accompany him to such place as he disposed him to ride, which (as it was said) was unto the king, to th'intent to have his person, and to remove him from the place that he was in, without assent or advise of the kings counsel, the which thing was thought unto my said lord the Chancellor, that he aught in nowise to have done, nor had not been seen so before.  
ITEM that my said lord the chancellor, considering the things above said, and doubting therefore of perils that might have ensued thereof, intending to purvey there against, and namely for his own surety and defence, according to the law of nature, ordained to let that no force of people, should come on the bridge of London toward him, by the which he or his might have been endangered or noyed, not intending in any wise, bodily harm unto my said lord of Gloucester, nor to any other person, but only his own defence and eschewing the peril abovesaid.  
ITEM as toward the fourth and fifth of the said articles, my lord the Chancellor answereth, that he was ever true, to all those that were his sovereign Lords, and reigned upon him, and that he never purposed treason nor untruth against any of their persons, and in especial against the person of our said sovereign lord king Henry the fifth. The which considering the great wisdom, truth and manhood, that all men knew in him, ne would not for the time that he was king, have set on my said lord the Chancellor so great trust as he did, if he had found, or thought in him such untruth. The which thing my said Lord the Chancellor, offered to declare and show, as it belongeth to a man of his estate to do, requiring thereupon my lord of Bedford, and all the lords spiritual and temporal in this parliament, that it might be seen, that there were judges convenient in this case, that they would do him right, or else that he might have leave of the King by their advise, to go sue his right, before him that aught to be his judge.  
AND as toward the letter sent by my lord of Winchester, unto my lord of Bedford, of the which the tenor is before rehearsed, of the which my lord of Gloucestre complained him of the malicious and untrue purpose of my said lord of Winchester, as toward the assembling of the people and gathering of a field in the kings land, in troubling thereof, and against the kings peace: My said lord of Winchester answereth, that of his said letters duly understand, & in such wise as he understood and meant in the writing of them, it may not reasonably be gathered and taken, that my said lord of Winchester, intended to gather any field or assemble people, in troubling of the kings land, and against the kings peace, but rather he purposed to acquit him to the king in his truth, and to keep the rest and peace in the kings land, and to eschew rebellion, disobedience and all trouble. For by that that in the beginning of the said letter, he calleth my said lord of Bedford, his levest lord, after one, that is the king, whom he aught to except of duty of his truth, the which he hath ever kept and will keep.  
MOREOVER in the said letter, he desireth the coming home of my Lord of Bedforde, for the welfare of the King and of his realms of England and of France, the which stand principlly in his keeping of rest and peace, and prayeth my said lord of Bedford, to speed his coming into England, in eschewing of jeopardy of the land, and of a field the which he drade him, might have followed if he had long tarried: As toward those words, and ye tarry we shall pu● this land in adventure with a field, such a brother ye have here, etc. My said lord of Winchester saith, the sooth is: before or he wrote the said letter, by occasion of certain ordinances, made by the More and Aldermen of London, against the excessive taking of Masons, Carpentars', Tilers, Plasterers and other labourers, for their daily journeys and approved by the Kings advise and his counsel, there were cast many hevinesses and seditious bills, under the names of such labourers, threatening rising with many thousands, and menacing of estates of the land, and likewise seditious and evil language sown, and so continued and likely to have sued of purpose and intent of disobedience and rebellion. To redressing of the which, it seemed to my lord the Chancellor, that my said lord of Gloucester, did not his endeavour, nor diligence that he might have showed, for lack of which diligence, they that were disposed to do disobey sans, were encouraged and inboldened. So that it was like that they should have made a gathering, and that the king and his true subjects, should have been compelled to have made a field, to have withstand them, the which field making had been adventuring of this land. And in tokening that it was never my said lord chancellors intent to gather no field, but as troth most stirred him against such as riotously, would make such assemble against our sovereign Lord, and the weal of this land: He desired so hastily, the coming of my said Lord of Bedforde, the which he would in no wise have so greatly desired, if he would have purposed him unto any unlawful making of a field, for he witted well that my said lord of Bedford would most sharply have chastised and punished, all those that so would any riotous assemble make. When this answer was made, the duke caused this writing following, openly to be proclaimed.  
Beit known to all folks, that it is the intent of my lord of Bedford, and all the lords spiritual and temporal, assembled in this present parliament, to acquit him and them, and to proceed truly, justly and indifferently, without any partiality, in any manner of matters or qurelles, moved or to be moved, between my Lord of Gloucester, on that one party, and my lord of Winchester, Chancellor of England on that other party. And for sure keeping of the kings peace, it is accorded by my said lord of Bedford, and by my said lords spiritual and temporal, an oath to be made, in form that followeth, that is to say.   

¶ The Oath of the lords.  
THat my said lord of Bedford, and my said lords spiritual and temporal, and each of them, shall as farfurth as their connynges and discretions suffisen, truly, justly and indifferently, counsel and advise the king, and also proceed and acquit themself, in all the said matters and quarrels, without that they, or any of them, shall privily and apertly, make or show himself to be party or partial therein, not leaving or eschewing so to do, for affection, love, meed, doubt, or dread of any person or persons. And that they shall in all wise, keep secret all that shallbe commoned by way of counsel, in the matters and quarrels above said, in the said parliament, without that they or any of them shall, by word, writing of the king, or in any wise open, or discover it to any of the said parties, or to any other person that is not of the said counsel. But if he have a special commandment or leave thereto of the king, or of my said lord of Bedforde, and that each of them shall, with all his might and power, assist by way of counsel, and else show it unto the King, my lord of Bedforde, and to the rest of my said lords, to put the said parties to reason, and not suffer that any of the said parties, by them or by their assistentes, proceed or attempt by way of feit against the kings peace: nor help, assist, or comfort any of them thereto, but let them with all their might and power, and withstand them, and assist unto the king and my said Lord of Bedforde, in keeping of the kings peace, and redressing all such manner of proceeding by way of feit or force.  

❧ The Dukes.  
The Duke of Bedford.  
The Duke of Norfolk.  
The Duke of Excestre.   

❧ bishops.  
The archbishop of Cantorbury.  
The Bishop of Carlisle.  
The Bishop of Bath.  
The Bishop of Landaffe.  
The Bishop of Rochestre.  
The Bishop of Chichester.  
The Bishop of Worcester.  
The Bishop of Saint Davies.  
The Bishop of London  
The Bishop of Duresine.   

❧ Earls.  
The Earl of Northumberlande.  
The Earl of Stafforde.  
The Earl of Oxford.   

❧ lords.  
The Lord Hungerforde.  
The Lord Tiptoft.  
The Lord Ponynges.  
The Lord Cromewell.  
The Lord Boroughth.  
The Lord Lovel.  
The Lord Botreux.  
The Lord Clinton.  
The Lord Zouche.  
The Lord Audeley.  
The Lord Ferreis of Groby.  
The Lord Talbot.  
The Lord Roos.  
The Lord Grey.  
The lord Grey of Ruff.  
The Lord Fitzwalter.  
The Lord Berkeley.   

❧ abbots.  
The Abbot of Waltham.  
The Abbot of Glaustinbury.  
The Abbot of saint Augustine's in Cantorbury.  
The Abbot of Westminster.  
The Abbot of Saint Maries in York.  
The Abbot of saint Albon, not sworn, because he was not present.   
WHICH oath in manner and form above rehearsed, all the lords aswell spiritual as temporal, being in this parliament at Leicester assembled the fourth day of March, promised upon their faith, duty and allegiance, which they own to the king their sovereign Lord, truly to observe and keep, according to the true meaning and purport of the same.   

¶ The Arbitrement.  
IN the name of God, we Henry archbishop of Cantorbury, Thomas Duke of Excester, John Duke of Norfolk, Thomas bishop of Duresme, Philip bishop of Worcester, John bishop of Bath, Humphrey earl of Stafford, William Alnewike keeper of the kings privy Seal, Rauffe lord of Cromwell, arbitratoures in all manner of causes, matters and quarrels of hevinesses and grievances, with all incidentzes, circumstances, dependentes, or connexes, being and hanging between the high and worthy prince Humfrey Duke of Gloucester, on the one party, and the worshipful father in God, Henry bishop of Winchester and Chancellor of England, on the other party, by either of them for the peacing of the said quarrels and debates, taken and chosen in manner and form, as it is contained more plainly in a comprimesse made thereupon, of the which the tenor showeth in this form.  
NEMORADUM the vii day of March, in the four year of our sovereign Lord the king, Henry the sixth. The high and mighty prince Humphrey duke of Gloucestre, at the reverence of God, and for the good of the king our sovereign Lord in this land, and namely at the reverence, and specially at the request and prayer of the mighty and high prince, my lord of Bedford his brother, agreed him to put and putteth all manner matters and queralles in deed, with all their incidentez, circumstances, dependentzes and connexes, that touchen him and his person, that he hath in anywise, do, or feeleth him grieved, or heavy against my lord his uncle, my Lord of Winchester. Or else that my Lord of Winchester findeth him grieved against him, in asmuch as they touch him or his person, fro the beginning of the world unto this day. In the advise, ordinance and arbitrement of the worthy father in GOD Henry Archbishop of Cantorbury, the high and noble prince Thomas duke of Excester, and John duke of Norfolk, the worshipful father in god Thomas bishop of Duresme, Philip bishop of Worcester, John bishop of Bath. The noble lord Humphrey earl of Stafford, the worshipful persons, Master William Alnewike keeper of the kings privy seal, and Ralph lord Crumwel, promising and behighting, by the faith of his body, and word of his princehode and kings son, to do keep, observe and fulfil, for him and in his behalf, all that shallbe declared, ordained and arbitred, by the foresaid archbishop, Dukes, bishops, earl, Keeper of the privy seal, and Lord Crunwell, in all matters and querelles above said: Granting also and promising over that, to be comprehended in the foresaid arbitrement, as toward putting away all heaviness or displeasures in any wise, contained by my lord of Gloucester, against all those that have in any wise assisted, counseled, or favoured unto his said uncle of Winchester, and as toward any matters, that be touching my Lord of Gloucester, remitteth it and the governance thereof unto the king and his counsel, they to dame it by the advise of his counsel, as him thinketh it to be doen. In witness of the which thing, to this present compromise, my said lord of Gloucester, hath subscribed his name with his own hand, Humphrey Gloucester. And in like form, my Lord of Winchester in another compromise, hath subscribed with his own hand, under the word of priesthood, to stand at the advise, ordinance and arbitrement of the persons abovesaid, Mutatis Mutandis.  
THE causes beforsaied and querelles by us seen, heard, and diligently examined and decreed, by the assent of the said parties, ordain and award, that my lords of Gloucester and of Winchester, for any thing done or spoken, by that one party against that other, or by any of theirs or any other person or persons, afore the seven. day of this present month of March, never here after take causes, querelles, displeasures or hevinesses, that one against the other, ne neither against the counsellors, adherents or favourers of that other, for any thing or things that are past. And that my said lord of Gloucester, be good Lord to my said Lord of Winchester, and have him in love and affection as his kinsman and Uncle. And that my said Lord of Winchester, have to my said Lord of Gloucester, true and sad love and affection do and be ready to do to him such service, as appertaineth of honesty to my said Lord of Winchester and his estate to do. And that each of them be good Lord unto all those adherentes, counsellors and favourers of that other, and show them at all times favourable love and affection, as for any thing done by them, or said afore the seventh day of March.  
AND we decree, ordain and award, that my said Lord of Wynchester, in the presence of the King our sovereign Lord, my Lord of Bedforde, and my Lord of Gloucester, and the residue of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons being in this present parliament, say and declare in manner and form that followeth.  
MY sovereign Lord I have well understand, that I am noised among the states of your land, how that the king our sovereign lord that was that time, being prince and lodged in the great chamber at Westminster, by the baiing of a spaniel, there was on a night taken, behind a tapet in the same chamber, a man, that should have confessed, that he was there by mine excitation and procuring to have slain the foresaid Prince there in his bed, whereupon thesay earl, let sack him forthwith, and drowned him in the Thamise. And furthermore I am accused, how that I should have stirred the king that last died, the time also that he was Prince, to have taken the governance of this realm, and the crown upon him, living his father the same time being king: Through which language and noising, I feel my name and fame greatly enblemisshed, in diverse men's opinions. Where upon I take first God to my witness, and afterward all the world, that I have been at all times, & am true lover and true man, to you my sovereign Lord, and shallbe all my life. And also I have been to my sovereign lord, that was your father, all time of his reign, true man: and for such, he took trust and cherished me to his lives end, and as I trust no man will affirm the contrary, nor never in my life procuring, nor imagening death nor destruction of his person, ne assenting to any such thing, or like thereto, the time that he was King or Prince, or else in other estate. And in like wise, I was true man to King Henry the four all the time that he was my sovereign lord, and reigned upon me: In which matters, in all manner of wise, that it liketh to you my sovereign lord for to command me, I am ready for to declare me: And further more, where, how and when, it shall like you by th'advise of your counsel to assign me. Wherefore, I beseech you my sovereign Lord, as humbly as I can, considering that there is no grounded process, by the which I might lawfully, in these matters above said be convict, blessed be God, to hold me and declare me, by th'advise of all the lords spiritual and temporal, being in this present Parliament, true man to you my sovereign lord, & so to have been unto my sovereign lords that were your father and grandfather, and true man also, to have been at all times unto his said father, whilst he was Prince, or else in any other estate, the said slander and nosing notwithstanding. And this same declaration to be enacted, in this your said present parliament.  
THE which words declared in manner as it is above said by my said lord of Winchester, it seemeth to my said lords the arbitrators, that it is fitting that my said lord of Winchester draw him a part, and in the mean time, the Lords being present, be singularly examined thereupon and say their advise: And if it be assented by them, in manner as my said lord of Winchester desireth, let him be called again, and that than my lord of Bedford, then have these words in effect that followen  
FAIR uncle, my Lord, by the advise of his counsel, hath commanded me to say to you, that he hath well understand and considered all the matters which ye have here openly declared in his presence, and thereupon ye desire a petition that he will declare you, and by the advise and assent of the lords spiritual and temporal, being in this present Parliament, he declareth you a true man to him, and that ye have so be to my lord his father and his grandfather, and also true man to my Lord his father whiles he was Prince or else in any other estate, thesay dis●aunder and noising notwithstanding: And will that thesay declaration be so enacted in this present Parliament. After the which words thus said, as before is declared, by thesay lords arbitrators, that my said lord of Winchester, should have these words that followeth, to my said lord of Gloucester.  
MY Lord of Gloucester, I have conceived to my great heaviness that ye should have received by diverse reports, that I should have purposed and imagined against your person, honour and estate, in dyuer●e manners, for the which ye have taken against me great displeasure Sir I take God to my witness, that what reports so ever have been to you of me, peradventure of such as have had no great affection to me, GOD forgive it them, I never imagined, ne purposed any thing that might be hindering or prejudice to your person, honour, or estate. And therefore, I pray you that ye be unto me good lord from this time forth, for by my will I gave never other occasion, nor purpose not to do hereafter through God's grace.  
The which words so by him said, it was decreed by the said arbitrators, that my lord of Gloucester should answer and say.  
Fair Uncle, sith ye declare you such a man as ye say, I am right glad that it is so and for such a man I take you.  
And when this was done, it was decreed by the said arbitrators that every each of my lords of Gloucester and Winchester should take either other by the hand, in the presence of the king and all the parliament, in sign and token of good love and accord, the which was done and the Parliament was adjourned till after Easter.  
When the great fire of this dissension, between these two noble personages, was thus by the arbitrators to their knowledge and judgement, utterly quenched out, and laid under board all other controversies between other Lords, taking part with the one party or the other, were soon appeased and brought to concord. For joy whereof, the king caused a solemn feast, to be kept on Whitsun sunday, on the which day, he created Richard Plantagenet, son and heir to the earl of Cambridge (whom his father at Hampton, had put to execution, as you before have heard) Duke of York, not foreseeing before, that this preferment should be his destruction, nor that his seed should, of his generation, be the extreme end and final confusion. He the same day also promoted John Lord Mowbrey and earl Martial, son and heir to Thomas duke of Norfolk, by king Richard the second exiled this realm and dominion, to the title, name, and style of the Duke of Norfolk, during which feast, the Duke of Bedforde adorned the king with the high order of knighthood, which on the same day dubbed with the sword these knights whose names ensue.  

Richard Duke of York.  
John Duke of Norfolk.  
The earl of Westmerlande.  
Henry lord Percy.  
John lord Butler, son to th'earl of Ormond.  
The lord Rosse.  
The lord Matravers.  
The lord Welles.  
The lord Barkeley.  
Sir james Butler.  
Sir Henry Graye of Tankaruile  
Sir John Talbot.  
Sir Ralph Graye of Werke.  
Sir Robert Ueer.  
Sir Richard Grey.  
Sir Edmond Hungerford.  
Sir Water Wyngfeld.  
Sir John Butteler.  
Sir Reignold Cobham.  
Sir John Passheleve.  
Sir Thomas Tunstall.  
Sir John Chedeocke.  
Sir Ralph Langstre.  
Sir William Drurye.  
Sir William Ap Thomas.  
Sir Richard Caruonell.  
Sir Richard Wooduile.  
Sir John Shirdelow.  
Sir Nicholas, Blunket.  
Sir William Cheyney.  
Sir William Babyngton justice.  
Sir Ralph Butler.  
Sir Robert Beauchapme.  
Sir Edmond Trafford.  
Sir John june chief Baron, and diverse other.   
AFTER this solemn feast ended, a great aid and subsidy was granted, for the continuance of the conquest in France, and so money was gathered, and men were prepared in every city, town and country: during which business, Thomas duke of Excester, the sad, wise and well learned counsellor, great uncle to the king, departed out of this mortal life, at his manner of Grnewiche, & was with all funeral pomp, conveyed through London to Berry, and there buried. In which year also died the Lady Elizabeth his half sister, & of the whole blood with king Henry the four married to lord John Holland duke of Excester, and after to the lord Fanhope, buried at the Black Friars of London.  
WHILE these things were thus appointing and concluding in England: The earl of Warwick lieutenant for the regent in the realm of France, entered into the country of Main, and besieged the town of Chasteau de Loire, the which shortly to him was rendered whereof he made captain Matthew Gough esquire. After that, he took by assault the castle of Mayet, and gave it for his valeauntnes to John Winter esquire, & after that he conquered the castle of Lund, and made there governor, William Gladdisdale gentleman. At which place he was informed, that the frenchmen were assembled together, in the country of Beausse, wherefore like a valiant captain, he with all his power marched thitherward, to encounter with his enemies, and to fight with his adversaries, which having knowledge of his approaching, fled, and durst not abide the trial, nor jeopardy the adventure, and in his returning, he besieged the Castle of Montdublean, whereof was captain sir Roberton des Croix, which siege continued three weeks, but in conclusion the Englishmen, so sore charged them with in, that the captain with his whole company, were content to yield the castle, their lives, horse and harness, only reserved: Which to them was after long consultation had, and many agreements made, frankly granted. And the said earl of Warwick, leaving there the valiant lord Willoughby, returned again to Paris. During which season, he was ordained by the assent of the three estates of the realm of England to be governor of the young king, in like manner as the noble Duke of Excester before his death was appointed and assigned, but yet he tarried still in France, and did there no small service as you shall here after perceive.    

¶ The fifth year. 
The .v. year.   
THE Regent of France thus being in England, means was made by the Duke of Burgoyne, for the delivery of the Duke of Alencon, which was taken prisoner at the battle of Uernoyle the last year. So he for the some of two hundred thousand crowns, was delivered and set at large: but neither for release of all or abatement of part of his ransom, he would in no wise acknowledge the king of England, to be his liege and sovereign Lord: Such affection bore he to the dolphin, and such troth showed he to his natural country. When all things were concluded, ordered and established, both for the conservation of peace and tranquillity within the realm of England, and also for the maintenance of war, for the final gaining of the region of France: The Duke of Bedforde and his wife, took their leave of the King, at Westminster and landed at Calais, with whom also passed the seas, Henry bishop of Winchester, which in thesay town was invested with the Habit, Hat and dignity of a Cardinal, with all Ceremonies to it appertaining. Which degree, king Henry the fifth knowing the haute courage, and the ambitious mind of the man, prohibited him on his allegiance once, either to sue for or to take, meaning that cardinals Hats should not presume to be equal with Princes. But now the king being young and the Regent his friend, he obtained that dignity, to his great profit, and to the empoverishing of the spirituality. For by a Bull legatyve, which he purchased at Rome, he gathered so much treasure, that no man in manner had money but he, and so was he surnamed the rich Cardinal of Winchester, and neither called learned bishop, nor virtuous priest.  
AFTER that, the duke of Bedford was returned into France, the lord of Rustinan Martial of britain, assembled a great company of the british nation, which fortified & repaired the town of Pountorson, and after thesay Martial, with a thousand men entered into the country of Constantyne in Normandy, and came before the town of Auranches. Thenglishmen within the garrison, issued out & boldly fought with their enemies: but after long conflict and many strokes given, the Britons were over come, and the lord Rustynan taken, and the most part of his people slain. The Duke of Bedforde hearing that the town of Pountorson was newly fortified and strongly defended, sent thither the earl of Warwick, accompanied with the lord Scales, and diverse other valiant captains and soldiers, to the number of vij thousand men to besiege the town, which so environed it on every part, that neither man could steal out, nor beast could pass in. The siege long continuing, victual began to wax scant in the English army, wherefore the Lord Scales having in his company, sir John Harpeley Bayly of Constantine, sir William Brearton Bayly of Caen, sir Ralph Tesson, sir John Carbonell and iii thousand good men of war, departed from the siege to get victual, powder and other things necessary for their purpose and enterprise. And as they were returning with their carriage on the sea cost, near to. S. Michael's Mount, they suddenly were encountered with their enemies, whereof the chief were, the Baron of Coloses, the lord Dausebost captain of the said Mount the lord Mountabon, the lord Mountburchier, the lord of Chasteau Giron, the lord of Tyntygnat, the lord of Chasteau Brian with vi M men of war. The lord Scales and his company (seeing that they were compassed on every side with deadly dangers, for the sea was on the one side, and their enemies on the other, and no mean way to escape of fly, descended from their horses and like greedy Lions, together in an unpeaceable fury, set on their enemies. The skirmish was strong & the fight was fierce, the Englishmen kept themselves so close, that their enemies could have no advantage of them. At the last the lord Scales cried S. George, they fly, with that thenglishmen took such a courage, & the Frenchmen that fought before, were so dismayed that they began to fly. The Englishmen leaped again on horseback, and followed them, and slew and took above xi C. persons, amongst whom were taken, the Baron of Colsoes, and the lord of Chasteau Brian and thirty. knights.  
AFTER this victory, the Lord Scales with his victuals, provision and prisoners, returned to the siege, where he was of the Earl and other noble men, joyously received and for this notable fact, highly magnified and praised. While the siege thus continued before Pountorson, Christopher Hanson and other soldiers of the garrison of. S. Susan, made a road into the country of Anjoy, & came to a Castle called Ramffort, which castle was so privily scaled, that the captain with in & his company, were taken or slain before they knew of their enemies approaching. When knowledge of this feat was made open to the frenchmen, which were assembled to the number of twenty M. to raise the siege, and break up the camp, lying before the town of Pountorson, they left that journey for a time, and returned to the Castle of Ramffort, and besieged the same by the space of ten days.  
THE Englishmen considering the multitude of the enemies, and the far absence of their friends, began to treat with the Frenchmen and so upon condition to depart with bag and baggage, horse and harness, they rendered up the castle, and departed with more riches than they brought, which castle thus possessed by the frenchmen, they forgot the rescue of Pountorson, and broke up their army. But soon after, the lord of Raix, calling himself lieutenant general for the dolphin, accompanied with the lord Mount jehan, the Lord Beaumanoire, and the lord Tussye, and other to the number of three thousand persons, entered into the country of Main, & laid siege to the castle of Malycorne, whereof was captain an Englishman, called Oliver Osbaters●y, which castle with the captain, was by force taken and obtained: in like manner they took the little castle of Lude, and there in William Blackeborne lieutenant for William Glasdale esquire, & put him to ransom, and slew all his soldiers. After this victory, in the which they much gloried; the Frenchmen perceiving that th'earl of Warwick continued still his siege before the town of Pountorson, & knowing by their espials, that the Englishmen were determined to give them battle, if they once attempted to raise the siege, and therefore fearing to fight in an open battle, recoiled back again to the dolphin with little gain and small honour. The Frenchmen and Britons being straightly besieged within the town of Pountorson, perceiving no likelihood of succours to come, and seeing the English army daily did increase, fearing the sequel thereof, if they by violence should be taken and vanquished, they offered the town, so that they might depart with horse and harness only: which request (after long suit and petition) to them was hardly granted. The Earl like a valiant captain, entered into the town and there appointed for governors, the lord Roos, and the lord Talbot, and leaving there a convenient garrison, returned to the lord Regent.  
AFTER the taking of this town, there was a league, and a treaty concluded between the Regent and the duke of britain, by the which agreement both the towns of Pountorson and S. james de Beuron were beaten down to the ground & clery defaced. After the lord of Rais was departed out of the territory of Main as you have heard, Christopher Hanson, Philip Gough, Martin Godffrey called the scaler, and diverse other of the garrison of. S. Susan, to the number of xxx archars, went out in a morning to seek their adventures, and came near to the Castle of saint Laurence de Mortiers (at the same very season) when sir james de Sepeaulx captain of the same, was go out of his Castle with the greatest number of his retinue, to a Church directly against the castle. In the mass time, thenglishmen entered by subtlety into the gate & so got the dungeon. And when sir james returned from Mass, as he entered into the gate he was taken, and his men fled, and so was the castle furnished with Englishmen, and captain thereof was appointed, sir William Oldhaule.  
THE same season, sir John Fastolfe, governor of the countries of Anjou and Maine, assembled a great puissance of men of war, and laid a siege before the castle of saint Owen Destays, beside the town of Lavall, whereof was captain sir Guillam Orange, which, after ten days besieging, rendered the castle, their lives and armure only except: howbeit one railing and slanderous person was put to terrible execution. And from thence, the said sir John removed to the strong castle of Gravile, & after xii days, they within offered to yield the castle by a day if they were not succoured by that dolphin or his power. The offer was taken & pledges delivered, which were Guillan Cordoven, & John de Maisierie esquires. After these pledges delivered, sir John Fastolffe returned in post to the regent, advertising him of this composition and agreement: wherefore the said lord, raised a great power, to fight with the French men at the day appointed, and in his company, were the earls of Mor●aigne and Warwick, and the lords Roos, and Talbot, sir John Fastolffe, sir John Aubemond, sir John Ratelife, and diverse other, to the number of twenty thousand men, and so marched forward in hope to meet and join battle with their enemies. But their adversaries, which were not far of, durst not approach, wherefore the Regent sent sir John Falstolffe incontinent to receive the castle: but they within (contrary to their promise and appointment) had newly vitailed and manned the place, and so forsaking their pledges and fellows in arms, refused to tender the fortress according to the appointment: wherefore the pledges were brought before the sight of them within the castle, and there openly put to death. After this, the lord Talbot, was made governor, of Anjou and Maine, and sir John Fastolffe was assigned to another place: which lord Talbot, being both of noble birth, and haute courage, after his coming into France, obtained so many glorious victories of his enemies, that his only name was, and yet is dreadful to the French nation, and much renowned amongst all other people. This jolly captain, and son of the valiant Mars, entered into Main and slew men, destroyed castles, and brent towns, and in conclusion, suddenly took the town of Lavall: but the lord Loghac, and diverse other, retrayted theim selfes into the Castle, and there remained eight days. During which time, it was agreed, that all captains, Burgesses, and men of war, which were within the Castle, should departed with bag and baggages, paying to the lord Talbot for all things, one hundred thousand Crowns. And the Castle so being delivered, was committed to the keeping of Gilbert Halsall, which after, was slain at the siege of Orleans, for whom was made captain Matthew Gough, which being at the journey before Senlies', by treason of a miller that kept a mill adjoining to the wall, the frenchmen entered into the town, and brought it into their subjection and obeisance.  
THE duke of Bedford, was advertised by his espials, that the town of Montarges, which was in the territory of Orleans, was but slenderly kept and smally furnished, and that it might be taken with little pain and no loss. The Regent glad of these news, sent th'earl of Suffolk, sir John Pole his brother, & sir Henry Bisset, with six. M. men to assault the town, but when they came thither and found the town better manned and more strongly defenced, than their expectation imagined, they gave no assault but laid siege about the town, and th'earl of Warwick was appointed to lie with a great number of men of war, at saint Mathelines de Archamp, to encounter the Frenchmen if they would attempt to aid or vitaill those that were enclosed within the town. This fortress stood in such a place, that what with waters and what with marshes, the army must sever in three parts, so that the one could not easily help the other, but either by boats or bridges, so the town was besieged by the space of two months and more. In the mean season, Arthur of Britain, Constable for the dolphin, sent thither in all haste, the lord Boisac Martial of France, Stephin le Hire, Ponton de Sentrayles, the lord Gravile, and diverse other valiant horsemen, to the number of three thousand and above, which privily in the night, came on that side where sir John de la Pole and sir Henry Bisset lay, whom they found out of all order and without any watch. So the frenchmen entered into their lodges and slew many in their beds, they spared no man, for the resistance was small. Sir John Delapole with his horse saved himself, and fled over the water to his brother, & sir Henry Bisset escaped by a boat and eight with him. The residue which would have passed the bridge and joined with the earl of Suffolk, fled in such plumps over the bridge, that the timber broke and a great number was drowned so, the there were slain & drowned xu C men. The earl of Warwick hearing of this chance, departed from saint Mathelyn with all diligent speed, and came before Montarges offering battle to the French captains, which answered that they had manned and vitailed the town, and intended to do no more at that time. Thenglishmen seeing that their travail should be in vain, came back softly again with all their ordinance to the duke of Bedforde.  
IT should seem that fortune at this time would not, that the French men should have one joyful day, but the same also should be mingled with dolour or displeasure. For at this very time, sir Nicholas Burdett appointed by the duke of Somerset, to vex and trouble his enemies in the costs of Britain, sent light horsemen into every part, vexing the people and wasting the country. All towns that he passed by were brent, all and buildings spoiled & rob, prisoners and preys were abundantly taken, small villages were destroyed and, great towns were ransomed, & so without hurt or damage, the said sir Nicholas returned into Normandy. This mischance being declared to the Constable of France and the other captains, cut their combs and plucked down their hearts, which were set on so merry a pin, for the victory of Montarges, that they were in manner, like desperate persons, loath to attempt any farther enterprise against the English nation, saying: that God was turned English, and the devil would not help France.  
THE duke of Alaunson, which as you have hard, was late delivered out of England, revived again the dull spirits of the dolphin, and the faint hearts of his captains, promising to them great victory with little travail, and much gain with small labour, wherefore in hope of good luck, he determined to do some notable feat against th'English men. Then happened a chance unlooked for, or unthought of, even as they would have whisshed or desired, for not only the Magistrates, but chief the spiritual persons of the city of Mauns, knowing that the duke of Britain and his brother, were reverted and turned to the French party, began sore to mourn and lament that they were subjects and vassals to the yoke and power of the Englishmen. Wherefore they determined and fully concluded, to advertise of their minds and determinations, the captains of Charles the dolphin, (of them called the French king) and so by certain false Friars, thereof wrote humble and loving letters. These news pleased much the French captains, but no less you may be sure the dolphin himself, as a thing descended from heaven, of them unsought, unimagined and not devised. Wherefore to take opportunity when time served, and not to lose so great a benefit so honestly offered, the lords Delabreth and Fayet, Marshals of France, accompanied with the lords of Monte Ihan, of Bu●l Doruall, Torsye and Beaumamoyre the Heir, and Gullyam his brother, and five hundred other hardy captains and valiant soldiers, took upon them this enterprise, sending great thanks and laudes to the Clergy and citizens, for their assured ridelitie to their sovereign lord, promising them to be there at the day appointed, not doubting to found them ready according to their promise, gladly to receive them.  
WHEN the day assigned and the night appointed was come, the French captains privily approached the town, making a little fire on an hill in the sight of the town, to signify their coming and approaching. The citizens, which by the great church were looking for their approach, showed a burning Cresset out of the steeple, which suddenly was put out & quenched. What should I say, the captains in horseback came to the gate, and the traitors within slew the porters and watch men, and let in their friends, the footmen entered first, and the men of arms waited at the barriers, to the intent that if much need required or necessity compelled, their might fight in the open field. And in the mean season many Englishmen were slain, and a great claymor and a huge noise was hard through the town, as is wont and accustomed to be in a town, by treason suddenly surprised & taken: but what was the cause of the cry, or beginning of the noise, few except the confederates, either knew or perceived. For the remnant of the citizens being no partakers in this faction, imagined that the Englshmen had made havoc in the town and put all to the sword. The Englishmen on the otherside, judged that the citizens had begun some new rebellion against them, or else had striven amongst theimselfes. The earl of Suffolk, which was governor of the town, hearing the clamour and noise of the people, having perfect knowledge of such as escaped from the walls, in what case the city stood in, without any tarrying or prolonging of time, entered into the Castle which standeth at the gate of Saint Uincent, whereof was Constable Thomas G●wer esquire: whether also fled so many Englishmen, that the place was pestured, and there if they were not rescued, likely to be famished: but surely they were sore assaulted and marvelously hurt, with the shot of the alablasters & cross bows, but they defended theimselfes so manfully, that their enemies got small advantage at their hands. But all their hardiness had not served, nor all their policy had not defended them, if they had not privily sent a messenger to the lord Talbot, which then lay at Alencon, certifying him in what case they stood, for victual had they none, munitions failed, and the Castle was almost undermined, so that yielding must follow, and resistance could not prevail. The lord Talbot hearing these news, neither stepped nor banqueted, but with all hast assembled together his valiant captains, whose names you have before often times heard rehearsed, to the number of seven. hundred men of war, and in the evening departed from Alencon, and in the morning came to a castle called Guyerche two miles from Mauns, and from thence sent as an espial Matthew Gough, to espy the governance of the enemies, and if he might to show to his countrymen that he was at hand to be their aid & rescowes. Matthew Gough so well sped, that privily in the night he came into the castle, where he knew how that the French men being lords of the city, and now casting no perils nor fearing any creature, began to wax wanton and fell to riot, as though their enemies could do to them no damage: thinking that the Englishmen which were shut up in the Castle, studied nothing but how to escape and be delivered. When Matthew Gough had known all the certainty and had eaten a little bread and drunk a cup of wine to comfort his stomach, he privily returned again, and within a mile of the city met with the lord Talbot and the Lord Scales, and made open to them all thing according to his credence, which to speed the matter, because the day approached, with all hast possible came to the postern gate, and alighted from their horses, and about six of the clock in the morning they issued out of the castle crying saint George, Talbot. The French men which were scace up, and thought of nothing less than of this sudden approachment, some rose out of their beds in their shirts, and leapt over the walls, other ran naked out of the gates for saving of their lives, leaving behind them all their apparel, horses, armure and riches, none was hurt but such, which either resisted or would not yield, whereof some were slain and cast in prison. There were slain and taken four hundred gentlemen and the villains frankly let go. After this, inquisition was made of the authors of this ungracious conjuration, and there were accused thirty citizens, twenty priests and fifteen Friars, which according to their deserts were put in execution.   

¶ The sixth year. 
The vi year.   
THE city of Mauns thus being reduced into the English men's hands, the Lord Talbot departed to the town of Alencon. After which martial feat manly achieved, the earl of Warwick departed into Enlande, to be governor of the young king, in stead of Thomas duke of Excester, late departed to God. In whose stead was sent into France, the lord Thomas Montacute earl of Salisbury with five thousand men, which landed at Calais and so came to the Duke of Bedford in Paris. Where he consulting with the duke of Bedforde, concerning the affairs of the realm of France: seeing all things prosperously succeed on the English part, began marvelously to phantelic the city and country of Orliance, standing on the river of Loire. But because the cite was well fortified both by the nature of the situation of the place, and by the policy of man, he imagined it not the work of one day, nor the study of one hour. Wherefore he remitted it to a farther deliberation, yet he was the man at that time, by whose wit, strength and policy, the English name was much fearful and terrible to the French nation, which of himself might both appoint, command and do all things, in manner at his pleasure, in whose power, (as it appeared after his death) a great part of the conquest consisted and was esteemed, because he was a man both painful and diligent, ready to withstand things perilous and imminent, and prompt in counsel, and with no labour be wearied, nor yet his courage at any time abated or appalled, so that all men put no more trust in any one man, nor no singular person got more the hearts of all men. After this great enterprise, had long been debated and argued, in the privy counsel, the earl of Salisburies' devise, (although it seemed hard and strange to all other, and to him as it were a thing predestinate very easy) was granted and allowed, which enterprise was the final conclusion of his natural destiny; as you shall shortly perceive. Thus he replenished with good hope of victory, & furnished with artillery, and munitions appertaining to so great a siege, accompanied with the earl of Suffolk and the lord Talbot, and with a valiant company, to the number of ten thousand men, departed from Paris and passed through the country of Because. He took by assault the town of Yainuile, but the Frenchmen fled into the Castle, and there continued five days, at the end whereof they rendered themselves simply: of the said number, some were put to death for certain causes, & some were taken to mercy. He took also the town of Bawgency, suffering every man, which would become vassal and subject to the King of England, to inherit their lands and enjoy their goods. The towns of Meun upon Loire & jargenan, hearing of these treatise, presented to him the keys of the town, upon like agreement & equal conditions.  
AFTER this in the month of Septembre, he laid his siege on the one side of the water of Loire, before whose coming, the Bastard of orleans, and the bishop of the city and a great number of Scots, hearing of th'earls intent, made diverse fortifications about the town and destroyed the suburbs, in the which were twelve parish churches and four ordres of Friars. They cut also down all the vines, trees and bushes within five leagues of the town, so that the Englishmen should have neither comfort, refuge nor succour.  
HERE must I a little digress, and declare to you, what was this bastard of Orleans, which was not only now captain of the city, but also after, by Charles the sixth made earl of Dunoys, and in great authority in France, and extreme enemy to the English nation, as by this story you shall apparently perceive, of whose line and esteem dyscend the Dukes of Longuile and the Marquis of Rutylon. Lewes' Duke of Orleans murdered in Paris, by John duke of Burgoyne, as you before have hard, was owner of the Castle of Concy, on the Frontiers of France toward Arthoys, whereof he made Constable the lord of Cauny, a man not so wise as his wife was fair, and yet she was not so fair, but she was as well beloved of the duke of Orleans, as of her husband. Between the duke and her husband (I cannot tell who was father) she conceived a child, and brought forth a pretty boy called John, which child being of the age of one year, the duke diseased and not long after the mother, and the Lord of Cawny ended their lives. The next of kin to the lord Cawny challenged the inheritance, which was worth four thousand crowns a year, alleging that the boy was a bastard: and the kindred of the mother's side, for to save her honesty, it plainly denied. In conclusion, this matter was in contention before the Presidents of the parliament of Paris, and there hung in controversy till the child came to the age of eight years old. At which time it was demanded of him openly whose son he was: his friends of his mother's side advertised him to require a day, to be advised of so great an answer, which he asked, & to him it was granted. In the mean ●eason his said friends persuaded him to claim his inheritance, as son to the Lord of Cawny, which was an honourable living, and an ancient patrimony, affirming that if he said contrary, he not only slandered his mother, shamed himself, & stained his blood, but also should have no living nor any thing to take to. The schoolmaster thinking that his disciple had well learned his lesson, and would rehearse it according to his instruction, brought him before the judges at the day assigned, and when the question was repeated to him again, he boldly answered, my heart giveth me, & my noble courage telleth me, that I am the son of the noble Duke of orleans, more glad to be his Bastrde, with a mean living, than the lawful son of that coward cuckold Cauny, with his four thousand crowns. The justices much marveled at his bold answer, and his mother's cousins detested him for shaming of his mother, and his father's supposed kin rejoiced in gaining the patrimony and possessions. Charles duke of Orleans hearing of this judgement, took him into his family & gave him great offices & fees, which he well deserved, for (during his captivity) he defended his lands, expulsed thenglishmen, & in conclusion procured his deliverance.  
THIS courageous Bastard, after the siege had continued three weeks full, issued out of the gate of the bridge, and fought with the Englishmen, but they received him with so ●ierce and terrible strokes, that he was with all his company compelled to retire and fly back into the city: but the Englishmen followed them so fast, in killing and taking of their enemies, that they entered with them the Bulwark of the bridge, which with a great tour, standing at th'end of the same, was taken incontinent by thenglishmen. In which conflict many French men were taken, but more were slain, and the keeping of the tour and bulwark was committed to William Glasdale esquire. When he had gotten this Bulwark, he was sure that, by that way neither man nor victual could pass or come. After that, he made certain Bulwarks round about the city, casting trenches between the one and the other, laying ordinance in every part, where he saw that any battery might be devised. When they within perceived that they were environed with fortresses and ordinance, they laid gone against gone, and fortified towers against bulwarks, and within made new rampires, and builded new mudwalles to avoid cracks and breeches, which might by violent shot suddenly ensue. They appointed the Bastard of Orleans, and Stephin Ueignold called the Heir, to see the walls and watches kept, & the bishop saw that thinhabitantes within the cite: were put in good order, and that victual were not wanton consumed, nor vainly spent.  
IN the tour that was taken at the bridge end, as you before have heard, there was a high chamber having a grate full of bars of iron by the which a man might look all the length of the bridge into the cite at which, grate many of the chief captains stood diverse times, vieving the cite & devising in what place it was best assautable. They with in the city perceived well this toting hole, and laid a piece of ordinance directly against the window. It so chanced that the lix day after the siege laid before the city, th'earl of Salisbury, sir Thomas Gargrave and William Glasdale and diverse other, went into the said tour and so into the high chamber, and looked out at the grate, and with in a short space, the son of the Master gonner, perceived men looking out at the window, took his match, as his father had taught him, which was go down to dinner, and fired the gone, which broke & shivered the iron bars of the grate, whereof, one struck th'earl so strongly on the head, that it struck away one of his eyes and the side of his cheek. Sir Thomas Gargrave was likewise stricken, so that he died within two days. th'earl was conveyed to Meum upon Loire, where he lay being wounded eight days, during which time, he received devoutly the holy Sacraments, and so commended his soul to almighty God, whose body was conveyed into England, with all funeral and pomp, and buried at Bissam by his progenitors, leaving behind him, an only daughter named Alice, married to Richard Nevell, son to Ralph earl of Westmoreland, of whom hereafter shallbe made mention. What detriment, what damage, what loss succeeded to the English public wealth, by the sudden death of this valiant captain, not long after his departure, manifestly appeared. For high prosperttie, and great glory of the English nation in the parties beyond the sea, began shortly to fall, and little and little to vanish away: which thing, although the English people like a valiant & strong body, at the first time did not perceive, yet after the they felt it grow like a pestilent humour, which succescively a little and little corrupteth all the membres, and destroyeth the body. For, after the death of this noble man, fortune of war began to change, and triumphant victory began to be darkened. Although the death of th'earl were dolorous to all Englishmen, yet surely it was most dolorous to the duke of Bedford, regent of France, as he which had lost his right hand or lacked his weapon, when he should fight with his enemy. But seeing that dead men cannot with sorrow be called again, nor lamentation for dead bodies cannot remedy the chances of men living: he (like a prudent governor & a politic patron,) appointed th'earl of Suffolk to be his lieutenant, and captain of the siege, and joined with him the lord Scales, the lord Talbot, sir John Fastolfe, and diverse other valiant knights and esquires. These lords caused bastiles to be made round about the city, with the which they troubled their enemies and assaulted the walls, and left nothing unattempted, which might be to them, any advantage, or hurtful to their enemies.  
IN the time of lent, victual and artillery, began to wax scant in the English army, wherefore th'earl of Suffolk appointed sir John Fastolfe, sir Thomas Rampston, and sir Philip Hal with their retinewes, to ride to Paris to the lord Regent, to inform him of their scarceness and necessity. Which being thereof informed, without any delay or prolonging, provided victual, artillery and munitions, necessary and convenient for so great an enterprise, and jaded therewith many chariots, carts, and horses, and for the ●ure conduit, and safeguard of the same, he appointed sir Simon Morhier Provost of Paris, with the guard of the city & diverse of his own household servants, to accompany sir John Fastolfe and his complices, to the army lying at the siege or orleans. The which departed in good order, to the number of .v. hundred men of war, beside wagoners out of Paris, and came to Yaynuile in Beausse, and in a morning early in a great frost they departed, from the place toward the siege, and when they came to a town called Ronuray, in the lands of Beausse, they perceived their enemies coming against them, to the number of ix or ten M. frenchmen & Scots: the captains whereof was Charles of Clerimont, son to the duke of Bourbon, then being prisoner in England, sir William Steward Constable of Scotland, a little before delivered out of captivity, the earl of Pedriacke, the lord John Uandosme, Uidane of Charters, the Lord of Tovars, the lord of Lohat, the lord of Eglere, the Lord of Beaniew, the Bastard Tremorle, and many other valiant captains. Wherefore sir John Fastolfe and his companions, set all their company in good order of battle, and picked stakes before every Archer, to break the force of the horsemen. At their backs they set all their wagons and carriages, and within them they tied all their horses, so that their enemies could neither assail them on the backside, nor yet spoil them of their horses, and in this manner they stood still, abiding the assault of their adversaries. The frenchmen (by reason of their great number) thinking the victory to be in their hands, eagerly like Lions set on the Englishmen, which with great force, them received and manfully defended: for it stood them upon, considering the inequality of the number. And after long and cruel fight, the Englishmen drove back and vanquished the proud frenchmen, and compelled them to fly. In this conflict were slain, Lord William Steward Constable of Scotland and his brother, the lord Doruall, the lord Delabret, the lord Chasteanbrian, sir John Basgot, and other frenchmen & Scots, to the number of xxv C. and above xj hundred taken prisoners, although some French writers affirm the number less.  
AFTER this fortunate victory, sir John Fastolfe and his company (of the which no man of any reputation was either slain or taken,) came with all their carriages, victual, and prisoners, to the siege before Orleans, where they were joyously received & welcomed of all the soldiers. This conflict (because the most part of the carriage was hearing & leuten stuff,) the Frenchmen call, the unfortunate battle of herrings.  
THE Earl of Suffolk, being thus vitailed, continued his siege, and every day almost, skirmished with his enemies, which, being in despair of all succours, began to comen amongst theimself, how they might render the town, to their most honour and profit. After much reasoning, and long debating amongst the captains, and the magistrates of the town, what way was best to be followed: Some affirmed it not only to be shameful and dishonourable, but also unnatural and unreasonable, to yield the town to the Englishmen, being neither friends nor favourers of the French nation: other, fearing the victory of the Englishmen, imagined, that if they by force possessed the city, they would do to them as tyrants be accustomed to serve, wilful and obstinate people, and therefore they thought it a great folly and a notable lightness, not to beware the one, as to deny or refuse the other. But when they saw, that their glory must needs decline to a shame & reproach, they thought to found a mean way to save themselves, and their cite from the captivity of their enemies, and devised to submit their city themselves, & all theirs under the obeisance of Philip duke of Burgoyn because he was brought out of the stock and blood royal of the ancient house of France: thinking by this means (as they did in deed) to break or minish the great amity between the Englishmen & him.  
AFTER this point concluded, they made open & sent to the duke all their devices and intentes, which certified them that he would gladly receive their offer, so that the Regent of France would thereto agree & consent. And thereupon dispatched certain ambassadors to the duke of Bedford, to whom these news were strange and not very pleasant, upon which point, he assembled a great counsel. Some thought that manner of yielding to be both honourable and profitable to the king of England, by reason whereof, so great a city, & so rich a country, should be brought out of the possession of their enemies, into the hands of their trusty friends, without farther cost or bloodshed. The Duke of Bedford & other, were of a contrary opinion, thinking it both dishonourable and unprofitable to the realm of England, to see a cite so long besieged at the costs & expenses of the king of England, & almost brought to the point of yielding, to be yielded to any other foreign prince or potestate, and not to him or his Regent, the example whereof might provoke other towns herfater to do the●ame. This reason took place, and the Regent answered the duke's ambassadors, that it was not honourable nor yet consonaunte to reason, that the king of England should beat the bush and the duke of Burgoyne should have the birds: Wherefore sith the right was his, the war was his, and the charge was his, he said that the city aught not to be yielded to no other person, but to him or to his use and profit. By this little chance, succeeded a great change in th'English affairs, for a double mischief of this answer rose and prangout. For first the duke of Burgoyne, began to conceive a certain privy grudge against thenglishmen for this cause: thinking them to envy & bear malice against his glory and profit, for the which in continuance of time he become their enemy, and ●leued to the French King. Secondly, the Englishmen left the siege of orleans, which by this treaty they might have had to friend, or to have continued neutre, till their Lord the duke of orleans, or the earl of Angulosie his brother were delivered out of the captivity of the English people. But if men were angels and for●aw things to come, they like beasts would not run to their confusion: but fortune which gideth the destiny of man, will turn her wheel as she listeth, who soever saith nay.  
WHILE this treaty of the Orleaunces was in hand, Charles the dolphin, daily studied and hourly laboured, to pluck the favour and hearts of the nobility of France, from the English nation, to the intent, that he might assemble a puissance, sufficient to relief his friends, being shut up in the city of Orleance. While he was studying and compassing this matter, there happened to him, a strange chance, of the which I will writ a little, because some of the French authors, and especially, John Bouchet, of it writeth to much.  
FOR as he and other say, there came to him being at Chynon, a maid of the age of twenty years, and in man's apparel, named jone, borne in Burgoyne in a town called Droymy beside Uancolour, which was a great space a cham●erleyn in a comen hostrey, and was a ramp of such boldness, that she would coarse horses and ride them to water, and do things, that other young maidens, both abhorred & were ashamed to do: yet as some say, whether it were because of her foul face, that no man would desire it, either she had made a vow to live chaste, she kept her maydenhed, and preserved her virginity. She (as a monster) was sent to the Dolphin, by sir Robert Bandrencort captain of Uancolour, to whom she declared, that she was sent from God, both to aid the miserable city of orleans, and also to remit him, to the possession of his realm, out of the which, he was expulsed and overcomed: rehearsing to him, visions, traunses, and fables, full of blasphemy, superstition and hypocrisy, that I marvel much that wise men did believe her, and learned clerks would writ such fantasies. What should I rehearse, how they say, she knew and called him her king, whom she never saw before. What should I speak how she had by revelation a sword, to her appointed in the church of saint Katheryn, of Fierboys in Torayne where she never had been. What should I writ, how she declared such privy messasges from God, our lady, and other saints, to the dolphin, that she made the tears run down from his eyes. So was he deluded, so was he blinded, & so was he deceived by the devils means which suffered her to begin her race, and inconclusion rewarded her with a shameful fall. But in the mean season such credit was given to her, that she was honoured as a saint, of the religious, and believed as one sent from God of the temporalty, in so much that she (armed at all points) road from Poitiers to Bloys, and there found men of war victual, and munitions, ready to be conveyed to Orleance. The Englishmen perceiving that they within could not long continued, for fault of victual & powder, kept not their watch so diligently as they were accustomed, nor scoured not the country environed, as they before had ordained; which negligence, the citizens shut in perceiving, sent word thereof to the French captains, which with Pucelle in the dead time of the night, and in a great rain and thunder, with all their victual and artillery entered into the city, if they were welcomed marvel not. For folks in great trouble, be joyous of a little comfort. And the next day the Englishmen boldly assaulted the town, promising to them that best scaled the walls great rewards. Then men mounted on ladders courageously, and with gonnes, arrows and pikes, bet their enemies from the walls.  
THE frenchmen, although they marveled at the fierce fighting of the English people, yet they were not amazed, but they defended theim selfes to the dark night, on which day, no great private feat worthy of memory, was either attempted or doen. The Bastard of orleans (seeing the puissance of th'English nation) began to fear the sequel of the matter: wherefore he sent word to the duke of Alaunson, advertising him in what case the town than stood, and that it could not long continued without his hasty speed, and quick diligence. Which delaying no time nor deferring no space, came with all his army within two leagues of the city, and sent word to the captains, that on the next morrow they should be ready to receive them. Which thing, the next day they accomplished, for the Englishmen thought it to be much to their avail, if so great a multitude entered into the city, vexed with famine & replenished with scarceness. On the next day in the morning, the frenchmen altogether issued out of the town, and assaulted the fortress or Bastile, called the bastille of saint Louvre, the which with great force and no little loss they took and set it on fire, and after assaulted the tour at the bridge foot, which was manfully defended. But the frenchmen being more in number, so fiercely assaulted it, that they took it or the Lord Talbot could come to succours: in the which William Gladdisdale the captain was slain, and the Lord Morlyns, and the lord Pownynges also.  
THE frenchmen puffed up with this good luck, seeing the strong fortress was ungotten, which was under the defence of the lord Talbot, fetched a compass about, and in good order of battle marched thither ward. The lord Talbot like a captain, without fear or dread of so great a multitude, issued out of his Bastile, and so fiercely fought with the frenchmen, that they not able to withstand his puissance, fled (like sheep before the Wolffe) again into the city, with great loss of men and small artillery: and of the Englishmen were lost in the two Bastyles six hundred presones. Then the earl of Suffolk, the Lord Tolbot, the Lord Scales, and other captains, assembled together, where causes were showed, that it was both necessary and convenient either to leave the siege for ever, or to defer it till another time, more luckey & conveninet. And to the intent that they should not seem either to fly or to be driven from the siege by their enemies, they determined to leave their fortresses and Bastyles, and to assemble in the plain field and there to abide all the day, abiding the outcomming and battle of their enemies. This conclusion taken, was accordingly executed. The frenchmen, wearied with the last bickering, held in their heads and durst not once appear: and so they set fire in their lodgings, and departed in good order of battle from orleans. The next day which was the eight day of May, the Earl of Suffolk, riding to jargeaux with. CCCC. Englishmen, and the lord Talbot with another company returned to Meum. Which town, after that he had fortified, he incontinent, assaulted and won the town of Lavall and the Castle, sore vexing and punishing the towns men, for their hard hearts, and cankered obstinacy: and leaving there a garrison, recoiled to Meum.  
AFTER this siege thus broken up, to tell you, what triumphs were made in the city of orleans, what wood was spent in fires, what wine was drunk in houses, what songs were song in the streets, what melody was made in Taverns, what rounds were danced in large and broad places, what lights were set up in the churches, what anthems, were song in Chapelles, and what joy was showed in every place, it were a long work and yet no necessary cause. For they did, as we in like case would have done, and we being in like estate, would have done as they did. After that the Englishmen, were thus retired from the siege of orleans, and severed themselves in diverse towns & fortresses, holding on their part: The duke of Alaunson, the Bastard of orleans, jone the Puzel, the lord of Gancort, & diverse other French men, came before the town of jargeaux, where the Earl of Suffolk and his two brethren sojourned the twelve day of june, and gave to the town a great and a terrible assault, which the Englishmen, (being but a handful) manfully defended on three parts of the same. Poyton of Sentrailes, perceiving one part of the town to be undefended, scaled the walls on that part: and without any difficult took the town, and slew sir Alexander Pole brother to th'earl, and many other, to the number of two hundred: but they not much gained, for they lost iii C. good men and more. Of thenglishmen were taken xl beside his brother John. After this gain and good luck, the frenchmen returning toward orleans, fell in contention and debate, for their captives and prisoners, and slew them all, saving the earl and his brother.   

¶ The seventh year. 
The vii year.   
AFter the gaining of the town of jargeaux, the same army came to Meum, and took the tour at the bridge, and put there in a garrison, and from thence removed to Bangency. Which garrison, being not vitailed rendered the town, so that they might depart with bag and baggage, frankly and freely: which desire to them was granted. At this town of Bangency, met with the duke of Alaunson, Arthur of Britain the false forsworn gentleman to the king of England, newly made Constable of France (as you have heard,) with whom was the lord Delabret with twelve C. men: to whom daily repaired fresh aid out of every part, as the Earl of Uandosme, and other, to the number of twenty or xxiij M. men. All these men of war, determined to go to Meum, and to take the town, but they were informed, that the Englishmen, had left the town desolate, and were returned to the lord Talbot to jenevile. Then they concluded to pass toward that town. But, as they marched forward upon a Saterdaie, they had perfit knowledge, that the lord Talbot with .v. thousand men, was coming to Meum. Wherefore, they intending to stop him a tide, conveyed their company to a small village called Poitiers, which way, they knew that the Englishmen must needs pass by. And first they appointed their horsemen, which were well and richly furnished, to go before, and suddenly to set on the Englishmen, or they were, either ware or set in order. The Englishmen coming forward, perceived the horsemen, and, unagining to deceive their enemies, commanded the footmen, to environ & enclose themselves about, with their stakes, but the French horsemen came on so fiercely, that the archers had no leisure, to set themselves in a ray. There was no remedy, but to fight at adventure. This battle, continued by the space of three long hours. And, although thenglishmen were overpressed, with the number of their adversaries, yet they never fled back one foot, till their captain the lord Talbot, was sore wounded at the back, and so taken. Then their hearts began to faint, & they fled, in which flight, there were slain above xii. C. and taken xl whereof the lord Talbot, the lord Scales, the lord Hungerford, & sir Thomas Rampston, were the chief: howbeit diverse archers which had shot all their arrows, having only their swords, defended themself, & with the help of some of the horsemen, can safe to Meum.  
WHEN the fame was blown abroad, that the Lord Talbot was taken, all the Frenchmen not a little rejoiced, thinking surely, that now the rule of the Englishmen, should shortly assuage and wax faint: for fear whereof, the towns of jenevile, Meum, Fort, and diverse other, returned from the English part, and become French, to the great displeasure of the Regent. Fron this battle▪ departed without any stroke stricken, sir John Fastolffe, the same year for his valiantness elected into the order of the Garter. For which cause the Duke of Bedford, in a great anger, took from him the Image of saint George, and his Garter: but afterward, by mean of friends, and apparent causes of good excuse by him alleged, he was restored to the order again, against the mind of the lord Talbot.  
CHARLES, calling himself French King, being advertised of this victory, thought now, that all things succeeded, according to his opinion and good hope, which ever, was of that high courage and haut mind, that in his most adversity, he never despaired in good luck a● length: so that the Earl of Salisbury being dead, and the lord Talbot living in captivity, (which were the glory of his enemies) he thought to enterprise great and weighty things, where before he medeled with small and little doings. For fulfilling of his mind and appetite, he determined, first to conquer the city of reins, to the intent, that he being there, might according to the fashion of his progenitors, with all accustomed Ceremonies, be sacred and anointed king with the holy ampulle, that all men might see and perceive, that he was, by all laws and decrees, a just and a lawful king. Wherefore he assembling together a great army, & having in his company jone the Pucelle, whom he used as an oracle and a southsaier, passed through champaign, by the town of Anxer. They within, sent to him messengers, praying him of certain days of abstinence of war, in the which (if they were not rescued) they promised to render the town. He not willing to recompense with ingratitude, the loving hearts of the citizens, granted gently to their petition, and leaving there certain persons, to see that they should not juggle with him, departed from thence to Troy's, being the chief city of champaign, which he besieged xii days. Sir Philip Hal captain there, unprovided both of victual and men, mistrusting, that aid would not come in time, upon composition rendered the town, so that he & his, with all their moucables might in safety departed the city: which demand was agreed to. After that Troy's was yielded, the commonalty of Chalons, rebelled against sir John Awbemond their captain, and constrained him to deliver the town upon like composition, which against his will, he was feign to do: and likewise did the citizens of reins, desiring him to give safe conduct to all Englishmen, safely to depart.  
WHEN he had thus conquered reins, he in the presence of all the noblemen of his faction, and the dukes of Lorraine and Bar, was sacred king of France, by the names of Charles the vi with all rites and ceremonies thereto appertaining. They of Anxer which were not rescued within the time appointed, brought the keys to him, and submitted theimselfes to his obeisance: likewise did all the cities and towns adjoining, giving thanks to almighty God, which having compassion of their misery, had restored them to liberty and freedom. The Duke of Bedford, hearing that these towns and soyssons also, had returned to the part of his adversaries, and that Charles late Dolphyn had taken upon him the name and estate of the King of France, and also, seeing that daily, cities and towns returned from th'English part and become French, as though the Englishmen had now lost all their hardy chieftains and valiant men of war, espied and evidently perceived, that the last and vettermoste point of recovery, was driven only to overcome by battle, and to subdue by force. By which victory, (as he put his confidence in God) he trusted not only to scourge and plague the cities, which were so suddenly changeable, but also to assuage and calm the haute courage of the new sacred French King and his companions. Wherefore, he having together ten M. good Englishmen, (beside Normans) departed out of Paris, in warlike fashion and passed through Brye to Monstrean Faultyow, and there sent by Bedforde his herald letters to the French king, alleging to him that he contrary to the laws of God and man, yea, and contrary to the final conclusion, taken, concorded, and agreed between his noble brother king, Henry the fifth, and king Charles, the .v. father to the said now usurper, leaving all human reason and honest communication, (which sometime appeaseth debates and pacifieth strifes) only alured and enticed by a devilish witch, and a satanical enchaunterese, had not only falsely and craftily, taken upon him, the name, title and dignity of the king of France: But also had, by murder, stealing, craft, and deceitful means, violently gotten, and wrongfully kept, diverse cities and towns, belonging to the king of England, his most best beloved lord, and most dearest nephew. For pro●e whereof, he was come down from Paris, with his army, into the country of Brye, by dent of sword and stroke of battle, to prove his writing and cause true, willing his enemy to choose the place, and he in the same, would give him battle.  
THE new French king, departing from his solemn Ceremonies at Reinss, and removing from thence to Dampmartine, studying how to compass the Parisians, either with money, or with promise, was somewhat troubled with this message, howbeit, he made a fresh countenance, & a French brag, answering to the herald: that he would sooner seek his Master, and the Duke should pursue him. The duke of Bedford hearing his answer, marched toward him, and pitched his field in a strong place, and sent out diverse of his raungers, to provoke the Frenchmen to come forward. The French king was in manner determined to abide the bettaill, but when he hard say by his espials, that the power and number of the Englishmen, were to his army equal in power, he determined that it was more for his profit, to abstain from battle without danger, then to enter into the conflict with jeopardy: fearing, lest that with a rash courage, he might overthrow all his affairs which so effecteously proceeded. And so well advised, he turned with his army, a little out of the way. The duke of Bedford perceiving his faint courage, followed him by mountains and dales, till he came to a town in Bar, not far from Senlys, where he found the French king and his army. Wherefore he ordered his battle, like a man expert in martial science, setting the archers before, and himself with the noblemen in the main battle, and put the Normans on both sides for the wings. The French king also ordered his battles, according to the devise of his captains. Thus, these two armies without any great doing, (except a few skirmishes, in the which the duke's light horsemen did very valiantly) lay each in sight of other, by the space of two days and two nights. But when the French king saw, and perceived, how glad, how diligent and courageous the Englishmen were to fight and give battle, he imagened that by his tarrying, one of these two things must needs chance: that is to say, either he should fight against his will, or lie still like a coward, to his great rebuke and infamy. Wherefore in the dead of the night, (as privily as he could) he broke up his camp and fled to Bray. When this flight was perceived in the morning, the Regent could scace refrain his people, from following the French army, calling them, cowards, dastards, and louts, and therefore, he perceiving that by no means, he could allure the new French king to abide battle, mistrusting the Parisians, and giving no great credit to their fair, sweet, and flattering words, returned again to Paris, to assemble together a greater power, and so to prosecute his enemies.  
IN this season, the Bohemians, (which belike had espied the usurped authority of the bishop of Rome) began to rebel against his sea, which, (as Aeneas Silvius doth report) were fallen into certain sects of heresy. Wherefore, Martin the fifth bishop of Rome, wrote unto them to abstain from war, and to be reconciled by reason, from their damnable opinions. But they, (being persuaded to the contrary) neither gave ear unto him, nor yet obeyed his voice. Wherefore the bishop of Rome, wrote to the princes of Germany, to invade the realm of Beam, as the den of heretics, and cave of devilish doctrine. Beside this, he appointed Henry bishop of Winchester, and Cardinal of. S. Eusebie, a man very well borne, (as you have hard) but no better borne then high stomached, and yet no higher stomached, then abundantly enriched, to be his legate in this great journey, and to bring out men from the realm of England, into the country of Beam. And because the war touched religion, he licensed the said Cardinal, to take the tenth part of every spiritual dignity, benefice, and promotion. This matter, was declared in open Parliament in England, and not dissented, but gladly assented to, wherefore the bishop gathered the money, and assembled four thousand men and more▪ not without great grudge of the people, which daily were with tallages and aids wearied, and sore burdened. And when men, munitions, and money were ready for his high enterprise, he with all his people came to the sea strand at Dover, ready to pass over the sea into Flaunders.  
BUT in the mean season, the Duke of Bedforde considering, how towns daily were gotten, and countries hourly won in the realm of France, for lack of sufficient defence and number of men of war, wrote to his brother the duke of Gloucester, to relieve him with aid, in that tempestuous time and troublous season. When this letter was brought into England, the duke of Gloucester was not a little amazed, because he had no army ready to send at that time: for by the reason of the Crew, sent into Beam, he could not suddenly raise a new army. But because the matter was of such importance, and might neither be, from day to day differred, nor yet long delayed, he wrote to the bishop of Winchester, to pass with all his army toward the duke of Bedford, which at that time had both need of men and assistance, considering that now, all stood upon loss or gain: which thing done, and to his honour achieved, he might perform his journey against the ungracious Bohemians. Although the Cardinal was somewhat moved with this countermand, yet lest he should be noted, not to aid the Regent of France, in so great a cause and so necessary an enterprise, he bowed from his former journey, and passed the sea with all his company, and brought them to his cousin, to the city of Paris.  
CHARLES the French King, having knowledge in the mean season by his espials, which went round about the country, to entice and solicit towns and cities, to return from the English part, and become French, that the inhabitants of Champeigne, and Bevauoys aught him great love and singular favour, and gladly coveted to renounce the subjection of England, and to be under his protection, and also offered to open him their gates, so that they should not thereby, be in jeopardy of their lives and loss of their goods, with all haste & diligence removed toward Champeigne. The duke of Bedford being advertised of his progress, and having his army augmented, with the new aid, which the cardinal had of late conducted, marched forward with great speed to encounter and give battle, to his mortal enemy the French king. When the duke was come to Senlys, the frenchmen were lodged on the Mountpilioll. between Senlis and Champiegne. Every army knew of other, and every host might behold other. Then the camps were trenched, and the battles pitched, and the fields ordered. Thus, these great armies lay two days, nothing doing but with skirmishes, in the which the Normans sore vexed the frenchmen. Wherefore the lord Regent, gave to them many high laudes and praisings, and determined surely the next day, to set on the French king in his camp, if he would not remove out, and abide battle. But while king Charles did politicly consider, what a variable lady, Fortune was, and what a sudden and unthought chance of a small thing, might do in a battle: for the detrimentes and overthrows, that he and his nation had taken and tasted by thenglishmen, were to them a learning, an example and a plain experiment, to avoid open joining, mutual conflict, and force to force. And beside that, he had by his explorators and spies, plain and perfect knowledge, that many and diverse cities & towns in France, abhorring th'English liberty, and aspiring to the French bondage and native servitude, (according to the nature of Asses, which the more they be charged with, the more they desire) would, (when they saw their time) not only rebel and return to his faction and part, but also were ready to aid and assist him, in recovery of his desired realm and ancient dominion, in expelling also the English nation, out of the territories of France. And therefore, he imagined that the duke of Bedforde, was so hasty to give him battle, thinking, that if he than were overcome, the game had, for the Englishmen been clearly gotten, & to the frenchmen, a perpetual checkmate. Wherefore he determined never, (except very necessity compelled or constrained him) to fight in open battle with the Englishmen, nor by a field to adventure his realm with them, of whom his predecessors so often times had been vanquished. Wherefore, like a carpet captain, he in the night, removed his camp and fled to Crespy, and yet his number was double to the English army. The duke of Bedforde, seeing that the French king, was thus cowardly retrayted, and as a man, which durst not once assay the stroke of an English arm, shamefully recoiled: with all his power and army, returned again to Paris, sore suspecting the deceitful faith of the politic Parisians. The bishop of Winchester, after the French kings flight, went into Beam, and there did somewhat, but what it was, authors keep silence, and so do I: But shortly, he without any great praise, and small gain, returned into England, more glad of his retreat, then of his advaunsing forward. soon after, the bishop of Rome without his agreement, unlegated him, and set another in his stead & authority, with which doing, he was neither content nor pleased.   

¶ The eight year. 
The viii year   
ON the vi. day of Novembre, being the day of saint Leonard, king Henry, in the eight year of his reign, was, at Westminster with all pomp and honour, crowned king of this realm of England. At which coronation, to rehearse the costly fair, the delicate meat, the pleasant wines, the number of courses, the sorts of dishes, the labours of officers, the multitude of people, the estates of Lords, the beauties of Ladies, the riches of apparel, the curious devices, the solemn banquets, it would ask a long time, and weary you: Wherefore leaving the pleasant pastime in England, I will return to the troubleous wars in France.  
AFTER that the French king was fled from the duke of Bedford, (as you have hard before) and was come to Crespy in Ualoys, he was credibly informed, how the citizens of champaign, desired greatly to be under his governance and subjection. Wherefore, he minding not to lose so fair an offered prey, ceased not, till he came to the town, where, with all reverence and benignity, he was received and welcomed. And after that, were rendered to him, the towns of Senlis and Beavoys. And the Lord Longuenall took by stealth, the castle of Aumarle and slew all the Englishmen, and in short space, the lord Barbasan, which long had been prisoner in the Castle Gaylard, so much, what with fair words and large promises, persuaded his keepers, that he not only delivered his own person, but also caused the town, to turn from thenglishmen, to the part of king Charles his Master. Which king, although he much rejoiced, at the good success, that Fortune had to him sent, yet he was somewhat desperate, how to recover his country from the possession of the Englishmen, except he unknitted the knot and league, between the duke of Burgoyn and them. Wherefore, he sent his Chancellor, & diverse Ambassadors to the duke of Burgoyn, first, excusing himself of the death & murder, of duke John his father, & after, declaring to him, that there could be nothing more foul, more dishonest, nor more detestable, then, for his own peculiar cause, & private displeasure, to join with his ancient enemies, and perpetual adversaries, against his native country and natural nation: not only requiring him, of concord, peace, and amity, but also promising golden mountains, and many more benefits, then at that time, he was either able or could perform. This message was not so secret, nor the doing so closely cloaked, but the Duke of Bedford, thereof was plainly informed. Which, being sore troubled, and unquieted in his mind, because he saw the power of th'English nation, daily wax less, he, of all things, first foreseeing, if any loss should of necessity chance, of those towns and countries, which his noble brother, king Henry the fifth had conquered, in the very country of France, for lack of tuition or defence: yet for an ankerhold, he determined to keep, possess, and defend, the Duchy of Normandy, the old inheritance and ancient patrimony, of the kings of England, and from them only, by force and not by justice, by violence and not by right, sith the time of King Henry the third, (the devilish division then reigning in the realm) wrongfully detained, and injuriously usurped. Wherefore, he diligently providing, for things that might chance, appointed governor of the city of Paris, Lewes of Luxenberough, bishop of Turwine and Ely, being Chancellor of France, for the king of England, a man of no less wit, then of birth, leaving with him, a convenient number of Englishmen to defend both the city and territory of Paris, & the isle of France then being in the Englishmen'S possession and governance.  
THESE things thus ordered, he departed from Paris, into Normandy, and called at Rouen a parliament, of the three estates of the duchy, in the which he declared unto them, the great liberties, the manifold privileges, the innumerable benefits, which they had received of the kings of England, during the time, that they were possessors and lords of the same duchy, not putting in oblivion, the misery, bondage, and calamity, which they had sustained, by the intolerable yoke and daily tributes, continually laid in their necks like Asses, by the cruel and covetous frenchmen: and putting them also in remembrance, how the kings of England, were not only brought forth and descended, of the Normans blood & progeny, but were the very true & undoubtful heirs, to the same country and duchy, lineally succeeding & lawfully descending from Rollo the hardy, first duke and prince of the same dominion: Requiring them farther, to live in love and amity amongst themself, to be true and obedient, to the king their sovereign Lord, and to keep their oath and promise, made and sworn to his noble brother, king Henry the .v. promising to them, English liberty and privileges royal. While the duke of Bedford was thus, entertaining and encoraging the Normans, Charles the new French king, being of his departure advertised, longing and thrysting for to obtain Paris, the chief city & principal place of resort, within the whole realm of France, departed from the town of Senlis well accompanied, and came to the town of saint Device, which he found desolate, and abandoned of all garrison, and good governance. Wherefore, with out force and small damage, he entered into the void town, and lodged his army at Mountmartyr, and Abberuilliers, near adjoining, and lying to the city of Paris. And from thence, sent, John duke of Alaunson, and his sorceress jone, (called the maid, sent from God) in whom, his whole affiance than consisted, with three thousand light horsemen, to get again the city of Paris, either by force, or by fair flattering, or reasonable treaty, and after them, he without delay or defer ring of time, with all his power, came between Mountmartyr and Paris, and suddenly, appproched the gate of saint Honore, setting up ladders to the walls, and casting faggots into the ditches, as though, he would with a French brag, suddenly have gotten the fair cite. But th'English captains, every one keeping his ward and place assigned, so manfully and fiercely, with a noble courage, defended themselves, their walls and towers, with the assistance of the Parisians, that they rebutted and drove away the Frenchmen, & threw down jone, their great goddess, into the bottom of the town ditch, where she lay behind the back of an Ass, sore hurt, till the time, that she all filthy with mire and dirt, was drawn out, by Guyschard of Thienbrone, servant to the duke of Alaunson. The French King, seeing the great loss, that he had sustained at this assault, and accounted, his pretenced conquest, in manner impossible, leaving the dead bodies behind him, and taking with him, the wounded captains, which were of no small number, returned into Berry. But in the mean way, the citizens of Laignie, become his subjects, and made to him an oath, promising to continue from thence forth to him, both true and obedient.  
THE Duke of Bedford, being in Normandy, and hearing of this sudden attempt, lost no time, nor spared no travail, till he came to Paris. Where he, not only thanked the captains, and praised the citizens for their assured fidelity and good will, toward their king and sovereign lord, but also extolled their hardiness, & manly doings, above the Stars, and high elements: promising to them, honour, fame, and great advancements. Which gentle exhortation, so encouraged and inflamed the hearts of the Parisians, that they swore, promised, and concluded, to be friends ever to the king of England and his friends, and enemies always to his foes and adversaries, making proclamation by this style. Friends to King Henry, friends to the Parisians, enemies to England, enemies to Paris. But if they spoke it with their hearts, either for fear, that Charles the French king, should not punish them, if he once obtained the superiority, over their city, & town, or that they flattered thenglishmen, to put themselves in credit with the chief captains, you shall plainly perceive, by the sequel of their acts  
soon after these doings, came to Paris with a great company, Philip duke of Burgoyn, which was of the Regent, and the lady his wife, honourably received, and highly feasted. And after long consultation had, for recovering of the towns, lately by the French king stolen and taken, it was agreed, that the duke of Bedford, should rail an army, for the recovery of the said fortresses, and that the duke of Burgoyne, should be his deputy, and tarry at Paris, for the defence of the same. After this great business, thus concluded, and appointed, the Duke of Bedforde himself, without any great resistance, recovered again the town of saint Device, and diverse other Castles. And after that done, he sent the Bastard of Clarence, to lay siege to the Castle of Toursie, being both by the natural situation, and man's policy, very strong, and in manner unable to be beaten down. The siege continued six months, but in conclusion, the captain discomfited of all relieve and succour, rendered the fortress, the life of him and his soldiers only saved. Which offer was taken, & the castle raised, and cast down to the ground. During this siege, sir Thomas Kiriell knight, with four hundred Englishmen, departed from Gourney in Normandy, and road by Beavoys, spoiling, robbing, and wasting the country, to the suburbs of Cleremount. Whereof, hearing the Earl of the same town, assembled all the men of war, of the garrisons adjoining, to fight with thenglishmen: and so the frenchmen with all diligence ●et forward, & found their enemies in a strait place, near unto Beavois. The earl of Cleremount seeing, that he could not hurt them, with his men of arms, by reason of the strait, came down on foot with all his company, and fiercely set on the Englishmen. The fight was fierce, and the advantage doubtful. But in conclusion, the archers shot so terribly, that the Frenchmen, not able to abide the smart, and galls of the arrows, fled a pace, and the Englishmen leaving the strait, leaped on horseback, and followed the chase. In the which were taken two hundred prisoners, and thrice as many slain. The Earl, by the swiftness of his horse, escaped his enemies, and came to the town of Beavoys: and so sir Thomas Kiriell, with plenty of spoil and prisoners, returned to Goruay, rendering to GOD his hearty thanks, for that good chance and happy victory.  
YET Fortune sent not this good luck alone, for th'earl of Suffolk at the same very season, besieging the town of Aumarle, whereof was captain the lord Rambures, (after xxiiii great assaults given to the fortress) had the town and castle to him simply rendered. Wherefore, he caused xxx of the towns men, for their untruth, to be hanged on the walls, and all the rest he ransomed, and sent the captain into England, where he remained six years continually, & after by excaunge was delivered. After this, the earl fortified the town, with men, munitions and victual, and so by a little and little, the Englishmen recovered again many towns, which before they had lost, without any great loss of their people. Which thing, the frenchmen well considering, imagined by what means, how to get again the town of Laval, which the lord Talbot (before as you have hard) got, by scaling in a night. Wherefore, to possess their desired prey, they with money, and gay promises, first corrupted a Miller, that kept a Mil adjoining to the wall, so that the Miller, suffered the lord Homet with three hundred other, to pass through his Mill into the town, in a very dark night. When they were entered, they slew the keepers of the gate, and let in the Lord Bertrand be la Ferrier, with five hundred men of arms: which either slew or took prisoners, all thenglishmen within the town. And shortly after, sir Stephin de Uignoles called the Heir, took by scaling, th● town of Lonuiers in Normandy, and did much damage, to all the towns adjoining.   

¶ The ninth year. 
The ix. year.   
WHile these chances happened, between the Englishmen and frenchmen, Philip duke of Burgoyne, married the Lady Isabella, daughter to John, King of Portyngall, and great aunt to the king of England. In honour of which marriage, he instituted and began an order of xxxvi knights without reproach, called the order of the golden fleece, and devised statutes, mantles, collars, and Ceremonies for the same, much like to the ordinances, of the noble order of the Garter begun in England, almost an hundred years before the invention, of this fraternity and friendship. On the which wife, he begat, the hardy duke Charles, father to Marry, after married to Maximilian king of the Romans, as (when place requireth) shallbe hereafter to you declared.  
IN this very season, the Englishmen in the cold month of Decembre, besieged the town of Laigny, in the which was the Pucelle and diverse other good captains. But the whither was so cold, & the rain so great and so continual, that they, of force compelled, not by their enemies, but by intemperate season, raised their siege: and in their return, Puzel and all the garrison within the town, issued out and fought with thenglishmen, where, (after long fighting) both parties departed without either great gain or loss. After this enterprise done, the duke of Burgoyne, accompanied with the earls of Arundel and Suffolk, and the lord John of Luxenbrough, and with a great puissance, besieged the town of Champeigne: which town was well walled, manned, and vitailed, so that the besiegers, must either by assault or long tarrying, weary or famish them within the town. So they cast trenches, and made moynes, and studied all the ways that they could devise, how to compass their conquest and enterprise. And it happened in the night of the Ascension of our lord, that Pothon of Xentraxles, jone the Puzel, and five or six hundred men of arms, issued out of Champeigne, by the gate of the bridge toward Mowntdedier, intending to set fire in the tents and lodgings of the lord of Baudo, which was then go to Marigny, for the Duke of Burgoyns affairs. At which time, sir John of Luxenborough, with eight other gentlemen (which had ridden about the town to search and view, in what place the town might be most aptly and conveniently assaulted or scaled) were come near to the lodges of the lord of Baudo, where they espied the Frenchmen, which began to cut down tents, overthrow pavilions, and kill men in their beds. Wherefore, shortly they assembled a great number of men, as well English as Burgonions, and courageously set on the Frenchmen. Sore was the fight and great was the slaughter, in so much that the frenchmen, not able longer to endure, fled into the town so fast, that one letted the other to enter. In which chase was taken, jone the Puzel, and diverse other: which jone was sent to the duke of Bedford to Rouen, where, (after long examination) she was brent to ashes. This witch or manly woman, (called the maid of GOD) the frenchmen greatly glorified and highly extolled, alleging that by her Orleance was vitailed: by her, king Charles was sacred at reins, and that by her, the Englishmen were often times put back and overthrown. O Lord, what dispraise is this to the nobility of France? What blot is this to the French nation? What more rebuke can be imputed to a renowned region, then to affirm, writ & confess, that all notable victories, and honourable conquests, which neither the king with his power, nor the nobility with their valiantness, nor the counsel with their wit, nor the commonalty with their strength, could compass or obtain, were gotten and achieved by a shepherds daughter, a chamberlein in an hostrie, and a beggars brat: which blinding the wits of the French nation, by revelations, dreams & fantastical visions, made them believe things not to be supposed, and to give faith to things impossible. For surely, if credit may be given to the acts of the Clergy, openly done, and commonly showed, this woman was not inspired with the holy ghost, nor sent from God, (as the frenchmen believe) but an enchanteresse, an orgayne of the devil, sent from Satan, to blind the people and bring them in unbelife: as by this letter, sent from the king of England, to the duke of Burgoyn, to you evidently shall appear.  
MOST dear and well-beloved uncle, the fervent love and great affection, which you (like a very catholic prince) bear to our Mother holy Church, and to the advancement of our faith, doth both reasonably admonish, and friendly exhort us, to signify and writ unto you, such things, which, to the honour of our Mother holy Church, strengthening of our faith, and plucking up by the roots, of most pestilent errors, have been solemnly do within our city of Rouen. It is commonly renowned, and in every place published, that the woman, commonly called the Puzel, hath by the space of two years and more, contrary to God's law, and the estate of womanhood, been clothed in a man's apparel, a thing in the sight of God abominable. And in this estate, carried over and conveyed, to the presence of our chief enemy and yours, to whom, & to the prelate's, nobles, & commons of his part, she declared that she was sent from God, presumptuously making her vaunt, that she had communication personally, and visibly with saint Michael, and a great multitude of Angels, and saints of heaven, as saint Katheryn, and saint Margarete: by the which falsehood and subtility, she made diverse believe, and trust in her faith, promising to them, great and notable victories, by the which mean, she did turn the hearts of many men and women, from the truth and verity, and converted them to lies and errors. Beside this, she usurped a cote of arms, and displayed a standard, which things, be appertaining only to knights and esquires: and of a great outrage, and more pride and presumption, she demanded, to bear the noble and excellent Arms of France, which she in part obtained, the which she bore in many skirmishes and assaults, and her brethren also (as men report) that is to say: the field azure, a sword, the point upward in pale silver, set between two flower deluces, firmed with a crown of gold. And in this estate, she came into the field, & guided men of war, and gathered companies, & assembled hosts to excercise unnatural cruelties, in shedding of christian blood, & stirring seditions, and commotions amongst the people, inducing them, to perjury, rebellion, superstition and false error, in disturbing of peace and quietness, and renewing of mortal war. Beside this, causing herself to be honoured and worshipped of many, as a woman sanctified, and damnably opening, diverse imagined cases long to rehearse, in diverse places well known and apparently proved. Whereby, almost all Christendom is slandered. But the divine puissance, having compassion upon his true people, and willing no longer to leave them in peril, nor suffer them, to abide still in ways dangerous, and new cruelties, hath lightly permitted, of his great mercy and clemency, thesay Puzel to be taken in your host and siege, which you kept for us before Champaign, and by your good mean, delivered into our obeisance and dominion. And because, we were required, by the bishop of the Diocese, where she was taken, (because she was noted, suspected, and defamed to be a traitor to almighty God) to deliver her to him, as to her ordinary and Ecclesiastical judge: We, for the reverence of our Mother holy Church, (whose ordinances we will prefer, as our own deeds and wills, as reason it is) and also for the advancement of Christian faith, bailed thesay jone to him, to the intent that he should make process against her: not willing any vengeance, or punishment to be showed to her, by any officers of our secular justices, which they might have lawfully and resonablie done, considering the great hurts, damages▪ and inconveniences, the horrible murders, and detestable cruelties, & other innumerable mischiefs, which she hath committed in our territories, against our people, and obedient subjects. The which bishop, taking in company to him, the vicar and inquisitor of errors, and heresies, and calling to them, a great and notable number of solemn doctors, and masters in divinity, and law Canon, began by great solemnity, and gravity, accordingly, to proceed in the cause of the said jone. And after that, the said bishop and inquisitor, judges in this cause, had at diverse days ministered, certain interrogatories to the said jone, and had caused the confessions & assertions of her, truly to be examined by the said doctors and masters, and in conclusion generally, by all the faculties of our dear and well-beloved daughter the University of Paris. Against whom, (the confessions and assertions, maturely and deliberately considered) the judges, Doctors, & all other the parties aforesaid, adjudged the same jone, a superstitious sorceress, and a diabolical blasphemeresse of God, and of his saints: and a person schismatic and erroneous, in the law of jesus Christ. And for to reduce and bring her again, to the communion and company, of our Mother holy Church, and to purge, her of her horrible, and pernicious crimes and offences, and to save and preserve her soul, from perpetual pain and damnation, she was most charitably and favourably admonished and advised, to put away and abhor, all her errors and erroneous doings, and to return humbly to the right way, and come to the very verity of a Christian creature, or else to put her soul and body in great peril and jeopardy. But all this notwithstanding, the perilous and inflamed spirit of pride, and of outrageous presumption, the which continually enforceth himself, to break and dissolve the unity of Christian obedience, so clasped in his claws, the heart of this woman jone, that she, neither by any ghostly exhortation, holy admonition, or any other wholesome doctrine, which might to her be showed, would mollify her hard heart, or bring her to humility. But she advanced and avowed, that all things by her done, were well done: yea, and done by the commandments of GOD, and the saints before rehearsed, plainly to her appearing: Referring the judgement of her cause, only to God, and to no judge or counsel, of the Church militant. Wherefore, the judges Ecclesiastical, perceiving her hard heart, so long to continued, caused her to be brought forth, in a common auditory, before the Clergy and people, in a great multitude, there, for that purpose assembled. In which presence were opened, manifested, & declared, solemnly, openly, and truly, by a master in divinity, of notable learning and virtuous life, to the advancement of the catholic faith, and extirping of errors and false opinions, all her confessions and assertions, charitably admonishing, and persuading her to return, to the union and fellowship of Christ's Church, and to correct and amend, the faults and offences, in the which she was so obstinate and blind. And according to the law, the judges aforesaid, begainne to proceed and pronounce the judgement and ●entence, in that case of right appertaining. Yet, before the judge, had fully declared the sentence, she began somewhat to abate her courage, and said that she would, reconcile herself, to our Mother the holy Church, both gladly and willingly. The judges, and other Ecclesiastical persons, gently received her offer, hoping by this mean, that both her body and soul, were gotten again out of eternal loss and perdition. And so, she submitted herself, to the ordinance of the holy Church, and with her mouth, openly revoked, her errores and detestable crimes: and the same, abjured openly, signing with her hand, thesay abjuration, and revocation. Where upon, our Mother holy Church, being pitiful and merciful, glad and rejoicing of a sinner, that will convert, willing the strayed sheep to return again to his fold and flock, condemned the said jone only to do open penance. But the fire of her pride, which was in her heart, suddenly braced out into hurtful flames, blown out by the bellows of envy: and incontinent after, she took again, all her errors and false opinions, by her before, adivered and revoked, for which causes, according to the judgements and institutions of holy church, to the intent that she, hereafter should not defile, any other member of the flock, of our Lord jesus Christ: was again exhorted, and preached to openly. And because she still was obstinate, in her trespasses and villainous offences, she was delivered to the secular power, the which condemned her, to be brent, and consumed her in the fire. And when she saw that the fatal day of her obstinacy was come, she openly confessed, that the spirits, which to her often did appear, were evil and false, and apparent liars, and that their promise, which they had made, to deliver her out of captivity, was false and unt rue: affirming herself, by those spirits to be often beguiled, blinded, and mocked. And so being in good mind, she was by the justices, carried to the old market, within the city of Rouen, and there by the fire, consumed to ashes, in the sight of all the people.  
THIS letter, the king of England, sent not only to the Duke of Burgoyne, and other Princes, to declare the verity of the matter, and the administration of justice, but to admonish all rude and ignorant persons, in all other countries, to refrain, from the credit and belief of the sayings, of such profane prophecies, and crafty imageners, as this peevish painted Pucelle was. Yet notwithstanding, this lawful process, this due examination and public sentence, Thom Buchet, and diverse French writers affirm her to be a saint in heaven. But because, it is no point of our faith, no man is bound to believe his judgement, although he were an Archedeken. But Paulus Emilius, a famous writer, rehearsing that the citizens of orleans, had builded in the honour of her, an Image or an Idol, saith: that Pius bishop of Rome, and Anthony bishop of Florence, much marveled and greatly wondered at her acts and doings. With which saying, I can very well agreed, that she was more to be marveled at, as a false prophetess, and seducer of the people: then to be honoured or worshipped as a saint sent from God into the realm of France. For of this I am sure, that all ancient writers, aswell divine, as profane, allege these three things, beside diverse other, to apparteine to a good woman. First, shamefastness, 
Three properties that appertain to a good woman.  which the Roman Ladies ●o kept, that seldom or never they were seen openly talking with a man: which virtue, at this day amongst the Turks, is highly esteemed. The second, is pity: which in a woman's heart, abhorteth the spilling of the blood of a poor beast, or a silly bird. The third, is womanly behaviour, avoiding the occasion of evil judgement, and causes of slander. If these qualities, be of necessity, incident to a good woman, where was her shamefastness, when she daily and nightly, was conversant with comen soldiers, and men of war, amongst whom, is small honesty, less virtue, and shamefastness, lest of all exercised or used? Where was her womanly pity, when she taking to her, the heart of a cruel beast, flew, man, woman, and child, where she might have the upper hand? Where was her womanly behaviour, when she clad herself in a man's clothing, and was conversant with every lozel, giving occasion to all men to judge, and speak evil of her, and her doings. Then these things, being thus plainly true, all men must needs confess, that the cause ceasing, the effect also ceaseth: so y●, if these moral virtues lacking, she was no good woman, than it must needs, consequently follow, that she was no saint.  
NOW leaving this woman, consumed to ashes, let us return again, to the siege of Compeigne, which still continued. During which time, the Regent sent to the Duke of Burgoyne, lying at the siege, the earl of Huntyngdon, sir John Robsert, with a thousand Archers, which daily skirmished, with them of the town, and made such Bastiles and fortresses, that the town must needs be rendered, or else they within, famished. But see the chance, when victory was at hand Tidings were brought to the duke of Burgoyn, that Philip duke of Brabante, was departed out of this world, leaving behind him, no heir of his body: To whom, thesay duke pretended to be next heir. Wherefore, he taking with him, his best captains, of the recovery of ●o great a duchy, departed from the siege, leaving his poor people behind him, and ordained in his place, for his lieutenant, sir John Luxenborough, which being, of small strength and less courage, after the dukes departing, advised the Englishmen, to departed for that time, till the next summer: which thereto at the first, would in nowise agreed. But there was no remedy, for he was captain general, and had the ordinance under his rule, so that without that, they could nothing do: Wherefore, in great displeasure, they returned into Normandy. After whose departure, the captain set fire in all the bastiles, and secretly departed, leaving behind him, diverse pieces of ordinance, for lack of carriage. With which return, the dukes of Bedford and Burgoyn, were sore displeased: for if he had continued his siege, eight days longer, the town had been rendered, without dent of sword. For pestilence and famine, had almost consumed all the soldiers, and left the town, with out safeguard or defence.  
AFTER this siege broken up, John duke of Norfolk, took again the towns of Dampmartyn, and the Chasse Mongay, and diverse other towns. And th'earl of Stafford, took the town of Brie, in County Robert, and from thence, foraged all the country to Sens, and after took Quesnoy in Brie, Grand Puys, and Rampellon, with many prisoners as sir jaques de Milly, and sir John de la Hay. During which time the frenchmen took Loviers, & Uilluense. And then the town of Melune rebelled, and had such aid, of other towns adjoining, that the English soldiers, were fain to leave Melune, Morret, and Gorbell. Thus, according to the chance of war, the one part got, and the other lost. Thus the English affairs (as you have hard) within the realm began to waver, and wax variable, which caused the English captains, to be of diverse opinions. For one part, being sorry and pensive, adjudged the things present, light and of no moment, in comparison of them which they saw likely to follow: and another sort, adjudged that present time, to be most ieoperdus, and most repleted with perils: Because they saw, the power of their enemies, now increased, and their own strength rather decayed, then conserved. And so every man studying on this business, advised secretly with himself, what counsel was best to be taken, and what way was best to be followed, to remedy these things, thus wavering, in a doubtful balance. And then it was concluded, that it was most apt and meet, for the time present, that king Henry in his royal person, with a new army, should come down into France, partly to comfort and visit his own subjects there: partly, either by fear or favour, (because a child, of his age and beauty, doth commonly allure to him, the hearts of elder persons,) to 'cause the frenchmen to continued, in their due obeisance toward him. Wherefore, after a great host, convenient for that purpose, assembled, and money for the maintenance of the war, ready gathered, and the realm set in an order, and the Duke of Gloucester, appointed governor (which during the kings absence, appeased diverse riottes, and punished many offenders,) the king with a great power, took shipping at Dover, and landed at Calais, and there tarried a good space▪ and from thence, he removed to Rouen, where, with all triumph, he was received, and there sojourned, till the midst of August, his nobles daily consulting, on their great business, and weighty affairs.   

¶ The tenth year. 
The ten year.   
IN the month of Novembre, he removed from Rouen to Ponthoise, and so to saint Denice, to the intent to make his entry, into the city of Paris, and there to be sacred king of France, and to receive, the sceptre and Crown of the realm and country.  
THERE were in his company, of his own nation, his uncle the Cardinal of Winchester, 
The coronaci●n of king Henry the vi. in Paris.  the Cardinal and archbishop of York, the Dukes of Bedforde, York, and Norfolk, the Earls of Warwick, Salis●ury, Oxford, Huntyngdon, Ormond, Mortayn, Suffolk, and of Gascoynes, the Earl of Longuile, and March, beside many noble men of England, Guyan, and Normandy. And the chief of the French nation, were the dukes of Burgoyn, and Lewes of Luxenbrogh Cardinal and Chancellor of France for king Henry, the bishops of Beavoys and Neyon, both peers of France, beside the bishop of Paris, and diverse other bishops, th'earl of Uaudemount, & other noble men whose names were very tedious to you to here rehearsed. And he had in a guard, about his person, three thousand strong archers, some on horseback, and part on foot. And as he was coming, between saint Denice and Paris, he was met at the Chapel, in the mean way, by Sir Simon Moruer provost of Paris, with a great company, all clothed in red Satin, with blue whoddes, which did to him, due reverence and low obeisance. After whom, came diverse rich and notable burgesses, of the town of Paris, all apparelled in Crimosyne cloth. After they had done their reverence, there approached to the king, the ix worthies, ●ittyng richly on horseback, armed with the arms to them appertaining. Next after them, came the knight of the watch, for the provost Merchants, and with him, all the officers of the court, apparelled in blue, and hats red. And in a long space after, came Master Philip de Noruillier, chief precedent of the Parliament, apparelled in a rob of estate: and all the other presidents of the parliament, clothed in robes of scarlet, and in like robes followed the Lords of the Chamber of accounts, and of the finance, the Masters of the Requests, the secretaries, and registers, and every company, as their course came, saluted the king, with eloquent orations, and heroical verses, and so conveyed him to the gate of saint Denice, where the provost, of the Merchants, and the Shrefes of the town, received him with a Canopy of blue velvet, richly embraudred, with flower of delices gold, and bore the same over him, through the town, which on every side, was hanged with rich clotheses of Arras and Tapissrie. And at every port and bridge where he passed was set a pageant, of great show and small cost, which, because they were but trifles, I over pass, and speak but of one devise, made before the gate of the Chastelet, whereupon a stage stood, a goodly child, clothed with habit royal, set full of flower delices, having two Crowns on his head, representing the young king, and on his right hand, stood two noble personages, in the arms of Burgoyne and Flaunders: and on the left side of him, stood three personages, clothed in the Arms, of Bedforde, Salisbury, and Warwick, which to him delivered, the sword of England. This pagiaunt was well regarded, and highly praised. From thence he departed to the palace, and offered in the Chapel, and from thence he departed, to the house of Tournelles, and there took his repast. And after din- Isabella, late wife to king Charles, his grandfather, long before diseased. And the next day he was conveyed, to Boys de Uyncennes, where, he reposed himself, till the xu day of December: on which day, he returned to the palace of Paris. And on the xvij of thesay month, he departed from the place, in great triumph, honourably accompanied, to our Lady church of Paris: where, with all solemnity, he was anointed and crowned king of France, by the Cardinal of Winchester: (the bishop of Paris, not being content, that the Cardinal should do such a high Ceremony, in his Church and jurisdiction.) At the offering, he offered bread and wine, as the custom of France is. When the divine service was finished, and all Ceremonies due, to that high estate were accomplished, the king departed toward the palace, having one crown on his head, and another borne before him, and one sceptre in his hand, & the second borne before him. What should I speak, of the honourable service, the dainty dishes, the pleasant conceits, the costly wines, the sweet Armony, the Musical instruments, which were seen and showed at that feast, sith all men may conjecture, that nothing was omitted, that might be bought for gold, nor nothing was forgotten, that by man's wit could be invented. Yet this high and joyous feast, was not without a spot of displeasure, for the Cardinal of Wynchester, which at this time, would have no man to him equal, commanded the duke of Bedforde, to leave of the name of Regent, during the time that the king was in France: affirming the chief ruler being in presence, the authority of the substitute, was clearly derogate: according to the common saying: in the presence of the high power, the small authority giveth place. The duke of Bedford, took such a secret displeasure with this doing, that he never after favoured the Cardinal, but repugned and disdained at all things that he did or devised. And so because the Cardinal would have no temporal Lord, either to him superior, or with him equal, he set forth this proud and arrogant conclusion, thorough which unhappy division, the glory of thenglishmen within the realm of France, began first to decay, and vade away in France.  
THE next day after this solemn feast, were kept triumphant justes and tourneys, in the which, the Earl of Arundel, and the Bastard of Scent Polle, by the judgement of the Ladies, won the price, and got the honour. When he had kept open house to all comers, by the space of xx. days, because the air of Paris, was somewhat contrariaunt to his pure complexion, he was advised by his counsel, to return to Rouen. But before his departure, he caused all the nobility, the presidentzes of the parliament, the provosts of the city and of the Merchants, and the chief burgesses of the town and city, and all the doctors of the university, to be assembled in his presence: to whom the duke of Bedford said in this manner.  
IT is not unknown to you all my lords, 
An Oration of the duke of Bedforde, made to the Parisians.  aswell spiritual as temporal, how this noble region and famous country, of antiquity called Gaul, and now France, sith the time of Charles, surnamed the Great, being both Emperor of Rome, and king of this realm, hath been accounted, reputed, and renowned, the most christian region, and famous signory, within the circle of all christendom, yea, and within the whole part of Europe, and not undeseruyngly, for three causes. First, for your sincere faith and obedient love, toward your saviour and redeemer jesus Christ. The second, for observing your fidelity & due obeisance, to your kings and sovereign Lords. Thirdly, for keeping and performing your promises and agreements, aswell by word as by writing: from the which no pagan, nor honest Christian, will or should disagree. This famous renown and immaculate honour, so long continuing without reproach or blot: I think, yea, and doubt not, but you will to the death, keep, defend, and observe, as your noble parents and ancient progenitors, before you (to their ineffable praise) have used and accustomed. Wherefore, sith it is not unknown to all you, that the noble and virtuous prince, king Henry the fifth, my most dearest and well-beloved brother, was the very true inheritor, and the undoubt full successor, to the crown of this realm of France, as cousin and heir to Lady Isabella, daughter and sole inheritrice, to king Phillippe the Fair. For the recovery of which right and title, what pain he took, and what charge he was at, I well know, and some of you have felt, as a great scourge to your nation, only provided by God, to afflict and punish them: which will withhold & usurp, other men's rights, possessions, and inheritance. But God our saviour and redeemer, (which will not suffer his people, intending to convert, to be dampened for ever, but gently calleth them to mercy and salvation) of his great goodness & gentleness, willed the holy ghost, to shed and pour, into the heart of the noble prince, king Charles, your late well-beloved and most dread sovereign lord, the knowledge of the lawful line, and of the true path of the inheritance, of the crown & sceptre of this realm. Which virtuous man, having neither an heart hardened in his own opinion, nor a mind ambitious of Empire, (as many tyrants, and covetous princes, before this day, have had, used, and accustomed) for avoiding farther effusion of christian blood, and for the salvation of his soul, without battle, or stroke of weapon, was content, (upon an honourable composition) to restore the lawful inheritance to the true heir and to render his title to the right lineage, & undoubted line. Which treaty and final composition, was neither wanton overloked, nor unwisely overseen. For all the noble peers, of this realm, both spiritual & temporal, yea, & the most part of the nobility, (except a certain wild and wilful persons) with the whole commonalty, (in whom the very base and burden of the realm doth consist) not only by word, but by ancient writing, signed with their hands, and strengthened with the seals of their arms, here ready to be showed, have frankly and freely, with out scruple or contradiction, agreed, and affirmed the same. By which composition, (as the mirror and plain show and token, of king Henry's right) he was by the three estates, assigned, and allowed, as heir apparent to the said king Charles, lately deceased. But cruel death separating his body from his soul, long before the expectation of his people, suffered him not to possede and enjoy, the title and regality, of this his due inheritance, and succession royal. Yet, God willing not the stock, of so noble, so famous, and so virtuous a prince, to remain barren without bud or flower, hath sent to him, and from him to you a flourishing child, a godly prince of both the noble houses, of England & France, indifferently descended: as who would say, that by nature, he is neither perfect English, nor perfect French, but a man indifferent, called an English Frencheman, and a French Englishman. Which noble prince, and your sovereign Lord, you may with glad hearts, and loving countenances, se, hear, and behold. And as for his honourable behaviour, & princely majesty: few princes of full & ripe age, be to him comparable, or equipollent. As for his beauty and other gifts of nature, scace Absalon can be to him assembled. But, having respect to the virtuous disposition, the Godly mind, and sincere conscience, of so noble a child and princely infant, I surely think, and perfectly believe, that he is above all other, the blazing Star, and the unmatched Paragon. This precious stone and noble jewel, is not only come out of his natural country, and nourishing Region, to receive the Crown and possession, of this his realm and dominion, but also, (like a good shepherd) to view, see, and know you, as his well-beloved flock, and most desired subjects: and you likewise, (as loving and obedient vassals) to behold, and know your sovereign lord and prince, to the intent, that as you, above all other nations, aswell christian as Ethenicke, have served, loved, and obeyed, your rulers and Kings, before these days: so, he now doubteth not, but to found you as loving to him, as the Turtle to her make, as sure to him, as the Adamant to the steel, and as permanent in his obedience, as the hard mountain of Olympe, which, neither craft nor engine can either consume, or remove. And all mistrust of your ingratitude, is clearly banished from his heart: considering, that he knoweth, that you daily hear it preached, that you should fear God, and honour your king, and that he, which is in stubborness and obstinacy toward his prince, is disobedient toward God. For the Prince in earth, is the vicar of GOD, and head and shepherd of Christ's flock: to whom both spiritual persons and temporal, be subjects, and inferiors in all causes of rule & governance. And although some persons within this realm, seduced more by fantastical error, then obstinate arrogancy, have taken part, and entered into amity with Charles de Ualoys, untruly calling himself the French king: yet the very true and undoubtful prince, and our sovereign Lord, here being present, is resolved and content, to remit and pardon their offences and crimes, so that they within twelve days, return to the true fold, and forsake the infected flock, and sedious company. Wherefore, his request is at this time, that you, for the fidelity, which you have ever borne to him, and for the love, that he hath, and still intendeth to bear to you, will vouchsafe hereafter, without letting of time, diligently study, and busily take pain, both to keep his loving subjects in good order, and due obeisance toward him, and also to see them live in mutual amitic and brotherly concord, between theim selfes: not forgetting, that the old proverb, which saith: inward discord, bringeth realms to ruin. Which honourable requests, if you accomplish and perform, (as of your very bounden duty, you be bound in deed) you shall deserve so much favour, of your king and sovereign Lord, that to all your honest requests, his ears shallbe open, & to all your reasonable desires, his mouth shall not be stopped. And thus he wisheth you, health in bodies, increase in your substance, and to your souls, joy and felicity without end perpetually.  
WHEN the duke had finished and ended this his oration, the people being glad and rejoicing at his sayings, cried; live king Henry▪ live King Henry. After which cry passed, the noble men, aswell of France and Normandy, did to him homage, and the common people▪ swore to him fealty: to whom, (although he were a child) he gave both pleasant and fair words, with hearty thanks, and many gratifications, to the great admiration of the French people.  
AFTER he had feasted, the nobles and commons of France, within the city of Paris, he with a great company, departed from thence, and by small journeys came to Rouen, where, he celebrated with great solemnity, the high feast of Christmas. While these noble Ceremonies were thus in doing, in the city of Paris, sundry chances, diversly happened in several places, to the displeasure of the one part, and to the gain of the other. For sir Frances Surrien Arragnoys, a noble captain in Normandy, took by force and policy, the town of Mountarges, with a great prey of treasure and prisoners, and therein he put a garrison, and vitailed the town, to the great displeasure of the French King. About the same season, the Earl of Arundel, being truly informed, that the lord Bousac, Martial of France, was come to Beavoys, intending to do some feat in Normandy, assembled the number of three and twenty hundred men, and laid himself privily, in a close place, nor far from thesay town, and sent a great number of light horsemen, to run to the barriers of the city. The Frenchmen, like valiant men of war, issued out, and manfully fought with the Englishmen: which suddenly fled, toward the stolen. The Frenchmen, courageously followed, thinking the game gotten on their side: but when they were entered, into the strait, th'earl set freshly on them, so that after long fighting, there were slain and taken, in manner all the Frenchmen, save a few, which fled into the town, with the Marshal. Amongst the captains was found prisoner, the valiant captain, called Poynton of Sanctrailes, (which without delay,) was exchanged for the lord Talbot, before taken prisoner, at the battle of Poitiers. There was also taken one, called the shepherd, a simple man, and a silly soul, whom, the Frenchmen reputed, to be of such a holiness, that if he touched the wall of a town, of their enemies, that incontinent, it would fall to the ground, and overturn. Such false fantastical fainers, were at that time much regarded, and no less believed in France.  
THIS chance succeeded not, fortunately alone: for Richard Beauchampe Earl of Warwick, had a great skirmish, before the town of Gourney, where he discomfited and repulsed his enemies, and beside the carrions, which were left dead on the ground, he took prisoners, three score horsemen, all gentlemen of name and arms. Like chance of infortune, happened at the same time, to Renate or rain duke of Bar, a great friend to Charles the French king, both in lending him money, and also in ministering to him aid and succours. This Duke bearing displeasure, to Anthony earl of Uaudemont, his cousin and kinsman, gathered together a great army, and besieged the town of Uaudemont. th'earl, before the dukes approaching, to th'intent that he would not be enclosed and compassed about by his enemies within a wall, leaving behind him, a convenient crew of men of war, to defend the town for a time, with all diligence road to the dukes of Bedford & Burgoyne, being then at the great triumph at Paris, whose part he had evertaken, After long consultation, it was agreed that sir John Fastolffe, should go with him, having in his company six hundred Archers, and the duke of Burgoyne sent to him, his Marshal, called sir Anthony Doulongon, with xu hundred men. The elre of Uaudemont thus being accompanied, marched toward his enemies. Duke rain, hearing of his coming toward him, was somewhat dismayed, fearing, lest if his enemies should approach to the walls, and be espied by the garrison within the town, that, at one time he should be assailed before, by them that would issue out of the town, and behind, by th'earl and his army. Wherefore, like a hardy captain, he broke up his siege, and met face to face, with th'earl and his company: between whom, was a cruel and a mortal battle. The horsemen endured long, but in conclusion, the English Archers, so galled the horses and so wounded the men, that the Barroys and their friends, were compelled to fly: in which chase was taken, thesay duke of Bar, the bishop of Myes, the lord of Rodemaque, sir Euerard of Saseabery, the Uicount Darcy, and two hundred other, beside three thousand men, which were slain. In this lucky time also, no less occasion of victory, was offered to the Englishmen, being in another part, if, wh●n the pig had been proffered, they had opened the poke: for Robert, Lord Willoughby, and Matthew Gough a valiant Welsheman, with xu hundred Englishmen, laid siege to a town in Anjou, being both by situation, and policy, very strong, and defensible, called saint Severyne. The Englishmen assailed it not so courageously, but they within, with equal audacity, boldly made defence: so that fortune seemed, to way both the parties in equal balance. Charles the French king, being thereof advertised, sent with all speed, the lord Ambrose de Lore, with many noble and valiant personages, to aid and relieve his friends, enclosed in the town by his enemies. This lord de Lore, being captain of the town, made much haste to comfort his deputy and captain within the same, and so marched forward with great spied: but fearing to be suddenly compassed about, he tarried still at Beaumond, looking for the army and captains, that should follow, and then altogether to set on their enemies, and so to raise the siege. While he there made his abode, and took his leisure, the Englishmen, by their espials, were assertened and advertised, what progress their enemies made, and what they intended▪ Wherefore, they politicly provided, to fight with the one part, before the whole puissance were joined. And so a great part of them, departed secretly in the night, toward their enemies, and found the watch so out of order, and overseen, that a thousand men were entered into the camp before they were espied. But the slaiing of men, and cutting down of tents, awaked the captains, whom this sudden fear, and unlooked chance, so greatly abashed, that no man in manner, either could h●are his fellow or himself, or could make sign to expulse and drive out their enemies out of their camp. But when the day began to appear, and the son had set forth his bright beams, that all thing might be seen and perceived, the Englishmen, given to covetousness of spoil, and desire of ravin, neither chased, nor followed their enemies, but being content with their prey and gain, began to retreat toward the siege again. But see the chance: the Frenchmen which were coming after, heard by the noise of the people, that some fray was then in hand, put the spurs to the horse, and ●et on their enemies, being jaded with bags and wallettes, of preys and spoils. The other part, which before fled, returned again, and assailed their enemies. The Frenchmen eagerly assailed, and the Englishmen manfully defended, which being out of order, were compelled to fly, of whom, Matthew Gough and diverse other were taken prisoners, and yet of the other part, many were slain, and a great number taken, amongst whom, was the lord of Lore, which, for all the battle, was kept and not delivered.  
THE lord Willoughby, hearing of this chance, raised the siege & departed, very sore displeased. Therefore, let every captain take good heed of victory, the which as she is hard to obtain, so she is quick to fly away: for it is daily seen, that he, which thinketh surely, that he hath her in his hands, before he can catch her, is deceived, & runneth into a great loss and danger: and on the otherside, when she is gotten, (except good watch be hourly kept) she will steal away, with much hurt and detriment, to the first gainer. Thus the Englishmen, for the greedy appetite of gain, lost the triumphant victory, which they had in their hands. While the English and French nations, thus strove and contended, for pre-eminence, principality, yea, & for the superior power of life, by the unreasonable rage of war in France, the rich men were spoiled of their goods, the spiritual persons, were taxed and brought low, the common people were slain, murdered, and trod under the foot, women were defiled, virgins were ravished, towns were destroyed and wasted, town dwellers and citizens, were rob and exiled, beautiful buildings, were cruelly brent, nothing was spared, by the cruelty of Mars: which by fire, blood, or famine, might be catched or destroyed, beside a hundred more calamities, that daily vexed and troubled the miserable French nation. Although France, were at this time, thus miserably afflicted: yet England, was not without dolour and trouble: for daily Englishmen, aswell noble as mean personages, were slain taken, wounded, or hurt, their substance was continually exacted, and consumed for maintenance of the wars, so that mischief and calamity was indifferent to both the nations, and quietness and gain, were expulsed & banished from them both: in so much that the lamentation and dolour of both the countries, were heard through the whole west part of the world, and of their continual dissension, all Europe and Africa, had their ears and mouths full, so that all men, not only marveled, that France could so much trouble so long time sustain, but more wondered, that the realm of England, being but an Isle, was able so to scourge, plague and trouble, the large French region, for which cause Euginye the fourth, being bishop of Rome, intending to bring this cruel war, to a friendly peace, sent his Legate, called Nicolas, Cardinal of the holy cross, into France, to th'intent to make an amity, and a concord between the two Princes and their realms. This wise Cardinal, came first to the French king, and after to the duke of Bedford being at Paris: exhorting concord, and persuading unity, showing, declaring, and arguing, peace to be most honourable, and more profitable to Christian princes, then mortal war, or uncharitable dissension. Which governors of Christ's people, aught to have an eye, to the profit of their people, to see justice duly ministered, to rule themselves by reason and not by will, and to abstain from malice, and abhor all wrong and injury, to which things, war is ever enemy & clean contrary.  
WHEN the Legate had thus persuaded the princes on every part, both, gently answered, that they were content to come, to a reasonable end. But when the first communication was moved, and by commissioners treated, their doings were so far disagreeable, from their words, that not only reasonable and honest conditions of peace, could be neither heard nor accepted, but more frowardness, pertinacy, & malice, was kindled and sprung in their stomachs, then before that time had been seen. The Cardinal being in utter despair, of concluding a peace between the two realms, (lest he should seem to depart empty of all things, for the which he had taken so much travail) desired a truce for six years to come, which request, as it was to him, by both parties hardly granted, so was it of the Frenchmen, soon and lightly broken, after his return: For the Bastard of orleans, newly made Earl of Dumoys, took by treason the town of Charters, from the Englishmen: affirming by the law of arms, that stealing or buying a town, without invasion, or assault, was no breach of league, amity, nor truce. In the which town, he slew the bishop, because he was a Burgonyon, through which occasion, new malice increased, and mortal war began again, to rise and spring.  
WHILE these things were doing in France, Henry Beaufforde Cardinal of Winchester, was sailed again into England, to appea●e and repress certain divisions and commotions, sprung up, by mischievous and pernicious persons, within the realm, which under the colour of a new sect of religion, conjured together, to disquiet & vex, the whole quietness of the realm. But after, that William Maundevile and John Sharpe were taken, and executed by the governor and the kings justices, the remnant yielded, and confessed their offences: whereof two articles were these, as some men writ: that priests should have no possessions, and that all things, by the order of Charity, amongst Christian people, should be incommon. After this seditious conjuration, by diligent inquiry, was thus quenched out, the Cardinal began to comen with the duke of Gloucester, concerning the affairs and business of France: and suspecting that the truce would not long continued between both the realms, (as it did not in deed) devised, how to sand more aid, and men to the Duke of Bedforde, and gathered up more money, and treasure, for the further maintenance of the wars, and resistance of their enemies. Whereupon the Duke of Gloucester, called a Parliament, in the which, money was assigned, and men were appointed. During which Parliament, james the king of Scots, sent Ambassadors, to conclude a peace, with the duke of Gloucester, which, (because the king was abs●nte) referred the matter to the iij. estates. After long consultation, (not without great arguments) a peace was granted and concluded, which all men judged, long to continued, because king james, was then vexed, with civil war and intestine dissension, and also the frenchmen had taken truce, (as you have hard) for vi years.  
WHEN the parliament was finished, the cardinal well garnished with men and money, departed out of England, and came to Rouen to the king, to whom also resorted from Paris, john, Duke of Bedford, to debate and consult of things, not unlikely to happen and chance. Wherefore, a great counsel was celebrated, within the Castle of Rouen, and many doubts were moved, and few weighty things out of hand concluded. Some imagined, that their enemies, would not long keep promise, nor yet observe the truce, by them solemnly granted: considering, that the French hearts brent, and their eyes were very sore, to see the rich Duchy of Normandy, the fair city of Paris, and the pleasant Isle of France, to be brought and reduced, under the obeisance and subjection, of thenglish nation. Wherefore, they would not omit, or oversee one thing, that sounded to defence, lest the Frenchmen suddenly, (not keeping their promise, & breaking the truce,) might cause thenglishmen to be in great & perilous jeopardy, not knowing what counsel to take, nor suddenly to provide a remedy for a mischief, both for lack of men and substance. Other were of opinion, that numbers of men, could not long be maintained and kept together, without breach of truce, and violating of peace: knowing that the hands of men, be properly given to spoil, and ever ready to gain, and most especially, when they be daily ready in harness, prove and quick to set on their enemies. And therefore, they would the walled towns, to be well manned and defended, and the rest of the army, to be sent into England again, there to remain and tarry, till the time of the truce were expired and over passed.  
AFTER this disputation, with many arguments ended, the dukes of Bedford and York, and Edmond late earl of Mortayn, and now by the death of John duke of Somerset, (which died without heir male, leaving behind him, a sole daughter called Margaret, after, countess of Richemond) erected to the name and title, of duke of Somerset, liked and approved, the first argument, & first moved reason: affirming best, that war must be provided for, and that money out to be disburssed, and to avoid all doubts, that a greater army, was necessary to be gathered together and assembled. When all things were agreed, king Henry departed to Calais, and from thence to Dover, and so by easy torneiss he came the xxi day of February, to the city of London, where he was received, not only with great pomp and triumph, but also highly presented with gifts and money, as in the Chronicle of Robert Fabian, you may read at large, which thing I over pass.  
AFTER that the king, was departed into England, the Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, and captain of Calais, tarried behind in the Marches of Picardy: where he was informed, that certain soldiers of Calais, grudging at the restraint of wols, began to mutter and murmur against the king and his counsel, so that the town of Calais, was like to stand in jeopardy. Wherefore the duke, foreseeing the mischief that might ensue, & thinking it wisdom, to withstand the first motion, caused the chieftains of this faction, to be apprehended, and after due examination had, diverse were put to death, and many banished & exiled the Marches for ever. After that he had purged the town of that ungracious and seditious company, and had furnished it, with new soldiers & discrete men of war, he was determined, first to repair again to Paris, but his heart would not serve him: for sith his departure, Lady Anne his wife and Duchies, was departed to God, and honourably interred in the Celestyns at Paris: by whose death, and for other causes, (as partly you have hard) the sure love, and approved fidelity, between the duke of Burgoyn, his brother in law and him, began to wax faint and cold. For which cause, he, being persuaded by the lord Lewes of Luxenborough, bishop of Tyrwine and Ely, and Chancellor of France for king Henry, agreed to mary the Lady jaquet, daughter to Peter, earl of saint Paul, and nicce to the said bishop, and to lord John of Luxenborough: to the intent, that by this new affinity, the old acquaintance and familiarity, which he had with that noble family of Luxemborough, should be renewed and enforced, and with a more surer knot, knit and confirmed. Whereupon, he departed from Calais to Tirwyne, where, he was highly received of the Earl of saint Paul, and of his brethren, and there he married, the fair and fresh lady jaquet, of the age of xvii years, with all triumph and nuptial solemnity. After which Ceremony ended, he returned with his new spouse to Calais, and so into England, where, he with his wife remained, until August next, and then returned again to Paris. The duke of Burgoyne, (whose mind began to incline, a little and little, toward king Charles) was sore grieved and angry, that the duke of Bedforde, was joined in affinity, with the noble and famous house of Luxemborough: by the which he saw, that the power of the Englishmen, should be greatly advanced. But the marriage was fully ended, and he could find no remedy.   

¶ The eleventh year. 
The xi year.   
WHile these things were doing thus, in other places the French soldiers lacking wages, (and amongst them, a great number, which in hope of prey, and desire of spoil, had cast up the plough, and left their labour,) began privily, (as time served, and occasion gave place) to take both Englishmen and burgonions, and ransomed and spoiled them, at their pleasures. And although, they were prohibited thus to do, (during the time of truce & peace) yet inconclusion, they spared not, openly to rob, spoil, and burn: yea, & to steal towns, which they affirmed to be no breach of truce. The Englishmen, pricked and vexed, with these open wrongs, and manifest injuries, prepared for war, after the six month, that the truce was taken and concluded. And by this means, the war was renewed and begun again. The untrue frenchmen, breakers of peace, and not keepers of truce, raised a crew of men, and suddenly took the town of saint Ualerie, standing in Normandy, on the River of Soame: and another army, under the conduct of sir Ambrose, lord of Lore, wasted and destroyed all the country about Caen. The Duke of Bedford, not minding to lie still in idleness, sent the Earl of Arundel, the Earl of Warwick's son the Lord Lisle, Adane Martial of France, for king Henry, and xii C. men, with ordinance and munitions, to besiege the town of Laigny, upon the River of Marne. Which earl, with the shot of a Canon, broke the arch of the bridge, and got from the Frenchmen, their bulwark, and set it on fire. diverse assaults were attempted, but the town was well defended: for within, were shut up, eight hundred men of arms, beside other mean soldiers.  
THE duke of Bedford, being thereof advertised, gathered an army of six thousand men of war, whereof were captains, Robert, Lord Willoughby, sir Andrew Ogard, Chamberlein to the duke, sir John Saluaine, Bailiff of Rouen, sir John Montgomerie, bailiff of Caux, sir Philip Halle, Bailiff of Uernoyle, sir Richard Ratclife, deputy of Calais, sir Ralph Nevell, sir Ralph standish, sir John Hanforde, sir Richard Euthin, sir Richard Harryngton, bailiff of Eurenx's, sir William Fulthorpe, sir Thomas Griffyne of Ireland; Davy Halle, Thomas Stranguish, Leonard Orneston, esquires, and Thomas Gerard, which sold the town of Mounstrean Faultyon, to the frenchmen: and with all things necessary, came to the siege before Laigny. He, there, made a bridge of boats, and brought his ordinance so near the town, that to all people, it seemed not long able to resist. But the Earl of Dumoys Bastard of orleans, with diuer●e hardy captains, as valiantly repulsed, as the Englishmen assaulted. This siege contyneved, as fire against flame, and sometime flame against fire. For although the Englishmen slew more number, yet they got neither prey, nor boty: and although the frenchmen, kept valiantly the walls, and defended the loupes, yet they lost both men and captains, and were long secluded from their aid and succours, till Charles the French king, perceiving this town, to be the three corner key, between the territories of the Englishmen, the burgonions, and his own, and that the loss thereof, should turn him to innumerable damages, and incredible hurts, sent the lord of Rieux, Poyton, the Heir, the lord Gancort, and six thousand men, with great plenty of victuals, to th'intent, either to raise the siege, or to victual the town. The French captains, made a brag, as though they would fight with thenglishmen, within their field and Campe. The Englishmen would not issue out, but kept themselves in good order, ever looking for, their entry and invasion. The Regent perceiving, that they approached not, sent to them an herald of Arms, declaring his intent, and the courage of his company, which nothing more desired, than battle. And to show himself as a captain, meaning that, which he offered, & not dissimuling that, which he spoke: he incontinent, divided his men into three battles, no more wisely ordered, the politicly governed: as who would say, come on Frencheman, if thy heart will serve. But his adversaries, more crafty than hardy, more politic than courageous, framed themselves in such order of battle, as they were able to do all thing, and yet inconclusion, (concerning martial feats) they did nothing. For, while they made a proud brag, and a stout skirmish with the Englishmen, they appointed diverse rude and rustical persons, to convey into the town, thirty. oxen and other small victual, but this sweet gain, was sourly paid for, if the loss with the gain, be pondered in one balance: for having regard to xxx lean oxen, in the conflict were slain, the lord Sentrayles, brother to Pothon, the valiant captain John, brother to the lord Gawcort, and fifty other noble and valiant personages, beside other common people, which bought that bargain, about the price of the common Market. The frenchmen, perceiving their infortunate chance, and not only considering, the unspeakable heat, which then wearied their people, being in the beginning, of the hot month of August: but also, perceiving the Englishmen, to be planted and settled, in a place unable to be won, and in a ground, both dangerous to invade, and hard to assail, like men desperate of gain, and without hope of victory, departed to Fort under Yerre, where, by a bridge of tons, they passed into the Isle of France. The Duke of Bedforde, (like a wise prince) not minding to lease the more for the less, nor the accident for the substance, fearing that Paris and other towns, more necessary to thenglishmen, and of more estimation, would return to his adversaries, thinking if the greater power were holden, the less should be soon obtained, raised his siege, and returned to Paris, nothing less minding, then to try his quarrel with dent of sword, against his enemies: and so sent Bedford his herald, to the lord Gamcort, and other chieftains of his army, offering him battle, and a pitched field, within a convenient ground▪ where so ever he would, within the Isle of France, assign or appoint. To the which officer of Arms, the captains answered, that battle they feared not, nor the English puissance, they not much regarded, but they said: that time was to gain, and time was to loose, of the which two, they doubted not to espy the one, either to their great gain, or to their apparent loss. Whereupon they sent the lord Ambrose de Lore, with vii C. horsemen, to rob and spoil the poor people, coming to the fair, on the day of saint Michael the Archangel, kept in the suburbs of the town of Cae●. But when Davy Halle Esquire, captain of the town, for the duke of York, issued out to fight with him, he departed by flight, without any either botie or gain of the fair. The Frenchmen perceiving, that neither power, force, nor policy, could avail against the English nation, determined to trip and deceive them, by their accustomed servant, called master Treason, and so by money, corrupted Piers Audebeuffe, Constable of the castle of Rouen, that the Marshal of France, and the lord Fountains, with two hundred persons disguised, entered into the Castle, but they were soon espied, and driven to the dungeon, where they were taken and yielded: whereof some were hanged, some headed, and some ransomed at the pleasure of the Regent: and such end had the traitors, which would by treason, rather than by battle, obtained their prey and desired purpose.  
THIS pageant played, the Regent sent Peter of Luxenborough earl of saint Paul, and Robert, lord Willoughby, with a competent crew of men, to besige the town of Saint Ualerie, which the French men a little before had taken. These valiant captains, not minding to sleep their business, environed the town with a strong siege. Within the town, were sir Lewes de Uancort, sir Phillippe de la tour, and sir Reignold de Uerseilles, captains, with three hundred good fighting men, which by the space of three weeks, manfully defended the same. But at the xxi day, they perceiving the fierceness of thenglishmen, and the weakness of themselves, (having no hope of relief, nor confidence in any aid) rendered the town, their horse and harness only saved. The Earl put, in the garrison of the town, fresh and valiant soldiers, and appointed captain there, sir John Awbemorid: in which town suddenly, (whether it were by infection of the air, or by corrupt victual by long lying, which the towns men did eat,) a great pestilence sprang, in the infortunate country. Which, after so many calamities and evil chances, being two times besieged by the frenchmen, and thrice recovered by th'English nation, was now infected and corrupted, with the pestilent plague: whereby two parts of the people, within short space, were destroyed and consumed.  
AFTER this town gotten, the Earl of saint Paul, and the Lord Willoughby, returned to the Regent, where, they were well welcomed. And after, the said Earl departed from Paris, to lay siege to the Castle of Monchas, but being encamped, near to the town of Blangy, he, by a sudden malady, finished his days, and departed the world, leaving his signiories, to Lewes his son and heir. For which dead Earl, were solemn obsequies kept, both in Paris and in London, because he was father in law to the Regent. In the mean season, the frenchmen entered into the costs of high Burgoyne, and brent, took, and destroyed towns: for which cause, the burgonions being sore displeased, assembled a great army, both to revenge their quarrels, and also to recover again the towns, from them injustly taken: to whom, (as to his friends) the duke of Bedforde, sent Robert Lord Willoughby, and sir Thomas Kiriel, with a convenient company of soldiers, which entering into the lands of La●noys, were encountered with a great number of their enemies: but by whose force, (after long fight) the French men were slain and dispersed: whereof were left dead in the field, an hundred and sixty horsemen, beside prisoners, which after in a fury, were all killed and put to destruction.   

¶ The xii year. 
The xii year.   
WHile these chances thus happened in France, John lord Talbot, gathered together, a crew of chosen men of war in England, to the number of viii. C, & sailed into Normandy, and passed by Rouen toward Paris, and in his way, he took the strong Castle of Ioing, between Beavoys and Guysors, and caused all the Frenchmen within, to be hanged on the walls, and after, raised and defaced the Castle, and came to the Duke of Bedford, to Paris. The presence of which renowned captain, (a marvelous thing it is to see) so encouraged the hearts of the English nation, that they thought, nothing able to resist their puissance, and so discouraged the hearts of the frenchmen, that they were in doubt, whether it were better to fight, or to fly. And this was not without a cause: for surely, he was a chosen captain, & in martial feats, a man fully instructed, and his courage and practice in war, was fearful to the French nation, and to his own countrymen, an especial hope and a sure defence. When this hardy Baron, had commoned with the Regent, and agreed what way he should take, without long delay or prolonging of time, he departed from Paris with his army, and desieged the Castle of Beaumond upon Oise, whereof was captain, sir Amadour de Uignolles, brother to the Heir. Which castle was son rendered, upon condition. After that, he regained without long siege, the towns of Creile, the bridge of saint Maxens, the new town in Esinoy, Crespy in Ualoys, and Cleremount in Beavoys: and so with great riches, and fat prisoners, he returned again to Paris. Thus, prosperous success happened, not to the lord Talbot alone: but also the same very season, th'earl of Arundel, took the Castle of Bomelyne, and raised it to the ground, and after, took by force the Castle of Dorle, and from thence came to saint Seleryne, where the lord Ambrose of Lore, was captain, which issued out, and fought with the Englishmen so eagerly at the first, that he drove them back an arrow shot by fine force. But the Earl so encouraged his men, that they took new courages to them, and set to fiercely on the frenchmen, that they slew a great number, and drove the remnant into the town.  
AFTER this victory, he besieged Loviers, whereof was captain, the Heir, and his brother, which rendered the town, without stroke or assault. For all this good luck, th'earl forgot not to return, to the town of S. Seleryne, but assembled a great army, and environed the town about with a strong siege. When he had lain there almost three months every day attempting or doing somewhat, for the performance of his enterprise, in conclusion at the three months end, he gave so fierce an assault, that by force he entered the town, and slew John Allemagne and Gulliam sent Aubyne, the chief captains, and eight C. other men of war, and the Children of the lord Lore, were taken captives: he replenished and fortified the town again with new men, and munitions, and made there captain, sir John Cornwall. Which act thus accomplished, he departed, and came before the strong town of silly, and there pitched his camp. The inhabitants of the same, somewhat dismayed with the chance, that late happened to the town of. S. Seleryne, delivered to him pledges, upon this condition: that if they were not rescued, within xxx days next ensuing, than they, (their lives saved) should render the town, into his possession: which offer was taken. The captains within the town, sent a post to the French king, to advertise him of their hard chance, which incontinent sent to them, Arthur, earl of Richemond, (but after some writers, John, duke of Alaun son) with a great company of men. When th'earl saw the French succours appear, he restored again the pledges to the governors of the town, and issued out of his camp, taking a place most meet and convenient for to abide battle, for which he sore thirsted and longed. The Duke or the Earl, (take which you list) liying by a brook side, which a man might stride over, seeing the Englishmen, so warlike and strongly embattled, thought it not for his profit, to give battle, or to set forward: but in the dead time of the night, cowardly fled, and with shame returned: although some French writers affirm, that he looked that the earl of Arundel, should have given him battle, and because he proffered not forward, therefore the Frenchmen departed. This appeareth to be an apparent lie, and a French brag: for if they came to rescewe the town, why did not they give battle, & so drive away thenglishmen from the town? If they came to fight, why departed they without any stroke stricken? But it seemeth that they came, to make a French face, and for to do nothing. For they, without skirmish or succoring the town, departed in the night secretly, (as you have heard.) When they within the town knew, that their succours failed, they rendered themselves, to the mercy of th'earl of Arundel, which gently received them, & leaving a garrison in the town, departed to Mauns, and in the mean way, took the Castles, of Mellay and saint Laurence. About this time, the lord Willoughby, and sir Thomas Kiriell, returning with great victories out of the parties of Burgoyne, took in their way, the town of Loviers, and furnished it, both with men, and munitions.  
AMONGST so many good chances, some evil are accustomed to fall and happen, or else the gainers, will not know themselves. So it happened, that a great number, of rude and rustical persons in Normandy, dwelling by the sea coast, either provoked, or enticed thereunto, by the French king, or desirous of alteration and change, (which thing the comen people much covet and desire) made an insurrection, and put on harness, & by force expulsed certain garrisons, out of their holds, and took certain towns: publishing and proclaiming openly, that their only purpose and intent was, to expel and banish, the whole English nation, out of their countries and coasts. Wherefore, it may evidently appear, that the black Ethyopian, or the black coloured raven, will sooner turn their colours, that the universal people, bred in France will heartily love, or inwardly favour, an English borne child. And yet, the Normans of long time, lovingly and gently, have obeyed to the subjection of England, and have of the English nation, been well accepted and regarded, but now they, forgetting their duty, and remembering their hurts, did not doubt, to rebel against their prince and sovereign Lord.  
THIS mischievous company, thus franticly gathered together, with all speed marched toward Caen, to the intent there, both to assemble a greater number of people, and also to consult, what way they should follow in their new begun attemptate. But the dukes of York & Somerset, which then were lying in Normandy, hearing of this ungracious faction & troublous commotion, & having knowledge by their espials what journey they intended to take: incontinent without delay, sent th'earl of Arundel, and the lord Willoughby, with uj M. archers, and xiij hundred light horses, to stay and keep them, either for setting forth, or making farther progress. th'earl of Arundel going one way, appointed the Lord Willoughby, with two thousand Archers, and a certain number of horsemen, to go afore him, to lie in watch and stolen, secretly by the way, to stop the journey and passage of the rebels, when they should approach. The lord Willoughby, covertly covered himself and his company, sending word to the Earl, of the place where he lay, to th'intent that he might make a sign and a token, (when time should be most luckey and fortunate,) to invade & set on their enemies. Which thing done, th'earl followed at the back, the ragged rout and mischievous multitude, as a man, that drove the dear before him into the buckestalle, or the silly coneis into the secret hay. When the ignorant multitude, approached near to the place of the stolen, the Earl made a token, and shot a gone for a sign. Then the Lord Willoughby, set on them before, and the Earl behind, shooting so fiercely, that the dastard people, partly, amazed with the sudden chance, and partly, galled and wounded with the shot of the arrows, threw away their harness: desiring nothing but death. th'earl of Arundel, (moved with compassion) caused his soldiers to leave of & stay, from farther murder or blood shedding, & apprehending such, as he thought, to be the ledars and chief stirrers of the people, let the other return home frankly & freely: but yet there were a. M. and more slain, before the soldiers, could be brought again under their standards.  
AFTER this commotion appeased, and the sudden rage in the beginning stayed and bridled, diligent inquiry was made of the malefactors, and such as were found guilty, by diverse terrible executions, (according to their deserts,) miserably ended their traitorous lives. During which rebellion, Peter Rokefort and his company, got by treason the town of deep, & diverse other holds, thereunto adjoining. After the Earl of Arundel, had obtained so many conquests, and notable victories (as you have heard) he attempted another, which was the last work and extreme labour, of his living days. For the duke of Bed ford, being informed, that his adversaries, had suddenly surprised & taken the town of Rue, and therein had put a garrison, which sore vexed the countries of Ponthiew, Arthoys, and Bolenoys, sent word to th'earl, that he, without delay, should besiege the said town. th'earl obeyed to his commandment, and incontinent, sent for all the people under his governance, & in his marching forward, came to Gourney, where he heard tell, how that there was a certain Castle, near Beavoys, called Gerborye, which either by force of rasing, or violence of weather, was sore decayed and defaced. And because this place was opportune and very necessary, to prohibit, let and stop thenglishmen, to make sudden runnynges in, or roads into the country of Beavoys: Charles the French king commanded sir Stephen de Ueignolles, commonly called the Heir, to see the castle reedefied and fortified. The said sir Stephen with a great company, came to the ground, and lacking neither stuff necessary, nor artificers sufficient, in small time erected the Castle, and began to defend the fortress. The earl of Arundel, being credibly informed of their doings, and perceiving that this new edification, was very prejudicial to the English part, determined first to take the Castle, supposing little or no resistance, therein to be shut up, but he was deceived, for there was the Heir, with many good and valiant captains. The Earl with five hundred horsemen, encamped himself in a little close, nor far from the Castle: the frenchmen, which were three thousand men, perceiving that the Earl and his horses were weary, and that his archars were not yet come, determined for their advantage to set on him, before the coming of his footmen, which they knew to be little more, than a mile behind the Earl. Wherefore, for a policy, they set forth fifty horsemen, as though there were no more in the Castle. The Earl perceiving that, sent forth sir Randolfe standish, to encounter with them, having in his company a hundred horses: the frenchmen fought courageously a while, and suddenly came out all the remnant, and slew sir Randolfe standish, and all his company, and boldly set on the Earl and his band, which manfully defended them, so that the Frenchmen got little advantage, for all their great number. The Heir perceiving the hearts, courage and defence of the English people, caused three culverins to be shot amongst them, whereof, one struck the Earl on the ankle, and so broke his leg, that for pain he fell from his horse, than the French men entered amongst the English army, and took the earl, being on the ground, prisoner, and sir Richard Wooduile, and six score more, and there were slain almost two C. The remnant saved themselves aswell as they might. The Earl was carried to Beavoys, where, of this hurt he shortly died, and was buried in the friars Minors. He was a man of a singular virtue, constancy and gravity, whose death in so troublous a world, did sore appall the hearts of his nation. By this infortune, Rue was not besieged, nor Gerborie taken, such is the chance of war, thus Lady Fortune daily turneth her whiele, and mighty Mars, often varied his countenance, so that one time the Englishmen got by assault and yielding, diverse strong towns, Castles, and piles. At another season, the French people, sometime by bargain, sometime by assault, obtained the said cities and fortifications again, or other in their stead. Which daily attempts, jomit and over pass, because in them, no notable act, nor great Warlike feat was done or committed. For small things, require little writing, and t●we acts, require less speaking. For I assure you, that he, which should writ the negligent losses, and the politic gains, of every city, fortress, and turrett, which were gotten and lost in these days, should fatigate and weary the reader, more with volumes, than queares and the hearer, more with trifling words, then with notable matter. Wherefore, sith in all mine authors, I find no matter, either greatly necessary, or much convenient to be spoken of, concerning any high enterprise: I therefore, leaving both the nations, daily studying how to grieve, and gain of the other, will turn again to other things accidental which chanced in this xii year.  
ABOUT the month of june, John duke of Bourbon and Avernus, taken prisoner at the battle of Agyncourte, xviii. years paste, (as you before have heard) now paying his ransom, which was xviii M. l. sterling, and having ready prepared all things necessary, for his triumphant return into his country, was taken with a most sore and grievous ●euer, which shortly unbodied his soul, in the city of London, on the day appointed, for his departure into France: whos● corpse was interred, in the Grey Friars of thesay city. So by this, every creature may see: that man purposeth & God disposeth. I may not forget a chance which happened this year, to th'example of princes, and a spectacle of governors. For the devil himself, to set farther division between the English and French nation did apparel certain catchepoules, and Parasites, commonly called titivils and tale tellers, to sow discord and dissension, between the dukes of Bedford and Burgoyne, not feigning trifles nor fantasies, but things of reproach, repugnant to both their honours, estates, and dignities, with the which, each of them was as well pricked, as hastily spurred, so that all love, between them ceased, all affinity was forgotten, and all old familiarity was cast by disdain, into the cave of oblivion. Such a pestilent breath hath Flattery, and such mischief ensueth, of Prince's light credence. This grudge was perceived, by their mutual friends, which by charitable exhortation and Godly advertisement, exhorted them, to renew their old love and familiarity, and to meet and enteruieu, in some place decent and convenient. The Duke of Bedforde, gladly condescended, to come to sent Oners, being the duke of Burgoyns town, and thither, according to his appointment, he in honourable estate, came and resorted, and likewise did the duke of Burgoyne. The duke of Bedford, being Regent of France, & son, brother, and uncle to kings, though that the duke of Burgoyne, should first have visited and saluted him: duke Philip on the other part, being Lord & sovereign of the town, judged it not meet, nor to stand with his honour, to go to him, where he was lodged, but was content, by entreaty of friends, to meet with him in a place indifferent, between both their harberowes: which offer was not accepted, & so, both parties departed discontent, & never after saw or commoned with other. What should I speak of the courage of these two proud princes, the Duke of Bedford minding to have no peer, and the duke of Burgoyne, willing to have no superior, by whose proud disdain, and envious discord, shortly England lost, and Burgoyne gained not long, as you shall perceive, in this history ensuing.   

¶ The xiii year. 
The xiii year.   
THe Bastard of orleans, called the earl of Duinoys, the lord Rocheford Marshal of France, with other in the beginning of this xiii year, took the town of saint Device by treason, and skirmished with them of Paris, and leaving behind him a great garrison, took the town of Howdone, and the bridge of saint Maxence by composition, and at that time was taken the town, of Pount Meulane, by sudden scaling of two fishermen: which entered up at a common privy, standing on the wall. Thus towns unwalled, were preys to ravenous men of war, so that the poor inhabitants within them, (not being able to keep their fidelity or allegiance, when shield and defence lacked,) were constrained and compelled, to yield and render theimselfes, to the more power, and upper hand: lest they being needy and innocent people, should be vexed and tormented, with the unreasonable men of war: So that in all Christendom, no Region was more unquiet, more vexed, more poor, nor more to be pitied, than the country of France. And although the rude and poor people, suffered many plagues and adversities: yet the soldiers, prospered not in all things. For although prey & spoil sometime refreshed their minds, and did comfort their stomachs, yet sometime they were slain, taken, and licked up, or they were ware. For every prince studied, and circumspectly compassed, how to keep, defend and relieve, the cities and towns, of their several faction, and private fidelity. Wherefore, when satiety of slaughters, and abundance of murders, had replenished the stomachs, of both the nations, and that both in general, perceived their hurts, pondered their losses, and considered their ruins, and daily afflictions: although their stomachs were haute, and their hearts stony, yet they waxed soft, privily inclining to peace, and wishing concord, and not without an urgent cause: For all things necessary to man's living, penury showed herself forth, and abundance was hidden in a cave. The corn fields lay untilled, the meadows were over trodden, the woods were spoiled, so that all men went to harness, and no man to the plough. The churches were seldom used for devotion, but many tyemes spoiled, for desire of gain. These, and such innumerable mischiefs, caused both the people, being enemies, to desire peace, and yet the one part, disdained openly to offer it, or the other privately to receive it.  
THE cry and 'noys of this perilous and insatiable war, was blasted through Europe, detested through Christendom, and especially, at the Counsel of Basill, where then themperor Albert, and all the princes and potestates of Christendom, or their deputies, were assembled, for the union of the ungracious schism, in the usurped sea of Rome untruly, and against all scripture, called saint Peter's sea. Wherefore, the Emperor and the temporal princess, supposing the exhortation of Spiritual fathers, should more profit amongst the two high stomached, and proud encouraged nations, of England and of France, desirered Eugeny then bishop of Rome, to be the author and arbitrer, of that great strife and contention: so that by his means, counsel and exhortation, the weapon might be taken out of the hands, of two so invincible nations, which never would yield or bow, the one to the other, neither yet, once hear of abstinence of fighting, or refusing from war: so much were their hearts hardened, and so princely were their stomachs. And one thing, much put them in hope, of some good conclusion, because the duke of Burgoyn was willing, (so that it were not of his own suit,) to return and reconcile himself, to Charles, his mortal enemy and ancient adversary. Wherefore, by authority of this general Counsel, two discreite persons, called the Cardinals of saint Cross, & Cypress, came to the town of Arras in Arthoys, whither, were sent for the king of England, Henry Beaufford, Cardinal of Wynchester, Henry, archbishop of York, William de la Pole Earl of Suffolk, and John Holland Earl of Huntyngdon, with diverse other knights and esquires: and for the French king, were there present, Charles Duke of Bourbon, Lewes earl of Uandosme, Arthur of britain Constable of France, the archbishop of reins, and sir Philip Harcort. There, was the duke of Burgoyne, in proper person, accompanied with the duke of Gelder's, and the Earls of Estampes, Lygnye, saint Paul, Uaudemont, Nevers, & Daniel, son to the prince of Orange, with a great guard and a gallant company.  
UPON the day of the first session, the Cardinal of saint Cross, declared to the three parties, the innumerable mischiefs, the multitude of inconveniencies, which had succeeded, through all Christendom, by their daily discord and continual dissension: exhorting and requiring them, for the honour of God, for the love that they bore to the setting forth of Christ's religion, and for the advancement, of the public wealth of all Christendom, that they would say all rancour apart, repress all wrath and anger, and conform themselves to reason, and to Godly concord, by the which, they should receive, honour, profit, and continual quietness, in the world, and of God, a reward everlasting. After which admonition, thus to them given, and after diverse days of communication, every part brought in their demand, which were most contrary, and hard to come to a good conclusion. The Englishmen required, that king Charles should have nothing, but at the hand of the king of England, and that not as duty, but as a benefit, by him of his mere liberality given, and distributed, to which the Frenchmen answered, that king Charles would have the kingdom, frankly & freely, without begging it, of another man: requiring the king of England, to leave the name, Arms, and title of the King of France, and to be content with the dukedoms of Aquitain and Normandy, and to forsake Paris, and all the towns, which they possessed in France, between the Rivers of Loire and Soame, being no parcel of the Du●hie of Normandy. The Englishmen, loath to lease so good a boty as Paris, did not esteem and allow, the demands of the French Ambassadors and they on the otherside, coveting and desiring, to obtain again the renown and glory of their Region, which was Paris, would in no wise condescend, to any part of the English requests. Thus, the pride of the one part, and the ambition of the other, letted concord, peace, and quietness. The Cardinals, seeing the frosty hearts, and hardened minds of both parties, determined not, to dispute the titles, but offered to them, honest and reasonable conditions, of truce and peace, for a season: which articles both parties, either for frowardness, or for disdain openly refused: In so much as, the Englishmen in great displeasure, departed to Calais, and so into England. One writer affirmeth, that they being warned of a secret conspiracy moved against them, suddenly removed from Arras, and so sailed into their country.  
WHILES this treaty of peace, was thus in communication at Arras, the Lord Talbot, the Lord Willoughby, the lord Scales, with the Lord Lisle Adame, and five thousand men, besieged the town of S. Device, with a strong band. The Earl of Dumoys hearing thereof, accompanied with the Lord Lohac, and the lord Bueill, & a great company of horsemen, hasted thitherward, to raise the siege, and in the mean way, they encountered with sir Thomas Ki●iell, and Matthew Gouthe, riding also toward. S. Device, between whom, was a great conflict, and many slain on both parties: but suddenly came to the aid of the Frenchmen, the garrison of Pount Melance, which caused thenglishmen to return, without any great arm or damage, saving that Matthew Gouth, by foundering of his horse, was taken and carried to Pount Melance. During which fight, the town of saint Device, was rendered to the lord Talbot, and the other lords, which caused all the walls to be raised, and abated down to the ground, saving the walls of the Abbay, and a tour called Uenyn. After this town gotten, the Lord Willoughby, left sir John Ruppelley at Pounthoyse, & departed to govern Paris, which then began to smoke, and soon after, braced out in flame, (as you shall shortly, abundantly perceive). After whose departure, thenhabitaines of Pounthoyse rebelled, & drove out thenglishmen by very force, and rendered themselves subjects to king Charles. This town was small, but the loss was great, for it was the very convenient kaye, between Paris and Normandy, so that now the gate between them both, was set open and the passage at large.  
LET us now again, return to the counsel at Arras. After the English Ambassadors were departed, the frenchmen and the burgonions, began familiarly to common of a peace, and talk of an amity, to the which motion, Philip duke of Burgoyne, was neither deiffe nor strange: for he in the beginning of his rule, being much desirous to revenge and punish the shameful murder done to his father, and to keep himself in his high estate, and pre-eminence, began to be associate, and to reign with th'English power, and to serve the king of England thinking, that by his amity and joining, that he should neither harm nor hurt, the common wealth of the country, whereof at that time he bore the whole rule, nor yet loose one jot or point, of his authority, or governance. But when it happened, contrary to his expectation, that the king of England, by the right course of inheritance, took upon him the whole rule and governance, within the realm of France, and ordered by the advise of his counsel, all causes, judgements, wars, and concords, & that the duke judged, that he was not had in great confidence, nor in perfit trust, as he thought, because the Duke of Bedforde, would not suffer the town of orleans, to be rendered to him, (as you before have heard): He therefore imagined, & determined with himself, to return into the path again, from the which he had strayed and erred, and to take part, and join with his own blood and nation: so that some honest mean, might be sought by other, and not by himself, lest peradventure by his own seeking, he might bind himself in conditions hurtful, & sore inconveniences, to the French king, and also be noted of untruth, and traitorous behaviour, toward the king of England and his nation: to whom he had done homage, league, and sworn fealty. Now this Counsel, was to him a cloak for the rain, as who should say, that he sought not amity, of the French king, (which thing in his heart, he most coveted and desired) but was thereunto persuaded, by the general counsel, and by the bishop of Rome, whom it was reason, in all honest requests, that he should submit himself, and humbly obey. And so, shadowed with this counsel, without long argument or prolonging of time, he took a determinate peace, and a final conclusion, upon these conditions: that he should have to him delivered, the counteis of Arthoys, Ponthiew, and Bullonoys, and the towns of Amience, Corby, Mondidier, Peron, saint Quintyne, & Abbevile, with many other signiories, & superiorities, which be not for my purpose to rehearse. Provided alway, that the French king, paying in ready money, to the duke or his heirs, iiij. C.M. crowns, should have thesay towns and countries, to be redelivered again: and many other things, the French king granted, to the duke of Burgoyn, which after, he was not able to perform, nor accomplish, for he had no power, to make denial to the duke, of any demand or request, which the Duke either phantasied or moved: as who would say, that he thought in himself, that such an adversary, which desired so honest, and so reasonable conditions, (considering the state of the time, and the occasion of concord, most apparently offered to him,) aught neither to be refused nor cast away, the which chance, was to him luckey and fortunate: for surely, the thing foreseen and looked for, succeeded and took place, as you shall perceive. This concord, was so pleasant to the French king, that he, not only set for him: but as a swain that swimmeth after her make, met him in proper person, at the city of reins, and (after long communication) standing up upon his feet, said to him these words.  
DUKE Phillipp cousin, and peer of France, 
The oration of the French King to the du●e of Burgoyne.  with all my heart welcome, and at your coming, my heart is fulfilled with joy, and my spirits be refreshed with solace, for now, all doubt of the recovery, of my land and signory, is clearly banished, and fully abandoned: considering that I have now, joined and united to me, the principal year, the most noble prince, (next to the Crown) and the most valiant captain, that hath been, or is, in our days, seen, or known, whom the nobility honour, the chivalry favour, and the poor commons love, and daily desire to behold: So that all men love, and embrace you, above all creatures, and worship and reverence you, above all Lords, because you, being a straiing sheep, are now returned, to your old flock, and like a man wandering out of the path, are now brought again, to the right way, and true limit. For surely, this text was ever beaten much in my head: that every realm, divided amongst themseless, should turn to desolation, and that all discord, should bring poverty, and that of all dissension, should succeed misery: which intolerable calamities, I ever judged to ensue, by the discord and controversy, between us two. But now the sore is cured, and the ship brought into the sure haven: trusting perfectly, and nothing mistrusting, but by your help and aid, we shall expel, clean pull up by the roots, and put out, all the English nation, out of our realms, territories, and dominions. And if you help us, (as you may) and if you aid us, (as you be able) we here promise' you, in the word of a prince, to be yours, yea, so yours, that all ours, shallbe yours, at your commandment and desire, not as ours, but as yours, to do and spend at your pleasure. To the which, the duke of Burgoyn answered, that he would let scape nothing, that appertained to his duty, nor forget any point, which might turn to his dishonour.  
WHEN this league was sworn, and this knot was knit, the duke of Burgoyne, to let a veil, before the king of England's eyes, sent Thoison Dor, his king at Arms, to king Henry with letters: that he, being not only waxed faint, and wetled, with continual war, and daily conflicts, but also chafed daily, with complaints and lamentation, of his people, which, of the frenchmen, suffered loss and detriment, embraiding and rebuking him openly, affirming, that he only was the supporter and maintainer, of the English people, and that by his means and power, the mortal war was continued and set forward, and that he more diligently studied, and intentively took pain, both to keep, and maintain thenglishmen in France, and also to advance and promote their desires, & intentes, rather than to restore king Charles his cousin, to his rightful inheritance, & paternal possession: by reason of which things, and many other, he was in manner compelled and constrained, to take a peace, and conclude an amity with King Charles, exhorting king Henry, with many flattering words, when honest and reasonable conditions were offered, to take them, and to make an end of the war, which so long had continued, to the decay of both the realms, and to the effusion of Christian blood, beside the great displeasure of almighty God, which is the author of peace and unity: promising him his aid, and furtherance in that behalf, with many glozing and flattering words, which I pass over.  
HERE is to be noted, that the Duke of Burgoyne, which thought himself by this concord, in manner dishonoured, and spotted with infamy sent his letters to the King of England, rather to purge and excuse himself, of his untruth and infidelity, (yea of perjury, if a poor man may use that term, of so great a prince) to th'intent that it should appear, that he, by compulsion, and not by voluntary affection, was turned to the French part: not for any malice or displeasure, which he bore to king Henry, or to the English nation. This letter was not a little looked on, nor ●●ally regarded of the king of England, and his sage counsel: not only for the weightiness of the matter, but also for the sudden change of the man, & for the strange superscription of the letter, which was: To the high and mighty Prince, Henry, by the grace of GOD King of England, his well-beloved cousin: Neither naming him king of France, nor his sovereign lord, according as, (ever before that time) he was accustomed to do. Wherefore all they, which were present, being sore moved with the crafty deed, & untrue demeanour of the duke, (whom they so much trusted) could neither temper their passions, nor moderate their ire, nor yet bridle their tongues; but openly called him traitor, deceiver, and most inconstant prince. But when the rumour of the Duke's returning, was published amongst the common people, they left words and went to stripes: for they being moved and pricked, with this unhappy tidings, ran fiercely upon all the flemings, Hollanders, and burgonions, which then inhabited within the city of London, and the suburbs of the same, and slew and hurt, agreate number of them, before they, by the kings proclamation, could be prohibited, to leave of and abstain, from such violence, and injurious doing: for the king nothing more minded, then to save innocent blood, and defend them, which had not offended.  
AFTER the letter twice red, and wisely brooked, he willed the officer at Arms, to tell his master, that it was not convenient, nor honourable for him, to be enemy to the English nation, without cause or occasion given, but his duty, (all things considered) was to have kept his ancient truth and old allegiance, rather than to be the occasion, of new war and fresh dissension: advertising him farther, that it was not the point of a wiseman, to leave and let pass, the certain for the uncertain, admonishing him also, not to mingle and mixed his safety and sureness, with the unstableness and unsurety of his new ally, and cousin, king Charles. When the messenger was departed, the king of England and his counsel, thought and determined, to work some displeasure to the duke, and to set some conspiracy, against him in his own country. Wherefore by rewards, they did suiorne and corrupt certain governors and rulers, of towns and cities, within the duke's countries and dominions, (which nations surely, be ever proclive & ready, to commotion and rebellion.) But the Gantoys, which of that feat ever bore the bell, and were the common rysers, against their sovereign lords, some of them imagining, that the power of the Englishmen, was not long like to continued, within the realm of France, more for fear, then love of their Duke, sat still and moved not, but let other towns alone, which sore troubled the Duke's wits, and a great while, did disquiet and vex his senses.  
THIS year the xiiij day of September, died John Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, a man, as politic in peace, as hardy in war and yet no more hardy in war, then merciful, when he had victory, whose body was, with great funeral solemnity, buried in the Cathedral church of our Lady, in Rouen, on the Northside of the high altar, under a sumptuous and costly monument: which tomb and sepulture, when king Lewes the xj son to this king Charles, which recovered again Normandy, did well advise and behold, certain noble men in his company, having more youth than discretion, and more envy in their hearts, than considerations of their parents, counseled him to deface and pluck down the tomb, and to cast the deed carcase into the fields: affirming, that it was a great dishonour, both to the king and to the realm, to see the enemy of his father, and theirs, to have so solemn & rich memorial. King Lewes answered again, saying: what honour shall it be to us, or to you, to break this monument, and to pull out of the ground and take up, the deed bones of him, whom in his life, neither my father, nor your progenitors, with all their power, puissance, and friends, were once able, to make fly one foot backward, but by his strength, wit, and policy, kept them all out of the principal dominions, of the realm of France, and out of this noble and famous duchy of Normandy: wherefore I say, first, God have his soul, & let his body now lie in rest, which, when he was alive, would have disquieted▪ the proudest of us all: and as for the tomb, I assure you, is not so decent, nor convenient for him, as his honour and Acts deserved, although it were much richer, and more beautiful.   

¶ The xiiii year. 
The xiiii. year.   
AFter the death of this noble prince, and valiant captain, the bright sun, that commonly shone in France fair and beautifully upon the Englishmen, began to be cloudy, and daily to wax darker: for the Frenchmen seeing the chief captain taken away, began not only to refuse their obedience, and loyalty, which they had sworn, and promised to the king of England, but taking sword in hand, rebelled, persecuted, and openly defied the Englishmen, yet all these mischances, not one point abated, the valiant courages of the English people: for they nothing mistrusting God, nor good Fortune, set up a new sail, and began the war new again, and appointed for regent in France, Richard duke of York, son to Richard earl of Cambridge. Although the duke of York, both for birth and courage, was worthy of this honour and preferment, yet he was so disdained of Edmond duke of Somerset, being cousin to the king, that he was promoted to so high an office, (which he in very deed, gaped and looked for) that by all ways and means possible, he both hindered and detracted him, glad of his loss, and sorry of his well dooring, causing him to linger in England, without dispatch, till Paris and the flower of France, were gotten by the French King. The Duke of York, perceiving his evil will, openly dissimuled that, which he inwardly thought privily, each working things, to the others displeasure. This cankered malice, and pestiferous division, so long continued, in the hearts of these two princes, till mortal war consumed them both, and almost all their lines and ofsprynges, as within few years you shall perceive and se.  
THE Normans of the country of Caux, being somewhat heartened, by the death of the duke of Bedforde, began a new rebellion, and slew diverse Englishmen, and rob many praty towns, which were of king Henry's faction & part, & took the town of Harflew by assault, and diverse other towns. The lord Talbot being advertised, of this rebellion, sent for the Lord Scales, sir Thomas Kiriell, and the lord Hoo, which afflicted and plagued the people of Caux, that they slew above five thousand persons, and brent all the towns, and villages in the country, not being walled, so that in that part, was neither habitation nor tillage, for all the people fled into Britain, and all the beasts of the country, were brought to Cawdebe●, where a good sheep was sold for an English penny, and a kowe for xii. pence. Daily was skirmishing & fighting in every part, in so much that the Lord Scales with four hundred Englishmen, discomfited at the Rye beside Rouen, the Heir and fifteen hundred valiant frenchmen, and sir Richard Reignold de Fountains, sir Aleyne Gerond, Alayne de Monsay, and Geffrey Grame captain of the Scots, and three hundred, and more were taken prisoners, beside seven fair and pleasant coursers. But this victory stayed not the hearts of the French nation, for their minds were so full of treason, and their malice so great against the Englishmen, that many towns turned, to the part of king Charles, without conquest or desire, and diverse were sold for covetousness, and many were delivered by treason, as Deep, Boys de Uyncennes, and other.  
HERE is one especial point to be noted, that either the disdain amongst the chief peers of the realm of England, (as you have heard,) or the negligence of the kings counsel, (which did not with quick sight, forese and prevent things for to come) was the loss of the whole dominion of France, between the rivers of Soame and Marne, and in especial of the noble city of Paris. For where before times there were sent over, for the aid and tuition of the towns, and cities, brought under the obeisance, of the English nation, thousands of men, apt and meet for the war, and defence: now were sent into France, hundreds, yea scores, some rascal, and some not able to draw a bow, or carry a bill. For the lord Willoughby, and the bishop of Tyrwyne, which had the governance, of the great and large city of Paris, had in their company, not two thousand Englishmen. Which weakness king Charles well perceived. Wherefore he appointed Arthur of Britain, the Earl of Dumoys Bastard of orleans, the Lords de la Roche, and Lisle Adame, and other valiant captains, aswell burgonions as French, to go before Paris, trusting by the favour of certain citizens, with whom he had great intelligence, and knew thenglishmen's power and doings, shortly to be lord of the city and town, without any great loss or battle. So these captains came before the city of Paris, but perceiving, that all things succeeded not, according to their expectation, returned to Mount Martyr, and the next day, suddenly set on the town of saint Device, where, the Englishmen manfully defended theim selfes, but being oppressed with so great a multitude, they were compelled to fly into the abbey, and into the tour of Uenyn, for succour and refuge: in which conflict two hundred Englishmen were slain, and the rest, upon a reasonable composition, rendered the town, and departed to Paris.  
THOMAS Lord Beaumond, which of late was come to Paris with eight hundred men, issued out of Paris, with six hundred soldiers, only intending to see, and view the doings and number of the French army, but he was suddenly espied, and compassed about: so, that within a small space, he was discomfited and taken, and with him four score prisoners, beside two hundred which were slain on the field, and the remnant chased to the very gates of the city. The Parisians and in especial the Master of the halls, and some of the University, and Michael Laillier, and many notable burgesses of the town, (which, ever with an English countenance, covered a French heart) perceiving the weakness of the Englishmen, and the force and strength of the frenchmen, signifying to the French captains, their minds and intentes, willed them to come with all diligence, to receive so rich a prey to them, without any difficulty, offered and given. The Constable delaying no time, came with his power, and lodged by the Charterhous: and the lord Lisle Adame, approaching the walls, showed to the citizens, a charter, sealed with the great seal of king Charles, by the which he had pardoned them their offences, and granted to them all the old liberties and ancient privileges, so they would hereafter be to him, obedient, true, and serviceable. Which thing to them declared, they ran about the town, crying: saint Device, live king Charles. The Englishmen perceiving this, determined to keep the gate of. S Device, but they were deceived, for the chains were drawn in every street, and women and children cast down stones, and scalding water on the Englishemennes' heads, and the citizens persecuted them, from street to street, and from lane to lane, and slew and hurt, diverse and many of them. The bishop of Tyrwyne, Chancellor there for king Henry, and the lord Willoughby, and sir Simon Moruier, took great pain, to appease the people, and repress their fury: but when they saw, that all availed not, they withdrew theimselfes, to the Bastell of saint Anthony, which fortress, they had well vitailed and furnished, with men and munitions.  
WHILES this rumour was in the town, th'earl of Dumoys & other scaled the walls, and some passed the River by boats, and opened the gate of saint james, at the which the Constable with his banner displayed entered, at whose entry, the Parisians were very glad, and made great joy. The bishop and the Lord Willoughby, with their small company, defended their fortress, ten days, looking for aid, but when they saw that no comfort appeared, they yielded their fortress, so that they & theirs, with certain baggage, might peaceably return to Rouen, which desire was to them granted. Then as they departed, the Parisians railed, mocked, and taunted the Englishmen, with the most spiteful words, and shameful terms, that could be invented or devised: so that all men may apparently perceive, that their hearts never thought, as their tongues uttered. For notwithstanding their obeisance and fidelity, sworn to King Henry, and nothing regarding the final composition, to the which they had set their common seal, when they saw thenglishmen at the weakest, they turned the leaf and sang another song: declaring to all men their inconstant hearts, their wavering minds, and untrue demeanour. Thus was the cite of Paris brought again into the possession of the French king, which, there altered officers, and ordained laws, at his pleasure, for the surety & safeguard of him, his realm, and people.  
AFTER this glorious gain, the French king besieged the town of Crayle, upon Oyse, whereof sir William Chamberlain, was captain, which, with five hundred Englishmen, issued out of the town, and after long fight, discomfited his enemies, and slew two hundred, and took a great number prisoners: the remnant not liking their market, departed to Champeigne, and other towns adjoining. During which season, xii. Burgesses of the town of Gysors, sold it for money to Poyton of Xantrayles, but he had not the Castle delivered. Wherefore with all his power, he besieged the same, whereof the Lord Talbot being advertised, sent for the lord Scales, and they both with xviii hundred men, rescued the Castle, took the town, and discomfited their enemies, and slew of them above four hundred persons. Now was the old proverbs verified, that he that cometh a day after the fair, cometh to late, and when the s●ede is stolen, it is no boat to shut the stable door. For when Paris, saint Device, saint germans in Lay, and many other towns in France, were taken and betrayed, for lack of succours and sufficient garrisons, than the duke of York appointed at the parliament before, to be Regent of France, and by the disdain and envy of the duke of Somerset, and other, not till now dispatched, was sent into Normandy, with eight thousand men, and in his company, the Earls of Salisbury, and Suffolk, and the Lord Fawconbridge, and diverse valiant captains. When he was landed at Har●lewe, the Earl of Salisbury, besieged the Castle of Chamboys, which shortly was to him rendered. Then the Duke removed to Rouen, where he set good orders, and did great justice in the country, wherefore the Normans in their Chronicle, highly extol and much magnify him, for that point: howbeit, they say, that he got by long siege, the town and Abbay of Fecampe, and did none other notable act, during the time of his rule and governance.  
PHILIP Duke of Burgoyne which, (as you have heard) broke both his oath and promise with the king of England, imagined with himself, that the Englishmen were like shortly, to be expulsed out of all the towns on that side the sea, and that they had no certain refuge nor place to resort to, out of jeopardy, but only the town of Calais. Wherefore, he assembled his counsel, and the heads of the cities and towns of Flaunders, Brabant, Holland, and Zelande, in the town of Gaunt, where was declared to them, the right, title, and interest, that he had to the town of Calais, and the County of Guysnes, as a very patrimony, belonging to his inheritance: she wing farther, that the said town was the golffe, and swallower up, of all the gold & silver of his countries and dominions, for asmuch as there, was the staple of wools, tin, lead, and other merchandise, for the which, the Englishmen would take no common currant money, but only gold and silver, to the great impoverishment of his signiories, and Regions: saying farther, that Calais only was the common stop, between his countries and Britain, and Spain, so that Southward, nor Westward, his subjects could not pass, without the danger of that town. Wherefore these detrimentes considered, he determined, (if they would assent) shortly to recover and conquer, that town and the county of Guisnes. To this purpose all the counsel, and common people, not only agreed, but also promised aid, both of men and money. Lord how the Flemines bragged, and the Hollanders craked, that Calais should be won and all the Englishmen slain, swearing, and staring, that they would have it, within three days at the most: thinking verily, that the town of Calais, could no more resist their puissance, than a pot of double beer, when they fall to quaffing.  
TO tell you what ordinance was new cast, what powder was bought what engines were devised, what harness was provided, what vitale was purveyed for this great enterprise: I will not cumber you, in rehearsing every thing particularly, because the flemings writ, that the provision was more than tongue could speak, or heart could think yet you may believe as you list. These doings were not so privy, but sir John Radcliffe deputy of the town of Calais, was thereof informed and shortly of the same, advertised king Henry, and his counsel, which incontinent sent thither, the Earl of Mortayne son to the Duke of Somersette, and the Lord Cammeys with xu C. men, and great foison of victual, which tissued out of Calais, and came before Gravelyne, where they were encountered, with a great number of flemings, which were shortly discomfited, and four hundred of them slain, and six score taken prisoners, and carried to Calais. And within two days after, the Englishmen drove by fine force, the lords of Waurayn and Bado, to the barriers of Arde, & discomfited the company, to the number of xu C. and slew seven. valiant captains, and took many gentlemen prisoners. Philip duke of Burgoyne, abiding still in his high & warlike enterprise, assembled together of flemings, Pycardes, Hollanders, and Henowiers a great army, to the number of xl M. so well armed, so well vitailed, so well furnished with ordinance, & so well garnished in all things, that they thought in their hearts, and blasted amongst theim selfes, that the Calicians, would leave the town desolate, & fly for their safeguard, hearing only the approaching of the Gauntoys. But they reckoned before their host, and so paid more than their shot came to. When this gallant army, was passed the water at Gravelyn, the duke intending to begin his great conquest, besieged and assaulted the little and poor Castle of Oye, which having in it but. L. soldiers, of the which xii sold their lives dearly, the remnant compelled by necessity yielded themselves simply to the duke, which to please the Gauntoys, being of the most puissant company in his army, liberally gave to them both the Castle and the prisoners, as a sign and token of good luck, and fortunate victory. Which rude & beastly persons, nothing expert in war, or laws of Arms, not only razed and abated the Castle, but also hanged xxix of the captives, & had so done with all the remnant if the duke (disdaining their cruelty) had not entreated for the rest.  
AFTER this victory, little honourable and less profitable, the Pycardes besieged the Castle of Mark, and three times assaulted it, more to their loss, than gain. The Englishmen within, whereof sir John Gedding was captain, set out the banner of saint George, and rang the bells, to the intent to have succours from the town of Calais. But the captains there, minding not to lose the more for the less, nor the substance for the accident, wished them good luck, and good fortune without any aid sending. For doubt of the dukes great army & power, The soldiers within Mark, being but two hundred and six, seeing no hope of succour, and desperate of comfort, rendered theimselfes to the duke upon condition: that their lives and limbs should be saved, and so they were conveyed in sure custody, to the town of Gaunt, and the castle of Mark was razed and defaced.  
AFTER this act done, the duke of Burgoyne, accompanied with the Duke of Cleves, the Earl of Estampes, the Lords of Dantoing, Croy, Cresquy, Humyers, and many other valiant Barons, & knights, with his great army, came before the town of Calais, and placed his siege about the same, most to his advantage, and to the most displeasure of his enemies. He gave three great assaults to the town, but his people were not so fierce to assault, but thenglishmen were as quick to defend: so that he, gaining so little at these three enterprises, was content to abstain from farther approaching toward the walls. At the first assault the Heir, which was come to see the duke of Burgoyn, was sore wounded and hurt. Beside this, the duke had daily one great eye sore, which was by cause that at every tide, ships arrived in the haven, out of England, openly before his face, laden with victual, munitions, and men and also the Calicians would for the nonce, put out cattail into the marish, under the town walls, the th'intent to provoke the flemings to come within their catching, and danger, which being covetous of prey, and gain, often adventured, and seldom returned again: for many by this means were taken prisoners, but many more slain with ordinance. The duke one day road about, to view and behold the situation, and the walls of the town, to th'intent to take his most advantage, either by assault or shot of ordinance. He was quickly espied, and with the stroke of a Canon, a trompeter which road next before him and three horses in his company, were slain out of hand. When he saw that all things succeeded not to his purpose, he first set the Lord of Croy, and a convenient number, to besiege the castle of Guysnes, where thesay captain got little profit, and did less harm: And after devised how to stop the haven, so that no succours should entre there, and also, to prohibit them within the town, to make any egress or road outward, and so by this means, to famish and compel them to yield, and render the town. This devise was set forward, and nothing slept: for iiii. great hulks were laden, with great square stones, semented & joined together with lead, to th'intent that they should lie still, like a mount and not to sever asunder. These ships with the remnant of the duke's navy, were conveyed into the mouth of Calais haven, and in a full sea by craft and policy, were sounke down to the ground; but whether God would not that the haven should be destroyed, either the conveyors of the huikes, knew not the very channel, these four great ships at the low water, lay openly upon the sands, without any hurt doing to the road or chamnel, which when the soldiers had perceived, they issued out of the town, and broke the ships, and carried both the stones and the timber into the town, which served them well, to their fortifications. The second devise was also accomplished, which was a strong bastell, set on a little mountain, furnished with four C. men and much artilarie, which fortress, did let thenglishmen to issue out, when they would, to their great displeasure and disturbance.  
WHILES these things were in doing, there arrived into the duke's army, an herald of England called Pembroke, belonging to the duke of Gloucester, which declared to the duke of Burgoyne, that the Protector of England his master, (if God would sand him wind and wether) would give battle to him and his whole puissance, either there, or in any other place, within his own country, where he would appoint: but the day he could not assign, because of the inconstancy of the wind, and mutability of the air. The duke (like a noble man) answered the herald: sir say to your master, that his request is both honourable and reasonable, howbeit, he shall not need to take pain, to seek me in mine own country, for (GOD willing) he shall find me here, till I have my will of the town, ready to abide him, and all the power that he can make. After this answer made, the herald was highly feasted, and had a cup and a hundred golden gyldens, to him delivered for a reward, and so returned to Calais. After whose departure, the duke called a great counsel, in the chief pavilion of the Gauntoys, and there declared both the heralds message and his answer, desiring them to regard his honour, the estimation of their countries, and the honesties of themselves, and like men to receive their enemies, and valiantly to defend their adversaries, promising to them victory, gain, and perpetual glory. Lord how the flemings threatened, how the Pycardes craked, and how the Hollanders swore, that thenglishmen should be killed and slain, promising to the duke, rather to die then to fly, or to be recreant. While this great matter was in consultation, the Calicians, not well contented with the bastell, which the duke had newly builded, issued out of the town, in a great number, part on foot, and part on horseback. The footmen ran to assault the bastile, and the horsemen, went between the army and the assailauntes, to stop the aid and succours which might come. The alarmy was sounded, in somuch that the Duke in proper person, was coming on foot to relieve his people, but by the means of the horsemen, he was stayed and kept back a space, in the which delay of time, the Englishmen by fine force got the place, and slew. Clx. persons, the remnant were taken prisoners, and defaced the fortress, and set it on fire: carrying with them, all the ordinance and artillery, into the town of Calais, to the great displeasure, of the Duke and his counsel. The next day after, there sprang a rumour in the army (no man could tell how) that the Duke of Gloucester with a great puissance, was all ready embarked and shipped, and would arrive at the next tide, and come down before Calais, and raise the siege. What was the very cause, I cannot truly writ: but surely, the same night the Duke fled away, and sent in all haste to the Lord of Croye, to raise his siege before Guysnes, which tidings were to him very joyous, for he neither got nor saved: so these two captains departed, leaving behind, both ordinance, vitaill, and great riches. The French writers, to save the honour of the Duke of Burgoyne, say, that there was a certain discord and commotion, amongst the flemings and duche nation: affirming, that the great lords and the Pycardes, (whom the frenchmen greatly extol) would betray and cell the flemings, and their friends, & that, for the same cause, in a great fury they cried, home, home, & would not tarry, for no request the Duke could make, nor no exhortation that could be given: and so by their misgovernance, the Duke was enforced to raise his siege and to depart. The flemish authors affirm the contrary, saying: that they were ready to abide the coming of the duke of Gloucester, but the duke of Burgoyn fearing to be trapped, between the duke of Gloucesters' army before, and the garrison of Calais behind, so that he could escape by no way, fled away in the night, giving to them no warning before. So that for lack of time, and convenient space, to lad and carry their stuff, and being commanded to retire with all speed and diligence, they were compelled to loose, and leave behind them, their victual, and tents, to their great loss and detriment. Now it is at your liberties, (gentle readers) whether you will give credit to the Frenchmen, (which were absent, and no d●ers in the act) or to the flemings, (which were partakers of the loss and dishonour.) But the infallible verity is, that he fled the xxuj day of july in the night, and the next day in the morning, the duke of Gloucester, landed in Calais haven, and strait went into the Camp, where his enemies, the night before were lodged, and there he found many goodly pieces of ordinance, and inespecially one, called Dygeon, named after the chief town of Burgony, beside pavilions, wine, beer, meal, and innumerable victual.  
THE Duke of Gl●●cester, seeing his enemies recoiled, having in his company xxv M. men, entered into Flaunders, burning houses, killing such as would resist, destroying the country on every part, setting 〈◊〉 the towns of Poporniche and Baillens, and wasted the suburbs of many fair cities, and in all this way, they lost no man, nor saw any creature appete, to defend the country. After, they passed by New Castle▪ and destroyed Ryme●●ure, and Uallon Chapel, and then entered into Arthoys, to Arques, & Blandesques, setting fire in every 〈◊〉 where they came. Thus they passed by saint Omers, to Guysnes, and 〈…〉 at six weeks end, where they were well refreasshed: for in all this journey, they had little plenty of good bread, which caused much faintness, and diverse diseases in the army. When the Duke of Gloucester, had sufficiently plagued and wasted the countries of the duke of Burgoyn, & brought great preys of beasts and spoil, to the town of Calais, he setting there all things in good order, returned in to England, where he was advertised, how james king of Scots, contrary to his oath, league, and promise, had besieged the Castle of Rokesborough, with thirty thousand men, whereof sir Ralph Graye was captain, which manfully defended it twenty days, but the Scottish king being advertised, that the Earl of Northumberlande, was coming to fight with him, fled with no less loss, than dishonour, to his town of Edenbrough.   

¶ The xu year. 
The xu year.   
AFter this dangerous business finished, and for a time ended, by mean of friends, and desire of princes, a truce or abstinence of war for a certain time, was moved between the King of England, and the duke of Burgoyne, for which cause were sent to Gravelyne, for the king of England, the Cardinal of Wynchester Henry Beaufford, John Lord Moubrey Duke of Norfolk, Humffrey earl of Stafford, and diverse other well learned and honourable personages: and for the duke, there appe●●ed the duchess his wife, the bishop of Arras, the lord of Croy, and diverse other. At which treaty, a 〈◊〉 was taken for a small time, and for a less space observed. Which abstinence of war, was concluded between the King of England, and the Duchess of Burgoyne, (enterlessing the duke and his name.) Some think that the king of England, would never enter in league with him, because he had broken his promise, writing, and fidelity, written, sealed, and sworn to him, and to his father. Other imagined, this to be done by a cautel, to cast a mist before the French kings eyes, to the intent he should believe, that this feat was wrought by the duchess, without assent or knowledge of the duke or his counsel, and so he was not bound to accomplish, any act or thing done in his wife's treaty. Thus you may see, that princes sometime, with such vain gloss, and scornful expositions, will hide their doings and cloak their purposes, to th'intent that they would not, either be espied, or pluck their head out of the collar, at their pleasure. But, (as the common proverb saith) he, which is a promise breaker, escapeth not alway free: for it is well seen▪ that daily it chanceth, both to princes and mean persons, that for breaking of faith, and not keeping of promise, many displeasures arise, and innumerable inconveniences ensue.  
ABOUT this season, Katherine queen and mother to the king of England, departed out of this transitory life, & was buried by her husband, in the minster of Westmynster. This woman, after the death of king Henry the fifth her husband, being young and lusty, following more her own appetite, then friendly counsel, and regarding more her private affection, than her open honour, took to husband privily, a goodly gentleman, & a beautiful person, garnished with many Godly gifts, both of nature & of grace, called Owen Teuther, a man brought forth and come of the noble lineage, and ancient line of Cadwaleder, the last king of the Brytons, by whom she conceived and brought forth iii goodly sons, Edmond, jasper, and another, which was a monk in Westmynster, and lived a small time, and a daughter, which in her youth departed out of this transitory life: After whose death king Henry, because they were his brethren of one womb descended, created Edmonde, earl of Rychemonde, and jasper, earl of Pembroke, which Edmond engendered of Margaret, daughter and sole heir to John, duke of Somerset, Henry, which after was king of this realm, called king Henry the seventh, of whom you shall hear more hereafter. This Owen, after the death of the Queen his wife, was apprehended and committed to ward, because that contrary to the statute made in the vi. year of this king, he presumptuously had married the Queen, without the kings especial assent, and agreement, out of which prison he escaped, and let out other with him, and was again apprehended, & after escaped again.  
THE duchess of Bedford, sister to Lewes, earl of saint Paul, minding also to mary, rather for pleasure then for honour, without counsel of her friends, married a lusty knight, called sir Richard Wooduile, to the great displeasure of her uncle the bishop of Tyrwyne, and the earl her brother: but they now could not remedy it, for the chance was cast and passed. This sir Richard, was made Baron of Rivers, and after earl, and had by this Lady, many noble sons, and fair daughters: whereof, one was Lady Elizabeth, after Queen of England, married to King Edward the fourth, (as here after you shall perceive.)  
WHILES this marriage was celebrating, jane late Queen of England, and before Duchess of Britain, daughter to the King of Naver, & wife to king Henry the iiij. died at the manor of Havering, and was buried by her husband at Canterbury, in which time diseased the Countess of Warwick, and Henry archbishop of York.  
I thought here to omit and overpass, the regaining and conquest of the strong town of Harflew, once English and after, (by craft) turned to the French part, except the French writers, more than the English author's, had made mention and remembrance, of the reduction of the same. For they say and affirm, that the Duke of Somerset, accompanied with the Lords of Fauconbridge, Talbot, sir Franceis Surrien Arragonoys, Matthew Gough, Thomas Paulet, Thomas Harington Walter Limbrike, John Gedding, William Watton, Esquieres, and Thomas Hylton bailiff of Rouen, with a great puissance of the English party, compassed about and besieged the town of Harflew, both by water, and by land. The captain within the town, was called sir John Desto●teuile, and sir Robert his brother, with other, to the number of six hundred good fighting men. The assailauntes lost no time, but made trenches, and cast ditches, both to assault the town, and also to let the French succours, that they should neither approach, nor aid the citizens shut in & besieged. diverse assaults were given, which were manfully resisted: but more to the loss of the defenders, than the assauters. Beside this, the Englishmen laid great ordinance, before the gate of the town, which continually vexed the inhabitants, and over threw buildings, and destroyed mansions: so that neither house, nor high way was sure, or refuge to the towns men. This siege endured long, to the great discomfiture of the people: whereof they advertised the French king and his counsel, which sent thither the earl of ewe, th'earl of Dumoys, called the Bastard of Orleaunre, the valiant Bastard of Bourbon, the lord Gaucort, sir Giles of scent Simon, and the chief captains of all his realm, with four thousand men, both politic and proved. This valiant army passed the River of Soame between Amyas and Corby, not mistrusting to get that, which they lost and left behind them, and so they came before the town, and divided themselves in several parts, to their most advantage: daily skirmishing with thenglishmen, but nothing prevailing, & so for fear of losing honour, and desperation of gain, the flourishing frenchmen, returned again with much labour, and little profit. The captains of the town seeing their pillars borken, and their chief aiders discomfited▪ rendered the town to the duke of Somerset, which made there captains, Thomas Paulet, William Lymbrike, Christopher Barker, and George sent George, which many years, (till the division began in England) manfully & valiantly defended the town, and haven: but afterward, when the said duke was Regent, and governor of Normandy, he not only lost the town, but also the city of Rouen, the Empeire and chief jewel of thesay Duchy, with many other cities and fortresses, which he, more by entreating, then threatening, might still have holden under his subjection. But all men have not wit alike, nor all rulers be not of one condition and policy. For this duke Edmond, got this town, with great glory, when he was but a deputy, under the Regent, and after, being governor himself, lost the same, and all the whole duchy, to his great slander and infamy, (as hereafter you shall perceive). But, who can prevent fortunes chance, or have spectacles to see all things to come, or chances that be present: seeing God despiseth that man purposeth, and that all worldly devices, and man's cogitations, be uncertain and ever unperfit.  
ALTHOUGH I have long talked of France, yet I may not forget the double dealing, & crafty demeanour, of james King of Scots: which being, (as you have heard) late prisoner in England, not only was garnished with learning and Civility, (which things, were rare and strange before that time, within the realm of Scotland) but also set at liberty, and honourably sent home. And to the intent that his amity might be perpetual, and that love might continually succeed between both the realms, by his mean and accord: first, his great ransom was abridged, and diminished, and after, he was joined in marriage, with one of the blood royal, to th'intent that he, and his heirs, should be united and knit, to the progeny of England, with an indissoluble knot, like the twisted tree, which cannot sever, and like the hard flint, which will not wax soft: yet this ungentle prince, and forgetful friend, putting in oblivion, both the duty of his obeisance, toward his sovereign and liege lord, and the oath and promise, that he made to king Henry, when he did to him homage, and liege at the Castle of Wyndesore, (as before you have heard) turned his back to his friend and kinsman, and looked to the French part, which never did him honour nor profit, not only sending into France daily, aid & succours against the English nation, but also by new alliance, sought and practised ways and means, how to join himself with foreign princes, to grieve and hurt his neighbours and adjoinauntes, of the realm of England. And although his own power were small, to do to them any great damage, yet he thought that he, being linked in such noble houses, should the less fear the malice of his enemies: upon which fe●le foundation, he concluded ii marriages, the one with Lewes the dolphin son to Charles the French king, and the other with France's duke of Britayn. Which marriages, were not desired for love or riches, but only for aid, to resist and drive out the Englishmen out of France. For the Lady Margeret married to the dolphin, was of such nasty complexion and evil savoured breath, that he abhorred her company, as a clean creature, doth a carrion: whereupon she conceived such an inward grief, that within few days after, she ended her days. Although this lady had such impediments, (as you have heard) yet her sister Isabella, married to France's duke of Britain, lacked, neither exceeding beauty, nor pleasant breath: but as for wit, womanhod, and Civil behaviour, she never had, nor exercised. Wherefore, when the duke before his marriage, was by his counsel admonished, to refuse and forsake so innocent a creature, he, more moved with her fair face, than her womanly wisdom, answered: that it was enough for a woman, to judge the difference between the shirt and the doublet of her husband, and to know him in the dark, from another man.  
FOR these marriages, king james demanded of his commons, a great subsidy or tallage, which was sore grudged at, and in manner denied: so that he married them, with fair promises, and aid and succour against thenglishmen, rather than with bags of money, or chests of plate. This foreign alliance little profited, or availed the realm of Scotland, nor this new amity, defended not king james: for Walter Steward earl of Athole, (which pretended a title to the Crown, by reason that he was begotten of king Robert the second, by his first wife, and by whose occasion, Robert duke of Albany, murdered David duke of Rothesay, elder brother to this king james, as in the story of king Henry the fourth, you have heard declared) after the coronation of king james the first in Scotland, earnestly solicited him to put to death, duke Murdo, and all the offspring of Robert first duke of Albany, trusting, that after he had destroyed that line, (which was a stop in his way) to invent some mean how to destroy the king and his children, and so to obtain the crown and pre-eminence of the realm. Wherefore, he persuaded Robert Steward his nephiew, and Robert Grame his cousin, and diverse other, to murder and slay the king their sovereign Lord, which thereto by devilish instigation incensed and procured, came to the town of Pertho, (commonly called S. Ihons' town) and there entered into the kings privy chamber, and slew first diverse of his servants, which made resistance, & after, killed the King with many mortal strokes, and hurt the Queen, which, in defence of her husband, felled one of the traitors. When this ungracious deed was blown about the town, the people rose in great plumps, and found out the princequellers, and them brought to strait prison, which afterward, (according to their deserts) were with most terrible torments, put to death and executed.  
AFTER james the first, succeeded james the second, his eldest son, which fearing sedition and civil discord, vexed more his own nation, than the English people.  
NOW leaving Scotland, let us return to the business of France. While the Scots were compassing, how to destroy their king: The lord Talbot, with a great company, laid siege to the Castle of Tankeruile, which after four months, was to him simply rendered, and given up. This town was no great gain to the Englishmen: for in the mean season, the French king in his own person, besieged the strong town of Monstreave Faultyou, whereof Thomas Gerard was captain: which, more for desire of reward, then for fear of enemies, sold the town to the French King, and had of him great gifts, and good cheer, which afterward was well known, to his shame and reproach. This town had been rescued, or the French King fought with all, if one chance had not happened: for the duke of York was discharged of the office of Regent, and the earl of Warwick preferred to the same, so that the duke of York lying at Rouen, would have gladly rescued the town, if his authority had not surceased, and the Earl of Warwick could not, for the wind was so clean contray to him, that he and his army, tarried for the wind above ten weeks. And so between the discharge of the one, and the charge of the other, this town of Monstreau, was delivered and sold.  
THIS present year, was a parliament kept at Westminster, in the which were diverse notable conclusions ordained and taken, aswell for the preservation of peace and concord at home, as for the maintenance of war, and hostility in outward regions: in the which parliament, (who so will look on the acts) shall perceive that one act made, for buying & selling by strangers, was profitable to the public wealth of this realm, if it were well kept, (as a few good acts or none be either by the negligence of the governors, or by the insolency & pride of the people.)  
NOW must we speak somewhat of Charles the French King: which after he had gained again the city of Paris, and diverse other towns, was so puffed up with pride, that he thought it but a trifle, to conquer Normandy, and expulse all the English nation, out of his countries and signiories. Wherefore, he sent Arthur of Britayn, Constable of France, & John duke of Alencon, into Normandy with a great army, which besieged the town of Auraunches, standing upon the knop of an hill, near to the british sea, both well walled and well manned. While they lay there long, little getting and much spending, the lord Talbot with a valiant company of men, approached near the French men, and encamped themselves, in the face of their enemies, to provoke and entice them to battle and fight. The Frenchmen refusing this offer, kept theimselfes within their trenches, daily fortifying and repairing their camp. The Englishmen perceiving their doings, removed their army half a mile farther, giving their enemies come to issue out and to fight, but all this little availed: for the frenchmen lay still and stirred not. The lord Talbot, seeing their faint hearts, raised his field, and in the open sight of them all, entered into the town, and the next day issued out, and found the frenchmen riding abroad, to destroy the plain country, whom he environed, bet, and discomfited, slaying many, and taking diverse prisoners. Although the Frenchemen got neither honour nor profit by this journey▪ yet they enterprised a greater matter: for Ponthon of Sentrayles and the Heir, with diverse other captains, and a great number of Frenchmen, having promise of certain Burgesses of Rouen, to be let secretly into the town, came forward to a village, called Rise, and there lodged. The lord Talbot, the lord Scales, and sir Thomas Kiriell, hearing of their approach, set out of Rouen at midnight, and with great pain, came to Rise in the morning so covertly, that the frenchmen, being suddenly surprised and set on, like men mad and amazed, ran away, & fled: in the chase were taken the lord of fountains, sir Alleyne Geron, sir Lewes de Ball, & lx knights and esquires, beside other, and there were slain, two hundred and more: the Heir being sore wounded, by the swiftness of his horse, escaped very narrowly. The Englishmen returned to the town of Rise, and found there a great number of horses, and other baggages, which they joyously brought with them to Rouen.   

¶ The xvi year.  
ON the sixth day of Novembre, 
The xuj. year  this present year, the earl of Warwick, as regent of France, passed the sea, after he had been seven times shipped and unshipped, and landed at Humflewe, with a. M. fresh soldiers and came to Rouen, and then the duke of York, returned into England, neither wholly pleased, nor half content. For he secretly smelled, that some men, privily disdained his advancement, and envied his promotion: yet, (like a wise man) he kept his tongue close, whatsoever his heart thought. Between the change of these two captains, the duke of Burgoyne, (which sore envied the glory of thenglishmen) besieged the Castle of Croytoy, with ten thousand men and more, having with him great plenty of gonnes, and goodly ordinance. The Earl of Warwick hearing of this feat, sent the lord Talbot, the lord Fawconbridge, sir Thomas Kiriell, sir John Mountgomery, Thomas Limbricke, Thomas Chandos, Davy Halle, and diverse other knights and esquires, and many tall yeomen, to the number of five thousand men, which passed the River of Soame, beside the town of S. valery: for the passage of Blanch Taque, was very dangerous to go through, because the duke of Burgoyne had laid there ordinance, and other engines, to let, trouble and stop the Englishmen to go over at that ford. And yet, where the lord Talbot passed, his men went in the water up to the chin, so glad were the men to rescue their fellows. When the duke of Burgoyn was informed of the approaching of the lord Talbot and other, he with all his power, saving four hundred, which were left in a bastile, by him there newly builded fled to Abbevile, which bastile was son gained, and the men within, either slain or taken.  
AFTER this town received, the lord Talbot sent word to the duke of Burgoyn, that he would utterly waste and destroy the country of Pycardy, except he, (like a valiant prince) would give him battle. And according to his promise, he brent towns, spoiled, and slew many people in Pycardy, but for all his doings, the duke would not appear, but stolen away from Abbevile, and fled to Amyas. So the Lord Talbot was twenty days full, in the countries of Pycardy, and Arthoyse, destroying and burning, all that they could see or come to, and after departed. And in the mean season, sir Thomas Kiriell had gotten all the duke's carriages, and ordinance, and left asmuch victual in the town of Croytoy, as would serve six hundred men a whole year, and conveyed the remnant in safety, to the earl of Warwick, which not only, received the captains, with good semblance, and loving cheer, but also highly magnified their acts, and much praised their hardiness.  
AFTER this enterprise achieved, Henry earl of Mortaine son to Edmond duke of Somerset, arrived at Chierbuege, with four hundred archers, and three hundred spears, and passed through Normandy, till he came into the County of Main, where, he besieged a castle, called S. Anyan, in the which were three HUNDRED Scots, beside frenchmen. This Castle he took by a strong assault, and slew all the Scots, and hanged the Frenchmen, because they were once sworn English, and after, broke their oath: and after he got also another Castle, two miles from saint julians, called Alegerche, which was shortly after recovered, and the Lord Camevys, which came to the rescue of the same, in the mean way was trapped and taken. Thus the victory flowed some time on the one part, and sometime on the other, but the treason of the Frenchmen, far surmounted in getting, both the policy and strength of the English captains: for by the untruth and perfidy, of the very Burgesses and inhabitants of the towns, of Meaux in Brie, and S. Susanne, the same were, sold and delivered to the French part, in the end of this sixteen year.   

¶ The xvii year. 
The xvii year.   
WHat should I rehearse the great tempests, the sharp blasts, the sudden piries, the unmeasurable winds, the continual rains, which fell and chanced this year in England: sith such torments be both natural, and of God, at his pleasure diversly ordered and altered. Of these untemperate storms, rose such a scacety, that wheat was sold at. iii.s.iiii. d. the bushel, wine at. xii.d. the gallon, Bay salt at xiiij d. the bushel, and malt at xiii. s.iiij. d. the quarter, and all other grains, were sold of an excessive price, above the old custom.  
IN the month of june, the Earl of Huntyngdone, (as Steward of Guienne) with two. M. archers, and four hundred spears, was sent into Gascoigne, as a supplement to the country, and the commons of the same. For the king of England and his counsel, were informed that th'earl of Dumoys, lay on the fronters of Tholose, secretly by rewards and fair promises, enticing and provoking diverse towns in Guienne, to become French, and leave th'English nation. Wherefore, this earl (like a politic warrior) altered not only the captains, in every town & cite, but also removed the magistrates, and changed the officers, from town to town, and from room to room, so that by this means at that time, the earl of Dumoys, lost both travail and cost. In the same month also, sir Richard Wooduile, six William Chamberlain, sir William Peyto, and sir William Story, with a. M. men, were lent to stuff the towns in Normandy, which surely at that time, had thereof great need: for thenglish captains, had small confidence in the Normans, and not to much, in some of their own nation. For that harlot bribery, and her fellow covetousness, ran so fast abroad with French crowns, that uneath any creature, (without an especial grace) could hold either hand, close, or purse shut, such a strong percer is money, and such a greedy glutton is avarice. You have heard before, how that King Charles heart by getting of Paris, was set upon a merry pin, and thought daily that all things more and more, would both apply to his purpose, and follow his appetite. Which invented imagination, suddenly both deceived him, and also appalled his haut courage, and abate● him somewhat of his proud stomach. For suddenly there rose a strange storm, and a quick pirie, so mischievous and so pernicious, that nothing more execrable, or more to be abhorred, could happen in any Christian Region. Which seditious tempest, if wise counsel had not with all speed repressed, no doubt, but king Charles, and the whole public wealth of France, had been turned up, and clean overthrown. For Lewes Dolphyn of Uyen, and heir apparent to king Charles, a young prince, of a froward stomach and evil conditions, desiring liberty, and to be out of ward and rule, with such as were of his nature and conditions, began to conspire against his father, and sovereign lord. The chief of this ungracious faction with him, were John Duke of Alaunson, and John Duke of Bourbon. These confederates gathered together a great power, and the dolphin took upon him, the rule and governance of the realm, ordering causes, not in his father's name, nor by his authority, but after his own will, affection, and fantasy. When king Charles his father, had knowledge of this unnatural disobedience, and insolent and proud doings, he was (& no marvel) greatly moved with this sudden commotion: thinking himself borne, & predestinate to trouble, remembering, that it was no small thing, in his own country so many years, both with strangers, & with his own nation, to fight and strive for rule and dignity, but now to be constrained, to contend & make war, with his own son and well-beloved child, for the Crown and regiment, of his realm & dominion. Yet these things did not bring him, being a man of great wit, and counsel, daily troubled and unquieted with calamities and displeasures, into utter despair, or extreme wanhope: but like a politic prince, determining to withstand and resist, the smoke at the beginning, before the fire & flame ●rast out abroad, called together all such, as he had either in great confidence, or especial favour, communicating to them, all his inward thoughts, and privy cogitations. After long consultation had, it was agreed by the most part, that this sore was more meet to be cured, by politic and witty handling, rather than by force, and ●ent of sword. Wherefore, letters were written, and posts were sent to every city and borough, straightly prohibiting all and singular persons, either to hear, or obey, any precept or commandment, set forth or published, by the dolphin himself, or by other, or in his name, and all offences done in that confederacy, were by open proclamation, freely for given and remitted. And beside this, diverse grave and sage persons, were sent to the dolphin, and his allies, to common and conclude a peace, and reconciliation, between the French king and them, declaring to them, that their civil war, and inward dissension, was the very mean to 'cause their enemies, utterly to plague and destroy their native country, which was almost desolate, and brought into subjection, by the continual war practised before. By which means and persuasions, the knot of this seditious faction, was loosed and dissolved: and the king with his son, and other confederates, openly agreed and abundantly pacified. And so the spring of these mischievous sect, was stopped and repulsed, or the flood had any thing increased, or flown farther.  
THE Englishmen (which ever sought their advantage) hearing of this domestical division in the realm of France, raised an army, and recovered again diverse towns, which were stolen from them before, by the French nation: and made great provision, to recover again the city of Paris, but when they heard, that the dolphin was returned again to his father, and that all his mates, were joined with the French king, they left of from that enterprise, and revoked their purpose.   

¶ The xviii year. 
The xviii year.   
IN the month of Novembre this present year, there was such a great Frost, and after that, so deep a Snow, that all the ground was covered with white, and all the ditches hardened and frozen, which weather put the Englishmen in comfort, to recover again the town of Ponthoise, by the French king gotten before, by corrupting with money, diverse Burgesses of the town. Wherefore, the Englishmen being clothed all in white, with John lord Clifforde their captain, came in the night to the ditches, and passed them without danger, by reason of the Frost, and suddenly scaled the walls, slew the watch, and took the town, with many profitable prisoners. When this town was thus gotten, lord Richard Beauchampe earl of Warwick and Regent of France, died in the Castle of Rouen, and was conveyed into England, and with solemn Ceremonies, was buried in his College of Warwick, in ● very solemn and sumptuous sepulture.  
THAN was the duke of York again, made regent of France, which accompanied with th'earl of Oxford, the lord Bourchier, called earl of Ewe, Sir james of Ormond, the Lord Clinton, and diverse other noble men, sailed into Normandy: Before whose arrival, the French king being sore grieved with the taking of the town of Pounthoyse, assembled a great army, and besieged the said town himself, and made round about it, bastiles, trenches, & ditches, and daily shot ordinance, and gave thereunto diverse great and fierce assaults. But John lord Clifford, like a valiant captain, defended the town with such valeauntnes, that the frenchmen rather lost then gained. The Duke of York at his landing, having true knowledge of this siege, sent for the lord Talbot, and a great number of soldiers, and so came near to the town of Pounthoyse, and there encamped himself, and sent word to the French King, that he was there, ready to give him battle, if he would come out of his camp and Bastiles. King Charles was ruled by his counsel, which in no wise would suffer him to adventure his person, with men of so low and base degree: bidding him remember, what losses he and his ancestors had sustained, by giving to the Englishmen battle: which thing they principally desire, willing him to keep his ground still, and to bid th●im entre at their peril, and in the mean season, to stop the passage of the River of Oy●e, so that no victual could be brought to the English army by that way, by which means, he should not only obtain his purpose, but also 'cause the Englishmen to recule back again, for lack of victual and succours. The Duke of York perceiving, that the French king was nothing minded to ●ight, determined to pass over the River of Oyse, and so to fight with him in his lodging, whereupon he removed his camp, and appointed the lord Talbot and other, to make a countenance, as they would pass the River by force at the gate of Beaumond, and appointed another company with boats, of timber & ledder, and bridges made of cords and ropes, (whereof he had great plenty, carried with him in chariots) to pass over the River byneth the Abbay. While the lord Talbot made a cry, as though he would assail the gate, certain Englishmen passed the water over in boats, and drew the bridge over, so that a great number were comen over, or the frenchmen them espied. When they saw the chance, they ran like mad men, to stop the passage, but their labour was lost, and all their pain to no purpose: for the most part of th'English people were suddenly transported, in so much that they chased their enemies, by fine force into the town again, and took sir Guylliam de Chastell, nephieve to the Lord Canehy, and diverse other gentlemen prisoners. The Frenchmen seeing their damage irrecuperable, returned to the French king, accounting to him their evil chance & unluckey fortune, which therewith was not a little displeasant: and well perceiving, that if he tarried the coming of thenglishmen he was like to be either in great jeopardy, or sure to sustain much dishonour and great damage. Wherefore he removed his ordinance into the bastile of. S. Martin, which he had newly made, and leaving behind him the lord of Cotigny, admiral of France, with three. M. men to keep the bastiles, dislodged in the night from Maubuisson, and came to Poissye: for if he had tarried still in that place, the lord Talbot with certain of his trusty soldiers, which passed the river of Oyse in two. small leather boats, had either slain or taken him, in his lodging, the same night. The Englishmen the next day in good order of battle, came before the town of Pounthoise, thinking there to have found the French king, but he was go, and in his lodging, they found great riches, and much stuff, which he could not have space, to convey, for fear of the sudden invasion. Then the Duke of York with his company, entered into the town, and sent for new victual, and repaired the towers and bulwarks about the town, and diverse times assailed the Bastile of the frenchmen, of the which he passed not greatly, because they were not of power, either to assault, or stop the victuals or succours from the town. The Duke lying thus in the town of Ponthoise, was advertised, that the French king and the dolphin, with all the nobility of France, were lodged in Poissye, wherefore he intending once again to offer him battle, left behind him there, for captain, sir Geruays Clifton, with a thousand soldiers, and removed his army and came before Poysye, and set himself and his men in good order of battle, ready to fight. There issued out diverse gentlemen, to skirmish with the Englishmen, but they were soon discomfited, and four valiant horsemen were taken prisoners, and diverse slain. The Englishmen perceiving the faint hearts, and cold courage of their enemies, which nothing less desired, then to encounter with the Englishnation in open field, dislodged from Poysye, and came to Mante, and soon after to Rouen.  
WHEN the Regent and the lord Talbot, were returned again into Normandy, the French king (for all this evil luck) forgot not the town of Ponthoise, and first he considered, what charges he had sustained, both during the time of the siege, and also in making bastyles, trenches, and other devices: and after remembered, that his people, and especially the Parisians (to whom this town was an evil neighbour) would rail and say, that he was not able, or lacked courage, to get so small a town, or to discomfit half a handful of amazed people. Wherefore these things set in order, he assembled all his puissance, and returned suddenly again to Ponthoise: where, he first by assault got the church, and after the whole town, and took the captain prisoner, and diverse other Englishmen, and slew to the number of four hundred, which dearly sold their lives: for one French writer affirmeth, that the French king lost there, three. M. men and more, and the whole garrison of the Englishmen, was only a. M: so they gained the town, but they got no gr●ate boty of men. When the fame of this victory was blown abroad, the hearts of the towns men, began to appall, in somuch, that Melune, Corbuell, Eureux, and diverse other towns, yielded and turned at a proud crack, or a French brag, without stroke stricken, or any blow given.  
AFTER these hot rages, the wether began to wax more temperate for king Henry and king Charles, were agreed, to sand Ambassadors, to common and treat some good peace & conclusion, between them, & their realms. So the king of England, sent the Cardinal of Wynchester, with divers other noble personages of his counsel, to Calais, with whom was also sent, Charles Duke of orleans, yet prisoner in England, to th'intent that he might be both the author of the peace, and procurer of his deliverance. The French king, sent the archbishop of reins, and the Earl of Dumoys: and the Duke of Burgoyne, sent the lord Cre●ecuer, and diverse other, because that the duke of orleans was passed the sea with the English Ambassadors, they would meet in none other place to comen, but in Calais. The French Ambassadors perceiving their mind, came to Calais, where the duke of orleans, gently received th'earl of Dumoys (his bastard brother) thanking him heartily for his pain taken, in governing his country during the time of his captivity and absence. diverse communications were had, aswell for the deliverance of the duke, as for a final peace: in somuch, that after much consulting, and little doing, another time was appointed for a new assembly, and every part to declare to their sovereign, the request and desire of the other. So these Ambassadors took their leave and departed, and th'English commissioners conveyed again the duke of orleans into England, which had nothing then to pay his ransom, & yet he could not be delivered, without payment. The cause why these commissioners did not agree, was, (as the French writers say) that the Englishmen demanded, not only to have and possess peaceably the two. Duchies of Aquitayn and Normandy, to their kings & princes discharged of all resort, superiority, and sovereignty, frankly and freely, against the realm of France, the kings and governors of the same for ever: but also required to be restored to all the towns, cities, and possessions, which they, within xxx years next before go and past, had conquered in the realm of France. The Englishmen, thought that they demanded but right and reason: and the frenchmen, thought their request to be most hurtful to their realm, and ancient glory. So both parties, rather minding to gain or save, then to loose, departed for that time, (as you have heard). After which diet prorogued for a time, Philip Duke of Burgoyn, partly moved in conscience, to make some amendss & recompense to Charles duke of Oleaunce (then being prisoner in England) for the death of duke Lewes his father (whom duke John, father to this duke Philip, shamefully slew, and cruelly murdered in the city of Paris, (as in the time of king Henry the fourth, is plainly mentioned) And partly intending the advancement of his niece, lady Marie daughter to Adolphe, Duke of Cleve, by the which alliance, he trusted surely to knit, such a firm knot and friendly amity with the Duke of orleans, that all old rancour should cease, and all discord should be forgotten: and in their places, concord should be established, and perpetual love embraced) sent messengers into England, to the said duke, declaring to him his good will, devise, and intent. Think not but this message, was joyous to a captive, being out of his native country, and natural signiory, by the space of xxv years? Suppose you that he, which nothing more coveted and desired, than liberty and discharge, would refuse so honourable an offer? Imagine you that a prince of a blood royal, brought into thraldom, restrained from liberty and living, far from kin and father, & farther from friends, would not give his diligent ear to that motion, by the which he might be restored, both to his ancient pre-eminence, possession and signory? Yes, yes, you may be sure, he neither consulted on the matter, nor deferred the answer, but thereunto gently agreed. What should I say more? As some writers affirm, four hundred thousand Crowns were paid for his deliverance, although other say, but three hundred thousand: and so he was delivered out of England into France at that time, both speaking better English then French, and also swearing, never to bear Armure against the King of England. After his arrival in France, he came to the Duke of Burgoyne, his especial friend, gratifying and thanking him of his liberty and deliverance: and according to his promise and convention, married the fair lady in the town of saint Omers, on whom he begat a son, which after was French king, and called Lewes the xii After his deliverance from captivity he forgot not his uncle John earl of Angolesme, which had been as a pledge in England, for the debt of Duke Lewes of orleans, his father, sith the last year of king Henry the fourth, (as in his story is declared): but made friends, borrowed money, and mortgaged land, and so set him at liberty, and brought him into his country. This John, engendered Charles, father to Frances, the first of that name, which after the death of Lewes the xij, obtained the Crown of France.  
HERE is to be noted, that old rauncor newly appeased, will commonly spring out again: for although the unhappy division, between the two noble families, of orleans and Burgoyn, were by this great benefit and marriage, for a time given over and put in Oblivion, and so continued by the space of twenty years and more, yet their children and cousins, within, not many years after, fell so far at square, that the house of Burgoyne, was spoiled of the fairest flower of his garland, (as you shall here afterward, at large declared) and in especial, in the time of king Frances the first, the very heir of the house of orleans, which not only continually vexed with mortal war, Charles the fift Emperor of that name, lineal successor to Philip Duke of Burgoyne: but also did asmuch as in him say, to deprive the said Charles of his honour, and possessions, (as men writing their lives, will hereafter declare). The French writers affirm, that this Duke of orleans, was detained thus long in captivity, by reason that the Englishmen, gained yearly by him, great sums of money, by reason of his great and liberal expenses, which he made daily in the realm of England. If this be true, I report me to all indifferent and reasonable persons, for who will spend his goods freely, in the land of his enemy, which may by pinching and bearing a low sail, wax rich and be set at liberty? Or who is so proud to waste & consume his substance, in living prodigally, that may with the sparing of the same, be delivered out of captivity and bondage? But surely it is apparent, that the revenues of his signiories, were neither able to ransom him, nor to maintain him in pompous estate: partly, because thenglishmen possessed diverse towns, belonging to his Duchy: and partly, by reason that the rents were scace able to defend his possessions, against the invasions of the English nation, and Burgonions. But the very cause of his long detaining were two: one, the lack of money, the second and the principal cause, was this, that you have heard before, how that John Duke of Burgoyne father to Phillippe, shamefully and cruelly, caused Lewes Duke of orleans, father to this Duke Charles, (of whom we now speak) to be murdered in the city of Paris: for the which murder, all the allies and friends to the Duke of orleans, had envy against the house and family of Burgoyne, in somuch that thesay Duke John, b●yng measured with the same measure, that he met with all, was likewise tyrannously murdered on the bridge of Mounstreau Faultyou, (as you have also heard declared before). For which cause, and for to be revenged of so heinous an act, duke Philip son to the said John, not only joined himself, in league and amity with the English nation, but also did homage, and swear fealty to King Henry the fifth, as to his King and sovereign Lord: for which cause, the Englishmen intending to keep the duke of Burgoyn, as a trusty treasure, and sure jewel, perceived, that if they delivered the duke of orleans, and set him at liberty, he would not cease to vex and trouble the duke of Burgoyne, in revenging the detestable murder, committed by his father against his parent: wherefore, both for the surety and safeguard of the duke of Burgoyne, and also to do him pleasure, they kept still the duke of orleans in England, demanding such ransom, as he was neither able, nor could find means or ways to pay. But after that the duke of Burgoyn, (like an untrue prince and unhonest gentleman) had broken his promise, not kept his faith, and was turned to the French part, the counsel of the king of England, studied and devised, how to deliver the duke of orleans, to do displeasure to the duke of Burgoyn. Duke Philip perceiving, what mischief was like to rise if he were redeemed, and set at liberty without his knowledge, to prevent the matter, to his great cost and charge, practised his deliverance, paid his ransom, and joined with him, amity and alliance, by marriage of his niece, (as before is rehearsed) and by this means, was Duke Charles of orleans, restored to his liberty, which had been prisoner in England, from the day of saints, Crispin● & Crispinian, in the year of our Lord. M. CCCC.xv. to the month of Novembre, in the year, a thousand four hundred and forty.   

¶ The xix year. 
The xix year.   
IN the beginning of this xix year, Richard duke of York Regent of France, and governor of Normandy, remembering the great charge, and weighty office to him delivered and committed, determined, (after long consultation) to invade the territories of his enemies, both by sundry armies, and in diverse places, to th'intent that the French people being vexed within their own country, and peculiar dominion, should make no roads nor enterynges, into the Duchy of Normandy, the returning whereof, was somewhat suspicious. This devise for that season, seemed both profitable and necessary, wherefore, without long delaying of time, he sent Robert Lord Willoughby, with a great crew of soldiers, to invade and destroy the country about Amias, and John lord Talbot, was appointed to besiege the town of deep, and he himself, accompanied with Edmond duke of Somerset, set forward into the Duchy of Anjou. The Lord Willoughby, according to his commission, entered in the country to him appointed, and to th'intent that his commission should not be espied nor known, he straightly forbade and inhibited, all manner fire, & of burning of towns, which is the most open and plain token of war and invasion. By reason whereof, the poor paysauntes & rustical people going abroad, without fear or suspicion of evil, were over run or taken with the horsemen, or they could attain to any town, or forcelet: so that innumerable people were slain, & taken, or they heard any tidings of their enemies approaching. The Frenchmen in the garrisons adjoining, astonnied at the clamour and cry of the poor people, issued out in good order, and manfully set on their enemies. The fight was sore, and the victory long doubtful: But inconclusion, the Frenchmen seeing their people in the forefront of the battle, to be killed without mercy, like men desperate, turned their ba●kes and fearfully fled, the Englishmen followed, and slew many in the chase, and such as escaped the sword, were rob and spoiled, by Lewes' Earl of saint Paul, which was coming to aid the English nation. In this conflict were slain, above six. C. men of arms, and a greater number taken: So the Lord Willoughby, like a victorious captain, with rich spoil and good prisoners, returned again to the city of Rouen. The dukes of York and Somerset, likewise entered into the Duchy of Anjou, and County of Main, destroying towns, spoiling the people, and with great prey and profit, repaired again into Normandy. The Duke of Somerset, not filled with this gain, entered into the Marches of Britain, and took by a fierce assault, the town of Gerche, appertaining to the Duke of Alaunson, and spoiled and brent the same, and after that, departed to Ponzay, where he sojourned two months, from whence he sent daily men of war, which destroyed & wasted the countries of Anjou, Traonnoys & Chatragonnoys.  
THE French king in all haste, sent the Marshal of Loyache, with iiii. M. men, to resist the invasions of the duke of Somerset, which captain determined to set on the duke and his people, in the dead time of the night. This enterprise was not so secret, but it was revealed to the duke, which marched forward, and met the frenchmen half way, and after long fight, them by fine force manfully discomfited, and slew a hundred persons and more, and took captives lxii, whereof the chief were the lord Dausigny, sir Lewes de Buell, and all the other almost, were Knights and esquires. After this encounter, the Duke took the town of Beaumot Le Uicount, and manned all the fortresses, on the Frontiers of his enemies, and with rich booties and wealth captives came again to the Duke of York.  
DURING these fortunate chances & victories, the lord Talbot also, the unwearied chieftain & manly warrior, environed the town of deep, with deep trenches and terrible mountains, and did set up upon the mount de Poulet, a strong and defensible Bastile, at which time, was captain of the same town, Charles de Maretz, a man of more force in battle, then politic in defence of a siege: for the Englishmen being a small number, had to them delivered with fair words, and faint strokes, the castle of Charlemesnyll, and diverse other fortresses, adjoining to the town. During the siege, many encounters were had, and many great assaults given, thenglishmen sometime saved, and sometime gained, but the most loss lighted on the frenchmen for awhile. But of three captains sent forth at one time, (as you before have heard) all cannot return with equal honour, and even botie. For the lord Talbot perceiving the town of deep, to be strongly defended, both with men, victual, and ordinance, and that he lacked all the said furnitures for the accomplisshing of his stout enterprise, delivered the custody of the Bastile, with the governance of the ●iege, to his Bastard son, a valiant young man, and departed to Rouen, for aid, money, and munitions. The French king, was quickly advertised of the lord Talbots absence, and of the estate of the Englishmen: wherefore without delay, he meaning not to loose so great a prey, sent his eldest son Lewes' dolphin of Uyen, accompanied with the Bastard of orleans, called the earl of Dumoys, and diverse other nobles of France, to the number of xu thousand persons, well armed, and no less garnished with all things necessary for their purpose. Three days they assailed the Bastile, and so many times they were put back, but powder failed in the fortress, and weapon wherewith to defend, was very scant, so that in conclusion, the Englishmen were vanqueshed, and the Bastile taken, and in it, the Bastard Talbot, sir William Peytow, and sir John Repeley, which were shortly after redeemed: The other English soldiers seeing the Bastile gained, stood all day in good order of battle, and in the night, politicly returned to Rouen, without loss or damage. At this assault, the frenchmen say, that they slew two hundred Englishmen, and deny not, but they lost five hundred persons, and by this means, the one nation lost the Bastile, and the other saved the town, to the great displeasure of the Lord Talbot: Whose presence would asmuch availed at this attempt, as his absence was loss and detriment to his friends, and fellows in war and chivalry. But gain is not always perdurable, nor loss always continual.  
WHILE these things were a doing, Philip Duke of Burgoyn, having an envious heart, at the glory and fortunate success of the English people, intending to bereave them of one of their assured friends, called Lewes of Luxenborough earl of saint Poule, made sharp war upon his countries, and took diverse towns, and fortresses from him, so that in conclusion more for fear, then for love, he utterly refused his faith and promise, made to the duke of Bedford his brother in law and turned to the French part, and become a lukewarm enemy to the realm of England. The loss of this friend and necessary neighbour, not a little grieved King Henry and his counsel: Howbeit, they made such purveyance and provision, by discrete counsel, that if he of evil will, would do them little good, yet he of malice should do to them no great hurt or damage.  
THE English captains being in Guienne, having knowledge of the valiant doings of their countrymen in the realm of France, determined to do some notable and noble enterprise, on the French costs adjoining to Aquitayn: & so, they besieged the strong town of Tartas belonging to the lord Delabreth, their old and ancient enemy. The captains and governors of the town, considering their weakness, and the force of the Englishmen, took this appointment with the English captains, that the town should remain neuter, and for the assurance thereof, they delivered Cadet the son of the lord Delabreth in pledge, upon this condition: that if the lord Delabrethe, would not assent to their agreement, than he should signify his refusal, to the English captains, within three months next ensuing: and he to have his pledge, and they to do their best. The French king, at the request of the lords of Guienne, which were not able to defend themselves, took this matter in hand, and caused the lord Delabreth, to certify his disagreement to the Earl of Huntyngdon, lieutenant for the king of England, in the Duchy of Aquitaine. And to please the great Lords of Guienne, he assembled lx M. men, and came to Tholose, and so to Tartas: to whom the chieftains of the town, seeing no succours coming, rendered the town, and Cadet Delabrethe, which was left there as a pledge, was delivered. The French king after the yielding of Tartas, removed to saint Severe, a strong town in Gascoyn, but smally peopled with men of war, which he took by force, and slew three hundred persons, and took sir Thomas Rampstone prisoner. After this town gained, he with all his power besieged the city of Arques, and took the Bulwark of the same, which was smally defended, and soon gotten. The inhabitants of the town, began sore to be afraid, and came to the lord Mountferrant, captain for the king of England, requiring him to have mercy upon them, and to render the town to the French king, upon some honest covenant or composition. The captain perceiving the faint hearts of the gascoins, & knowing that without their aid, he was not able to resist the puissance of the French king, took an agreement and departed with all the English crew to Bordeaux, where he found the earl of Longuile, Capdaw of Bueffe, and sir Thomas Rampstone, which was a little before delivered.  
AFTER this, the fortresses of riol and Mermandie, yielded them to the French king. Although these towns thus submitted them to him, yet he had them not long, nor made much tarrying in the Duchy of Guienne, for the Englishmen not only prohibited the Gascoynes, to minister to his army, viandre and sustenance, but also got into their hands and took such victuals, as were conveyed to him, from Tholo●e and Poitiers: So that in manner constrained with famine and lack of provision, he retired his army again into France. After whose departure, the English captains recovered again the city of Acques, and the other towns by the French king gained, and took prisoner his lieutenant, called Reignault Guillam the Burgonyon, and many other gentlemen, and all the mean soldiers, were either slain or hanged.  
WHILE the French king was in Guienne, the lord Talbot took the town of Couchete, and after marched toward Gayllardon, which was besieged by the Bastard of orleans earl of Dumoys: which earl hearing of the Englishmennes approaching, raised his siege and saved himself. A little before this enterprise, the frenchmen had taken the town of Eureux, by treason of a fisher. Sir Frances Arragonoy hearing of that chance, appareled six strong men, like rustical people with sacks and baskets, as carriers of corn and victual, and sent them to the Castle of Cornyll, in the which diverse Englishmen were kept as prisoners: and he with an imbusshement of Englishmen, lay in a valley nigh to the fortress. These six companions entered into the Castle, unsuspected and not mistrusted, and strait came to the chamber of the captain, & laid hands upon him, giving knowledge thereof to their imbushement, which suddenly entered the Castle, and slew and took all the frenchmen prisoners, and set at liberty all the Englishmen, which thing done, they set all the castle on fire, and departed with great spoil to the cit●e of Rouen. Thus the lady victory, sometime smiled on the English part, and sometime on the French side. Thus one gained this day, and lost on the next. Thus Fortune changed, and thus chance happened, according to the old proverb, saying: in war is nothing certain, and victory is ever doubtful.   

¶ The twenty year. 
The twenty year.   
NOw let us leave the martial feats, the mortal strokes, and daily skirmishes, practised between the English and French nation in the Region of France, and speak a little of a smoke that rose in England, which after grew to a great fire, and a terrible flame, to the destruction of many a noble man. You have heard before, how the Duke of Gloucester sore grudged at the proud doings of the Cardinal of Wynchester, and how the Cardinal likewise, sore envied and disdained at the rule of the Duke of Gloucester, and how by the means of the duke of Bedforde, their malice was appeased, and each was reconciled to other, in perfit love and amity, to all men's outward judgements. After which concord made, the Cardinal and the archbishop of York, did many things without the consent of the king or the duke, being (during the minority of the prince) governor & protector of the realm, wherewith the duke, (like a true hearted prince) was neither content nor pleased: And so declared in writing to the king, certain articles, wherein the Cardinal and the archbishop, had offended both the king and his laws, the true tenor, here after ensueth.  

¶ A complaint made to King Henry the uj by the Duke of Gloucester, upon the Cardinal of Winchester.  
THese be in part, the points and Articles, which I Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, for my truth and acquittal, said late, I would give in writing (my right doubted Lord) unto your highness, advertising your excellence, of such things in party, as have been done in your tender age, in derogation of your noble estate, & hurt of both your realms, & yet be done and used daily.  
FIRST the Cardinal, then being bishop of Winchester, took upon him the state of Cardinal, which was nayed and denayed him, by the king of most noble memory, my lord your father, (whom God assoil) saying, that he had as lief set his crown beside him, as to see him wear a Cardinal hat, he being a Cardinal: for he knew full well, the pride and ambition that was in his person, then being but a bishop, should have so greatly extolled him into more intolerable pride, when that he were a Cardinal: And also he though it against his freedom, of the chief Church of this realm, which, that he worshipped, as duly as ever did prince, that blessed be his soul. And howbeit, that my said Lord your father, (whom God assoil), would have agreed him to have had certain clerks of this land Cardinals, & to have no bishoprics in England, yet is intent was never to do so great derogation to the Church of Canterbury, to make them that were his suffragans, to set above their Ordinary and Metropolitan, but the cause was that in general, and in all matters which might concern the weal of him, and of his realm, he should have proctor's of his nation, as other kings christian had, in the court of Rome, and not to abide in this land, nor to be in any part of his counsels, as been all the spiritual and temporal, at parliaments and other great counsels, when you list to call them: and therefore, though it please you to do him that worship, to set him in your privy counsel after your pleasure, yet in your parliament, where every Lord both spiritual and temporal, hath this place, he aught to occupy but his place as a bishop.  
ITEM thesay bishop, now being Cardinal, was assoiled of his bishopric of Wynchester, whereupon he sued unto our holy father, to have a bull declaratory, notwithstanding he was assumpt to the state of Cardinal, that the sea was not void, where in deed it stood void by a certain time, or thesay bull were granted, and so he was exempt from his ordinary, by the taking on him the state of Cardinal, and the church bishopric of Winchester, so standing void, he took again of the Pope (you not learned thereof ne knowing whereby he was fallen into the case of provision) so that all his good was lawfully and clearly forfeited, to you my right doubted Lord, with more as the statute declareth plainly for your advantage.  
ITEM it is not unknown to (you doubted lord) how through your lands it is noised, that thesay Cardinal and th'archbishop of York had and have the governance of you, and all your land, the which none of your true liege men, aught to usurp nor take upon them. And have also estranged me your sole uncle, my cousin of York, my cousin of Huntyngdon, & many other lords of your kin, to have any knowledge of any great matter, that might touch your high estate, or either of your realms. And of Lords spiritual, of right, the archbishop of Cantorbury, should be your chief counsellor, the which is also estranged and set a side. And so be many other right sad Lords, and well advised, aswell spiritual as temporal, to the great hurt of you my right doubted lord, and of your realms, like as the experience and works shown clearly and evidently, more harm it is.  
ITEM in the tender age of you, my right doubted Lord, for the necessity of an army, thesay Cardinal lent you four M. l. upon certain jewels, praised at xxii M. mark, with a letter of sale, that and they were not quited at a certain day, you should lose them. The said Cardinal seeing your money ready to have quited your jewels, caused your treasurer of England, at that day being, to pay the same money, in part of another army, in defrauding you, my right doubted lord, of your said jewels, keeping them yet, alway to his own use, to your right great loss, and his singular profit and avail.  
ITEM the said Cardinal, then being bishop of Winchester, & Chancellor of England, delivered the king of Scots, upon certain appointments (as may be showed,) presumptuously, & of his own authority contrary to the act of Parliament. I have heard notable men of law say, that they never heard the like thing done among them, which was to great a defamation to your highness, & also to wed his niece to the said king, whom that my lord of notable memory, your father, whom God assoil would never have so delivered. And there as he should have paid, for his costs xl M. l. thesay Cardinal, Chancellor of England, caused you to pardon him thereof ten M. mark, whereof the greater some he paid you, right a little, what, I report me to your highness.  
ITEM, where the said Cardinal lent you, my redoubted lord, great & notable sums, he hath had & his assigns, the rule & profit of the port of Hampton, where the Customers been his servants, where by likelihood & as it is to be supposed, he standing the chief merchant of wols of your land, that you be greatly defrauded, and under that rule, what wols and other merchandise have been shipped, and may be from time to time, hard is to esteem, to the great hurt, and prejudice of you my right doubted Lord, and of all your people.  
ITEM, howbeit that the said Cardinal, hath diverse times, lent you great sums of money, sith the time of your reign, yet his loene hath been so differred and delayed, that for the most part, the convenable season, of themploying of the good lente, was passed. So that little fruit or none come thereof, as by experience, both your realms, have sufficiently in knowledge.  
ITEM, where there was jevelles and plate, praised at a xi M. l. in weight, of thesay Cardinal, forfeited to you my right doubted lord, he got him a restorment thereof, for a loene of a little parcel of the same, and so defrauded you wholly of them, to your great hurt, and his avail, the which good might greatly eased your highness, in sparing asmuch of the poor commons.  
ITEM, the Cardinal being feoft of my said lord your father, (whom God assoil) against his intent, gave Elizabeth Beauchampe, three. C. marks of livelihood, where that his will was, that and she were wedded, within a year, then to have it, or else not, where in deed it was two or three years after, to your great hurt, & diminishing of your inheritance.  
ITEM, notwithstanding that the said Cardinal, hath no manner of authority nor interest into the crown, nor none may have by any possibility, yet he presumeth and taketh upon him in party, your estate royal, in calling before him, into great abusion of all your land, and derogation of your highness, which hath not been seen nor used, in no days heretofore, in greater estate than he is, without your express ordinance and commandment.  
ITEM, the said Cardinal, nothing considering the necessity of you my right doubted Lord, hath sued a pardon of dimes, that he should pay for the Church of Wynchester, for term of his life, giving thereby occasion to all other Lords spiritual, to draw their good will for any necessity, to grant any disme, and so to lay all the charge upon the temporalty, and the poor people.  
ITEM, by the governance and labour of thesay Cardinal, and archbishop of York, there hath been lost and dispended, much notable and great good, by diverse Ambassadors sent out of this realm. First to Arras, for a feigned colourable peace, where as by likeliness it was thought & supposed, that it should never turn to theffectual avail, of you my right doubted Lord, nor to your said realms, but under colour thereof, was made the peace of your adversary, & the duke of Burgoyn. For else your party adverse, & the said duke, might not well have found means nor ways, to have commoned together, nor to have concluded with other, their confederations & conspirations, made & wrought there then, at the time, against your highness, whereby you might have (right doubted lord, the greater party of your obeisance, aswell in your realm of France, as in your Duchy of Normandy, and much other thing go greatly, as through the said colourable treaty, and otherwise, sith the death of my brother of Bedford, (whom God assoil.)  
ITEM, now of late was sent another Ambassador to Calais, by the labour and counsel of thesay Cardinal, and archbishop of York, the cause why of the beginning, is to me your sole uncle, & other lords of you kin and counsel unknown, to your great charge, and against the public good of your realm, as it openly appeareth. The which good if it be employed, for the defence of your lands, the merchandises of the same, might have had other course, and your said lands not to have stand in so great mischief as they do.  
ITEM after that, to your great charge and hurt, of both your realms, the said Cardinal and Archbishop of York, went to your said town of Calais, and diverse Lords of your kin, and of your counsel in their fellowship, and there, as there was natural war, between the duke of Orleance, & the duke of Burgoyn, for murder of their fathers, a capital i●nemnitie like to have endured for ever, the said Cardinal & Archbishop of York, licensed and suffered, the said duke of orleans, to entreat and common a part, with the counsaiell of your said adversaries, aswell as with the Duchies of Burgoyne, by which mean, the peace and alliance was made, between the two dukes, to the greatest fortifying of your said capital adversaries, that could be thought, and consequently (my dear redoubted lord,) to your greatest charge, & hurt to both your realms. Under colour of which treaty, your said adversaries, in mean time won your city of Meulx, & the country thereabout and many diverse roads made into your Duchy of Normandy, to the great noisance and destruction of your people, as it showeth openly.  
ITEM the said archbishop of York, sent with other into this your realm, from thesay Cardinal, after communication had with your adverse party, at your said town of Calais, made at his coming into your notable presence at Wyndsore, all the swasions and colour, all motions in the most apparent wise that he could, to induce your highness to your agreement, to the desires of your capital adversaries, as I saw there in your noble presence, of his writing, at which time, as I understood, it was his singular opinion, that is to say: that you should leave your right, your title, & your honour of your crown, & nomination of you king of France, during certain years, and that you should utterly abstain you and be content, only in writing, with, rex Anglie, etc. to the great note of infamy, that ever fell to you, or any of your noble progenitors, since the taking of them first, the said title & right, of your realm and crown of France, to which matter in your presence there, after that it had liked your said highness, to ask mine advise thereupon, with other of your blood and counsel, I answered and said, that I would never agreed me thereto, to die therefore, and of the same disposition I am yet, & be while I live, in conservation of your honour, and of your oath made unto your said crown, in time of your coronation there.  
ITEM thesay Cardinal & archbishop of York, have so laboured unto your highness, that you should intend to a new day of convention, in March or April next coming, where it is noised to be more against your worship, then with it. And where it was evident to all the world, that the rapture and breaking of the said peace, should have fallen heretofore, of your adverse party, because of the great untruths: Now by that mean it is like peradventure, to be laid unto the very great slander of you my doubted Lord, like to come to none other purpose nor effect, than other conventions have done afore time. And so by subtleties and counsel of your said enemies, your land (they in hope and trust of the said treaty, not mightily nor puissantly purveyed for,) shallbe like under the colour of the same treaty, to be brent up and destroyed, lost and utterly turned from your obeisance.  
ITEM it is said, that the deliverance of thesay Duke of orleans, is utterly appointed by the mediation, counsel, and stering of thesay Cardinal and archbishop of York, and for that cause diverse persons been come from your adversaries, into this your realm, and thesay duke also brought to your city of London, where as my lord your father (whom God assoil) peising so greatly the inconveniences, and harm that might fall, only by his deliverance, concluded, ordained and determined in his last will, utterly in his wisdom, his conquest in his realm of France. And yet then it is to be done, by as great deliberation, solemnity and surety, as may be devised or thought, and seeing now the disposition of your realm of France, the puissance and might of your enemies, & what aid they have gotten against you there, aswell under the colour of the said treaty, as otherwise, what may or aught to be thought or said, for that labouring the said duke (all things considered) by such particular persons, the lords of your blood not called thereunto, I report me unto your noble grace and excellency, and unto thesay wise true men of this your realm.  
ITEM where that every true counsellor, specially unto any king or prince, aught of troth and of duty, to counsel, promote, increase, prefer, and advance the weal and prosperity of his lord: The said Cardinal, being of your counsel (my right doubted lord) hath late purchased of your highness, certain great lands and livelihood: as the castle and lordship of Chirke in Wales, and other lands in this your realm, unto which I was called suddenly, and so in escheving the breaking & loss of your armies then again, seeing none other remedy, gave thereunto mine assent, thinking that who that ever laboured, moved or stired the matter first unto your Lordship, counseled you neither for your worship nor profit.  
MORE thesay Cardinal hath you bound a part, to make him a sure estate of all the said lands, by Easter next coming, as could be devised by any learned counsel, or else that surety not made, thesay Cardinal, to have and reioye to him, and his heirs for evermore, the lands of the Duchy of Lancastre, in Norfolk, to the value of vii or viii. C. marks, by the year, which thing seemeth right strange and unseen, and unhard ways of any liege man, to seek upon his sovereign lord, both in his inheritance and in his jewels, and good. For it is thought, but if right & extreme necessity caused it, there should, nor aught no such things to be done: from which necessity (God for his mercy) ever preserve your noble person, wherefore my redoubted lord, seeing that ye should be so counseled, or stirred to leave your crown and inheritance in England, & also by fraud and subtle means, as is afore rehearsed, so to loose your jewels: In my truth and in mine acquittal (as me seemeth) I may not nor aught not, counsel so great an hurt to you and to all your land.  
ITEM, it is not unknown to you my right doubted lord, how often times I have offered my service, to and for the defence of your realm of France, and duchy of Normandy, where I have been put therefro, by the labour of the said Cardinal, in preferring other after his singular affection, which hath caused great part, of thesay Duchy of Normandy, aswell as of your realm of France to be lost, as it is well known, and what good (my right doubted lord) was lost on that army that was last sent thither, which th'earl of Mortayn, your counsel of France, hath well and clearly declared to your highness here before  
ITEM, my right doubted Lord, it is not unknown, that it had not been possible to thesay Cardinal, to have comen to the great riches, but by such means, for of his Church it might not rise, and inheritance he had none. Wherefore my right doubted Lord, sith there is great good behoveful at this time, for the weal and safeguard of your realms, the poverty, necessity, and indigence of your liege people, in highness understand, like it unto your noble grace, to consider the said lucre of the said Cardinal, and the great deceipts, that you be deceived in, by the labour of him, and of the archbishop, aswell in this your realm, as in your realm of France, and duchy of Normandy, where neither office, livelihood, nor captain may be had, without to great a good given unto him, whereby great part of all the loss that is lost, they have been the causers of, for who that would give most, his was the price, not considering the merits, service, nor sufficiaunce of persons. Furthermore it is greatly to be considered, how, when thesay Cardinal had forfeited all his good, because of provision, as the statute, thereupon more plainly declareth, by having the rule of you my right doubted Lord, purchased himself in great defraudation of your highness, a charter of pardon, the which good and it had be well governed, might many years have sustained your wars, without any tallage of your poor people.  
ITEM, my redoubted Lord, where as I writ moche thing, for the weal of you and of your realms, peradventure some will say and understand, that I would, or have written it, by way of accusement of all your counsel, which god knoweth, I do not: for your highness may well see, that I name them, that be causers of the said inordinate rule wherefore, considering that the said Cardinal & archbishop of York been they, that pretend the governance of you, and of your realms and lordships: Please it unto your highness, of your rightwiseness to estrange them of your counsel, to that intent, that men may be at their freedom, to say what they think of truth.  
FOR truth, I dare speak of my truth, the poor dare not do so. And if the Cardinal & the archbishop of York, may afterward declare themselves, of that is, and shallbe said of them, you my right doubted lord may then restore them again to your counsel, at your noble pleasure.  
WHEN the king had heard these accusations, he committed the hearing thereof, to his counsel, whereof the most part were spiritual persons, so what for fear, and what for favour the matter was winked at, and dallied out, and nothing said to it: and fair countenance was made to the duke, as though no displeasure had been taken, nor no malice borne, either in heart or in remembrance against him. But venom will once break out, and inward grudge will soon appear, which was this year to all men apparent: for divers secret attempts were advanced forward this season, against the noble duke Humfrey of Gloucester, a far of, which in conclusion came so near, that they bereft him both life and land, as you shall hereafter more manifestly perceive. For first this year, dame Elyanour Cobham, wife to the said duke, was accused of treason, for that she, by sorcery and enchantment, intended to destroy the king, to th'intent to advance and promote her husband to the crown: upon this she was examined in saint Stephen's chapel, before the Bishop of Canterbury, and there by examination convict & judged, to do open penance, in three open places, within the city of London, and after that adjudged to perpetual prison in the Isle of Man, under the keeping of sir John Stanley, knight. At the same season, were arrested as aiders and counsellors to the said Duchess, Thomas Southwel, priest and canon of saint Stephens in Westmynster, John Hum priest, Roger Bolyngbroke, a cunning nycromancier, and Margery jourdayne, surnamed the witch of Eye, to whose charge it was laid, that they, at the request of the duchess, had devised an image of wax, representing the king, which by their sorcery, a little and little consumed, intending thereby in conclusion to waist, and destroy the kings person, and so to bring him to death, for the which treison, they were adjudged to die, & so Margery jordan was brent in smithfield, & Roger Bolyngbroke was drawn & quartered at tiborne, taking upon his death, that there was never no such thing by them ymagened, John Hum had his pardon, & Southwel died in the tour before execution: the duke of Gloucester, took all these things patiently, and said little.    

¶ The. 〈◊〉. year. 
〈…〉   
THE counsel of England, forgot not the late enterprise of the French king, done in the duchy of Guienne, wherefore, to fortify the country, lest he peradventure, would attempt again alike ●orney, they sent thither sir William Wooduile, with viii hundred men, to fortify the frontiers, till a greater army might be assembled: And farther made public proclamation, that all men which would transport, or carry any corn, cheese, or other victual, into the parties of Acquitayn, should pay no manner of custom or tallage, which licence caused that country, to be well furnished of all things necessary and convenient. About this season, the king remembering the valiant service, and noble acts of John Lord Talbot, created him Earl of Shrewesburie, and with a company of three M. men, sent him again into Normandy, for the better tuition of the same, which neither forgot his duty, nor foreslowed his business, but daily laboured & hourly studied, how to molest & damage his enemies.  
IN this year, died in Guienne the Countess of Coming, to whom the French King, and also the Earl of Arminacke, pretended to be heir, insomuch, that the Earl entered into all the lands of thesay lady, as very inheritor to her of right, and took homage of the people of the country. But to have a Rowland to resist an Oliver: he sent solemn Ambassadors to the king of England, offering him his daughter in marriage, not only promising him silver hills, and golden mountains with her, but also would be bound, to deliver into the king of England's hands, all such Castles and towns, as he or his ancestors detained from him, within the whole duchy of Acquitayn or Guienne, either by conquest of his progenitors, or by gift or delivery of any French king: offering farther, to aid the same king with money, for the recovery of other cities, within thesay duchy, from him and his ancestors, by the French kings progenitors, the lord de Albrethe, and other lords of Gascoyn, injustly kept and wrongfully withhoulden. This offer seemed both profitable, and honourable to king Henry and his realm, and so the Ambassadors, were both well heard, and lovingly entertained, and in conclusion, with a gentle answer (not without great rewards) they departed into their country: after whom were sent for the conclusion of thesay marriage into Guienne, sir Edward Hulle, sir Robert Roos, and doctor John Grafton dean of saint Severines with an honourable company, which (as all English Cronographiers affirm) both concluded the marriage, and by proxy affied the young Lady. The French king was not ignorant, of all these conclusions, wherefore disdaining, that the Earl of Arminacke, should both usurp against him, the County of Coming, and also join himself, with his mortal enemy, the king of England, to recover his right, and to punish his rebel, he sent Lewes his eldest son dolphin of Uyen, into rovergne with a puissant army, which suddenly took the Earl of Arminacke, at the Isle in jordan, and his youngest son, and both his daughters, and by force obtained the countries of Arminacke, Lonuergne, Rovergne and Moullesson, beside the cities of Severac and Cadenac, and chased the Bastard of Arminacke out of his country, and constituted governor of all those signiories, sir Theobald de Walpergne, bailif of Lyon. So by reason of this infortunate chance, the marriage concluded was differred, yea, and so long differred, that it never took effect, as you shall hear more plainly declared.   

¶ The xxii year. 
The xxii year.   
THus, while England was unquieted, and France sore vexed, by spoil, slaughter, and burning, all christendom lamented the continual destruction of so noble a realm, and the effusion of so much Christian blood, wherefore, to appease the mortal war, so long contineving between these two puissant kings, all the princes of Christendom, so much laboured and travailed, by their orators and Ambassadors, that the frosty hearts of both the parties, were somewhat mollified, and their indurate stomachs, greatly assuaged. So there was a great diet appointed, to be kept at the city of Tours in Tourayne, where, for the king of England appeared, William de la Pole earl of Suffolk, doctor Adame Molyns, keeper of the kings privy seal, and Robert lord Roos, and diverse other: And for the French King were appointed, Charles Duke of Orleance, Lewes de Bourbon earl of Uandos●●e, and great Master of the French kings household, sir Piers de Bresell Steward of Poytou, and Bartram Beauriau, Lord of Precignye. There were also sent thither, Ambassadors from the Empire, from Spain, from Denmark, and from Hungary, to be mediators between these two princes. The assemble was great, but the cost was much greater, in somuch that every part, for the honour of their Prince, and praise of their country, set forth themselves, aswell in fare, as apparel, to the uttermost point and highest prike. Many meetings were had, & many things moved to come to a final peace, and mutual concord. But inconclusion, for many doubts and great ambiguities, which rose on both parties, a final concord could not be agreed, but in hope to come to a peace, a certain truce aswell by sea as by land, was concluded by the commissioners, for xviij months, which afterward, again was prolonged, to the year of our Lord. M.iiii. C.xlix. if in the mean season it had not been violated & broken, as here after shallbe declared.  
IN the treating of this truce, the Earl of Suffolk, extending his commission to the uttermost, without assent of his associates, imagined in his fantasy, that the next way to come to a perfit peace, was to move some marriage, between the French kings kynsewoman, and king Henry his sovereign: & because the French king had no daughter of ripe age, to be coupled in matrimony with the king his Master, he desired to have the Lady Margaret, cousin to the French king, and daughter to Reyner duke of Anjou, calling himself king of Scicile, Naples, and Jerusalem, having only the name and style of the same, without any penny profit, or foot of possession. This marriage was made strange to th'earl a good space, in somuch that he repented him of the first motion, but yet like a bold man, intending not to take afoile in so great a matter, desisted not still, daily to solicit and advance forward his cause. The wily frenchmen, perceiving the ardent affection of the earl, toward the conclusion of marriage, declared to him that this marriage, was not like to come to conclusion, as he desired, because the king his Master, occupied a great part of the Duchy of Anjou, and the city of Mauns, and the whole Country of Maine, appertaining (as they said) to king Reyner, father to the damosel.  
THE earl of Suffolk (I cannot say) either corrupted with bribes, or to much affectionate to this unprofitable marriage, condescended and agreed to their motion, that the Duchy of Anjou, and the county of Main, should be released and delivered, to the king her father, demanding for her marriage, neither penny nor farthing: (as who would say) that this new affinity, excelled riches, and surmounted gold and precious stone. And to th'intent that of this truce, might ensue a final concord, a day of enteruie●e or meeting was appointed, between the two kings, in a place convenient, between Charters and Rouen. When these things were concluded, the Earl of Suffolk with his company, thinking to have brought joyful tidings, to the whole realm of England, departed from Toures, and so by long journeys, arrived at Dover, and came to the king to Westminster, and there openly before the king and his counsel, declared how he had taken an honourable truce, for the safeguard of Normandy, & the wealth of the realm, out of which truce, he thought, yea, and doubted not, but a perpetual peace, and a final concord, should shortly proceed and grow out. And much the sooner, for that honourable marriage, that invincible alliance, that Godly affinity, which he had concluded: omitting nothing, which might extol & set forth, the parsonage of the Lady, nor forgetting any thing, of the nobility of her kin, nor of her father's high style: as who would say, that she was of such an excellent beauty, and of so high a parentage, that almost no king or Emperor, was worthy to be her make. Although this marriage, pleased well the King, and diverse of his counsel, and especially such as were adherentes, and fautors to the earl of Suffolk, yet Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, Protector of the realm, repugned and resisted as much as in him lay, this new alliance and contrived matrimony: alleging that it was neither consonant to the law of GOD nor man, nor honourable to a prince, to infringe and break a promise or contract, by him made and concluded, for the utility and profit of his realm and people, declaring, that the king, by his Ambassadors, sufficiently instructed and authorized, had concluded and contracted, a marriage between his highness, & the daughter of th'earl of Arminacke, upon conditions, both to him and his realm, asmuch profitable as honourable. Which offers and conditions, the said earl sith his coming out of his captivity and thraldom, is ready to yield and perform, saying: that it was more convenient for a Prince, to marry a wife with riches and friends, then to take a make with nothing, and disherit himself and his realm of old rights and ancient signiories. The duke was not heard, but the Earls doings, were condescended unto, and allowed. Which fact engendered such a flame, that is never went out, till both the parties with many other were consumed and slain, to the great unquietness of the king and his realm. And for the performance of these conclusions, the French King sent the Earl of Uandos●e, great Master of his house, & the archbishop of reins, first peer of France, and diverse other into England, which were joyously received, and friendly entertained. Which Ambassadors, after instruments on both parties, sealed and delivered, (not vnteward●d) returned into their country. When these things were thus done, the king, both for the honour of his realm, and to assure to himself, more special friends, he created Lord John Holland Earl of Huntyngdon, Duke of Excester, as his father was, and Humphrey Earl of Stafford, was made duke of Buckyngham, and Henry Earl of Warwick, was erected to the title of Duke of Warwick, and the Earl of Suffolk, made Marquis of Suffolk, which Marquis with his wife, & many honourable personages of men and women, richly adorned, both with apparel and jewels, having with them many costly chariots, & gorgeous horselitters, sailed into France, for the conveyance of the nominated Queen, into the realm of England. For king Reyner her father, for all his long style, had to short a purse, to send● his daughter honourably, to the king her spouse.   

¶ The xxiii year 
The xxiii year.   
THIS noble company, came to the city of Toures in Tourayne, where they were honourably received, both of the French king, and of the king of Scicile. Where the Marquis of Suffolk, as procurator to King Henry, espoused the said Lady, in the church of saint Martyns. At which marriage were present, the father and mother of the bride, the French king himself, which was uncle to the husband, and the French queen also, which was awnte to the wife. There were also, the dukes of orleans, of Calaber, of Alaunson, and of britain, seven. Earls, xii. Barons twenty Bishops, beside kinghtes and gentlemen. There were unchangeable justes, costly feasts, and delicate banquets, but all pleasure hath an end, and every joy is not continual. So that after these high solempnities finished, and these honourable ceremonies ended, the Marquis had the Lady Margaret to him delivered, which in great estate, he conveyed through Normandy to deep, and so transported her into England, where she landed at Portesmouthe, in the moaneth of April. This woman excelled all other, aswell in beauty and favour, as in wit and policy, and was of stomach and courage, more like to a man, than a woman. soon after her arrival, she was conveyed to the town of Southwike in Hamshire, where she, with all nupciall Ceremonies, was coupled in matrimony, to king Henry the vi. of that name. After which marriage, she was with great triumph, conveyed to London, and so to Westminster, where, upon the xxx day of May, she, with all solemnity thereunto appertaining, was Crowned Queen of this noble realm of England. Who so would know, the costly receipt, the pleasant company, the gorgeous apparel, the diversity of Instruments, the strange pagiauntes, the behaviour of the Lords, the beauty of the Ladies, the sumptuous feast, the delicate viander, the martial jousts, the fierce turnais, the lusty dances, & the minion songs, which were showed, set forth and practised at her coronation, let him look in the Chronicles of London, & of Robert Fabian, and there he shall find them set forth at the full.  
THIS marriage seemed to many, both infortunate, and unprofitable to the realm of England, and that for many causes. First the king with her had not one penny, and for the fetching of her, the Marquis of Suffolk, demanded a whole fifteen, in open parliament: also for her marriage, the Duchy of Anjou, the city of Mauns, and the whole county of Main, were delivered and released to King Reyner her father, which countries were the very stays, and backestandes to the Duchy of Normandy. Furthermore for this marriage, the Earl of Arminacke, took such great displeasure, that he become utter enemy to the realm of England, and was the chief cause, that the Englishmen, were expulsed out of the whole duchy of Acquitayne, and lost both the countries of Gascoyn and Guienne. But most of all it should seem, that God with this matrimony was not content. For after this spousage, the Kings friends fell from him, both in England and in France, the Lords of his realm, fell in division amongst themselves, the commons rebelled against their sovereign Lord, and natural Prince, fields were fought, many thousands slain, and finally, the king deposed, and his son slain, and this Queen sent home again, with asmuch misery and sorrow, as she was received with pomp and triumph, such is worldly unstableness, and so wavering is false flattering fortune.  
DURING the time of this truce, Richard Duke of York, and diverse other captains, repaired into England, both to visit their wives, children, and Friends, and also to consult, what should be done, if the truce ended.   

¶ The xxiiii year.  
FOR the which cause, 
The xxiiii year.  the King called his high court of Parliament, in the which above all things, it was concluded, diligently to foresee, that Normandy should be well furnished and strongly defended, before the term of the truce should be expired: for it was openly known, that the French king, was ready in all things, to make open war, if no peace or abstinence of war, were agreed or concluded. For which consideration, money was granted, men were appointed, and a great army gathered together, and the duke of Somerset, was appointed Regent of Normandy, and the Duke of York thereof discharged. In which Parliament, to please the people with all, it was enacted, that when wheat was sold for vi s.viii. .viii. d. the quartr and Rye for four s. and Barley for iii s. it should be lawful to every man to carry the said kinds of corn▪ into the parties beyond the sea, without licence, so it were not to the kings enemies or rebels: which act, king Edward the four for the utility of his people, approved and confirmed.  
THE Marquis of Suffolk, being in high favour with the King, and in no less grace with queen Margaret, for concluding the marriage between them two, somewhat infected with the seed of vainglory, and thinking that his proceedings and doings in France, (during the time of his legation) had aswell pleased all men, as they pleased himself, the second day of june, in the first session of this parliament, before all the lords spiritual & temporal, in the higher house assembled, openly, eloquently and boldly, declared his pain, travail and diligence, which he had taken and sustained of late time, in the Realm of France, aswell for the taking and concluding a truce or abstinence of war, between the Realms of England and of France, as in the making of the marriage between the king his sovereign lord and theirs, and the noble Prince's lady Margarete, daughter to the King of Scicile and Jerusalem: Opening also to them, that the said truce should expire the first day of April next coming, except a final peace or a farther truce were concluded in the mean season: advising them to provide and fors●e all things necessary, for the war (as though no concord should succeed, nor agreement could take place) lest the frenchmen perceiving them unprovided, would take their advantage, and agreed neither to reason nor amity: saying unto them, that sith he had admonished the king, and them, according to his duty and allegiance, if any thing quailed, or if danger ensued, he was thereof innocent and gilteles, and had acquitted himself like a loving subject, and a faithful counsellor, praying the lords to have it in their remembrance. Likewise the morrow after, he with certain lords, descended into the common house, where he declared again all thesay matters, to the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, omitting nothing, that might sound to his glory, nor opening any thing, which might redound to his dispraise: praying the commons for his discharge, that aswell all his doings and proceedings in the kings affairs beyond the sea, as also his advertisement & counsel, opened to the lords and commons now together assembled, might be, by the King and them, enacted and enroled in the Records of the Parliament: whereupon the morrow after, William Burley, speaker for the commons and all the company of the neither house, repaired to the kings presence, sitting in his throne, amongst his lords in the parliament chamber, where thesay William Burley, by the counsel of the commons (whether they did it more for fear then for love, or were thereunto enticed by the Marquis friends, as some men doubted) most humbly commended to the kings highness, the foresaid Marquis of Suf●olke▪ and all his acts and notable works, which he had done, to the pleasure of almighty God, the honour of the king, and the utility of the Realm: as in taking the truce, concluding the marriage, and the good admonition, given by him in open Parliament, for provision of war to be made, during the time of truce, lest to much trusting of peace, might encourage the frenchmen, the sooner to begin war and invasion: beseeching the kings highness, in the name of the commons, to imprint in his heart and remembrance, the said Marquis, and all his labours and acts, to his honour and renown, which should be an example to all other, which the king should call to like service, to employ themselves in like endeavour, faithfully and honourably to serve their king and sovereign lord: praying also the lords spiritual and temporal, that they for the considerations before rehearsed, would vouchsafe to make like petition to the kings ma●e●rie, and that all the acts and demeanour of thesay Marks, might by authority of parliament, be, to his honour, & perpetual fame, in the rolls of the same Parliament, recorded and substantially registered. At which humble intercession, the lords, aswell spiritual as temporal, rose from their seats, and on their knees, made to the king like request and petition, as they of the commons before were desired: whereupon, the king by the mouth of the archbishop of Canterbury his Chancellor, made answer, that their requests were so reasonable and so honourable, that he in no wise could, but lovingly accept and gently allow the same, saying also: that their desires, were to him a singular pleasure, and an especial comfort, and that he would from thencefurthe accept and take thesay Marquis to his benign grace, and especial favour, as a person, which had done both true, faithful, and notable service to him and to his Realm, to the intent, that all men put in like trust, should enforce theim selfes, to do like or better service to their sovereign Lord or Master: agreeing also (according to their requests and petitions) that the labours, demeanours, diligences, and declarations of thesay Marks of Suffolk, and thesay commendations and desires, not only of the lords, but also of the commons, aswell for the honour of him and his posterity, as for his acquittal and discharge, should be enacted, and enroled in the Records of the same parliament, which was so doen. This Marquis thus gotten up, into fortune's throne, not content with his degree, by the means of the Queen, was shortly erected to the estate and degree of a Duke, and ruled the King at his pleasure, in so much, he obtained the wardshippes, both of body and lands of the Countess of Warwick, and of the lady Margarete, sole heir to John Duke of Somerset (which lady was after, mother to King Henry the seventh) and beside that, caused the King to created John de Foys, son to Gaston de Foys, earl of Longuile, and Capdaw of Bueffez, earl of Kendale: which John had married his niece, and by his procurement, the king elected into the order of the Garter, the said Gaston, and John his son, giving to the son, towards the maintenance of his degree and estate, lands and Castles, in the Duchy of Guienne, amounting to the some of one thousand pounds by the year, which lands, name, and style, the issue and line of thesay earl of ●endall at this day have, and enjoy.  
HERE a man may behold, what security is in worldly, glory, and what constancy is in fortunes smiling: for this Duke of Suffolk, in open Parliament of the Lords praised, of the commons thanked, and into the kings favour, entirely received, within four years after, was in the same place, by the commons of the Realm, accused of many treasons, mispritions and offences, done and committed against the King, and the common wealth of his Realm, and in conclusion, being exiled the realm, he was taken upon the sea, and made shorter by the head, which chance had not happened to him, if he had remembered the counsel of the popyngay, saying: when thou thinkest thyself in court moste surest, then is it high time to get thee home to rest.  
THESE things being in doing, the French king seeing, that the town of Mauns, and diverse fortresses in Main, were not to him delivered, according to the appointment made, gathered together a great numbered of people, for to recover the same: whereof the king of England being advertised, (lest the breach of truce should begin by him) caused the town to be delivered, without any force.  
THIS year, an Armerars suruaunt of London, appealed his master of treason, which offered to be tried by battle. At the day assigned, the friends of the master, brought him Malmsey and Aqua vite, to comfort him with all, but it was the cause of his and their discomfort: for he poured in so much, that when he came into the place in smithfield, where he should fight, both his wit and strength failed him: and so he being a tall and a hardy parsonage, overladed with hot drinks, was vanqueshed of his servant, being but a coward and a wretch, whose body was drawn to Tyburn, & there hanged and beheaded. In which year was a great insurrection in Norwiche, against the Prior of the place, in so much that the citizens kept the gates, against the Duke of Norfolk, which came thither to appea●e the matter: but in conclusion, they opened the gates, and submitted theimselfes. The chief offenders, were (according to their deserts) straightly punished, and executed, and the mayor was discharged of his office, and sir John Clifton was made governor there, till the king had restored the citizens to their ancient liberties, and francheses. This commotion, was for certain new exactions, which the Prior claimed and took of the citizens, contrary to their ancient freedoms and usages: but this was not the dew mean to come to their right and purpose, and therefore because they erred and went out of the path, they were by punishment brought again to a very strait trade and the right way.   

¶ The xxv year. 
The xxv year   
During the time of this truce or abstinence of war, while there was nothing to vex or trouble the minds of men, within the realm, a sudden mischief, and a long discord, sprang out suddenly, by the means of a woman: for king Henry, which reigned at this time was a man of a meek spirit, and of a simple wit, preferring peace before war, rest before business, honesty before profit, and quietness before labour. And to the intent that all men might perceive, that there could be none, more chaste, more meek, more holy, nor a better creature: In him reigned shamefastness, modesty, integrity, and patience to be marveled at, taking and suffering all losses, chances▪ displeasures, and such worldly torments, in good part▪ and with a facient manner, as though they had chanced by his own fault, or negligent oversight: yet he was governed of them whom he should have ruled, and bridled of such, whom he sharply should have spurred: He gaped not for honour, nor thrusted for riches, but studied only for the health of his soul: the saving whereof, he esteemed to be the greatest wisdom, and the loss thereof, the extremest folly that could 〈◊〉 But on the other part, the Queen his wife, was a woman of a great wit, and yet of no greater wit, then of haute stomach, desirous of glory, and covetous of honour, and of reason, policy counsel, and other gifts and talents of nature, belonging to a man, full and flowing: of wit and wiliness she lacked nothing, nor of diligence, study, and business, she was not unexpert: but yet she had one point of a very woman: for often time, when she was vehement and fully bent in a matter, she was suddenly like a weathercock, mutable, and turning. This woman perceiving that her husband did not frankly rule as he would, but did all thing by th'advise and counsel of Humfrey duke of Gloucester, and that he passed not much on the authority and governance of the realm, determined with herself, to take upon her the rule and regiment, both of the king and his kingdom, & to deprive & evict out of all rule and authority, the said duke, than called the lord protector of the realm: lest men should say & report, that she had neither wit nor stomach, which would permit & suffer her husband, being of perfect age & man's estate, like a young scholar or innocent pupille, to be governed by the disposition of another man. This manly woman, this courageous queen, ceased not to prosecute forthwith, her invented imagination and prepensed purpose, but practised daily the furtherance of the same. And although this invention came first of her own high mind▪ and ambitious courage, yet it was furthered and set forward by such, as of long time had borne malice to the duke, for declaring their untruth as you before have heard. Which venomous serpents, and malicious Tigers, persuaded, incensed and exhorted the queen, to look well upon the expenses and revenues of the realm, and thereof to call an account: affirming plainly that she should evidently perceive, that the Duke of Gloucester, had not so much advanced & preferred the common wealth and public utility, as his own private things & peculiar estate. Beside this, Reyner king of Scicile, wrote to his daughter, that she & her husband, should take upon them, the rule & governance of the realm, and not to be kept under, like young wards and desolate orphans. The queen persuaded and encouraged by these means, took upon her and her husband, the high power and authority over the people and subjects. And although she joined her husband with her in name, for a countenance, yet she did all, she said all, and she bore the whole swing, as the strong ox doth, when he is yoked in the plough with a poor silly ass: and first of all she excluded the duke of Gloucester, from all rule and governance, not prohibiting such as she knew to be his mortal enemies, to invent and imagine, causes and griefs, against him and his: so that by her permission, and favour, diverse noble men conspired against him, of the which, diverse writers affirm, the Marquis of Suffolk, and the duke of Buckyngham to be the chief, not unprocured by the Cardinal of Winchester, and the archbishop of York. diverse articles, both heinous and odious, were laid to his charge in open counsel, and in especial one, that he had caused men adjudged to die, to be put to other execution, than the law of the land had ordered or assigned: for surely the duke being very well learned in the law ●iuill, detesting malefactors, and punishing their offences, got great malice and hatred of such, as feared to have condign reward for their ungracious acts and mischievous doings. Although the duke (not without great laud and praise) sufficiently answered to all things to him objected, yet because his death was determined, his wisdom little helped, nor his truth smally availed: but of this unquietness of mind, he delivered himself, because he thought neither of death, nor of condemnation to die: such affiance had he in his strong truth, and such confidence had he in indifferent justice. But his capital enemies and mortal foes, fearing that some tumult or commotion might arise, if a prince so well beloved of the people, should be openly executed, and put to death, determined to trap and undo him, or he thereof should have knowledge or warning. So for the furtherance of their purpose, a parliament was summoned to be kept at Bery, whether resorted all the peers of the realm, and ●mongest them, the duke of Gloucester, which on the second day of the session, was by the lord Beamond, then high Constable of England, accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, and other, arrested, apprehended, and put in ward, and all his servants sequestered from him, and xxxii o● the chief of his retinue, were sent to diverse prisons, to the great admiration of the common people. The duke the night after his emprisonement, was found dead in his bed, and his body showed to the lords and commons, as though he had died of a palsy or empostome: but all indifferent persons well knew, that he died of no natural death, but of some violent force: some judged him to be strangled: some affirm, that a hot spit was put in at his fundament: other writ, that he was stiffeled or smoldered between two fetherbeddes. After whose death, none of his servants (although they were arraigned and attainted) were put to death: for the Marquis of Suffolk, when they should have been executed, showed openly their pardon, but this doing appeased not the grudge of the people, which said that the pardon of the servants, was no amendss for murdering of their master. The dead corpse of this duke, was carried to saint Albon, and there honourably buried. Thus was this noble prince, son, brother, and uncle to kings, which had valiantly and politicly by the space of xxv years governed this Realm, and for his demerits, called the good duke of Gloucester, by a bone cast by his enemies, choked and brought to his fatal fine, and last end. So all men may openly see, that to men in aucthorit●e, no place no not the court the chief refuge of all, nor the dwelling house, nor yet a man's private Castle, or his bed ordained for his quietness, is out of danger of deaths dart. It seemeth to many men▪ that the name and title of Gloucester, hath been unfortunate and unlucky to diverse, which for their honour, have been erected by creation of princes, to that si●le and dignity, as Hugh Spenser, Thomas of Woodstock, son to king Edward the third, and this duke Humphrey, which three persons, by miserable death finished their days, and after them king Richard the three also▪ duke of Gloucester, in civil war was slain and confounded: so that this name of Gloucester, is taken for an unhappy and unfortunate style, as the proverb speaketh of Seianes' horse, whose rider was ever unhorsed, and whose possessor was ever brought to misery. When the rumour of the duke's death, was blown through the realm, many men were suddenly appalled and amazed for fear: many abhorred and detested the faict, but all men reputed it an abominable cruelty, and a shameful tyranny. But the public wealth of the realm of England, by the unworthy death of this politic prince, sustained great loss, & ran into ruin, for surely the whole weight and burden of the realm, rested and depended upon him, as the experience afterward did declare. For after his death▪ good & sage men fearing themselves, fled out of the flattering court, into whose places entered such, as desiring their own promotion, set open the gates to new factions, which could never be extinct, till all the signories beyond the sea (except Caleice & the marches) were lost, & king Henry in conclusion spoiled of his Realm & life. There is an old said saw, that a man intending to avoid the smoke, falleth into the fire: So here, the Queen minding to preserve her husband in honour, & herself in authority, procured & consented to the death of this noble man, whose only death brought to pass that thing, which she would most fain have eschewed, and took from her that jewel, which she most desired: for if this Duke had lived, the Duke of York durst not have made title to the crown: if this Duke had lived, the nobles had not conspired against the King, nor yet the commons had not rebelled: if this Duke had lived, the house of Lancaster had not been defaced and destroyed, which things happened all contrary by the destruction of this good man. This is the worldly judgement, but God knoweth, what he had predestinate, & what he had ordained before, against whose ordinance prevaileth no counsel, and against whose will availeth no striving.   

¶ The xxvi year. 
The xxvi year   
IN this xxvi year of the reigns of this King, But in the first year of the rule of the Queen, I find no thing done, worthy to be rehearsed, within the Realm of England, but that the marquis of Suffolk by great favour of the King, and more desire of the Queen, was erected to the title, and name of the duke of Suffolk, which dignity he short time enjoyed & which degree, he but a brief season possessed. For after the deposition or rather the destruction of the good duke of Gloucester, and the exaltation and advancement of this glorious man: Richard duke of York, being greatly allied by his wife, to the chief peers and potentates of the Realm, over and beside his own progeny and great consanguinity, perceiving the King to be a ruler not Ruling, & the whole burden of the Realm, to depend in the ordinances of the Queen & the duke of Suffolk, began secretly to allure to his friends of the nobility, and privately declared to them, his title and right to the Crown, and likewise did he to certain wise and saige Governors and Rulers of divers cities and towns: which privy attempt was so politicly handled and so secretly kept, that his provision was ready, before his purpose was openly published, and his friends opened theim selfes or the contrary part could them espy: but in conclusion time revealed truth and old hid hatred openly sprang out, as you shall hereafter both lament and hear.  
DURING these doings, Henry Beaufford, bishop of Winchester, and called the rich Cardinal, departed out of this world, and was buried at Wynchester. This man was son to John of gaunt duke of Lancaster, descended of an honourable lineage, but borne in Baste, more noble of blood, then notable in learning, haut in stomach, and high in countenance, rich above measure of all men, & to few liberal, disdainful to his kin and dreadful to his lovers▪ preferring money before friendship, many things beginning, and nothing performing. His covetous insatiable, and hope of long life, made him both to forget God, his Prince and himself, in his latter days: for doctor John Baker his privy counsailler, and his chappelleyn, wrote, that he lying on his death bed, said these words. Why should I die, having so much riches, if the whole Realm would save my life, I am able either by policy to get it, or by riches to buy it. Fie, will not death be hired, nor will money do nothing? when my nephew of Bedford died, I thought myself half up the wheel, but when I saw mine other nephew of Gloucester diseased, than I thought myself able to be equal with kings, and so thought to increase my treasure in hoop to have worn a triple Crown. But I see now the world faileth me, and so I am deceived: praying you all to pray for me. Of the getting of this man's goods, both by power, legantye or spiritual bribery I will not speak: but the keeping of them for his ambitious purpose, aspiring to ascend to the papistical sea, was both great loss to his natural Prince, and native country: for his hidden riches might have well helped the King, and his secret treasure migth have relieved the commonalty, when money was scant and importunate charges, were daily imminent. After the death of this prelate, which was a great stay to the King & the realm, the affairs in France, were neither well looked to, nor the governors of the country were well advised. For an English capitain, called sir Franceys Surrien the Arragonoy, a man for his wit and activity admitted to the order of the Gartier, took by scaling suddenly in the night, a Town on the frontiers of Normandy, belonging to the duke of britain, called Fongiers, spoiling the same, and killing the inhabitants to the great destruction of the people, and more displeasure to the duke of britain, their sovereign lord. The Duke being thereof advertised, sent word to the French king, declaring to him that in the time of truce (in the which, he as his ally and vassal was comprehended) he was spoiled and bereaved of his town of Fongiers: beseeching the French king, in that cause to see a recompense and amendment: whereupon he sent John Havart his caruar, & John Cosynet one of the masters of his requests to the king of England: & to the duke of Somerset, he dispatched Peter de Fountains esquire, & one of the chief of his stable, to whom by both the Princes, it was answered, that the fact and enterprise was both done contrary to there mind, will and knowledge. And for the truce to be kept, and not only restitution, but also amendss to be made to the Duke of britain, a day of diet and assemble was appointed to be kept at the town of Loviers. At the time appointed both the parties assembled: the French part demanded amendss, with no little recompense: The English orators answered, that without offence, no thing by justice, aught to be satisfied: affirming the doing of sir Francyes Surrien, to be his only act, without the consent or counsel, either of the king of England, or the duke of Somerset his lieutenant and regent. During this daily communication & long delay, certain frenchmen, friends to the duke of britain, desiring to be revenged of the injury done to him at Fongiers, and also husbandmaning, how to do some new displeasure to the Englishmen, were advertised by a wagoner of Loviers, that the town of Pountelarche, was but meanly manned and slenderly furnished, and the watch was but negligently looked to: with which sayings the frenchmen being somewhat encouraged, devised a way, how by policy to take the town: So the wagoner jaded his waggon, and passed forward, having in his company. i●. strong varlets clad like carpenters, with great axes in their necks. And for the furtherance of their purpose, the lord of Bressy, with a chosen company of men of arms, lodged himself in a bushment near to the gate of saint Andrew. And capitain Floquet, accompanied with sir james of Cleremount, and another great company, privily lurked under a wood toward Loviers. When all things were appointed, early in the morning in the beginning of the month of October, the wagoner came to the gate, & called the porter by name, praying him to open the gate, that he might pass to Roen, and return again the same night. The porter (which well knew the voice of his customer) took little heed to the other two companions, & so opened the on● gate, and sent another fellow of his, to open the foremost gate. When the Chariotte was on the draw bridge, between both the gates, the Chariottemaster gave the porter money, and for the nonce, let one piece fall to the ground, & while the porter stopped to take it up, the wagoner with his dagger struck him in at his throat, so that he cried for no help, and the two great lubbers slew the other porters, and with their axes cut the aexletre of the wagon, so that the draw bridge could not be shortly drawn up. Which things done, they made a sign to captain Floquet, which, without delay or tract of time, entered the town, and ●lew and took the Englishmen, which neither heard nor thought of any such enterprise: amongst whom, the lord Fauconbridge, captain of the said town, was apprehended as a prisoner. By this praty cautel and ●lyghte imposture, was the town of Pountelarche taken and surprised, which town was the key and passage over the river of Soame, from France to Normandy, being distant from Roen, only four leagues. Thus wrong was added to wrong, & injury heaped to injury, whereby the term of truce was violated, & mortal war was revived. But because the taking of this fortress, had a certain colour of breaking of truce. The duke of Somerset by ambassadors, & not by force of arms, devised to recover again this pratye town, & sent for the restitution of the same, diverse ambassadors to the French king & his counsel, which made answer again, that if the Englishmen restored to the duke of britain, the town of Fongiers with condign amendss, for the damages done & committed within the same▪ the town of Pountlarche should again be rendered and delivered: for the French king and his counsel began now to perceive and smell, that the affairs of England, by the death of the duke of Gloucester, were sore minished and decayed, and that good counsel began to wax faint and decay, and sedition freshly began to spring and rise: By reason whereof, they thought that Normandye might soon ●e conquered and recovered, and that the English nation out of that region might easily be expulsed and driven out: wherefore they determined to take the good occasion to them openly offered, & to loose no time in so good a bargain. Whereupon king Charles divided his army in to three parts, not doubting of victory, by reason that the fame of the conquest of Pountelarche, was blown & spread abroad over all the country. So after divers assaults (not without loss of divers of his men) he had rendered to him by composition, the towns of Loviers and Gerborie, whereof William Harper was capitain. Thus prosperous victory daily succeeding to the French kings army, he augmenting his host, determined to get the town of Uernoyle in perch, & gird it round about with a strong siege. The inhabitants whereof, although with the sudden chance they were somewhat abashed, yet having some succours, and hoping of more relief, took to them good courage, and manfully defended the town. But when their aid tarried longer, than they either thought or desired, they were compelled to compound and pact with their enemies, upon this condition: that if the siege were not raised within twenty days, that then they should depart with bag and baggage, which condition was accepted: and because no rescous came, the town, castle and the great Tower, were delivered. The French historians affirm, the town to be taken by assault, and the Castle by composition, but all writers agree, that the frenchmen obtained it. Thus was war revived before the full term of the truce expired, which was the most detestable and unprofitable chance, that either could, or might have happened or come, to the realm of England. For by this sudden damage & loss, without thought arising, the English captains were so busied & unquieted, what with appeasing daily rumours within towns, and what with study how to recover Castles lost and taken, that they scace wist, what way to take: for while they studied, how to keep and defend one city four or .v. other, following fortunes chance, turned to the French part, and become their enemies. The chief cause of which revolting and turning was this: It was blown throughout all France, that the realm of England, after the death of the duke of Gloucester, by the several factions of Princes, was divided in two parts, and that William de la Pole, late created duke of Suffolk, and divers other, were the occasion of the death of the said duke of Gloucester, which was the very father of the country, and the shield and defence of the poor commonalty, and that the forenamed duke of Suffolk, only for lucre of money, vexed, oppressed and molested the poor people, so that men's minds were not intentive, nor given to outward affairs and foreign conquests, but all their study was, how to drive back and defend domestical injuries, & daily wrongs done at home: by reason whereof men of war were unpaid, and no army for resistance was either gathered or assembled together: which mischiefs (while the King, as things of the world, and of no great moment, did neglect and omit, as he which preferred & extolled godly things▪ above all worldly affairs and mortal cures, and thought them most to be phantasied and laboured: And while queen Margarete his wife, in whom the whole rule of the realm consisted, being a woman of to much credence giving, to evil & flattering consallors them little regarded) daily so much increased, that by no means after they could be either overcome or resisted: so that by this means, the French nation knew in what case the state of the realm of England stood in, which elated & encouraged their hearts, and daunted & appalled the courages of the Normains and gascoins, so much that for lack of aid and relief, they turned to the French part, and forsook their very sovereign lord the king of England in short space, as you shall here after hear.   

¶ The xxvii year. 
The xxvii year.   
IT was not enough, the realm of England this season thus to be vexed and unquieted with the business of Normandy, but also a new rebellion began in Ireland, to the great displeasure of the King and his counsel: for repressing whereof, Richard duke of York, with a convenient number of men was sent thither, as lieutenant to the King, which not only appeased the fury of the wild, and savage people there, but also got him such love and favour of the country and the inhabitants, that their sincere love and friendly affection could never be separated from him and his lineage, as in the sequel of this story, you shall more plainly perceive. The frenchmen having perfit understanding of the infirmity and unreadiness of the realm of England, displayed their banners, and set forth their armies, and in short space got by yielding, Constance, Guysors, Castle Gayllard, Pontean du mere, saint Lo, Fescampe, Newchastel, Alencon, Toncque, Manleon argenton, Lisiaux argenton, and divers other towns in Normandy: Likewise in Guienne was the town of Maulissone rendered to the earl of Foys. These towns were not yielded voluntarily by the English soldiers, but they were thereunto compelled by the citizens and the inhabitants of the towns, which apparently perceiving, that the great flame of the English force was extinct and consumid, rose against the Captains, and other opened the gates to their enemies, or constrained them to tender upon a composition. By which enforcement was the rich city of Rouen delivered: for surely the duke of Somerset & the lord Talbot earl of Shrowesburye, had well kept & defended this city, if they had been no more vexed with the citizens, than they were with their enemies. For after the French king had once by his Herald summoned the city, the inhabitants not only sought ways & invented frauds, how to betray the same, but also put on harness and rebelled against their captains, manacinge to the death & destruction all the English people. The captains perceiving their untrought, & traitorous demeanour retrayted themselves into the Castle or Palace, where they a certain space with arrows and handgonnes, sore molested and vexed the untrue citizens. But when they considered the great puissance of the French king, and that they were in despair of all aid or relief, and that their victual and artillarye began sore to minish, they thought it better to compound and agreed with their enemies, rather than wilfully to be destroyed or die for ●amy●: and so upon condition that all they should safely depart of Caen with all their goods and armure, and that certain towns should be delivered by a day, they were permitted to depart: leaving behind them for hostages, till the said towns (which were agreed to be rendered) should be delivered, the Earl of Shrevesbury and the lord Butler, son to the Earl of Ormonde, which were sent to the Castle of Eureux, because they sore feared the malice of the citizens of Roen. The frenchmen following still the steps of victory, & elated with the brute and fame of getting of Roen, determined either by force or offer, to get the town of Harfflew, and shortly assaulted the same, whereof was capitain sir Thomas Coneson, a man of great wit and of no less force: which having knowledge of the heavy tidings, brougth from Roen, was therewith nothing abashed, but courageously set upon his enemies, and them to their great hurt, manfully repulsed and drove from the walls. The frenchmen learning wit by this great peril, left their scaling, and devised daily, how to batter and break the walls & fortificacions. This siege long continued to the great loss of both parties. When sir Thomas saw small lykelihod of aid or gain, but much appearance of loss and jeopardy, he took a convention with his enemies, and so departed with all his goods.   

¶ The xxviii year. 
The xxviii year.   
AFTER which town rendered, the fortress of Hunflew, upon the same composition was yielded. Thus you may perceive, that fortune is ever without measure, for either she to much favoureth or to much hateth: for beside these towns surrendered in Normandy, the duke of Britain recovered again Fongiers, sent John de Buerne and divers other towns. In the mean season, the king of England sent into Normandy with a crew of. M. and. ccccc. men, a valiant capitain, called sir Thomas Kyriel: a man of great stomach, if he had had a great army but his power was to small, either to recover that which was lost, either to save that, which yet remained ungotten: but surely in him lacked neither good will nor courage, for with his small numbered, he recovered again the towns of Lyseaux and Ualongnes. After which feat, he joined himself with sir Henry Norbery, sir Robert Ueere, Matthew Gough, and other captains, so that they were above five thousand men▪ of valiant hearts and haute courages. After long consultation, they determined to fight with the frenchmen, which were going to the siege of Caen, but in their journey, they were encountered at a place called Formigny, between Carentyne and Bayeux, by the earl of Clerimont, lieutenant for the French king, the Steward of Poytou, and the lord of Rays Admiral of France, with six hundred men of arms, and six thousand other, which skirmished with the Englishmen a great season. During which skirmish, there arrived Arthur earl of Richemond, high Constable of France, james of Luxenborough, earl of Lavall, with a great numbered of horsemen and fresh footmen. After his coming, he and all the Frenchmen set on thenglishmen, being faint and weary with the long skirmish. This battle was sore fought, but in conclusion, the Englishmen were discomfited, and put to flight, and of them slain above iiij. M, and viii C. taken prisoners, where of, sir Thomas Kiriell, sir Henry Norbery, & sir Thomas Dreve were the chief, sir Robert Vere and Matthew Gough saved themselves. This was the first fought field, that the frenchmen got on the Englishmen in many years, wherefore, I blame them not, though they of a little, make much, and set forth all, and hide nothing, that may sound to their glory. They declare what numbered they slew, but they writ not how many of them were slain nor destroyed.  
AFTER this victory obtained, the French king hearing that the Duke of Somerset was in the town of Caen, thought that he had nothing done, if he permitted the duke, still to tarry in Normandy, which by new aid and fresh succours, might turn the wheel of Fortune, into a contrary part, and peradventure recover all that hath been lost, or put the realm of France in jeopardy: wherefore, like a wise prince, intending to prevent things, imminent & at hand, assembled an army royal, & in his own person, having in his camp Reyner, called king of Scicile, father to the Queen of England, the dukes of Calaber and Alaunson, the earls of Clerimont, Richemond, Maine, Dumoys, Scent Polle, and Dampemartyne, beside many noble Barons and valiant knights, when all things were ready, as opportunity of time served: He caused the Town to be environed on every side, assigning to his captains several places of the town to be assaulted, and there to prove their manhood. The earl of Dumoys, with more loss then gain entered into a bulwark and was beaten back. Thenglishemen within the town kept silence, as though they knew not of their enemies approaching, but every man kept his loupe, and every captain well overloked his ward. The frenchmen with quarrels, morispikes, slings, and other engines, began to assault the walls: but of the Englishmen within, some shot fiercely withlong bows, other cast darts, and rolled down great stones and bars of Iron: other cast down javelyns, firebrands, hot lead, and blocks with pitch and brimstone, like burning ●ire flaming: some cast down and overthrew the scaling ladders and slew such as climbed up the walls: neither courage lacked in the assault, nor manhood, nor policy in the def●nce: for on the embatelmentes of the walls were set great rolls of timber, so moving and unsteadfast, that neither scaling ladder could catch any hold, nor no person that should climb up, could set any sure foting. The French king▪ perceiving that this assay little or naught prevailed him, sent for all his great ordinance to Paris, determining never to depart, till he had conquered the town, either with sword or famine. When the ordinance was brought, he daily shot at the walls, and did some hurt: but to the Castle, which stood on a rock, and in it a dungeon unable to be beaten down, he did no harm at all. In this town was the duke of Somerset, his wife and children, but he was not captain, for the Duke of York owner of the town, by the kings gift, had appointed there his captain general, sir Davy Halle, and of the castle, sir Rober Ueer, and of the dungeon, sir Henry Radford. Daily the shot was great, but more terrible than hurtful. Saving one day, a stone shot into the town, fell between the duchess of Somerset, and her children, which, being amazed with this chance, prayed on her knees her husband, to have mercy and compassion of his small enfantes, and that they might be delivered out of the town in safeguard. The duke more piteous than hardy, moved with the dolour of his wife, and love of his children, assembled the captains and magistrates of the town, declaring to them, the power and puissance of the French king, and their debility and weakness, persuading them rather to yield and render upon honest conditions, then obstinately to resist, and foolishly to perish. Sir Davy Halle, captain of the town, answered to him, saying: my lord, although you be the kings lieutenant general, within this country and dominion, and may by force of your authority, deliver, cell or give, any of the kings towns, to such persons, either friends or enemies, as shall please you: yet I am sure that you cut your leather to large, to entreat or speak of the rendering of this town, appertaining to my lord & master, Richard duke of York, which thereof hath given me both the charge and custody▪ with other of my trusty friends and fellows, and which with the help of almighty God, I shall well defend, both against the French king and all his puissance, till the duke my master come to succour me: for of men, money and munitions, I trust I have sufficient. Why said the duke, am not I here the kings deputy, representing his person, & may command all things according to my discretion? Yea, said the captain, so that you give away no man's right, but his, whose authority you have for the same: as for this town, I assure you, without my lords assent, you shall neither tender nor yield, by my consent or agreement. The duke was sore moved with this saying, and so departed, and after sent for the rulers of the town, and the poorest people of the same, declaring to them, that their lives and goods, were in the French kings hands, and if they looked not shortly to their safeguard, of death they were sure, and of mercy far uncertain: exhorting them to follow his loving monition, rather than the hardened heart, of their to hardy captain. The people of the town thus persuaded (whose hearts were rather French then English) began to rise against sir Davy, boldly affirming, that if he took no composition, within three days, they would open the gates, and let in the French king: and of this opinion, were all the common soldiers. What should the poor Hare say, when she is environed with a hundred hounds, or the silly Lark cry, when she is in the middle of a hundred Hawks, but take patience, and seek away to escape: so this captain perceiving, that neither his words served, nor his truth toward his master prevailed, bade the duke of Somerset do what he list, for he would in no wise be named in the composition. Then the duke partly to please the towns men, but more desirous to please the duchess his wife, made an agreement with the French king, that he would render the town, so that he and all his, might departed in safeguard with all their goods and substance: which offer, the French King gladly accepted and allowed, knowing that by force, he might longer have longed for the strong town, then to have possessed the same so soon. After this conclusion taken, sir Davie Halle, with diverse other of his trusty friends, departed to Chierburge, and from thence sailed into Ireland, to the duke of York, making relation to him of all these doings: which thing kindled so great a rancor in his heart & stomach that he never left persecuting of the Duke of Somersette, till he had brought him to his fatal point, and extreme confusion.  
AFTER the obtaining of this strong town of ●aen, th'earl of Clerimont besieged the city of Lyseux, whereof was captain Matthew Gough, with three hundren Englishmen. The captain perceiving that when Caen was not rescued, that poor Liseux, was in despair of all succour, agreed to abandon and deliver the city, so that he and his people, might depart to Chierburge, having no iron weapon nor armure, but only their goods, and white staffs in their hands. After the deliverance of this town, the frenchmen still like good begeles, following their prey, besieged the town of Fallayse, appertaining to the lord Talbot, earl of Shrewesbury: whereof were captains for thesay earl, Andrew Trollop, and Thomas Cotton esquires, which being desperate of succours, and considering the puissance of their enemies, agreed to deliver the town upon two conditions. The one was, that the Earl their master, which remained in pledge for certain conditions, agreed to be performed at the deliverance of Roen, (as you have heard before) should be dismissed & set at liberty. The other, that if they were not rescued within twelve days, that then, they and theirs, to departed with armure, and all their gods movable, whether it pleaced them. After this agreement at the day prefixed, no rescues came, and so the town was rendered, and incontinent after, the fortress of Dampforde was delivered upon like agreement. For the frenchmen bragged, that they regarded neither gold nor silver, but desired rule, glory, and fame: With which lightne●e the other towns of Normandy being persuaded, voluntarily rendered themselves, vassals and subjects to the French nation.  
NOW rested English, only the town of Chierburge, whereof was captain, Thomas Gonuile, which surely, valiantly defended the town as long as vitail and munition served: but when those two hands were spent and consumed, he destitute of all comfort and aid, upon a reasonable composition, yielded the town and went to Caleis, where the duke of Somerset, and many Englishmen than sojourned: lamenting their loss, and desperate of all recovery. Thus was the rich duchy of Normandy lost, that which had continued in thenglishmen's possession xxx years by the conquest of King Henry the fifth. In the which duchy were a hundred strong towns and fortresses, able to be kept and holden, beside them which were destroyed by the wars, and in the same was one archbishopric, and six bishoprics. Some say, that the Englishmen were not of puissance, either to man the towns as they should beeor to inhabit the country, which was the cause, that they could not, keep it: according to the Frenchemennes Adage, which saith: A man cannot long hold that, which he cannot gripe. Other say, that the duke o● Somerset, for his own peculiar profit, kept not half his number of soldiers, and put their wages in his purse. These be men's imaginations and conjectures, but surely the loss of it, was the domestical division within the realm every great man desiring, rather to be revenged on his foo at home, then on his outward enemy, as you now shall manifestly see and perceive.   

¶ The xxviii year. 
The xxviii year.   
FOR while these conquests were obtained in the parts beyond the sea, with sword spear, and target, by the adversaries of the Englishmen, three mischievous captains, set the people of the Realm (aswell of the nobility, as of the mean sort) in a civil war and intestine division: For among the high Princes and peers, reigned inward grudge: among the Clergy, adulation, & among the commonalty, disdain of lascivious sovereignty which the Queen with her minions, and unprofitable counsellors daily took and usurped upon them. Wherefore they (not minding to be more charged, than their backs would bear, and perceiving that by the negligent provision, and improvident policy of the wit wanting governors within the realm, the affairs and business in the parts beyond the sea, daily decayed and more were like to do, if other politic rulers were put in authority, and the negligent officers, sequestered and deposed,) began to make exclamation against the Duke of Suffolk, affirming him, to be the only cause of the delivery of Angeow & Main, the chief procurer of the death, of the good duke of Gloucester, the very occasion of the loss of Normandy, the most swallower up and consumer of the Kings treasure, (by reason whereof, the wars in France were not maintained,) the expeller from the king, of all good and virtuous counsellors, and the bringer in and avauncer of vicious persons, common enemies and apparent adversaries to the public wealth: So that the duke was called in every man's mouth, a traitor, a murderer, a robber of the kings treasure, and worthy to be put to most cruel punishment. By reason of this exclamation, the Queen somewhat fearing the destruction of the Duke, but more the confusion of herself, caused the Parliament, before begun at the black Friars in London, to be adjourned to Leicester, thinking there, by force and rigour of the law, to subdue and repress all the malice and evil will, conceived against the Duke and her: at which place few of the nobility would appear, wherefore it was again adjourned to Westminster, where was a whole company and a full appearance. In the which session, the commons of the neither house, put up to the King, and the Lords, many articles of treason, misprision and misdemeanoure, against the duke of Suffolk: th'effect whereof with his answers, hereafter ensueth.  
FIRST they alleged, that he had traitorously excited, provoked, and counseled, John earl of Dumoys Bastard of Orleance, Bertrame Lord Presigny▪ William Cosynet, enemies to the king, and friends and Ambassadors to Charles, calling himself French king, to enter into this Realm, and to levy war against the king and his realm, to the intent to destroy the king and his friends, and to make John his son, king of this realm, marrying him to Margaret, sole heir to John duke of Somerset, pretending and declaring her, to be next heir inheritable to the Crown, for lack of issue of the Kings body, lawfully begotten.  
ITEM, that thesay duke, being of the kings privy and near counsel, alured by great rewards, and fair promises, made by the foresaid Earl of Dumoys, caused the king to deliver and ●ette at liberty, Charles duke of orleans, enemy to the king, and the kings noble father, which deliverance, was prohibited by express words, in the last will of the kings most victorious father.  
ITEM, that before the departure of thesay duke of orleans, the forenamed Duke of Suffolk, traitorously fast cleaving to Charles called the French king, counseled, provoked, and enticed the said duke of orleans, to move the same king, to make war against England, both in France and Normandy: according to which procurement and counsel, thesay French king, hath recovered the whole realm of France, and all the Duchy of Normandy, and taken prisoners, the Earl of Shrewesbury, the Lord Fauconbridge, and many other valiant captains.  
These three articles, hedenied either for fact or thought.  
FARTHER it was alleged, that he being Ambassador ●or the King of England, to Charles calling himself the French King, promise● to Reyner king of Scicile, and to Charles Dangiers his brother, enemies to the king, the release of Angeow, with the deliverance of the County of Main, and the city of Maunt or Mauns, without the knowledge of the other Ambassadors, which him accompanied: which promise, after his return, he caused to be performed, to the kings disenheritance, and loss irrecuperable, and to the strength of his enemies and feblishement of the Duchy of Normandy.  
To this article he answered, that his commission was to conclude, and do all things according to his discretion, for the obtaining of a peace, and because without delivery of those countries, he perceived that truce could not be obtained, he agreed, to the release and deliverance of them.  
ALSO they surmised, that thesay duke, being in France in the kings service, and one of the priviest of his counsel there, traitorously, declared and opened to the captains and conduyters of war, appertaining to the kings enemies, the kings counsel, purveyance of his armies, furniture of his towns, and all other ordinances, whereby the kings enemies, (informed by his traitorous information) have gotten towns and fortresses, and the King by that mean, deprived of his inheritance.  
ITEM, the said duke declared to the Earl of Dumoys, to the Lord Presigny, and William Cosynet, Ambassadors for the French king, lying in London, the privities of the kings counsel, both for the provision of farther war, and also for defence of the Duchy of Normandy: by the disclosing whereof, the Frenchmen knowing the kings secrets, prevented the time, and obtained their purpose.  
ITEM that the said Duke, at such time as the King sent Ambassadors to the French King, for the entreating of peace, traitorously before there coming to the French court, certified king Charles of their commission, authority, and Instructions, by reason whereof, neither peace nor amity succeeded, and the Kings inheritance lost, and by his enemies possessed.  
ITEM the same Duke said openly in the star chamber, before the lords of the Counsel, that he had as high a place in the counsel house of the French King, as he had there, and was aswell trusted there as here, and could remove from the French King, the priviest man of his counsel, if he would.  
ITEM when armies have been prepared, & soldiers ready waged, to pass over the sea, to resist the Kings enemies: Thesayd Duke corrupted by rewards of the French King, hath restrained and stayed the said armies to pass any farther.  
ITEM the said Duke being Ambassador for the King, comprised not in the league, as the kings Allies, neither the king of Arragon, neither the duke of britain, but suffered them to be comprised on the contrary party, by reason whereof, the old amity of the king of Arragon, is estranged from this realm, and the duke of Britain become enemy to the same: and Giles his brother the Kings sure friend, cast in strong prison, and their like to end and finish his days.  
ALL these objections he utterly denied, or faintly avoided, but not fully excused. divers other crimes were laid to his charge, as, enryching himself with the Kings goods and lands, gathering together, and making a money polled of offices, fees, wards, and fermes, by reason whereof, the Kings estate was greatly minished and decayed, and he and his kin highly exalted, and enriched, with many other points, which, by cause they be not notable, nor of no great force or strength I omit and overpass. The Queen, which entirely loved the Duke, fearing that some commotion and trouble might rise, if he were let go unpunished, caused him to be committed to the Tower, where he was kept with as much pleasure, as he that was at large, and out of all captivity. But after that a month was expired, she imagining the people to be pacified with this open emprysonement, caused him both to be delivered, and also to be restored to the kings favour and grace, as much as ever he was before that time. But this doing incensed the fury of the mutable commons, much more than before: openly demouncing, and saying, that it was a shame to all the Realm, to see such a person, infected with so many misdeeds, either to rule about a prince or be had in honour. Of these words sprang deeds, and of this talking, rose displeasure, which had grown to great mischief, if politic provision had not, with all celerity resisted the first fury: for the commons in sundry places of the realm assembled together, gathered great companies, and elected a capitain, whom they called, blue beard: but or they had attempted any enterprise, their heads were apprehended and so the membres suddenly were dispersed, without any hurt committed, or perpetrated.  
AFTER this little rage was assuaged, the Parliament was adiornied to Leycester, whither came the King and the Queen in great estate and with them the Duke of Suffolk, as chief counsellor. The commons of the lower house, not forgetting their old grudge: beseeched the king, that such persons, as assented to the release of Angeow, and deliverance of Main, might be extremely punished, and tormented: and to be privy to this fact, they accused, as principal, the duke of Suffolk, with John bishop of Salisbury, and sir james Fynies', lord Say, & divers other. When king Henry perceived, that the commons were thus stomached and bend, against the queens darling William Duke of Suffolk, he plainly saw, that neither glozing would serve, nor dissimulation could appease, the continual clamour of the importunate commons: Wherefore to begin a short pacification in so long a broil. first he sequestered the lord Say, being treasurer of England, and other the Dukes adherentes, from there offices, and authority, and after banished and put in exile the duke of Suffolk, as the abhorred toad, and common noisance of the Realm of England, for the term of .v. years: meaning by this exile, to appease the furious rage of the outrageous people, and that pacified, to revocate him into his old estate, as the queens chief friend & counsellor. But fortune would not, that this flagitious person, should so escape: for when he shipped in Suffolk, intending to be transported into France, he was encontered with a ship of war appertaining to the duke of Excester, 
William de la pool, duke o● Suffolk beheaded.  the Constable of the Tower of London, called the Nicholas of the Tower. The captain of the same bark with small fight, entered into the duke's ship, and perceiving his person present, brought him to Dover Road, & there on the one side of a cock boat▪ caused his head to be stricken of, and left his body with the head upon the sands of Dover, which corpse was there found by a chaplain of his, and conveyed to Wyngfelde college in Suffolk, and there buried. This end had William de la pole, first duke of Suffolk, as men judge, by God's punishment: for above all things he was noted to be the very organ, engine, and diviser of the destruction of Humfrey the good duke of Gloucester, and so the blood of the Innocent man was with his dolorous death, recompensed and punished. But the death of this froward person, and ungracious patron, brought not the Realm quiet, nor delivered it from all inward grudge, and intestine division, which to all Realms is more pestiferous and noisome, then outward war, daily famine, or extreme pestilence. For although Richard duke of York, was in prison, (as the kings deputy) in the realm of Ireland, continually resyaunt there, yet his breath puffed, and his wind blew daily, in many parts of the Realm. For many of the nobility, and more of the mean estate, wisely pondering the estate and condition of the Realm, perceiving more loss than increase, more ruin than advancement, daily to ensue: Remembering also that France was conquered, and Normandy was gained, by the French people in short space, thought with themselves and imagined, that the fault of all these miserable chances, happened, either because the King was not the true enheritor to the crown, or that he or his counsel were not able of wit, policy, and circumspection, to rule and govern so noble a Realm, or so famous a region. Upon this conjecture the friends, kinsmen and alyes of the duke of York, which were of no small number, began to practise the governance of his title: Infusing and putting into men's heads secretly his right to the crown, his politic governance, his gentle behaviour, to all the Irish nation, affirming, that he which had brought that rude and savage nation, to civil fashion, and English urbanity, would, (if he once ruled in the Realm of England) depose evil counsaillers, correct evil judges, & reform all matters amiss, and unamended. And to set open the flood gates of these devices, it was thought necessary, to 'cause some great commotion and rising of people to be made against the King: so that if they prevailed, then had the duke of York and his complices, there appetite and desire. And because the Kentishmen be impatient in wrongs, disdaining of to much oppression, and ever desirous of new change, and new fangelnes. The, overture of this matter was put forth first in Kent, and to th'intent that it should not be known, that the duke of York or his friends were the cause of the sudden rising: A certain youngman of a goodly stature, and pregnant wit, was enticed to take upon him the name of John mortimer, all though his name were John Cade, and not for a small policy, thinking that by that surname, the line and lineage of the assistente house of the earl of March, which were no small number, should be to him both adherent, and favourable. This capitain not only suborned by teachers, but also enforced by privy schoolmasters, assembled together a great company of tall personages: assuring them, that their attempt was both honourable to God and the king, and also profitable to the common wealth, promising them, that if either by force or policy, they might once take the king, the Queen, & other their counsaillers, in to their hands and governance, that they would honourably entreat the king, and so sharply handle his counsaillers, that neither fifteens should hereafter be demanded, nor once any impositions, or tax, should be spoken of. These persuasions, with many other fair promises of liberty, (which the common people more affect & desire, rather than reasonable obedience, and due conformitte) so animated the kentish people, that they with their captain above named, in good order of battle (not in great number) came to the plain of Blackehethe, between Eldham and Grenewyche. And to the intent that the cause of this glorious captains coming thither, might be shadowed from the king and his counsel, he sent to him an humble supplication, with loving words, but with malicious intent: affirming his coming, not to be against him, but against divers of his counsel, lovers of themselves, and oppressers of the poor commonalty, flatterers to the king and enemies to his honour, suckers of his purse, and robbers of his subjects, partial to their friends, and extreme to their enemies, for rewards corrupted, and for indifferency, nothing doing. This proud bill, was both of the king, and his counsel, disdainfully taken, and thereupon great consultation had, and after long debating, it was concluded, that such proud rebels, should rather be suppressed and tamed, with violence and force, then with fair words or amycable answer:  
Whereupon the king assembled a great army, and marched toward them, which had lain on Blackeheath, by the space of vij days. The subtle capitain named jack Cade, intending to bring the king farther, within the compass of his net, broke up his Camp, and retired backward to the town of Sevenocke in Kent, and there expecting his prey, encamped himself, and made his abode. The Queen, which bore the rule, being of his retreat well advertised, sent sir Humphrey Stafford knight, and William his brother with many other gentlemen, to follow the chase of the Kentishmen, thinking that they had fled, but verily, they were deceived: for at the first skirmish, both the Staffordes were slain, and all their company shamefully discomfited. The kings army, being at this time come to Blackeheathe, hearing of this discomfiture, began to grudge and murmur amongst themself: some wishing the duke of York at home, to aid the captain his cousin: some desiring the overthrow of the king and his counsel: other openly crying out on the Queen, and her complices. This rumour openly spoken, & commoly published, caused the king, & certain of his counsel, not led by favour, nor corrupted by rewards (to the intent to appease the furious rage of the inconstant multitude) to commit the lord Say, treasurer of England, to the Tower of London: and if other, against whom, like displeasure was borne had been present, they had likewise been served. But it was necessary that one should suffer, rather than all the nobility than should perish. When the Kentish capitain, or the covetous Cade, had thus obtained victory, and slain the two valiant Staffordes, he appareled himself in their rich armure, and so with pomp and glory returned again toward London: in which retreat divers idle and vagabond persons, resorted to him from Sussex and Surrey, and from other parts to a great number. Thus this glorious capitain, compassed about, and environed with a multitude of evil rude and rustical persons, came again to the plain of Blackeheath, and there strongly encamped himself: to whom were sent by the king, the archbishop of Canterbury, and Humphrey duke of Buckyngham, to common with him of his griefs and requests. These lords found him sober in communication, wise in disputing, arrogant in heart, and stiff in his opinion, and by no ways possible, to be persuaded to dissolve his army, except the king in person would come to him, and assent to all things, which he should require. These lords, perceiving the wilful pertinacy, and manifest contumacy of this rebellious javelyn, departed to the king, declaring to him, his temerarious and rash words, and presumptuous requests. The king somewhat hearing, and more marking the sayings of this outrageous lozel, and having daily report of the concourse and access of people, which continually resorted to him, doubting as much his familiar servants, as his unknown subjects (which spared not to speak, that the captains cause, was profitable for the common wealth) departed in all haste to the castle of Kylyngworthe in Warwyckeshyre, leaving only behind him the lord Scales, to keep the Tower of London. The capitain being advertised of the kings absence, came first into Southwark, and there lodged at the white heart, prohibity●g to all men, Murder, Rape, or Robbery: by which colour he alured to him the hearts of the common people. But after that he entered into London, and cut the ropes of the draw bridge, striking his sword on London stone, saying: now is mortimer lord of this city, and road in every street like a lordly capitain. And after a flattering declaration made to the Mayor of the city of his thither coming, he departed again in to Southwark. And upon the third day of julij, he caused sir james fines lord Say, and treasurer of England, to be brought to the Gild hall of London, and there to be arraigned: which being before the kings justices put to answer, desired to be tried by his peers, for the longer delay of his life. 
The lord Say, treasurer of England, beheaded at the standard in shrape.  The Capitayne perceiving his dilatory ple, by force took him from the officers, and brought him to the standard in Cheap, and there before his confession ended, caused his head to be cut of, and pitched it on a high pool, which was openly borne before him through the streets. And this cruel tyrant not content with the murder of the lord Say, went to Mile end, and there apprehended sir james Cromer, then shreve of Kent, and son in law to the said lord Say, & him without confession or excuse heard, caused there likewise to be headed, and his head to be fixed on a pool, and with these two heads, this bloody butcher entered into the city again, and in despite caused them in every street, kiss together, to the great detestation of all the beholders.  
AFTER this shameful murder, succeeded open rapyn and manifest robbery in divers houses, within the city, and in especial in the house of Philip Malpas, Alderman of London, and divers other: over & beside raunsoning, & fyning of divers notable merchants, for the tuytion and security of their lives and goods, as Robert Horn alderman, which paid .v. C. marks, and yet neither he, nor no other person was either of life or substance in a surety or safeguard. He also put to execution in Southwark divers persons, some for infrynging his rules and precepts, because he would be seen indifferent, other he tormented of his old acquaintance, jest they should blaze & declare his base birth, and lousy lineage, disparaging him from his usurped surname of mortimer, for the which, he thought and doubted not, both to have friends and fautors, both in London, Kent, and Essex. The wise Mayor, and sage magistrates of the city of London, perceiving themselves, neither to be sure of goods nor of life well warranted, determined with fear to repel and expulse this mischievous head, and his ungracious company. And because the lord Scales was ordained keeper of the Tower of London, with Matthew Gough, the often named captain in Normandy, (as you have hard before) they purposed to make them privy both of their intent and enterprise. The lord Scales promised them his aid, with shooting of ordinance, and Matthew Goughe was by him appointed, to assist the Mayor and the Londoners: because he was both of manhood, and experience greatly renowned and noised. So the Captains of the city appointed, took upon them in the night to keep the bridge of London, prohibiting the Kentishmen, either to pass or approach. The rebels, which never sound slept, for fear of sudden chances, hearing the bridge to be kept and manned, ran with great haste to open that passage, where between both parts was a fierce and cruel encounter. Matthew Gough, more expert in martial feats, than the other chieftains of the city, perceiving the Kentishmen, better to stand to their tacling, than his imagination expected, advised his company no further to proceed, toward Southwark, till the day appeared: to the intent, that the citizens hearing where the place of the jeopardy rested, might occur their enemies, and relieve their friends and companions. But this counsel came to small effect: for the multitude of the rebels drove the citizens from the stoulpes at the bridge foot, to the draw bridge, and began to set fire in divers houses. Alas what sorrow it was to behold that miserable chance: for some desiring to eschew the fire, leapt on his enemy's weapon, and so died: fearful women with children in their arms, amazed and appalled, leapt into the river: other doubting how to save themself between fire, water, and swourd, were in their houses suffocat and smoldered. Yet the captains nothing regarding these chances, fought on the draw bridge all the night valiantly, but in conclusion, the rebels gate the draw bridge, and drowned many, and ●●ew John Sutton alderman, and Robert Heysande a hardy citizen, with many other, beside Matthew Gough, a man of great wit, much experience in feats of chivalry, the which in continual wars, had valiantly served the king, and his father, in the parts beyond the sea (as before ye have heard). But it is often seen, that he, which many times hath vanqueshed his enemies in strange countries, and returned again as a conqueror, hath of his own nation afterward been shamefully murdered, and brought to confusion. This hard and sore conflict endured on the bridge, till ix of the clock in the morning, in doubtful chance, and fortune's balance: for some time the Londoners were bet back to the stulpes at saint Magnes corner, and suddenly again the rebels were repulsed and driven back, to the stulpes in Southwark, so that both parts, being faint, weary and fatigate, agreed to desist from fight, and to leave battle till the next day, upon condition: that neither Londoners should pass into Southwark, nor the Kentishmen in to London.  
AFTER this abstinence of war agreed, the lusty kentish Capitayne, hoping on more friends, broke up the gales of the kings bench and Marshalsea, and set at liberty, a swarm of gallants, both meet for his service and apt for his enterprise. The archbishop of Canterbury, being then Chancellor of England, and for his surety dying in the Tower of London, called to him the Bishop of Winchester, which also for fear, lurked at Halywell. These two prelate's seeing the fury of the Kentish people, by reason of their beating back, to be mitigate and minished, passed the river of Thamyse from the Tower, into Souhtwarke, bringing with them under the kings great seal, a general pardon unto all the offenders: which they caused to be openly proclaimed & published. Lord how glad the poor people were of this Pardon (ye more then of the great jubilee of Rome) and how they accepted the same, in so much that the whole multitude, without bidding farewell to their captain, retired the same night, every man to his own home, as men amazed, and stricken with fear. But John Cade desperate of succours, which by the friends of the duke of York were to him promised, and seeing his company thus without his knowledge suddenly departed, mistrusting the sequel of the matter, departed secretly in habit disguised, into Sussex: but all his metamorphosis or transfiguration, little prevailed. For after a Proclamation made, that whosoever could apprehend thesay jac Cade, should have for his pain, a. M. marks, many sought for him, but few espied him, till one Alexander Iden, esquire of Kent, found him in a garden, and there in his defence, manfully slew the caitiff Cade, & 
The miserable end of Iac●e cade.  brought his dead body to London, whose head was set on London bridge. This is the success of all rebels, and this fortune chanceth ever to traitors. For where men strive against the stream, their boat never cometh to his pretenced port.  
AFTER this commotion, the king himself came into Kent, & there sat in judgement upon the offenders, and if he had not mitigated his justice, with mercy and compassion, more than five. C. by the rigour of his law, had been justly put to execution: but he considered, both their fragility and innocency, and how they with perverse people, were seduced and deceived: and so punished the stubborn heads, and delivered the ignorant & miserable people, to the great rejoicing of all his subjects.  
DURING this commotion about London, Ralph bishop of Salisbury, was by his own tenants, & servants, murdered at Edyngton, and so from thensefurth daily succeeded, murder, slaughter, & dissension.   

¶ The xxix year  
THese variable chances in England, 
The xxix year  were not unknown to the French king, wherefore, he making foundation upon the English discord, determined to get into his possession, the duchy of Acquitayne, while the princes of England, were in controversy, for their titles and superiority: and therefore like a speedy puruior, which slacketh not time, he sent th'earls of Ponthieure, and Perigot, with many valiant captains, to lay siege to the town of Bergerac set upon the river of Dordone, of which town was captain, John Gedding, which hearing of the yielding of Roen, and conquest of Normandy, considering the puissance of the French army, upon reasonable conditions, rendered the town: yet all this notwithstanding, the lord Cameyse, sir George Seymour, sir John Arundel, and other valiant captains, which had the governance of the country, manned towns gathered people, and animated the cold stomachs of the fearful Gascons: requiring them to be constant in their fidelity, true to their natural prince and undoubted sovereign lord, sending daily letters to the king of England and his counsel, declaring to him the weakness of his subjects, and the strength of his enemies, assertening him for a surety, that without speedy aid, and ready succours, the whole country were like to be gotten from his possession. Many letters were sent, and many fair answers were brought, but relief neither appeared, nor one man of war was thither shipped. By reason whereof, the gascoins perceiving their enemies at hand, intending aswell to destroy the country, as to subdue the people, began every man for himself, to regard nothing, but the saving of their towns, goods, and corn: neglecting defence, and fearful of assaults, lest by small resistance, they might receive more detriment, then after they could recover again, either with great force, or much labour. But thenglishmen, (whose natures are not to be faint hearted, even at the very jeopardy of death) with all their wits studied, both how to repulse & convince their enemies, & to turn away the evil chances which they saw likely, (if policy did not help) suddenly to fall, and shortly to ensue. But all their policies little prevailed in conclusion, because succours failed, and force wanted: For afther the frenchmen, had the town of Bergerac to them rendered, the fortresses of Io●sac, of Bonefoy, and diverse other places, willingly & freely, yielded themselves to the French subjection. During which time, 〈◊〉 lord Doruall, third son to the lord Delabreth, with a great numbered of men, aswell on horseback as on foot, departed from Basas, to conquer and destroy the isle of Madoce: whereof hearing the mayor of Bordeaux, with a convenient crew of men, issued out of the city, and encontered with his enemies, between whom, was a hard fight and a deadly battle: but the frenchmen, more with multitude, then with force, vanquished thenglishmen, and killed and took prisoners, above uj C. Englishmen and Gascoynes, but of the frenchmen, which were in double numbered, above their adversaries (as writers affirm) there were slain viii C. persons. For which cause, the captains followed no farther the chase, jest the English people would again return. This slaughter of the English part, the French writers set forth with the most, but of their own loss, they speak not one word. Such indifferency, is in their Chronographiers. This discomfiture so amazed the wits, & appalled the hearts of the mean Gascons that they offered many towns to the French part, before the same were of them demanded.  
AFTER this, the Bastard of orleans, earl of Dumoys, and Longuile, lieutenant general for the French king, accompanied with his brother, John earl of Angulesme, which had been long prisoner in England, and many valiant captains, and expert men of war, besieged the Castle of Montguyon, which to them was rendered. After this, the said army besieged the fortress of Blay, standing on the river of Gyrond, which town is the very key of the port of Bordeaux, and this town was besieged both by water and by land, and fiercely assaulted and manfully defended, and in conclusion by very force, for lack of resistance, conquered and gained. The bastard of Kendal captain of the Castle, seeing the town lost, upon certain conditions, delivered his fortress, into the possession of the lord lieutenant. After this town gained the fortresses of Bourge and Liburne yielded, not without five weeks besieging. The witty captains perceiving fortunes favour towards them, thought it necessary to take the time, while their good planet reigned. Wherefore, to prevent the aid of the Englishmen, whom they daily expected to come to the succour of their people: they appointed four armies, to make war in four several parts. The lord Charles Dellebreth, accompainied with John lord of Tartas and Aymon, lord of Doruall his sons, and th'earl of Foys, and the Uiscount Lawtrec his brother, and many noble men of Guienne, laid siege to the town of Acques, in the which be diverse ho●e baths. th'earl of Arminack extreme enemy to the realm of England, for breaking the marriage concluded between king Henry and his daughter (as before you have heard) besieged with a great puissance, the strong town of Ryon. th'earl o● Ponthyeure, with many noble barons, besieged the town of Chastis●on in Perigot, and the earl of Dumoys, environed with a great puissance the town of Fronsacke. Thenglishemen within this town, perceiving the great ordinance on the French part, and the small provision on their side, covenanted with the said earl, that if the town were not succoured, and the frenchmen fought with all, before the feast of the nativity, of. s. John Baptist next ensuing, that then the town of Fronsacke should be yielded to them, which was the strongest fortress of all the country, and the very key of Guienne, and chief chamber of Bordeaux: and for per●ormans hereof, pledges were delivered, and writings authentic sealed. This agreement once blown through the country, the city of Bordeaux, and all other towns, (except Bayon) made like agreement, and delivered pledges. So did all the noble men and gentlemen, which were subjects and vassals to the crown of England. Alack alack, every day was looking for relief, and every hour was gaping for comfort, but wishing served not, nor hoping nothing helped: for the pestiferous division, which reigned in England, so ●ueglid the brains of the noble men there, that the honour of the realm was clearly forgotten, & nothing earthly, but their private fantasies looked on and remembered. Now to conclude, the day appointed came, but succour looked for, came not: so that all the towns in Acquitayne (except Bayon) delivered their keys, and become vassals to the French nation, yet the citizens of Bordeaux hoping of rescous, offered themselves to fight with the Frenchmen, and desired a day of battle to be appointed, which request was to them granted. But at the day assigned, they being in despair of all refuge and succour, rendered themselves and the town, to their adversaries, their lives and goods reserved, with licence and saf●conduyte to all persons which would departed and sail into England. When the cities and towns of Gascoigne were set in good order, the Earl of Dumoys and Foys, with great preparation of victual, munition and men, came before the cite of Bayon, where with mines and battery, they so dismayed the fearful inhabitants, that neither the captain nor the soldiers, could keep them from yielding: so by force they delivered the town, and their captain as a prisoner, offered a great some of money for the safeguard of their lives and goods. Beside these agreements taken with towns, diverse noble men made several compositions, as Gaston de Foys, Capdaw of Buessz, whom king Henry the fifth, made earl of Longuile and knight of the garter, whose ancestors were ever true to England, which agreed that he, and John de Foys his son, whom king Henry the sixth, created earl of Kendale, and made also knight of the garter, should enjoy all their lands in Acquitayne, given to them by the kings of England, or by the Dukes of Acquitayn. And because their intent was still to serve the King of England, their sovereign Lord, they agreed, to deliver into the custody of th'earl of Foys, their cousin, the son and heir of thesay earl of Kendale, being of the age of three years, to the intent, that if he at his full age, denied to become subject and vassaill to the French king, or before that time diseased, that then, after the death of his father and grandfather, all the said lands should wholly remain, to the next heir of their blood, either male or female, being under the obeisance of the French king, or his heirs. Many noble men, whose hearts were good English, made like compositions, and some came into England, and other went to Caleis, and were great officers there: as the Lord Duras which was Martial there, and Monsire Uanclere, which was there deputy, under th'earl of Warwick, (as after shallbe showed.) Now have I declared to you, the loss of France, Normandy, & Acquitayn: wherefore, having no more cause yet to speak of them, I will return to the great trouble, dissension and division, which long was cloaked, & now openly set abroad, and burst out in the realm of England.   

¶ The xxx year.  
YOU have heard before, 
The xxx yer●.  how the duke of York, as heir to Lionel Duke of Clarence, pretended privily, a title to the Crown, and how his friends commoned secretly, with diverse persons of that matter, and excited them to set forward, and advance that part to the uttermost: and how thesay duke was sent into Ireland, where he was daily advertised by his assured friends, of all things done in England, and by them knew in what estate he stood, both with the nobility, and commonalty. Wherefore, he minding no longer to dream in his weighty matter, nor to keep secret his right and title, returned out of Ireland, and came to London in the parliament time, where he deliberately consulted, with his especial friends: as John Duke of Norfolk, Richard earl of Salisbury, and Lord Richard his son, which after was Earl of Warwick, Thomas Courtney, earl of Devonshire, and Edward Broken, lord Cobham a man of a great wit and much experience: requiring them, both of advise and counsel, how he might without spot of treason, or colour of usurpation, set forth his title, and obtain his right.  
AFTER long consultation, it was thought expedient, first to seek some occasion and pick some quarrel, to the duke of Somerset, which ruled the king, ordered the realm, and most might do with the queen: Whom, the commons, for the loss of Normandy, worse than a Toad or Scorpion, hated, disdained and execrated, in so much that diverse evil ruled persons, broke his house, & spoiled his goods, within the black Friars of the city of London: which malefactors, according to their deserts, were justly executed & punished. For well knew the duke of York and his adherentes, that if the Duke of Somerset saw or smelled, any point of their purposed enterprise, that he would with spear and shield, with might and main, withstand and repel the same, to th'extreme point of death, and to their utter confusion. Wherefore to abridge his power, and to minish his authority, they determined to bring him, into the hatred of the people, and into the disdain of the nobility. And to be the stronger in the setting forth of their feat, they, what with rewards and fair promises, & what with declaration of great enormities, committed by the kings counsellors, 'gainst the common wealth, allected & alured to them, lusty bachelars, & active persons, of a great numbered, protesting and declaring, that they neither meant evil, nor thought harm, either to the kings person, or to his dignity: but that their intent was, for the revenging of great injuries done to the public wealth, and to persecute and reform diverse rulers about the king, which daily contrary to right and equity, vexed & peeled thenglish people, without reason or measure: so the no man was in surety, either of his own goods, or sure of his proper lands or possessions. These great enormities, they caused to be published, to th'intent the their chief purpose should not be espied, or perceived.  
WHEN the duke of York had thus framed thentry into his long intended journey, he with help of his friends, assembled a great army in the Marches of Wales, publishing openly, that the cause of his motion was for the public wealth of the realm, and great profit of the commons: which fair told tale, alured to him much people, aswell of the chivalry as of the mean sort. The king much astonied with this sudden commotion, by the advise of his counsel, raised a great host, and marched forward toward the duke: but he being of his approach, credibly advertised, by his espials, diverted from the kings ways, and took his journey toward London: and having knowledge, that he might not be suffered with his army, to pass through London, he crossed over the Thamese at Kyngston bridge, and so set forth toward Kent, where he knew that he had both friends and good willers, and there, on brent Heath, a mile from Dertford, and ten miles from London, he embattled himself, and encamped his army very strongly, both with trenches and artillery. The king being thereof advertised, with great diligence, brought his army to black Heath, & there pight his tents. While both th'armies lay thus embattled, the king by th'advise of his counsel, sent the bishops of Winchester and E●ie to the duke▪ both to know, what was the cause of so great a tumult and commotion, and also to make a concord, if the requests of the duke and his company, seemed to them consonant to reason, or profitable to the people. The duke hearing the message of the two bishops, either doubting the variable chance of mortal battle, or looking for a better occasion, or a more luckey day, answered the prelate's, that his coming was neither to dampnifie the king, neither in honour, nor in person, nor yet any good man, but his intent was to remove from him, certain evil disposed persons of his counsel, which were the bludsuckers of the nobility, the pollers of the clergy, and oppressors of the poor people: amongst whom he chief named, Edmond duke of Somerset, whom if the king would commit to ward, to answer to such articles, as against him should in open parliament, be both proponed and proved, he promised not only to dissolve his army and dispatch his people, but also offered himself, like an obedient subject, to come to the kings presence, and to do him true and faithful service, according to his truth & bound duty. When the messengers were returned with this reasonable answer: The king perceiving, that without great bloodshed, he could not bridle the duke of York, nor without war he could not appease, the furious rage of the common people, being once set on fire, except he followed their minds, and granted their requests, caused the duke of Somerset, to be committed to ward, as some say: or to keep himself privy in his own house, as other writ, till the fury of the people were somewhat assuaged and pacified. Which thing done, the duke of York the first day of March, dissolved his army, & broke up his camp, and came to the kings tent, where beside his expectation, and contrary to the promise made by the king, he found the duke of Somerset, set at large and at liberty, whom the duke of York boldly accused, of treason, of bribery, oppression, and many other crimes. The duke of Somerset not only made answer to the duke's objections, but also accused him of high treason, toward the king his sovereign lord: affirming, that he with his fautors and complices, had consulted together how to obtain the crown and sceptre of the realm. By mean of which words, the king removed strait to London, and the duke of York as a prisoner, road before him, & so was kept a while. The king assembled together a great counsel at Westminster, to here the accusations of the ij. dukes, the one objecting to the other, facinorous acts, & detestable crimes. But the duke of Somerset, which now conceived in his mind the thing that shortly followed, incessantly exhorted the counsel, that the Duke of York, by compulsion, or otherwise, might be compelled to confess his offence, and so being attainted of treason, to be put to execution, and his children to be taken enemies and adversaries to their native country: to the intent that by the loss of this only Prince and his sequel, all civil war, and inward division might cease and be repressed: beseeching almighty God, that so great an enemy to the king and his blood, might never escape punishment, nor continue long in life. The duke of Somerset set ●●rth this matter the more vehemently, because he knew perfitly, that the duke of York daily studied, how to get the crown, and obtain the governance, and to depose and destroy both the king and him. But the necessity of destineye, can not by any man's devise, be either letted or interrupted: for many things (to common judgements) declared the duke of York's trought and innocency in this case. First his free and voluntary coming to the king, when he with his power was able to encounter with the kings puissance, which was an open token▪ and manifest argument, that he neither meant treason, nor yet fraud. Secondarily, his humble submission, his reasonable requests, and profitable petitions, for the poor commons, were judged no points of a man, that desired sovereignty, or rule above other which things he did only for a cautel, (as afterward openly appeared). While the counsel treated of saving or losing of this dolorous duke of York, A rumour sprang throughout London, that Edward earl of March, son and heir apparent to the said duke, a young prince of great with and much stomach, accompanied with a strong army of Marchemen, was coming toward London, which tidings sore appalled the Queen and the whole counsel. Beside this, the same very day came Ambassadors from the heads and Magistrates of the city of Bordeaux, whereof the chief were, the earl of Kendal, and the lord Lesparre, which signified to the counsel, that if they would send an army into Gascoigne, the gascoins would revert & turn again to the English part: advertising them, that there was 〈◊〉 those parts no puissance or garrison of French men, to withstand them, & therefore there was no doubt of the regay●ing or reconquest: requiring them with all diligent celerity, to take so fair a prey so openly to them offered, & to mind nothing before the regaining of so fruitful a country. These two things sore troubled the heads of the kings counsel, which, lest this dissension between two persons, might be the let of outward conquest, set the duke of York at liberty, and permitted him to return to his fair castle of Wignore, in the Marches of Wales, where he studied, both how to displease his enemies, & to obtain his purpose: And so by means of the absence of the duke of York, which was in manner banished the court & the kings presence, the duke of Somerset rose up in high favour with the king & the queen, & his word only ruled, & his voice was only heard.   

¶ The xxxi year.  
THe counsel of England, not forgetting the offer of the Gascons, 
The xxxi year.  and that they might now have the city of Bordeaux with the country round about, by offer and request, which with great charge & long war, they could scant again recover or repossess, appointed the veteran soldier, and valiant capitain, John lord Talbot, and earl of Shrewsburye, to be chefetayn of the army, which should in all haste be transported and conucyed into Acquitayn. The lords of Gascoyn, both well pleased and glad of their answer, returned into their country, in as secret manner, as they from thence departed, declaring to their nation, the Captains, & the power, that was to them coming: exhorting every man to be firm and stable to the king of England and his heirs, under whose liberty and freedom, they had prospered & rejoiced, above iii C. years, rather than now to fall into the French captivity; whose taxes were unreasonable, and whose daily exactions were to them importable. When the valiant Talbot, the hardy earl of Shrewsbury was appointed to assemble an army of men, and them to convey into the duchy of Acquitayn, Lord, how busy he was in mustering, how diligent in setting forward, and how ientelly he entertained his men of war, as though he went first to war, and never had taken pain, either to serve his price or to gain honour. What should I speak, how that he thought every hour, as three, till his army were ready, or writ, what pain he took to see them shipped and victualed. But verily men judge, that as this labour was the end and extreme point of all his worldly business so he should show himself: fierce, courageous, & fearful to his enemies in the extreme point of his death and natural departing. This English Hector & martial flower, elected to him, the most hardy & courageous persons, which he could espy, preparing also, horses, munitions victuals, and all things necessary to such an army, and to so great an enterprise. When all things were shipped, and wind and wether served he took his chance, and sailed into Gascoyn, where without resistance, he peaceabl● arrived in the Isle of Madre, where he reposed his army, being scant three M. men, and destroyed all the country, between Bordeaux and Blay, and took the strong town and castle of Fronsac, and divers other towns and fortresses. The inhabitants of Bordeaux, hearing of the earls Arrival, sent to him messengers in the dark night, thanking and congratulating him for his thither coming, and also requiring him to accelerate, and speed his journey toward their city, informing him, that now the time was propice for his purpose: and time not taken, was labour misspent. This ancient Fox, and politic Capitayne lost not one hour, nor spared one mynet, till he came before the city of Bordeaux. The citizens glad of his coming, made not the French captains, which had the governance of the town, either parties or privies of their intent: yet some of them would, that the Frenchmen, in security both of lives and goods, should depart out of the town but their will was no will: for the multitude, abhorring the French servitude and embracing the English liberty, which they and their ancestors of many years and tasted, opened one gate, and let in a great part of the Englishmen army. The French Captains intending to escape secretly, by a postern, were slain and taken by the lord Lespar, and other of the English army. After the regayning of Bordeaux, arrived at Blay, the bastard of Somerset, sir John Talbot, lord Lisle, by his wife son to the said earl of Shrewesbury, the lord Molyns, the lords Haryngton and Cameus, sir John Haward, sir John Montgomerye, sir John Uernon with xxii C. men with victuals and munitions. When the earl of Shrewesbury was thus according to his intent of all things furnished and adorned: first he fortified Bordeaux with Englishmen & victual: after that, he road into the country abroad, where he obtained cities, and got towns without stroke or dent of swourde▪ for the poor and needy people being fatigate, and weary with the oppressio of their new landlords rendered their towns before they were of them required, and beside this the towns & cities far distauncte from Bordeaux sent messengers to the earl, promising to him both service & obeisance. And among other the town and castle of Chastillon in Perigotte, was to him delivered by the Frenchmen upon composition, that they might with their lives safely depart: which town, the earl strongly fortified both with men and ordinance. The French king lying at Towers in Towrayne, being of the earls acts in Gascoyn credible informed, was not a little exasperated & quickened: wherefore he minding to resist the first storm, and repulse the first surge, assembled a great army to the number of xxii M. men, and entering into Acquitayne came to Lusigneum, and from thence accompanied with the earl of Ponthyure, the lords of saint Severe and Boucat, marched toward Caleys in Gascoyn, and with fair promises obtained the town. And after that town gained, the French king divided his army into two parties, whereof the one was governed by the earl of Clerimont, son in law to king Charles, and heir to the duke of Burdon, in the which were xu M. men, in whom consisted the weight and poise of the whole enterprise. This army he appointed to take the next way toward Bordeaux: the other army whereof he was capitain and leadar himself, accompanied with the peers and noble men of his realm, he kept and retained still beside Caleys, and sent the two Marshals of France with xviii C men of arms, beside archers, to besiege the town of Chastylon in Perigot, and in going thither, they got a fortress, which they manned, and so departed to Chastilone, which they environed with a strong siege, & cast high trenches, and made deep ditches on every side: and in a place where their enemies must come, they laid ordinance both great and small, whereof so great a number was never before seen in France. The earl of Shrewesbury hearing of these news, and perceiving that he must of necessity encounter, and fight with two armies, determined with himself, first to assay the lest power and weeker puissance: wherefore without longer procrastination, he assembled together viii C. horsemen, whereof the lord Lis●e his son, the lord Molyns, the lord Cameus, sir Edward Hull, sir John Haward, & sir John Uernon were chief, and so marched forward toward Chastylon, appointing .v. M. foot men under the conduit of the earl of Kendalle, and the lord Lespar to follow him with all speed. In his way he assaulted the Tower, which the Frenchmen had taken, and by force entered, and slew all that he found within and by the way he met● .v. C. Frenchmen, going a foraging, of whom he slew the greatest part, and chased the other to the camp. The French men knowing by these good runners away of the earls approaching, with all diligence left the siege, and retired in good order, into the place which they had trenched, dytched, and fortified with ordinance. They within the town seeing the siege removed, sent out word to the Englishmen that the Frenchmen fled. The courageous earl hearing these news & fearing, lest through long tarrying the birds might be flown away, not tarrying till his foremen were come, set forward, toward his enemies, which were in mind surely to have fled, as they confessed afterward, if the fear of the French kings rebuke, which was not far of, had not caused them to tarry, and yet in this army were present the Marshals and great Master of France, the earl of Ponthyeure, the Senescal of Poythiew, the lord Bessire, and many valeant Barons and Knights. When the Englishmen were come to the place where the Frenchmen were encamped, in the which (as Aeneas Silvius testifieth) were iii C. pieces of brass, beside divers other small pieces, and subtle engines to the Englishmen unknown, and nothing suspected, they lighted all on foot, the earl of Shrewesbury only except, which because of his age, road on a little hakeney, and fought fiercely with the Frenchmen, & got th'entry of their camp, and by fine force entered into the same. This conflict continued in doubtful judgement of victory ii long hours: during which fight, the lords of Montamban and Humadayre, with a great company of Frenchmen entered the battle, and began a new field, & suddenly the Gonners perceiving the Englishmen to approach near, discharged their ordinance, and slew iii C. persons, near to the earl, who perceiving the imminent jeopardy, and subtle labirynth, in the which he and his people were enclosed and illaqueate, despicing his own safeguard, and desiring the life of his entirely and well-beloved son the lord Lisle, willed, advertised, and counciled him to depart out of the field, and to save himself. But when the son had answered that it was neither honest nor natural for him, to leave his father in the extreme jeopardy of his life, and that he would taste of that draft, which his father and Parent should assay and begin: The noble earl & comfortable capitain said to him: O son son, I thy father, which only hath been the terror and scourge of the French people so many years, which hath subverted so many towns, and profligate and discomfited so many of them in open battle, and martial conflict, neither can here die, for the honour of my country, without great laud and perpetual fame, nor fly or depart without perpetual shame and continualle infamy. But because this is thy first journey and enterprise, neither thy flying shall redound to thy shame, nor thy death to thy glory: for as hardy a man wisely flieth, as a temerarious person foolishly abidethe, therefore y● fleeing of me shallbe the dishonour, not only of me & my progeny, but also a discomfiture of all my company: thy departure shall save thy life, and make the able another time, if I be slain to revenge my death and to do honour to thy Prince, and profit to his Realm. But nature so wrought in the son, that neither desire of life, nor thought of security, could withdraw or pluck him from his natural father: Who considering the constancy of his child, and the great danger that they stood in, comforted his soldiers, cheered his captains, and valiantly set on his enemies, and slew of them more in number than he had in his company. But his enemies having a greater company of men, & more abundance of ordinance then before had been seen in a battle, first shot him through the thigh with a handgonne, and slew his horse, & cowardly killed him, dying on the ground, whom they never durst look in the face, while he stood on his feet, and with him, there died manfully his son the lord Lis●e, his bastard son Henry Talbot, and sir Edward Hull, elect to the noble order of the Gartier, and xxx valeant personages of the English nation, and the lord Molyns was there taken prisoner with lx other. The residue of the English people fled to Bordeaux and other places, whereof in the flight, were slain above a. M. persons. At this battle of Chastillon, fought the xiij day of julij, in this year, ended his life John lord Talbot, and of his progeny the first earl of Shrewesbury, after that he with much fame, more glory, and most victory had for his prince and country, by the space of xxiiij years and more, valiantly made war, and served the king in the parts beyond the sea, whose corpse was left on the ground, & after was found by his friends, & conveyed to Whitchurch in Shropshyre, where it is intumulate. This man was to the French people, a very scourge and a daily terror, in so much that as his person was fearful, and terrible to his adversaries present: so his name and fame was spiteful and dreadful to the common people absent, in so much that women in France to fear their young children, would cry, the Talbot cometh, the Talbot cometh. After this discomfiture, divers lords fled to Bordeaux, but the earl of Kendal, the lords of Montferrant, of Rosayne, and of Dangladas, entered into the castle of Chastillon, which they by the space of ten days manfully defended, but in conclusion being desperate of all succours, rendered the fortress, and came safe to Bordeaux. After this town was yielded the towns of saint Million, Bybourne & all other, which the earl of Shrewesbury had conquered, rendered themselves to the French obeisance, Bordeaux only except. The which city being the last refuge, and only consolation of the English people in Gascoigne, the French king in person with all his puissance, strongly besieged & daily assaulted, in the which he more lost then gained: beside this, the English men issued out, and courageously fought with their enemies: likewise did the citizens, which looking for no favour at the French kings hand, because of their late conjuration against him, manfully defended them selves, and sore noyed and hurt their enemies. But in conclusion both garrisons and the inhabitants, oppressed with much penury & extreme tamyne were coacted to tender the city upon reasonable conditions, to them by the French king sent and oblated: the effect whereof was that no offence, before time committed or done by any of the citizens should hereafter be imputed, or laid to the charge of any of them. Also that all Englishmen and Gascons might safely depart into England or to Caleys with all their substance, and that the lords Lespar, Duras and thirty. other, should never upon pain of death be found within any of the French kings dominions, which lord Lesparre after being taken, disguised in Gascoyn was made shorter by the head. When this composition was agreed and sealed, the Englishmen had their ships and all things necessary for their journey, to them delivered, which, when wind and whether were to them propice and convenient, were shortly transported into England, in the month of October this present year. Thus was the duchy of Acquytayn, which had continued in the English possession, from the year of our Lord. M.lu which is iii C. & odd years, by the marriage of Alienor, daughter and heir to William duke of Aequitayn wife to king Henry the second, finally reduced, and brought again to the French obedience and servitude. The keeping of which duchy was neither costly nor troublesome to the realm of England, but both pleasant and profitable: for by the sovereignty of that country, young gentlemen learned the experience of war, and expert men were promoted to many rich offices, & great, livings within the same. For within that only duchy, be four 
A declaration of the dignities in the D●chye of Acquitay●●.  archbishops xxxiiij Bishops xu erledons two. C. and ii Baronies, and above a. M. Capitaynshippes and baylywyckes. All though this great loss chanced, this year to the English nation, yet a greater detriment happened in the same season to the whole flock of Christian people. For Machumet, called the great Turk besieged the city of Constantynople in Grece, with an innumerable number of Turks, and fifty days together gave to it a continual assault, and on the four day of june, 
The w●nnig of Constantinople by the great Turk.  took it perforce, slaying man, woman and children, except the Emperor Palialogus, and divers other of the blood Royal, whom he took prisoners, and after caused them to be beheaded. If I should writ the detestable murder of men, the abominable and cruel slaughter of children, the shameful ravishment of women and virgins, which were perpetrate and done by the unmerciful pagans and cruel Turks, I assure you that your ears would abhor the hearing and our eyes would not abide the reading, and therefore I pass them over. 
The birth of prince Edward, son to king Henry the vi  In this trobleous season on the xiii day of October, was the queen delivered at Westmynster of a fair son, which was Christened & named Edward, and after grew to a goodly & perfect man, as after you shall hear: whose mother sustained not a little slander and obloquy of the common people, saying that the king was not able to get a child, and that this was not his son, with many slanderous words, to the queens dishonour, which here need not to be rehearsed. After the birth of this child, 
The Kings two brethren created earls.  the King highly advanced his two brethren, on his mother's side. For Edmond he created earl of Richemond, which was father to king Henry the vij and jasper he created earl of Penbroke, which died without issue.   

¶ The xxxii year.  
WHen foreign war and outward battles, 
The xxxii year.  were brought to an end and final conclusion: domestical discord and civil dissension began again to renew and arise, within the realm of England: for when the care of outward hostility (which kept the minds of the Princes in the realm occupied, and in exercise) was taken away and vanished, desire of sovereignty, and ambition of pre-eminence, suddenly sprang out so far, that the whole Realm was divided into two several factions, and private parts. For king Henry, descended of the house of Lancastre, claiming the crown from king Henry the four his grand father, first author of this division: and Richard duke of York, as heir to Lionel, the third son to king Edward the third: wrestled for the game, and strove for the wager. By reason whereof, the nobles aswell as the common people, were into parts divided, to the destruction of many a man, and to the great ruin and decay of this region. For while the one part studied to vanquish and suppress the other, all common wealth was set a side, and justice and equity was clearly exiled. For the duke of York, which sore gaped and more thirsted for the superiority and pre-eminence, studied, devised, and practised all ways & means, by the which he might attain to his pretenced purpose, and long hoped desire. And amongst all imaginations, one seemed most necessary for his purpose, which yet again was to stir and provoke the malice of all the people, against the Duke of Somerset, who only ruled the King, and ordered all things at his pleasure and will: Imagining, that he being made out of the way, his purpose should shortly come to a good conclusion. Wherefore, to the nobles of the realm he complained, lamented, and detested, the miserable state and daily ruin, of this noble country: noting and affirming, the Duke of Somerset, to be the very root and cause of the same, whom he named and called, an unjust man, a mischievous person, a tyrannical governor, and a covetous counsellor: laying also great offences to king Henry, saying, that he was a man, neither of wit nor stomach, neither meet to be a king, nor apt to govern a common wealth, and therefore it was the duty of the noble men, and great Princes, not only to think on this weighty matter, but speedily to provide a remedy, and to set the Realm in another stay. By which complaints and persuasions, the duke of York, so altered the minds of many persons of high estate, that they liked not the world, as it then wavered, nor approved th'acts of the king or his counsel. And because, that ambition and avarice, was newly entered into their hearts, they studied, suddenly to change all things, and to turn the world upsetdoune. When the duke saw men's appetites, and felt well their minds, he chief entertained two Richard's, and both Nevelles, the one of Salisbury, the other of Warwick being earl, the first the father, the second the son. This earl of Salisbury, was second son to Ralph Nevell, earl of Westmerlande, whose daughter the duke of York had married, & the said Richard was espoused to Lady Alice, the only child and sole heir of Thomas Montacute earl of Salisbury, slain at the siege of orleans, (as before I have declared) of which woman he engendered, Richard, John, and George. Richard the eldest son espoused Anne, the sister and heir of the entire blood, to lord Henry Beauchamp earl, and after duke of Warwick, in whose right and title, he was created and named Earl of Warwick, and not by his own progeny or parentage. This Richard was not only a man of marvelous qualities, and facundious fashions, but also from his youth, by a certain practice or natural inclination, so set them forward, with witty and gentle demeanour, to all persons of high and of low degree, that among all sorts of people, he obtained great love, much favour, and more credence: which things daily more increased, by his abundant liberality, and plentiful house keeping, then by his riches, authority, or high parentage: by reason of which doings, he was in such favour and estimation, amongst the common people, that they judged him able to do all things, and that without him, nothing to be well doen. For which causes his authority, shortly so fast increased, that which way he bowed, that way ran the stream, and what part he advanced, that side got the superiority.   

¶ The xxxiii year.  
When the duke of York had fastened his chain, 
The xxxiii year.  between these two strong and robustious pillars, he with his friends, so seriously wrought, and so politicly handled his business, that the Duke of Somerset, was arrested in the queens great chamber, and sent to the tour of London, where he without great solemnity, kept a dol●full Christmas: against whom in open parliament, were laid diverse and heinous articles of high treason, aswell for the loss of Normandy, as for the late mischance, which happened in Guienne. The king at this time was sick at Clarendon, and so conveyed to London, by reason whereof, no final determination proceeded, in this great and weighty cause, but it was put in suspense, till the next assemble of the high court of parliament. During which time, the king either of his own mind, or by the queens procurement, caused the duke of Somerset, to be set at liberty: by which doing, grew great envy and displeasure, between the king and diverse of his lords, and in especial between the duke of York, and the kings lineage. And to aggravate more the malice new begun, the Queen, which then ruled the roast and bore the whole rule, caused the duke of Somerset, to be preferred to the capitainship of Calais, where with, not only the commons but also many of the nobility, were greatly grieved and offended, saying: that he had lost Normandy, & so would he do Calais. The duke of York and his adherentes perceiving, that neither exhortation served, nor accusement prevailed against the duke of Somerset, determined to revenge their quarrel, and obtain their purpose, by open war and martial adventure, and no longer to sleep, in so weighty a business. So he being in the Marches of Wales, associate with his especial friends, the earls of Salisbury and Warwick, the lord Cobham, and other, assembled an army, and gathered a great power, and like warlike persons, marched toward London. The Londoners, hearing of so great a multitude, coming toward their city, were greatly astonied and much abashed: for every person considered his own part, that either with holding with the one side, or being contrariant to the other, or meddling with no part he should incur indignation or displeasure. The king being credebly informed, of the great army coming toward him, assembled an host, intending to meet with the duke in the north part, because he had to many friends about the city of London, and for that cause, with great speed and small luck, he being accompanied, with the Dukes of Somerset, and Buckyngham, th'earls of Stafford, Northumberland, and Wiltshire, with the lord Clifford, and diverse other barons, departed out of Westminster, the twenty day of May, toward the ton of S. Albon: of whose doings, the duke of York being advertised, by his espials, with all his power costed the countries, and came to the same town, the third day next ensuing. The king hearing of their approaching, sent to him messengers, straightly charging and commanding him, as an obedient subject, to keep the peace, and not as an enemy to his natural country, to murder and slay his own countrymen and proper nation. While king Henry, more desirous of peace then of war, was sending forth his orators, at the one end of the town: the earl of Warwick with the Marchemen, 
The first battle at ●ain●●. Albon.  entered at the other end of the town, and fiercely set on the kings forward, and them shortly dicomfited. Then came the duke of Somerset, & all the other lords with the kings power, which fought a sore and a cruel battle, in the which, many a tall man lost his life: but the duke of York sent ever freshemen, to succour the weary, & put new men in the places of the hurt persons, by which only policy, the kings army was profligate and dispersed, & all the chieftains of the field almost slain and brought to confusion. For there died under the sign of the Castle, Edmond duke of Somerset, who long before was warned to eschew all Castles, and beside him, lay Henry the second earl of Northumberlande, Humfrey earl of Stafforde, son to the duke of Buckyngham, John lord Clifford, and eight M. men and more. Humphrey duke of Buckyngham, being wounded, & james Butler earl of Wiltshire & Ormond, seeing fortunes lowering chance, left the king post alone & with a great numbered fled away. This was th'end of the first battle at ●. Albon, which was fought on the Thursdaie, before the feast of Pentecost, being the xxiij day of May. In this xxxiij year of the Kings reign, the bodies of the noble men, were buried in the Monastery, and the mean people in other places. This Edmond duke of Somerset, left behind him three sons, Henry, Edmonde, and John, which to the extremity of death, took part with the line of king Henry.  
AFTER this victory obtained, by the Duke of York and his compaignions', he remembered, that often times he had declared and divulged abroad, the only cause of his war to be, for th'advancement of the public wealth, and to set the Realm in a more commodious estate, and a better condition. Wherefore, he using all lenity, mercy, and bounteousness, would not once touch or apprehended the body of king Henry, whom he might both have slain, & utterly destroyed, considering, that he had him in his ward and governance. But with great honour and due reverence, conveyed him to London, & so to Westminster, to which place was summoned and appointed, a great assemble of the three estates, commonly called a Parliament, which began the ix day of july, in the which session, the Duke of Gloucester, was openly declared a true Prince, both to the king & the realm. Beside this, it was enacted, that no person, should either judge or report, any point of untruth, of the duke of York, the earls of Salisbury and Warwick, for coming in warlike manner, against the king at. S. Albon, considering, that their attempt and enterprise, was only to see the kings person, in safeguard and sure keeping, and to put and alien from him, the public oppressors of the common wealth: by whose misgovernance, his life might be in hazard, and his authority hung in a very small thread. In which Parliament also, the duke of York was made protector of the Realm, and th'earl of Salisbury, was appointed to be Chancellor, and had the great seal to him delivered: and the earl of Warwick, was elected to the office of the captain of Calais, and the territories of the same. As this devise was politicly invented, so was the sequel thereof to the first authors, both honourable and profitable, if fortunes ship had sailed all one way. For by this practice, the whole rule and regiment of the whole Realm, consisted only in the heads and orders, of the duke and the Chancellor, and all the Warlike affairs and business, rested principally in the earl of Warwick, and so amongst them, it was agreed, that king Henry should still reign, in name and dignity, but neither in deed, nor in authority: not minding either to depose or destroy the said king, lest they might suddenly provoke and stir the fury and ire of the common people against them: which for his holiness of life, and abundant clemency, was of the simple sort, much favoured, and highly esteemed. After which authority given, these three persons ruled the realm, and did all things after their own discretions, (which without battle or manslaughter, might have easily deprived thesay King, both of life and land). And first they amoved from the privy counsel, all such persons as the king loved, or the queen favoured, putting in their places, men of their sect and confederacy, & changing officers throughout the realm, at their will and disposition: so that th'old spoken proverb, here took place: New Lords, new laws: such lips, such lettuce. And yet in all their rule, I find no mention made, of differing justice, or of their polling, or their bribery, as was openly proved by such as governed before their time: Saving that they took out of the sanctuary of Westminster, John Holland, duke of Excester, being repugnant to the order taken and concluded, in the last parliament, and conveyed him to Poumfret castle. Which taking out, was accounted an execrable and a damnable offence, of diverse of the spirituality, and especially of the Abbot of Westminster and his Monks, and this is the most spot that was (as I could read) ever moste to be cast in the Duke's fame, during his Protectorship, or of his counsel.   

¶ The xxxiiii year.  
BUT that vene●ous worm, 
The xxxiiii year.  that dreadful dragon, called disdain of superiority, which hath consumed the blood of so many noble princes, and destroyed the lineage of so many governors, in all Realms and kingdoms, as well pagan as Christian, could not abstain from incensing the hearts of lord Hanry Beauford, newly come to the Duchy of Somerset, by the death of duke Edmond his father, which at the battle of saint Albon, (as you have heard before rehearsed) lost his life, and of Humphrey duke of Buckyngham, (whose son and heir named Humphrey, earl of Stafford, tasted the same cup, at the forenamed conflict) and of other lords and men of authority, favouring and following the part of king Henry, which not only bewailed and had compassion of the unsure condition, and wavering estate of his rule and lordship, perceiving openly, whereunto the cloaked gentleness, and subornate fashion of the duke of York, tended and crept up: but also thought it necessary and convenient, to purvey for a remedy, or the mischief happened. Wherefore with open mouths and fierce courages, they came to Queen Margaret, informing her, that it was not honourable, but a reproach and infamy to the King, to have one to be a Protector and governor of him and his Realm, as who would say: that he was either a child, which had need of norice, to feed him with pap, or an innocent creature, which must be ruled by a tutor, asserteining her farther, that the Duke of York's only intent was, under the colour of this protectorship, suddenly to destroy & depose the king, when he lest thought of it, and therefore willed her in so quick a mischief, to provide a hasty remedy, if she loved the safeguard of her husband, or the tuition of herself. The Queen having a wit, more than the common sort of women have, and considering the estate of her husband, the condition of herself, and the peril of her only son, thought it necessary, to pluck the sword of authority, out of their hands, which under colour of ruling under others, desired to be governors, and superiors theimselfes. Wherefore, a great counsel was called at Grenewiche, where the duke of York, was discharged of his Protectorship, and the earl of Salisbury also, was dismissed of his office: which malicious mutation amongst the nobility, caused sudden alterations and seditious commotions, to spring and arise in the commonalty, and in especial, within the city of London.  
FOR a young Merchant, which before time had been in diverse cities within the country of Italy, and there prohibited by the Magistrates and rulers, to use or wear any weapon, either invasive or de●en siue, challenged an Italian in Cheap side, for wearing of a dagger, confuting him with the laws of his own country, which, like a choleric knave and presumptuous person, so disdainfully and with such taunts and checks, answered the merchant, that he not willing to suffer to open a reporche, in so public a street, and that of so proud a villain, took by force from him his dagger, and with the same, a little cut his crown, and cracked his pate. This Italian in great haste, complained to the Mayer, of this offence, which at the next Court, holden at the Guyldhaule, by the consent of the whole senate, sent for thoffender, and declaring to him his crime, commanded him to ward, whereof diverse other light merchants within the city, sore abhorring the Italian nation, for licking the fat from their beards, and taking from them their accustomed living, by reason that the said estraungers imported & transported, into and out of this realm, all such merchandises, commodities, and necessaries, as thenglishmen only were accustomed to do, assembled together in great plumps, and by force compelled the mayor to deliver the prisoner out of newgate: and yet this multitude, with this doing nothing satiate nor appeased, like mad persons and frantic fools, ran to the several houses, of diverse Venetians, Lucases, and florentines, and them spoiled, rob and riffled, without reason or measure. The More perceiving this great enormity, assembled a great numbered of substantial and grave citizens, which, not without great bloodshed, and mayming of sundry persons, finally appeased their rage, and caused the people to depart to their houses. The beginner of this temerarious commotion, and sudden uproar, either persuaded by his friends, or fearing his chance, which for his first fact might suddenly ensue, departed to Westminster, and there Registered himself as a sanctuary man. The Queen which ruled all things, hearing of this great riot and unlawful misdemeanour, sent the Dukes of Excester and Buckyngham, accompanied with many other noble men, to London, with a commission of oyer and determiner, for the punishment of this outrageous offence & seditious crime. When the mayor of the city the two dukes, and the two chief justices, were set in the Guyldhaule for the performance of their commission, & began to call the empanelles, for thinquiry, as the use and order is, diverse light witted, and less brained persons of the city, privily armed them, & by the ringing of bow bell thought to assemble together a great multitude of their mind & opinion, & so by force & might to take from the keepers, all such prisoners, as were before apprehended, for the late committed robbery & riot, as they were going to their trial or arreigment. But this great tumult & sudden fury, was by discrete and sage citizens, a little and little appeased and finally quenched, but in the mean season, the dukes and other commissioners, being untruly advertised, the they were in jeopardy of their lives, suddenly departed from the Guyldhaule, and left their inquyrie for the day. The Mayor on the next day perceiving how the grudge rose, called a common counsel, whereof the number was i C.iiij. score & odd persons, & by authority of the same ordained, that all Wardens of mysteries, should assemble their fellowship in their particular hawles, where they should▪ exhort them to the observation of the kings peace, and keeping of good order within the city: & if they espied any man, either prove or ready to raise a rumour or desirous of the deliverance of such as were accused, & in captive custody, that their names should be secretly written, and covertly delivered to the lord Mayre: which politic doing, finally ended the entragious doing of the insolent people, after which appeasing the commissioners returned to the Guyldhaule, where many of the robbers were attainted, and after condignly put to execution, beside divers great fines and ransoms paid, which were set upon many merchants, for winking at these doings or assenting to the same.   

¶ The xxxv year.  
THE French nation, hearing of this domestical division and civil dissension, 
the xxxv year.  within the Realm of England, much desiring to be revenged of old displeasures and great damages, which they had so many years born and sustained by the English people, appointed two navies to invade and depopulate the towns and ports, adjoining to the rivage of the sea. The capitain of the one army, was William lord Pomiers, and of the other, sir Piers Bressy, a great ruler in Normandy. These two captains, when opportunity of wether served, set up their sails at the mouth of Sayme, and there severed themselves, the one Westward, and the other Eastward, which was sir Peter de Bressy. This lusty Captain sailing all the cost of Susseix and Kent, durst not once take land, till he arrived in the downs, and there having by a certain espial, perfect notice, that the town of Sandwyche was neither peopled nor fortified, because that a little before, the chief rulers of the town were from thence departed, for to avoid the pestilential plague, which sore there infected and slew the people, entered the haven, spoiled the town, and after such poor stuff as he there found, ryfflyde and taken, he fearing an assemble of the country, shortly returned. The lord Pomiers likewise took his course Westward, and by night brent certain houses in founay, & with a little pillage retired into Britayn. These two adventures and fortunate chances, which to them in comparison of their great expenses, in their journeys were scant worth one poor mite, or single farthing: The French writers dilate, set forth and paint with pen, as though they had gotten Croesus' riches, and Alexander's kingdoms: forgetting how many hundred thousand pounds, they had lost in few years before preceding, as to all men, being indifferent readers of this History, plainly appeareth. But verily some bread is better to the hungry person, than no bread, and a small gain of him, which desireth recovery, is a great pleasure, and therefore the French authors make of a little much, & yet their much (all things considered) is in effect nothing at all. The Scots also not degenerating from their old mutability, nor altering their ancient conditions from their accustomed perfidy and usual untreught entered into Northumberland, king james the second, then being there in person, and burned small houses, and little cottages: but in the very mids of their great enterprise, they hearing of the duke of York, marching toward them, with a great army, with much pain, & no gain, in all haste reverred to their country. Let us pass over for a time all outward invasions, and return to our awn domestical debate, & daily discord. First not forgetting, that while foreign enemies invaded the outward parts, and extreme confines of this trobleous realm, a great conflict was attempted between the lord Egremond, and the sons of the earls of Salisbury: in the which fray, many persons were slain, and a greater number hurt. The lord Egremond, in this great tumult could not escape, but by force was taken and brought before the kings counsel, and there the king and the queen to show themselves to all persons indifferent, adjudged him to pay to the earl of Salysbury a great sum of money, and for his heinous offence, done against the kings laws, he was committed to the jail of Newgate, within the city of London out of the which prison, by help of his fautors, he secretly escaped, and suddenly departed, to the great vexation of the shryfes of London, at the tune being. In which season, the craft of Printing was first invented in the city of Mens in Germany, 
When & where the most excellent science of printing was first invented.  to the great furtherance of all persons, desiring knowledge or thirsting for literature. Queen Margarete, whose breath ruled, and whose word was obeyed above the king and his counsel, within this Realm of England, intending the destruction of the duke of York and his friends, which devise she thought not meet to be practised near to the city of London, because she well perceived the duke of York to be had in more estimation among the citizens & commonalty, than the king her husband or her awn person: caused the king to make a progress into Warwyckeshyre, for his health & recreation, and so with Hawking and Hunting came to the city of Coventrey, where were divers ways studied privily, to bring the queen to her hearts ease, and long expectate desire: which was the death & destruction of the duke of York, the earls of Salesbury and Warwycke, And for the furniture of this matter, all these iii noble men were sent for to Coventre, by the kings letters under his privy seal, to which place the foresaid lords, suspecting no treason, nor putting diffidence in any creature, obediently resorted: but the serpent lurked under the grass, & under sugared speech, was hide pestiferous poison, so that if these noble men admonished by their friends, had not suddenly departed, their lives thread had been broken, and their mortal fate had them ensued, but by secret admonition of their good willers (to whom no earthly treasure is comparable) they avoided this net, and narrowly escaped the snare, whereupon for the security and tuytion of their lives, the duke of York departed to Wygnore, in the Marches of Wales, the earl of Salisbury resorted to his fair Castle of Middelham in the Northcouncrye, and the earl of Warwyke sailed to the town of Caleys. Although the bodies of these noble personages, were by this seditious and fraudulent means asunder separated as ye have heard: yet their hearts were knit and coupled in one, never forgetting, but daily studying, both how to be revenged of the old dispites and malicious attempts, against them committed and imagined, and also how to compass their purposes, and to get the superiority and overhand above their evilwillers, & apparent enemies: for which causes, their letters never ceased, their messengers never slept, nor their purses were at no time shut, what for enentert ayning of old friends, and obtaining of new confederates, till king Henry and his alyes were profligate, and expelled clearly out of the Realm, as after shall appear.   

¶ The xxxvi  
BEcause you have been long troubled with reading of divers divisions, 
The xxxvi year.  seditions, operations, & great disturbance within the Realm, among the temporalty, I will now a little digress from my continued purpose, to declare to you an overthwart judgement given among the fathers of the spirituality, against Reynold Peacock, than bishop of Chichester. This man, somewhat learned, but better stomached, began to move questions, not privately, but openly in the Universities, concerning the annates, peterpens, and other iurisorctions and authorities, appertaining to the sea of Rome, 
Reynold Peacock, bishop of Chichester abjured at Paul●scrosse  and not only put forth the questions, but declared his mind and opinion in the same: wherefore he was for this cause abjured at Paul's cross, and all his books brent, and he himself kept in his own house, during his natural life. Some say that his opinion was, that spiritual persons, by God's law, ought to have no temporal possessions. Other writ that he said, that personal tithes were not dew by God's law: but whatsoever the cause was, in such sort as before I have declared, he was used. King Henry & his adherentes, perceiving that the duke of York lay still, and made no open appearance, of assemble or commotion, returned to London, and there called a great counsel, openly declaring, how the French king perceiving the realm of England implicate, and troubled with civil dissension, and mutual discord was not afeard to send his admiral's on the costs of Kent, and Devonshire, and there to spoil towns, burn houses, and murder the English people: which cause also animated the Scots to make Rhodes and Incursions, into the confines and marches of the Realm, to the great loss and detriment of the kings league people: which two nation's were set continually to grieve and vex this his realm of England, till they perceived a perfit concord, and an unfeigned amity to be concluded and knit together, between him and his consanguinity, & the other sort of the contrary part, and confederacy. And to the intent that he would be the chief author of peace, and principal stirrer of this virtuous concord, he promised so gently to entertain the duke of York, and his fautors, that all old grudges being not only inwardly forgotten, but also outwardly forgiven, should be the cause of perpetual love, between them and their friends: of which concord should ensue, familiarity among the lords, & concord among the commons, which to all utter enemies should be an inward grudge, 
The de●ise▪ for the 〈◊〉 and unity of the Realm.  and to this realm a great glory and profit. This devise was of all men present well taken and adjudged, both honourable to the king, & profitable to his realm. Whereupon divers grave and sad persons were sent to the duke of York and all other the great estates of the realm, which sins the battle of saint Albon never met, came, nor commoned together, commanding them for reasonable causes, and great considerations, to resort to the kings palace, without procrastination or delay. At this commandment came to London, Richard duke of York, and Richard, earl of Salisbury, accompanied with a great number of meigniall servants & friends, jest peradventure they for lack of aid, might have been betrapped, or they had knowledge, or were warned. After them came from Caleys to London, the earl of Warwycke, whose seruituers were appareled in red coats, embroudered with white ragged staffs. These three lords were lodged within the city: the duke at Baynard's castle, the earl of Salis●ury, at the Herber, and the earl of Warwyke at his place, beside the Graye friars. About the same season, with no less company of men came to the city, the young duke of Somerset, the earl of Northumberland, & the lord Clyfford, whose fathers were slain at saint Albons: and after them resorted the dukes of Excester, and Buckingham, the lord Egremond, and most all the nobility of this realm. The duke of York and his mates, were lodged within the city, and the duke of Somerset, 
The mortal hatred between the ii lignages of Lancaster ● York  and all his friends, sojourned without Templebarre, Holborn and other places of the suburbs: as who said, that as the jews disdained the company of the Samaritans, so the Lancastrians abhorred the familiarity of Yorkysh lineage. After the coming of these lords to the city, the King, the Queen with all their family, shortly followed, and were lodged in the bishops palace of London. These lords had such great companies, attending on them (for one had .v. C. other u C. and divers four C. persons in a band) that continual watch was kept by the Mayor and senate of London, aswell by day as by night, for the preservation of the peace, and continuance of good order. The lords, which lodged within the city, kept a daily counsel at the Black friars, within the city. The other part sojourning without the walls, assembled likewise in the chapter house of Westminster. Thus every part both studied his awn profit and advancement, and also how to revenge things done to them, by their foes and adversaries. But the archbishop of Canterbury, and other virtuous prelate's, so exhorted, applied, and persuaded both the pa●ties (although a great while they were neither heard, nor regarded) that in conclusion, they brought them to a communication, where after long altercation, aswell of old Injuries, and of new displeasures, by the one faction, against the other committed, the fear of outward hostility, and foreign invasion, so mollified their inducate hearts, that they outwardly promising, to forget all old rancours, & ancient displeasures, sealed and signed writings, the one ever after to● be friend to the other, and all together to be obedient to the King, & favourers to his friends & enemies to his enemies. This concord was so joyful to the superiors, and so embraced of the common people (who ever bear the burden, when princes be at controversy) that for the open appearance, and demonstration of this godly concord, public processions were appointed, 
A general procession at Paul's, by the king, and the peers of the Realm.  to be solemnly celebrated, within the Cathedral church of saint Paul in the city of London, on the day of the Conception of our Lady, in the month of March. At which solemn feast, the King in habit royal, and his diadem on his head, kept his estate in procession, before whom, went hand in hand, the duke of Somerset, the earl of Salisbury, the duke of Excester, and the earl of Warwyke, and so on of the one faction, and another of the other sect, and behind the king the duke of york led the Queen with great familiarity to all men's sights: but woe worth dissimulation, and false flattering countenance: fie on double intendment, and cloaked adulation, which hath been the common seruituers in all palaces, both Imperial and Regal, and by their only pestiferous venom, and secret malice, hath been the destruction of many a noble man, and the confusion of a great number of true meaning, and faithful persons. But the Wiseman, which saith: w● be thou that hast a double heart, meant, that dissimulation once espied should be the arrow wherewith the dissembler should be wounded. As by this cloaked pageant, and diss●nuling procession, hereafter shall plainly be declared. For their bodies were joined by hand in hand▪ whose hearts were far asunder: their mouths lovingly smiled, whose courages were inflammed with malice: their tongues spoke like sugar, and their thoughts were all invenemed: but all these diss●●ulinge persons, tasted the vessel of woe, as the wiseman said: and few or none of this company were unblotted, or vndest●oied by this ●●lorous drink of dissimulation. But this cankered worm, and pestiferous 〈◊〉▪ not only at this tym● reigned in England, but also did much harm in the court of France: for John duke of Alencon, which before had been prisoner, & well entertained in the realm of England, and after capitain general of the wars in France against the Englishmen, highly favoured, and of great estimation in the French kings house, was by such as he most trusted & used most familiarity with all, & whom he had greatly promoted, and highly exalted, accused of high treason, as enemy to his king, and traitor to his country, alleging that he long before the time had conspired with the Englishmen, to 'cause them once again to recover the duchy of Normandy: whereupon by the order of the law, he there suffered death very unjustly, 
John duke of Alencon, executed in France.  as divers authors affirm, whereof one sayeth: that kings seeking treason, shall find land, and the denial of a princes desire, was the invented destruction of the innocent Naboth. Well let us now leave the cloaked collusion, that remained in France, & return to the open dissimulation, which now appeared in England.   

¶ The xxxvii year.  
AS fire being enclosed in a straight place, 
The xxxvii year.  will by force utter his flame, and as the course of water astricted & letted will flow and burst out in continuance of time: so this cankered crocodryle, and subtle serpent, could not long lurk in malicious hearts, nor venomous stomachs, but in conclusion she must (according to her nature) appear & show herself. For after this apparent concord, and intrinsical discord, according to the very nature of dissimulation, divers noble men of birth, but not stable of word, putting from them honour, trought and honesty forgot their oath, and broke their promiss, & advanced forth the banner of displeasure, and the flag of malice. So a man may set, hat such persons, regard neither their own peculiar profit, nor the public wealth of their native country, nor yet pass of an oath, or promise' breaking, to whom discord is pleasant, and descension is delectable. For not long after this dissimuled amity, a certain fray, either by chance, or of a thing prepensed, was made upon a yeoman of the earls of Warwyke, by a seruiteur of the kings, in the which the Assailant was sore hurt, but the earls mā●led. The kings meigniall servants, seeing their fellow hurt, and the offendor escaped, assembled in great number, and watched the earl, returning from the counsel toward his barge, and suddenly set on him the yeomen with swourdes, and the Black guard, with spits and fire forks. After long fight, and many of the earls men maymemed and wounded, by help of his friends, he took a wherry, and so escaped to London: whom the Queen incontinent commanded to be apprehended, & as a captive & prisoner, to be sent to the Tower of London, where (if he had been then taken) he had shortly ended his days, and made his end. By this unhappy fray, and sudden chaunche of malice, there arose such daily and terrible war, that every man was in trouble, and no person was in quiet. For after this displeasure done to the earl, and the queens good mind toward him, by his secret friends privily revealed, he with all diligence, took his journey to Warwick, and after into Yorkshire, where he ●ounde the duke of York, and the earl of Salisbury, declaring to them, the assault of the kings servants, and the pretenced purpose of the fraudulent Queen. After which complaint made, he fearing jest by long absence, he might be deposed or defrauded of his capitainship of Calais, with great speed embarked himself, & sailed thither, daily expecting and looking, what way the duke of York would take, for acheving his long intended purpose. After whose departure, the duke of York and th'earl of Salisbury, somewhat exasperated and moved with this double dealing, began to grudge and murmur: affirming that in the Queen rested nothing, but fraud and femmyne malice▪ which ruling the king at her pleasure and will, studied nothing so much, as the destruction of the nobility, and peers of the realm. After long consultation had, it was agreed, that the earl with a warlike company, should march toward the king, and complain to him, both of the manifest injury done to his son, and also of the unkind breach, of the sworn amity and late agreement, in which suit, if he did prevail, he then should not omit the occasion to him given, in revenging the displeasures to him done, by the queen and her sinister counsellors, which evil & ungodly, ordered the subjects of the whole Realm. After this devise made and concluded, th'earl of Salisbury removed from Middelham castle, accompainied with four or .v. M. men, and took his way through Lancashire, and Shropshire, toward London. In the mean season the queen, which was assisted and ruled, by the dukes of Somerset and Buckingham▪ having the vigilant eye and circumspect brain, of a politic governor: imagined that th'earl of Warwick had kindled this fire, and begun this tumult, to th'intent (according to his pretenced purpose) to set the duke of York in the siege royal, and high throne of the realm: For which causes, she being a woman of no small wit, nor little policy, conceiving in her opinion, that it was no boat to make any farther concord or league with her adversaries, & hearing of th'earl of Salisburies' setting forward, with acompany of armed of men & archers: assembled together a great counsel, to purvey a remedy, for that imminent mischief, and (as in a multitude often times it happeth, so many heads so many wits) so diverse were in opinion, that neither people nor weapon should be stirred, till the earl approached: doubting, whether he came to demand war or peace, or to ask justice, & reform wrong. Other, otherwise thought, and were of a contrary opinion, making the foundation of their argument, that the raising of people, and assemble of soldiers by him, could signify no peace, nor treaty of concord: except a man should say, that entreating for favour with naked sword in hand, were in humble submission and a meek request: which only consideration, moved them to say, y● as force with force, aught to be repelled, so he with a great power, or he came into the midst of the realm, should of necessity be encountered and (if fortune would serve) utterly destroyed. This sentence took place, & without delay, sir james Twichet lord Awdeley, because his signory and power lay in those parts, where the earl should pass, was appointed to meet with him, and to give him battle, if he saw cause or place convenient, and the queen followed after. The lord Audeley, according to his commission, assembled above x. M. men, and knowing by his espials which way th'earl kept, approached near to him on a fair plain called Blore Heath, within a mile of the town of Drayton, in the country of Salope, commonly called Shropshire. The earl perceiving by the livery of the soldiers, that he was circumvented and likely to be trapped with the queens power, determined rather there ●o abide the adventure, with fame and honour, then farther to fly, with loss & reproach: & so encamped himself all the night, on the side of a little broke not very broad, but somewhat deep. In the morning early, being the day of. s. Tecle, he caused his soldiers to shoot their flight's, toward the Lord Awdeleyes' company, which lay on the otherside of thesay water, and then he and all his company, made a sign of retreat. The lord Awdeley, remembering not only the trust that he was put in, but also the queens terrible commandment, (which was to bring to her presence, th'earl of Salisbury, quick or dead) blewe up his trumpet, and did set forth his vanguard, & suddenly passed the water. th'earl of Salisbury, which knew the slaightes, stratagems, and policies of warlike affairs, suddenly returned, and shortly encountered with the Lord Awdeley and his chief Captains, or the residue of his army could pass the water. The fight was sore and dreadful. th'earl desiring the ●auyng of his life, and his adversaries coveting his destruction, fought sore for the obtaining of their purpose, but in conclusion, the earls army as men desperate of aid and succour, so eagerly fought, that they slew the lord Awdeley, and all his captains, and discomfited all the remnant of his people. In this battle were slain xxiiii C. people▪ but the greatest plague lighted on the Chesshire men, because one half of the shire, was one the one part, and the other, on the other part, of which numbered were sir Thomas Dutton, sir John Dunne, & sir Hugh Uenables. But th'earls two sons, the one called sir John Nevell, and the other sir Thomas, were sore wounded, which soberly iorniing into the Northcountrey thinking there to repose themselves, were in their journey apprehended, by the queens friends, and conveyed to Chester: but their keepers delivered them shortly, or else the March men had destroyed the gales. Such favour had the commons of Wales, to the duke of York's band and his affinity, that they could suffer no wrong to be done, nor evil word to be spoken of him or his friends.   

¶ The xxxviii year  
AFter this battle, the duke of York not only perceiving that the destruction of him & his friends, 
The xxxviii year.  was intended (as by this last conflict, was apparently declared) but also remembering, that all his counsels & privy intents, were now opened to the king and the queen which studied to divert and turn from them, all michief or infortunity, which might chance either to them or their friends, thought it meet neither longer to dissimule, nor farther to keep his bill under wing: and therefore with a courageous heart, aswell for the obtaining of the crown, as for the tuition and safeguard of him and his friends, he determined no longer to sleep in his den, but with all diligence, to set forth his business and advance his banner. And therefore sending for th'earl of Salisbury his fellow and compear in all his doings, counsels, and fortunes (after long communication had, of the queens misgovernance, and how she without their assent, did all things at her will and pleasure) determined to raise a great army, and by fine force, either to die or win their purpose. What should I say, men were assembled, friends were sent for, and a puissant army was gathered, both of Northern men and Welshmen, which in good order came into the Marches of Wales, adjoining to Shropshire, where they determined either to abide their enemies, or to meet them if they marched forward. The king was not ignorant of this assemble, nor yet unaduertised of the duke's intent: wherefore to resist the mischief at the beginning, he caused commissions to be made and sent into every part of the realm, where he suspected either to have assured friends, or indifferent favourers, for men and money. By reason of which commandment, a great numbered was assembled. Many for the love they bore to the king, but more for the fear that they had of the queen, whose countenance ws so fearful, and whose look was so terrible, that to all men, against whom she took a small displeasure, her frowning was their undoing, & her indignation, was their death. The king accompanied with the dukes of Somerset & Excester, and other of the line of Lancastre, determined clearly, to set on the duke of York & his confederates, and then by force either utterly to vanquish, or by policy to attrap and bring to confusion: whereupon in hope of good luck, the king with his army by long marching, came near to the duke of York, which was strongly encamped, a little from the town of Ludlow, near adjoining to the confines of Wales, to whom not long before, was come his trusty friend Richard earl of Warwick, with a great numbered of expert men in martial feats, whom he had brought with him from Calais, whereof two were men of approved policy, in the wars of Normandy and Guienne, the one called Andrew Trowlop, & the other John Blount. These armies thus lying, the one in the conspect and view of the other studied all means and policies, how to take advantage each of other and how with less jeopardy, the one might set on the other. The Duke perceiving by reason of his expert Captains, a way how he might easily dampnifie and discomfit his enemies, though no longer to sleep his purpose, but manfully to give the onset, & so with his secret friends and captains, determined the next morning early, with dreadful blasts of the terrible trumpet, to begin the battle, and set on the king and his army, or he were ready or in array. But of this devise succeeded nothing nor of this imagination proceeded any effect. For Andrew Trolop and other the Calicians, which were men of great knowledge and much experience, and had lived by the kings wages, more than a few years, perceiving now, that they should fight against their sovereign lord himself (whose friend they esteemed before that time, th'earl of Warwick ever to have been taken and ruputed, and not his enemy or destroyer) in the dead of the night, before the day of battle, secretly departed from the duke's camp, and submitted themselves to the king, admonishing him of all things prepared and devised, for his loss & destruction. I● these ancient captains were welcome to the king, or if he joyously them received, I refer that to all men, which have relief in their distress, or hava a sudden good chance, when they think lest upon it. When the duke of York was advertised of their departing, no marvel though his senses were moved, and his wits disturbed, as a man that suddenly riseth out of a trance, woteth not what to do or sai●: For he first considered the power and authority of the King, and saw that Andrew Troloppe, of his friend was suddenly transformed, into the image of his extreme enemy, whose force and policy, asmuch now discomforted him, as by the trust which he put in him, he was before encouraged: wherefore he evidently perceiving, that all his counsel and purpose, was by the forenamed Andrew, revealed and disclosed, thought it better for him and his, to depart in surety, them to abide the chance, of mutable Fortune, which turneth the whiele at her will & pleasure: whereupon he with his younger son Edmond earl of Rutland, secretly departed into Wales, and so passed into Ireland, where he was with all joy & honour gladly received. th'earl of March, son & heir apparent to the foresaid duke, accompanied with th'earls of Salisbury, and Warwick, and sir John Wenlocke, stolen away the same night, & came into Devonshire: where by the means of John Dinham Esquire (which after was high treasurer of England, in the time of king Henry the seven.) they bought a ship, which cost C.x. marks, at Exmouth, & sailed to Gernsay, and after came to Calais, & were let in at the postern, & joyfully welcomed of their friends.  
THE next day in the morning, the king being advertised of the departing of the Duke of York and his partakers, caused all his horsemen to follow them by every passage, but they were neither seen nor espied, as they that followed, made report. The king perceiving that the lords were escaped, pardoned all the poor soldiers, saving certain Ring leaders, whereof some he punished and fined, and some he hanged and quartered. After this, he removed to Ludlowe, and there dispatched his host, and spoiled the town and the Castle, and sent the Duchess of York, with her two younger sons, to be kept in ward, with the duchess of Buckyngham her sister, where she continued a certain space▪ After this, he proclaimed these lords, traitors to him, enemies to their country, and rebels to the Crown: confiscating all their lands, goods, and offices, committing the governance of the north parts, to the Earl of Northumberlande, and the Lord Clifford, as to his trusty and most faithful friends: and of his town of Calais, he made Captain, Henry the new Duke of Somerset: but the old husband man saith, that as to hasty sowing, often time deceiveth, so to late, never well proveth. For in this business, protracting of time only, hurted and harmed the King and his sequel. For if he at the beginning, had dispossessed his adversaries of that refuge and hold, no doubt but he had either tamed or vanquished them, with little labour and small danger.  
THE Duke of Somerset, rejoicing much in his new office, elected diverse hardy and valiant soldiers, and with great pomp sailed toward Calais: and when he thought surely to have entered into the Haven, the artillery shot so fiercely, both out of the town and Risebancke, that he suffering there a sore repulse, was ●ain to land at whitsandbay, and sent word to the captains of the town, to receive him, as the Kings lieutenant, and showed to them his letters patents, but neither he nor his writing, ●was once regarded or looked on: so of necessity he resorted to the Castle of Guysnes, daily skirmishing with the garrison of Calais, more to his loss then gain. After his arrival, as is aforesaid, diverse of the mariners, owing more good will, to th'earl of Warwick, then to this young duke, conveyed their ships into the Haven of Calais, and in them diverse of the Earl of Warwick's enemies, as janyn Fendill, John Fellow, and diverse other, and presented them to thesay earl, which incontinent, caused their heads to be stricken of. This daily conflict, still continuing between the Lords, which sojourned at Calais, and the Duke of Somerset, lying at Guysnes, no small numbered of the commonalty, daily resorted to the Earl of March and his confederates: by reason whereof, all though they daily lost people, and had many slain, yet their numbered was restored, and the gap ever filled, which was the continual loss, and daily detriment to the Duke of Somerset. Yet he like a valiant Prince, nothing less minding, then for lack of aid to be expelled from the great office and renowned authority, which the king had to him given, in the parts beyond the sea, sent letters to the king, and messengers to the Queen, desiring of them aid and succour, in defence of the quarrel, and lawful assistance. His posts were not unheard, nor his requests unprovided. For without delay Richard lord Rivers, & sir Anthony Wooduile, his valiant son, which after was Lord Scales, accompanied with four hundred warlike persons, were appointed to pass the seas, and to be coadjutors to the Duke of Somerset. These martial captains endeavouring theim selfes to the point, for the which they were assigned, came to the port of Sandwyche, and there abode the Wind and the wether, which obeyeth neither King, nor serveth Emperor.  
THE Earls of March and Warwick, and other being at Calais, had knowledge of all these doings, and secret conventicles: wherefore to anticipate and prevent the Duke's purpose, they sent John Dinham the valiant esquire, with a small numbered of men, but with a multitude of courageous hearts, to the town of Sandwyche, which suddenly entered the same, and took the Lord Rivers in his bed, and his son also: robbing houses, & spoiling ships of great riches and merchandise, and beside this, they took the principal ships, of the kings navy, then lying at the Port, well furnished with ordinance and artillery, but not without the favour of the mariners, which favoured more the one part then the other. But although John Dinham, Captain on the lords part, was sore hurt and maimed on his leg, by reason whereof, he ever after halted and somewhat limped: yet his courage and policy was so much, that he vanquished his enemies, and brought the ships royal jaded with prey and prisoners, to the town of Calais, and them presented to the Earl of March, not knowing then, that the Lord rivers daughter should be the Earls wife, which then had an husband leaving, nor thinking that her father for her sake, should after be destroyed. But who can know the secrets of GOD, or without him, declare the chance that after shall ensue.  
AFTER this booty gotten, and good luck obtained, diverse of the best ships, taken in the Haven of Sandwiche, were well vitailed and manned, and with them the Earl of Warwick, transfreted and sailed into Ireland, to common with the Duke of York, of his great affairs and business. The wether was so fair, and the Wind so favourable to the Earls purpose, that within less than xxx days, he passed and repassed from Calais to Develyne, and asserteined the Earls of March and of Salisbury, what was the Duke of York's devise and intent, both for his entre and theirs, into the Realm of England. The earl of Warwick had come to short home, to tell these tidings, if the duke of Excester, which, being Admiral of the sea, lay in the West country, to stop the Earls passage, might have had his own will: but the captains of his Navy murmured against him, and the mariners dispraised and disdained him, glad to hear of the Earl of Warwick's good success, by which occasion, he neither would nor durst one meddle or coop with the Earls navy.  
DURING this time, the King called a Parliament, in the city of Coventre, in the which, the Duke of York and all his confederates were attainted of high treason, and their goods and lands confiscate and forfeited: and to prohibit their landing in all parts, haven towns were watched, and the sea costs were garnished with bekens. And sir Simon Mondford with a great crew, was appointed to keep the downs, and the five Ports, and all men passing into Flaunders, were upon pain of death, prohibited to pass by Calais, jest the lords there, should borrow of them any money, as they did priest of the merchants of the staple xviii M. ●. late before, which was a great displeasure to the king, & a more carasey to the queen. The lords lying at Caleys, were not ignorant of all these doings & provisions, but daily were ascertained what was done in the kings privy chamber: wherefore first they sent a company to Sandwyche, which conquered the town, and apprehended sir Simon Mountford, and brought him with all his mates to the haven of Caleys, where incontinent, he with xii of his chief fellows, lost their heads on the sands, before Rysebanke. After the kings navy gained, and his captains on the arrival of the sea taken and destroyed, the lords, dying at Caleys, hoping in their friends within the realm determined to pass the sea, and to land in England. And after they had put the castle and town of Caleys, in sure and safe custody to their only use, they passed the sea, and landed at Sandwich. And so passing through Kent, there came to them the lord Cobham, John Guldefford, William Peche, Robert Horn, and many other gentlemen, which conveyed them to the city of London. But the fame of their landing once known, gentlemen repaired, and yeomen resorted out of all the Southpartes of the Realm: upon which rumour, Thomas lord Scales, a man in great favour, with the king and Queen, accompanied with the earl of Kendale, a Gascoyn, and the lord Lovel, resorted to London, with a great company of armed men: declaring to the Mayor of the city, that their repair only was to defend, and keep the city from the spoil & robbery of such traitors, as the king was credibly informed, would thither make access: to whom the Mayor answered, that he well knew both his own oath, and bounden duty toward his sovereign lord and prince, and needed neither of prompter, nor yet of coadjutor, either to defend or govern the city, to him committed in charge. With which answer, the lord Scales and his associates not a little displeased, entered into the Tower of London, daily with new inventions, doing displeasures and damages to the citizens of the city, whom they sore suspected, rather to favour then to hate, the earls of March, & Warwycke, & other of their band and affinity. Which earls with a great army came shortly to London, and were of the Mayor and citizens joyously received, to whom resorted the archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishops of London, Ely and Excester, with many prelate's and religious persons. These lords nothing slacking the purpose, that they came for, daily consulted and assembled together in the house of the friars Franciscane within the city. And after long debating, and secret consultation had, it was agreed, that they with their whole puy●sa●nce should march forward, toward the king: determining either by force or fair means, to bring their purpose to a conclusion. Whē● his counsel was dissolved, the earls of March and Warwycke, Thomas lord Faulconbridge, Henry lord Borchier, called earl of Eve, with a great number of men, which came out of Kent, Essex, Surrey, and Sussex, to the number as some writers affirm of xxv M. persons departed from London, toward the king, lying at Coventre, than called the queens secret arbour, leaving behind them, to keep the Londoners in their fidelity, from reverting from their part, the earl of Salisbury, the lord Cobham, and sir John Wenlocke: which lord Cobham▪ with certain Aldermen of the city, so kept the West side against the Tower, and sir John Wenlocke, with other so vigilantly watched the East part, toward saint Katherynes', that no person either could issue out, or enter in, to the great displeasure of the lord Scales and his company, which daily shoot their ordinance out, and had likewise great ordinance shot at them, to the hurt, and no pleasure of both parts. The king not ignorant of all these doings, assembled a great army, and accompanied with the duke of Somerset, which was lately come from Guysnes, and the duke of Buckyngham, and divers other great lords of his part and faction came to the town of Northampton, where the Queen encouraged her friends, and promised great rewards to her helpers: for the king studied nothing but of peace, quiet and solitary life. When the kings host was assembled, and that the Queen perceived that her power was able to match with the force of her adversaries, she caused her army to issue out of the town, and to pass the river of Nene, and there in the new field, between Harsyngton and Sandifford, the Captains strongly emparked themselves with high banks and deep trenches. The earl of March being lusty, and in the flower of his courageous youth, dying between Towceter and Northampton, determined to set on the kings army, without longer protracting of time. And in the night season removed his camp toward Northampton, and in marching forward set his men in good order of battle, whereof the vawegard was conducted by the earl of Warwycke, which, either by strength or stealth maugre the lord Beamond, which kept a straight, going toward the Kings camp, entered freshly, and began the battle about vij of the clock, the ix day of julij. After whom followed the earl of March, with the banner of his father. This fight continued in doubtful judgement, till the hour of nine, at which time the kings army was profligat, and discomfited, and of the same slain, and drowned in the river, few less than x. M. tall Englishmen, & the king himself left alone disconsolate, was taken and apprehended, as a man borne, and predestinate to trouble misery and calamity. At this battle were slain, Humphrey duke of Buckyngham, John Talbot earl of Shrewesbury, a valeant person, and not degenerate from his noble parent: Thomas lord Egremond, John viscont Beaumond, and sir William Lucy, which made great haste to come to part of the fight, and at his first approach was stricken in the head with an axe. divers other gentlemen were slain in this civil battle, whose names were not remembered nor published by any author that I have red. Beside these dead persons, many were taken prisoners, because they left their horses, & descended to fight on foot. The duke of Somerset and other, which narrowly escaped, fled with the Queen and prince Edward, into the Bishoprycke of Durhame, in which place they determined to congregate, and gather a new army and power, and if no hoop were of recovery, them they agreed to fly into Scotland: there to expect better luck, and happier chance, by fortune's favour. The earls being victorious in this bloody battle, conveyed the King that night again to the town of Northampton, and the next day with great solemnity and small comfort, they set forward the king, & by easy journeys brought him to London the xvi day of julij, where he was faintly receyue●, & feebly welcomed, and was lodged in the Bishop's palace. After whose coming to the city, the Tower of London was delivered to the earl of March, upon a certain composition. But the lord Scales, suspecting the sequel of the delivery of the same, took a wherry privily, intending to have fled to the Queen. But he was espied by divers watermen belonging to the earl of Warwycke, which waited for his forthcoming on the Thamse, and suddenly taken, and shortly slain with many darts and daggers, and his body left all bloody and naked at the gate of the Clyncke, which after was buried in the church adjoining. Then were divers persons apprehended, and indited of treason, whero● some were pardoned, and some executed: but Thomas Thorpe, second Baron of thexchequer, great friend to the house of Lancaster, and extreme enemy to the family of York, was taken disguised in a monks apparel, with a shaven crown, & so brought to the earl of Warwycke, which sent him to the Tower of London, where he long remained. During this trouble, was a Parliament summoned to begin at Westmynster, in the month of October next following. Before which time, Richard duke of York, being in Ireland, by swift currers, and flying posts, was advertised ●f the great victory, gained by his part, at the field of Northhampton, and also knew that the king was now in case to be kept, & ordered at his pleasure and will: wherefore losing no time, nor s●uggyng one hour, he sailed from Develyne to Chester with no small company, and by long journeys, came to the city of London, which he entered the Friday next before the feast of saint Edwa●de the confessor, with a swourd borne naked before him, and took his lodging in the kings own palace, whereupon the common people babbeled, that he should be King, & that king Henry should no longer reign. During the time of this Parliament, the duke of York, with a bold countenance, entered into the chamber of the peers, and sat down in the throne royal, under the cloth of estate (which is the kings peculiar seat) & in the presence aswell of the nobility, as of the spirituality (after a pause made) said these words in effect.  
My singular good lords, 
The duke of York's oration made ●o all the lorber of the Parliament.  and very indifferent friends, in whose power and authority consisteth the poise and the stay of this noble Realm of England, the which aswell before the time, that Christ our saviour and redeemer, took upon him our frail flesh, and human nature, as ever since, hath been a Realm renowned, a kingdom famous, & a region (aswell amongst Pagans as Christians) greatly bruited, beloved and feared. I no less require, then friendly exhort you now, being together as lovers of God, and friends to your country, neither yet to judge, or once suspect, that I either inflamed with ambition or desirous of high rule, or covetous of sovereignty, have presumed to enter under this throne, or attempted to set in this princely chair and siege Royal, except you hear the cause, and digest well the truth. For without these two points known, and understanded your judgements may be void, and your cogitations frivolous. Therefore I declare and publish to you, that here I sit, as in the place to me by very justice lawfully belonging, & here I rest, as he to whom this chair of right appertaineth, not as he, which requireth of you favour, partiality, or bearing, but equal right, friendly indifferency, and true administration of justice: for I being the party grieved, and complaynaunt, can not minister to myself the Medicine, that should help me (as expert leches and Chyrurgians may) except you be to me both faithful aiders, and also true counsellors. Nor yet this noble realm and our natural country shall never be unbuckeled from her quotidian fever, except I (as the principal Physician & you, as true and trusty Appotecaries) consult together, in making of the potion, and try out the clean and pure stuff, from the old, corrupt, and putrefied dregs. For undoubtedly, the rote & bottom of this long festered canker, is not yet extirpate, nor the feeble foundation of this fallible building, is not yet espied, which hath been, and is the daily destruction of the nobility, and the quotidian confusion of the poor commonalty of this realm and kingdom, For all you know (or should know) that the high and mighty prince king Richard the ii was the true and indubitate heir, to the valeant Conqueror, and renowned prince king Edward the three as son and heir to the hardy knight, and courageous capitain, Edward prince of Wales, duke of Acquitayn and Cornwall, eldest son to the said king Edward the iii which king was not only in dead, but also of all men, reputed and taken, as the very true and infallible heir, to the wys● & politic prince, king Henry the three as son & heir to king Edward the second, son and heir to king Edward the first, the very heir and first begotten son of the said noble and virtuous prince, king Henry the iii Which king Richard, of that name the second, was lawfully and justly possessed of the crown, and diadem of this Realm and region, till Henry of Derby, duke of Lancaster and Herdford, son to John duke of Lancaster, the fourth begotten son, to the said king Edward the three and younger brother, to my noble ancestor Lyonel duke of Clarence, the iii begotten son of the said king Edward, by force & violence, contrary both to the duty of his allegiance, and also to his homage, to him both done and sworn, raised war and battle, at the cast of Flynt, in North-wales, against the said king Richard, and him apprehended & imprisoned within the Tower of London. During whose life & captivity he wrongfully usurped and entruded upon the royal power and high estate of this Realm and region, taking on him the name, style, & authority of king and governor of the same. And not therewith satisfied and contented, compassed and accomplished, the death & destruction of his natural prince, and most worthy sovereign lord, not as a common homicide, and bocherly murder, but as a regicide & destroyer of his king. After whose piteous death, and execrable murder (alas my heart pantethe to remember the abominable fact) the right & title of the crown, and superiority of this Realm, was lawfully reverted and returned to Rogier Mortimer, earl of March, son and heir to lady Philippe, the only child of the above rehearsed Lyonel, duke of Clarence, to which Rogiers daughter called Anne, my most dearest and well-beloved mother, I am the very true and lineal heir, which descent, all you can not justly again say, nor yet truly deny. Then remember this, if the title be mine, why am I put from it: if I be true heir to the crown (as I am in deed) why is my right withholden: if my claim be good, why have I not justice: for surely learned men of great science and literature, say & affirm, that lineal descent, nor usurped possession, can nothing prevail, if continual claim be lawfully made, or openly published. For avoiding of which scruple and ambiguity: Edmond earl of March, my most well-beloved uncle, in the time of the first usurper, in deed, but not by right, called king Henry the four by his cousins, the earl of Northhumberland, and the lord Percy, he being then in captivity, with Owen glendore, the rebel in Wales, made his title, and righteous claim, to the destruction of both the noble persons. Likewise my most dearest lord & father, so far set forth that right and title, that he lost his life, and worldly joy, at the town of Southampton, more by power, then indifferent justice. Sith whose death, I coming to my full age, have never desisted to pursue my title, and require my right, which by means of sinister counsel, and injust detention, I can neither obtain or recover. So that of fine force, I am compelled to use power in stead of prayer, & force, in stead of request (not as I said before) for my private emolument, and peculiar profit, but to restore peace, love, and quietness to this our natural region: which ever sith the first ungodly usurpation of the forenamed Henry, untruly called king Henry the four hath been clearly banished, and out of the same injustly exiled. What murders and manslaughtes hath been perpetrated, and committed within this country, sith the beginning of that ungracious usurpation: what number of noble men have been slain, destroyed and executed, sith that unfortunate day: what manifest iniquity hath been openly borne, and maintained in every country and city, sith the doleful death of king Richard: or what person dare sue for his right at this day, contrary to y● will of the counsellors, which now bear the swing and rule the roast. Well, well, although almighty God slackly & slowly do y● proceed, to y● punishment of sinners: yet the differing of his scourge, is recompensed with the greater pain, when his rod striketh, yea, and oftentimes he leaveth the very malefactors, apparently unpunished, and scorgeth their blood, and punisheth them in their heirs, by worldly adversity. Such is his mercy when it pleaseth him to show it, and so sharp is his whip when he list to strike. For although, Henry of Lancaster, earl of Derby took upon him the sceptre, and the crown, and wrongfully bore the name and style of a king, and was not much tyckeled with mine Uncle, the earl of March, at that time being within age: Yet was he never in surety of himself, nor had any, or enjoyed any perfit quietness, either in mind or in body: for surely a corrupt conscience feeleth never rest, but looketh when the swourd of vengeance will descend and strike. His son also called king Henry the .v. obtained notable victories, and immortal praises, for his noble acts, done in the realm of France: yet God for the offence of his untrue parent, suddenly touched him, unbodiing his soul, in the flower of his youth, and in the glory of his conquest. And although, he had a fair son, and a young apparent heir: yet was this Orphan such a one, as Preachers say, that god threatened to sand for a punishment, to his unruly and ungracious people: saying by his prophet Esay: I shall give you children to be your princes, and enfantes without wisdom, shall have the governance of you. The Prophet lied not, if you note all things in an order: For after this Henry y● u (whose fame, no man can justly reprove or deface) succeeded his son whom all we have called our natural prince, & obeyed, as his heir: in whose time, and wrongful reign, I require you diligently to consider, with what great torments & afflictions God hath whipped & scourged this miserable Isle, yea, with such and so many scourges and plagues, as no nation (the Egyptians only except) were ever tormented, or afflicted withal. I will not speak of rebellious murders and oppressions, which of late had been done, and exercised here among us: but I will declare and manifest to you, how the crown and glory of this realm, is by the negligence of this silly man, and his unwise counsel, minished, defaced, and dishonoured. Is not Normandy, which his father got, regained, and conquered again, by the insolency of him, and his covetous counsel? Is not the whole duchy of Acquitayn by ii C. and odd years, peaceable possessed by the kings of this realm, in one year and a little more, gotten out of ower hands and signory? What should I speak of Angeow and main or the loss, of the Isle of France, with the rich city of Paris. Alas, my heart sobbeth, mine eyes water, and my tongue foltereth, either to speak or think of the losses and misfortunes, that this our native country, hath of late sustained. But as Preachers say: evil gotten goods, do not long continued, nor usurped power, hath no prosperous success. I will not molest you, with the rehearsing of the calamity, which fell amongst the Israelites, when Athalia slew all the blood Royal, except little joas, and tyrannously usurped the crown: nor trouble you with the continual war, which happened among the Romans, when julius Cesar took upon him, without law or authority, the name and style of Emperor: but I put you in remembrance of our own nation, what mischief, strife and misery succeeded in this realm, by the injurious usurpations, of Herald son to Godwyn earl of Kent, and Stephen of Bloys, earl of Bulleyn, the one being the cause of the conquest of this realm, and the other the occasion of infinite troubles, and domestical dissension within the same: yet all these vexations and scourges, be but a shadow or counterfeit light, in comparison of the great calamities and miseries, which all we here present, have seen and experimented. Yet in the mids of this affliction, and to make an end of the same, God of his ineffable goodness, looking on this country, with his eyes of pity, and aspect of mercy, hath sent me in the truth, to restore again this decayed kingdom, to his ancient fame & old renown. Which here in open parliament, according to my just and true title, I have and do take possession, of this royal throne, not putting diffidence, but firm hope in God's grace, that by his divine aid, and the assistance of you, the peers of this Realm, I shall decore and maintain the same, to the glory of him, honour of my blood, and to the public wealth, aswell of you all here present, as of all the poor commons and subjects, of this kingdom and regiment.  
When the duke had thus ended his oration, the lords sat still like Images graven in the wall or dumb Gods, neither whispering nor speaking, as though their mouths had been sowed up. The duke perceiving none answer, to be made to his declared purpose, not well content with their sober silence, and taciturnity, advised them well, to digest and ponder the effect of his oration and saying, and so neither fully displeased, nor all pleased, departed to his lodging in the Kings palace.  
WHILE he was thus declaring his title, in the chamber of the peers, there happened a strange chance, in the very same time, amongst the commons in the neither house, than there assembled: for a Crown which did hung in the middle of the same, to garnish a branch, to set lights upon, without touch of any creature, or rigour of wind, suddenly fell down, and at the same time also, fell down the Crown, which stood on the top of the Castle of Dover: as a sign and prognostication, that the Crown of the Realm should be divided and changed, from one line to another. This was the judgement of the common people, which were neither of God's privity, nor yet of his privy counsel, and yet they will say their opinions, whosoever say nay.  
THE lords of the realm, forgot not the duke's demand, nor long protracted the time, to see some good end, in so weighty a cause: wherefore diverse lords, aswell spiritual as temporal, with many grave and sage persons of the commonalty, daily assembled at the Black Friars and other places, to treat and common of this matter, being of no small importance. During which time, the Duke of York, although he and the king, were both lodged in the palace of Westminster, yet for no prayer or intercession, he would once visit or see the king, till some perfect conclusion were taken, in this great and weighty purpose: saying and affirming, that he was subject to no man, but only to God, and he was his lord and superior, and none other. I will a little space leave the lords consulting together, and speak of outward attempts & foreign doings  
THIS civil descension within the realm of England, did much animate and encourage james the second of that name, king of Scots to make war on the English nation, partly for the displeasure which he conceived, for the death of Edmond duke of Somerset, his mother's brother, and partly to show himself amongst his people, to be both valiant and courageous. This king james from his ●irste rule, began to enter into suspicion with William earl Douglas, a man both of great kin and more power, ever mistrusting, that he nothing more desired, then to deprive him from his authority, and to usurp the same. This cankered suspicion was so rooted in the kings heart, that suddenly it branched out, in so much that the King sending for the Earl, (which trusting on his own innocency, humbly came to his presence) caused him shamefully to be slain and murdered with which injury, his two brethren, Archibald earl of Murrey, and Hugh Earl of Ormount, not a little pricked and encouraged, with the Earls of Angus and Morthon●, being all of one line and surname, made open war on thesay king james: but inconclusion he prevailed, and suppressed the great power of the Douglasses. And then thinking himself a king, without either peer or fere, assembled a great army, and entered into the Marches of Northumberlande, and besieged the Castle of Roxborough, and there caused his new Bombarde, lately cast in Flaunders, called the lion and diverse other pieces, to be shot against the Castle, whereof one being weak and slender, broke in pieces, and with one of the fragments slew the king, 
King james of Scotland ●layne with a piece of a gone  standing amongst a great company of his people, and wounded the earl of Angus. The Scots not dismayed with the death of their king, seeing the Castle easy to be won, manfully assaulted and with much pain got it, and the same long defended, till Richard Duke of Gloucester it conquered and destroyed. This king james, of queen Mary his wife left three sons, james which succeeded him, Alexander duke of Albany, and Ihon. This young king james, was put under the tuition of james Kenede, bishop of saint Andrew's, which during his nonage, ruled the realm to the Kings great honour, but more to his own profit and peculiar gain: For he made sumptuous houses, and builded Colleges, which his young pupil king james, neither could nor was able to do.  
about this very season, and during this unnatural controversy within the Realm of England, Charles the French king, which only by trouble and calamity, got to him a perpetual name, and amongst his nation above the stars exalted, ended the point of his fatal fine, which Prince in his youth, never regarded wanton pastime, nor la●●●ous dalliance, for his wits were set, and his industry only applied▪ to recover again his paternal patrimony, and Princely inheritance: So that more plainly then in a mirror, all men may perceive that pain often profiteth, and labour commonly availeth, but idleness seldom and dalliance, never. To this Charles, succeeded king Lewes, of that name the xi of whose doings you shall hear after: & shall both study and marvel, for the strangeness of his demeanour, & the crafty policy of his secret compasses. Now I will return to the great counsel of the lords, celebrated about London, for the duke of York's claim.   

¶ The xxxix year. 
The xxxix. year.   
AFter long arguments made, & deliberate consultation had among the peers, prelate's, and commons of the realm: upon the vigil of all saints, it was condescended and agreed, by the three estates, for so much as king Henry had been taken as king, by the space of xxxviij years and more, that he should enjoy the name and title of King, and have possession of the realm, during his life natural: And if he either died or resigned, or for feted the same, for infringing any point of this concord, than the said Crown and authority royal, should immediately be divoluted to the Duke of York, if he then lived, or else to the next heir of his line or lineage, and that the duke from thensefurth, 
Articles of agreement between King Henry the vi. and Richard duke of York  should be Protector and Regent of the land. Provided always, that if the king did closely or apertly, study or go about to break or altar this agreement, or to compesse or imagine the death or destruction, of the said Duke or his blood, than he to forfeit the crown, and the duke of York to take it. These articles with many other, were not only written, sealed, and sworn by the two parties: but also were enacted, in the high court of Parliament. For joy whereof, the King having in his company thesay Duke, road to the Cathedral Church of saint Paul, within the city of London, and there on the day of all Saints, went solemnly with the diadem on his head, in procession, and was lodged a good space after, in the bishops Palace, near to thesay Church. And upon the Saturdaie next ensuing, Richard Duke of York, was by the sound of a trumpet, solemnly proclaimed heir apparent to the Crown of England, and Protector of the realm.  
AFTER this, the Parliament kept at Coventre the last year, was declared to be a devilish counsel, and only celebrated for the destruction of the nobility, and no lawful Parliament, because they which were returned, were never elected, according to the dew order of the law, but secretly named by them, which desired more the destruction, than the advancement of the public wealth, and common profit. When these agreements were done and enacted, the king dissolved his Parliament, which was the last Parliament that ever he ended. Such was the pleasure of almighty God, that king Henry being a good and virtuous man, which had tasted innumerable adversities and calamities of the world should be deprived of his terrestrial Crown, to be recompensed with an heavenly garland, and a joyful place: For surely a perlite good man, all though he be plagued with a thousand displeasures cannot be but blessed, and have a good soul toward God.  
THE Duke of York well knowing, that the Queen would spurn and impugn the conclusions agreed and taken in this parliament, caused her and her son, to be sent for by the king: but she being a manly woman, using to rule and not to be ruled, & thereto counseled by the dukes of Excester and Somerset, not only denied to come, but also assembled together a great army, intendng to take the king by fine force, out of the lords hands, and to set them to a new school. The Protector lying in London, having perfit knowledge of all these doings: assigned the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Warwick, his trusty friends, to be about the King, and he with th'earls of Salisbury, and Rutland: with a convenient company, departed out of London, the second day of Decembre Northward, and sent to the Earl of March his eldest son to follow him with all his power. The Duke by small journeys, came to his Castle of Sandall, beside wakefield, on Christmas eve, and there began to assemble his tenants and friends. The queen being thereof asserteined, determined to couple with him while his power was small and his aid not come: And so having in her company, the Prince her son, the Dukes of Excester and Somerset, the Earl of Devonshire, the Lord Clifford, the Lord Rosse, and in effect all the Lords of the north part, with eighteen thousand men, or as some writ, twenty and two thousand, marched from York to Wakefelde, and bad base to the Duke, even before his Castle he having with him not fully five thousand persons, determined intontinent to issue out, and to fight with his enemies, and all though sir Davy Halle, his old servant and chief counsellor, advised him to keep his Castle, and to defend the same with his small numbered, till his son the Earl of March were come with his power of Marchemen and Welsh soldiers, yet he would not be counseled, but in a great fury said, a Davy, Davy, hast thou loved me so long, and now wouldst have me dishonoured? Thou never sawest me keep fortress when I was Regent in Normandy, when the dolphin himself, with his puissance came to besiege me, but like a man, and not like a bird included in a cage, I issued and fought with mine enemies, to their loss ever (I thank God) and to my honour: If I have not kept myself within walls, for fear of a great and strong prince, nor hide my face from any man living, wouldst thou that I for dread of a scolding woman, whose weapon is only her tongue, and her nails, should incarcerate myself, and shut my gates? then all men might of me wonder and all creatures may of me report dishonour, that a woman hath made me a dastarst, whom no man ever to this day could yet prove a coward: And surely my mind is, rather to die with honour, then to live with shame for of honour cometh fame, and of dishonour riseth infamy. Their great numbered shall not appall my spirits, but encourage them, for surely I think that I have there, as many friends as enemies, which at joining, will either fly or take my part: therefore advance my banner, in the name of God and saint George, for surely I will fight with them, though I should fight alone. th'earl of Salisbury and other his friends, seeing his courage, resolved themselves to his opinion, & ordered their men, and set them forth in Warlike fashion, for their most advantage. The Duke of Somerset and other of the queens part, knowing perfectly, that if the Duke got the victory, their days were minished, and their livings left bore, like men quickened and exasperated, for the safeguard of their lives, and defence of their goods, determined to abide the chance, and to espy their most advantage, and so appointed the lord Clifford, to lie in the one stolen, and the Earl of Wiltshire in the other, and they theimselfes kept the main battle. The duke of York with his people, descended down the hill in good order and array, & was suffered to pass forward, toward the main battle: but when he was in the plain ground between his Castle and the town of wakefield, 
The battle at Wakefeld  he was environed on every side, like a fish in a net, or a dear in a buckestall: so that he manfully fighting, was within half an hour slain and dead, 
The duke of York ●lain.  and his whole army discomfited, & with him died of his trusty friends, his two bastard uncles, sir John, & sir Hugh Mortimers, sir Davy Halle his chief counsellor, sir Hugh Hastynges, sir Thomas Nevel, William and Thomas Aparre, both brethren, and two thousand and eight hundred other, whereof many were young gentlemen, and heirs of great parentage in the south part, whose lineages revenged their deaths, within four Months, next and immediately ensuing. In this conflict was wounded and taken prisoner, Richard earl of Salisbury, sir Richard Lymbrike, Ralph Stanley, John Harow, Captain Hauson, and diverse other While this battle was in fighting, a priest called sir Robert Aspall, chappelain and school master to the young earl of Rutland two. son to the above named duke of York, scace of the age of xii years, a fair gentleman, and a maydenlike person, perceiving the flight was more safeguard, then carrying, both for him and his master, secretly conveyed th'earl out of the field, by the lord Cliffordes band, toward the town, but or he could enter into a house, he was by the said lord Clifford espied, followed, and taken, and by reason of his apparel, demanded what he was. The young gentleman dismayed, had not a word to speak, but kneeled on his knees imploring mercy, and desiring grace, both with holding up his hands and making dolorous countenance, for his speech was go for fear. Save him said his Chappelein, for he is a prince's son, and peradventure may do you good hereafter. With that word, the lord Clifford marked him and said: by God's blood, thy father slew mine, and so will I do the and all thy kin, and with that word, stack the earl to the heart with his dagger, and bad his Chappeleyn bear the earls mother & brother word what he had done, and said. In this act the lord Clyfford was accounted a tyrant, and no gentleman, for the property of the Lion, which is a furious and an unreasonable beast, is to be cruel to them that withstand him, and gentle to such as prostrate or humiliate themselves before him. Yet this cruel Clifforde, & deadly bloudsupper not content with this homicide, or chyldkilling, came to the place where the dead corpse of the duke of York lay, and caused his head to be stricken of, and set on it a crown of paper, & so fixed it on a pole, & presented it to the Queen, not lying far far from the field, in great despite, and much derision, saying: Madam, your war is done, here is your kings ransom, at which present, was much joy, and great rejoicing, but many laughed then, that sore lamented after, as the Queen herself, and her son: And many were glad then of other men's deaths, not knowing that their own were near at hand, as the lord Clifford, and other.  
But surely, man's nature is so frail, that things passed be soon forgotten, and mischiefs to come, be not foreseen. After this victory by the Queen and her part obtained, she caused the earl of Salisbury, with all the other prisoners, to be sent to Pomfret, and there to be beheaded, and sent all their heads, and the duke's head of York, to be set upon poles, over the gate of the city of York, in despite of them, and their lineage: whose children shortly revenged their father's quarrel, both to the queens extreme perdition, and the utter undoing of her husband and son. This end had the valeant lord, Richard Plantagenet, duke of York, & this fine ensued of his to much hardiness. The earl of March, so commonly called, but after the death of his father, in deed and in right very duke of York, lying at Gloucester, hearing of the death of his noble father, and loving brother, and trusty friends, was wonderfully amazed, but after comfort given to him, by his faithful lovers and assured alyes, he removed to Shrewsbury, and other towns upon the river of Severne, declaring to them the murder of his father, the jeopardy of himself, and the unstable state and ruin of the Realm. The people on the Marches of Wales, which above measure favoured the lineage of the lord Mortimer, more gladly offered him their aid & assistance, than he it either instantly required, or heartily desired, so that he had a puissant army, to the number of xxiij M. ready to go against the queen, and the murderers of his father. But when he was setting forward, news were brought to him, that jasper earl of Penbroke, half brother to king Henry, and james butler, earl of Ormond & Wylshyre had assembled together a great number, both of Welsh and irish people, suddenly to surprise and take him and his friends, and as a captive to convey him to the queen. The duke of York, called earl of March, somewhat spurred and quickened with these novelties, retired back, & met with his enemies in a fair plain, near to Mortimer's cross, not far from Herford east, on Candelmas day in the morning, at which time the sun (as some writ) appeared to the earl of March, like iii suns, and suddenly joined all together in one, and that upon the sight thereof, he took such courage, that he fiercely set on his enemies, & then shortly discomfited: for which cause, men imagined, that he gave the sun in his full brightness for his cognisance or badge. Of his enemies were left dead on the ground iii M. & viii C: The earls of Penbroke and Wilshyre fled, and sir Owen Tewther, father to the said earl of Penbroke, which Owen had married king Henry's mother (as you have heard before) with David floyde, Morgan ap reuther, & divers other were taken and beheaded at the city of Herford. During this season, the queen was greatly encouraged with the victory, obtained late at Wakefeld, partly because the duke of York, her utter enemy was rid out of the world, & partly, because she perceived, the lords of the North country to adhere and cleave to her part and faction: wherefore with a great multitude of Northern people, she marched toward London, of whose approach the Londoners were nothing glad: for some affirmed, that she brought that rusty company, to spoil and rob the city: other said, that she would be revenged, of such as favoured the duke of York. So the poor citizens hanging between the water and the fire, were much amazed, but the magistrates and governors caused great watches to be kept, and good order to be observed. The Queen, still came forward with her Northern people intending to subvert and defaict all conclusions and agreements, enacted and assented to, in the last Parliament. And so after her long journey, she came to the town of saint Albon: whereof the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Warwycke, and other, whom the duke of York had left to govern the king in his absence, being advertised, by the assent of the king, gathered together a great host, and set forward toward saint Albon, having the king in their company, as the head and chefetayn of the war, and so not minding to differre the time any farther, upon shrove-tuesday early in the morning, set upon their enemies. Fortune the day so favoured the Queen, that her part prevailed, and the duke and the earl were discomfited, and fled: leaving the king accompanied with the lord Bonuile, and sir Thomas Kyriell of Kent, which upon assurance of his promise, tarried still and fled not, but their trust, them deceived. For after the victory obtained, and the king brought to the Queen, they two were detained as prisoners, and so continued till the kings departing from that town. In this battle were slain xxiii C men, and not above, of whom no noble man is remembered, save sir John Grace, which the same day was made knight, with xii other, at the village of Colney. Happy was the queen in her two battles, but vnfortunate● was the king in all his enterprises, for where his person was present, their victory fled ever from him to the other part, & he commonly was subdued & vanqueshed. When queen Margaret had thus well sped, first she caused the king, to dub prince Edward his son, knight, with xxx other persons, which in the morning fought on the queens side, against his part. After she sent to the Mayor of London, commanding him without delay, to send certain Cartes, jaded with lenten victual, for the refreashing of her and her army. The Mayor, incontinent made provisio, jaded carts, and sent them toward the queen. But the movable commons, which favoured not the queens part, stopped the carts at Crepulgate and boldly said, that their enemies, which came to spoil and rob the citizens, should neither be relieved, nor victayled by them. And notwithstanding gentle advertisement to them given, of the mischiefs, which might ensue of their doings: yet they remained still in one obstinate mind and wilful will, not permitting the carriages, to pass or go forward. During which controversy, divers of the Northern horsemen, came and rob in the suburbs of the city, and would have entered at Crepulgate, but they by the commoners were repulsed, and beaten back, and three of them slain: whereupon the Mayor sent the recorder to the kings counsel to Barn, to excuse the matter, and the duchess of Bedford, & the lady Scales, with divers sad fathers of the spirituality, went to the queen to mollify her rancor, and assuage her melancholy, which she had conceived against the city. At this humble request, the queen and her counsel appointed certain lords and knights, with iii C. tall persons, to ride to the city, and there to view, & see the demeanor and disposition of the people: & divers Aldermen were appointed to meet them at Barnet, and to convey them to London. But what soever man purposeth, God disposeth: for all these devices were shortly transmuted into another form, because true report was brought, not only to the city but also to the queen, that the earl of March had vanqueshed the earls of Penbroke and Wilshyre, and that the earl of Warwycke, in whom rested the chief trust of that faction, after the last conflict, had at saint Albon, had meet with the said earl of March at Chipping Norton, by Cottesood, and that they with both their powers were coming toward London. These true tales turned the queens purpose, and altered all her long devised intents, in so much that she little trusting Essex, and less Kent, but London lest of all, with her husband and son, departed from saint Albon, into the Northcountrey, where the root, & foundation of her aid and refuge, only consisted. But at the day of her departing, she caused the heads of the lord Bonuile, and sir Thomas Kyriel, to be cut of, in the presence of her son, contrary to the mind and promise of her husband, but amongst men of war, faith or oath, seldom is performed.  
THE duchess of York, seeing her husband and son slain, and not knowing what should succeed of her eldest sons chance, sent her ii younger sons, George & Richard, over the sea, to the city of Wtrechte in Almayn: where they were of Philippe, duke of Bourgoyne, well received and feasted, and so there they remained, till their brother Edward had obtained the Realm, and gotten the regiment. During which time divers merchants mistrusting the mutation of the world, fled out of the Realm, amongst whom, one Philippe Malpas, a man of great riches, sailing into Flaunders, was taken by John Columme, a French man and paid four M. marks for his ransom. The earls of March and Warwycke, having perfit knowledge, that the king and queen with their adherentes, were departed from saint Albon, determined first to ride to London, as the chief key, and common spectacle to the whole Realm, thinking there to assure themselves of the East and West part of the Kingdom, as king Henry and his faction nesteled and strengthened him and his alyes, in the North regions and boreal plague: meaning to have a buckelar against a swourd, and a southern bill, to conteruayle a Northern bas●ard. And so these two great lords, resoluinge themselves upon this purpose, accompanied with a great number of men of war, entered the city of London, in the first week of Lent. What should I declare how the Kentishmen resorted: how the people of Essex swarmed, & how the counties adjoining to London, daily repaired to see, aid, & comfort, this lustily prince and flower of chivalry, as he in whom the hope, of their joy, and the trust of their quietness only then consisted. This wise and prudent noble man, perceiving the most part of the Realm, to be to him friendly and adherent, mynoing to take time when time served, called a great counsel, both of lords spiritual and temporal, & to them repeated the title, and right that he had to the Realm, & dignity royal: rehearsing the articles of the agreement, not only concluded between king Henry, & his noble father, Richard duke of York, by their writings signed and sealed: but also corroborated, & confirmed by authority of the high court of Parliament: the breaches whereof, he neither forgot, nor omitted undeclared. After the lords had considered, & weighed his title and declaration, they determined by authority of the said counsel, for as much as king Henry, contrary to his oath, honour and agreement, had violated and intringed, the order taken and enacted in the last Parliament, and also, because he was insufficient to rule the Realm, and inutile to the common wealth, and public profit of the poor people, he was therefore by the aforesaid authority, deprived and detected of all kingly honour, and regal sovereignty. And incontinent, Edward earl of March, son and heir to Richard duke of York, was by the lords in the said counsel assembled, named, elected, & admitted, for king and governor of the realm: on which day, the people of the earls part, being in their muster in saint Ihons' field, & a great number of the substantial citizens there assembled, to behold their order: suddenly the lord Fawcombridge, which took the musters, wisely declared to the multitude, the offences and breaches of the late agreement done and perpetrated by king Henry the vi and demanded of the people, whether they would have the said king Henry to rule and reign any longer over them: To whom they, with a whole voice, answered nay, nay. Then he asked them, if they would ser●e, love, and obey the earl of March as their earthly prince and sovereign lord. To which question they answered, yea, yea, crying, king Edward, with many great shouts and clapping of hands. The lords were shortly advertised of the loving consent, which the commons frankly and freely of their free will had given, whereupon incontinent, they all with a convenient number of the most substantial commons, repaired to Baynard's castle, making just and true report to the earl of their election and admission, and the loving assent of the faithful commons. The earl after long pausing, first thanked God of his great grace and benefit, then to him declared and showed, and the lords and commons also, for their hearty favour, and assured fidelity, and notwithstanding that, like a wise prince, he alleged his insufficiency for so great a room and weighty burden, as lack of knowledge, want of experience & divers other qualities, to a governor appertaining: yet in conclusion he being persuaded by the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of Excester and other lords, than being present, granted to their petition, and took upon him the charge and upon the next day, being the four day of March, he as king, road to the church of saint Paul, and there offered. And after Te deum song, with great solemnity, he was conveyed to Westmynster, and there set in the haul, with the scopter royal in his hand, where, to all the people which there in great number were assembled, his title and claim to the crown of England, was declared by ii manner of ways: the first, as son and heir to duke Richard his father, right enheritor to the same: the second, by authority of Parliament and forfeiture committed by, king Henry. Whereupon it was again demanded of the commons, if they would admit, and take the said earl, as their prince & sovereign lord, which all with one voice cried, yea, yea. Which agreement concluded, He entered into Westmynster church under a canapy, with solemn procession, 
King Edward the four proclaimed king of England.  and there as king offered, and after the homages taken of all the nobles there present, he returned by water to London, and was lodged in the bishop's palace: Daily making provision to go Northward against his adverse faction and open enemies, and on the morrow he was proclaimed king, by the name of king Edward the four throughout the city. While these things were in doing in the Southpart, king Henry being in the Northcountrey, thinking because he had slain the duke of York, the chief capitain of the contrary lineage, that he had brought all thing to purpose and conclusion as he would, assembled a great army, trusting with little pain and small loss, to destroy the residue of his enemies, whom he esteemed to be of no force, or of a small validity. But he was sore deceived: for out of the dead stock, sprang a strong & mighty branch, which by no means could either be broken, or made sear: which was this king Edward the iii which was so beloved and favoured of the people, that no man was spoken of, no person was remembered, but only he: for he was so much esteemed, both of the nobility and commonalty, for his liberality, clemency, integrity, and courage, that above all other, he was extolled and praised to the very heaven. By reason whereof men of all ages & of all degrees to him daily repaired, some offering themselves and their men to jeopard their lives with him, and other plenteously gave him money, to support his charges and maintain his war. By reason whereof, he assembled together a puissant army, to th'intent to give to his enemies a fierce and sharp battle, & so in one day to obtain his purpose and make an end of all his trouble. When his army was ready, and all things prepared, he departed out of London the xii day of March, & by easy journeys came to the castle of Pomfret, where he rested, appointing the lord Fitzwater, to keep the passage at Ferybridge, with a great number of tall personages. Let no man think or yet imagine, that either the counsel of king Henry, or his vigilant queen, either neglected or forgot to know or search what their enemies did, but that they prepared to their power all that men, that they either could persuade or allure to their purpose to take their part. And thus thinking themselves furnished, committed the governance of the army to the duke of Somerset, the earl of Northumberland, and the lord Clifford, as men desiring to revenge the death of their parents slain at the first battle of saint Albon. These noble captains, leaving king Henry, his wife, and son, for their most safeguard in the city of York, passed the river of Wharfe, with all their power, entending to prohibit king Edward to pass over the river of Ayree, and for the more expedition and exploit of their purpose (after many comparisons made between the earl of Northumberland, and the lord Clifford, both being in lusty youth, & of frank courage) the lord Clifforde determined with his light horsemen, to make an assay to such as kept the passage of Ferybridge, and so departed from the great army, on the Saturday before Palmsondaye, and early or his enemies were ware, got the bridge, and slew the keepers of the same, and all such as would withstand him. The lord Fitzwater hearing the noise, suddenly rose out of his bed, and unarmed, with a pole-axe in his hand, thinking the it had been a fray amongst his men, came down to appease the same, but or he either began his tale, or knew what the matter meant, he was slain, and with him the bastard of Salisbury, brother to the earl of Warwycke, a valiant young gentleman, and of great audacity. When the earl of Warwycke was informed of this feat, he like a man desperate, mounted on his Hackeney, and came blowing to king Edward saying: sir I pray God have mercy of their souls, which in the beginning of your enterprise, hath lost their lives, and because I see no succours of the world, I remit the vengeance and punishment to God our creator and redeemer, and with that lighted down, and slew his horse with his swourde, saying: let him fly that will, for surely I will ●ary with him that will ta●y with me, and kissed the cross of his swourde.  
THE lusty king Edward, perceiving the courage of histrusty friend the earl of Warwycke, made proclamation that all men, which were afraid to fight, should incontinent depart, and to all men that tarried the battle, he promised great rewards with this addition, that if any soldier, which voluntariely would abide, and in, or before the conflict fly, or turn his back, that then he that could kill him, should have a great remuneration and double wages. After this proclamation ended the lord Fawconbridge, sir Water Blout, Robert Horn with forward, passed the river at Castelford three miles from Ferebridge, intending to have environed and enclosed the lord Clyfford and his company, but they being thereof advertised, departed in great haste toward king Henry's army, 
The conflict at Ferebridge  but they meet with some that they looked not for, and were attrapped or they were ware. For the lord Clifforde, either for heat or pain, putting of his gorget, suddenly with an arrow (as some say) without an head, was stricken into the throat, and incontinent rendered his spirit, and the earl of Westmerlandes brother, and all his company almost were there slain, at a place called Dintingdale, not far from Towton. This end had he, which slew the young earl of Rutland, kneeling on his knees: whose young son Thomas Clifford was brought up with a shepperd, in poor habit, & dissimuled behaviour ever in fear, to publish his lineage or degree, till king Henry the vij obtained the crown, and got the diadem: by whom he was restored to his name and possessions. When this conflict was ended at Ferebridge, the lord Fawcombridge, having the forward, because the duke of Northfolk was fallen sick, valiantly upon Palmsunday in the twilight, set forth his army, and came to Saxton, where he might apparently perceive the host of his adversaries, which were accounted lx M. men, and thereof advertised king Edward, whose whole army, they that knew it, and paid the wages, affirm to xlviii M.vi. C. & lx persons, which incontinent with the earl of Warwycke set forward, leaving the rearward under the governance of sir John Wenlocke, and sir John Dynham and other. And first of all he made proclamation, that no prisoner should be taken, nor one enemy saved. So the same day about ix of the clock, which was the xxix day of March, being Palmsundaye, 
The conflict at Sa●tō upon Palmsundai  both● the hosts approached in a plain field, between Towton and Saxton. When each part perceived other, they made a great shout, and at the same instant time, their fell a small snyt or snow, which by violence of the wind was driven into the faces of them, which were of king Henry's part, so that their sight was somewhat blemeshed and minished. The lord Fawnconbridge, which led the forward of king Edward's battle (as before is rehearsed) being a man of great policy, and of much experience in martial feats, caused every archer under his standard, to shot one flight (which before he caused them to provide) and then made them to stand still. The Northern men, feeling the shoot, but by reason of the snow, not well viewing the distance between them and their enemies, like hardy men shot their schiefe arrows as fast as they might, but all their shot was lost, & their labour vain for they came not near the Southermen, be, xl. tailor's yards. When their shot was almost spent, the lord Fawconbridge ●arched forward with his archers, which not only shot their own whol● sheves, but also gathered the arrows of their enemies, and let a great part of them ●●ye against their own masters, and another part they let stand on the ground which sore noyed the legs of the owners, when the battle joined. The earl of Northumberland, and Andrew Trolope, which were chefetayns of king Henry's vawgard, saying their shot not to prevail, hasted forward to join with their enemies: you may besure the other part nothing re●arded, but valiantly fought with their enemies. This battle was sore fought, for hope of life was set on side on every part and taking of prisoners was proclaimed as a great offence, by reason whereof every man determined, either to conquer or to die in the field. This deadly battle and bloody conflict, continued ten hours in doubtful victory. The one part some time flowing, and sometime ebbing, but in conclusion, king Edward so courageously comforted his men, refreshing the weary, and helping the wounded, that the other part was discomfited and overcome, and like men amazed, fled toward Tad●aster bridge to save themselves: but in the mean way there is a little broke called Cock, not very broad, but of a great deepness, in the which, what for haste of escaping, and what for fear of followers, a great num●er were drow and drowned, in so much that the common people there affirm, that men alive passed the river upon dead car●asis, and that the great river of Wharfe, which is the great sewer of that broke, & of all the water coming from Towton, was coloured with blood. The chase continued all night, and the most part of the next day, and ever the Northern men, when they saw or perceived any advantage, returned again and fought with their enemies, to the great loss of both parts. For in this three days were slain (as they that knew it wrote) on both parts xxxvi. M.vij. C.lx and xvi persons, 
A gre●t slaughter of Englishmen.  all Englishmen and of one nation, whereof the chief were the earls of Northumberland, and Westmoreland and the lord Dakers, the lord Welles, sir John Nevel, Andrew trolop, Robert Horn, and many other Knights and esquires, and the earl of Devonshire taken prisoner, but the dukes of Somerset and Excester fled from the field and saved themselves. This conflict was in manner unnatural, for in it the son fought against the ●ather, the brother against the brother, the nephew against the uncle, and the tenant against his lord, which slaughter did not only sore debilitate and much weken the puissance of this realm, considering that these dead men, when they were living had force enough to resist the greatest princes power of all Europe: But also gave a courage to outward enemies and foreign potentates, to invade and make war in this realm, which thing was not unlikely to have en●ued, if either Lewes the French king had been at this time quiet in his realm, or james king of Scots had been of age and master of himself, yet thanked be God, for although the gate of a conquest were opened, yet it was shut again, or it was espied.  
After this great victory, king Edward road to York, where he was with all solemnity received: and first he caused the heads of his father, the earl of Salisbury, and other his friends to be taken from the gates, and to be buried with their bodies. And there he caused the earl of Devonshire and iii other to be beheaded, and set their heads in the same place. ●fter that, he sent out men on light horses, to espy in what part king Henry lurked, which hearing of the irrecuperable loss of his friends, departed incontinent with his wife and son, to the town of Barwycke, and leaving the duke of Somerset there, came to the kings court of Scotland, requiring of him and his counsel, aid succour, relief & comfort. The young king having compassion on the miserable fateand great mischance of this sorrowful man, not only comforted him with fair words and friendly promises, but also assigned to him a compedent pension to live on, during the time of his abodes within the realm of Scotland. King Henry considering the great humanity, showed to him by the Scottish king, in whom only now consisted the whole hope and especial trust of his aid and succour, thought to bind and oblige the said king, with some great benefit to his part, and for that cause, delivered to him the town of Barwycke 
●inge Henry the vi delivered the town of Barwic●▪ into the han●des of james king of Scotland.  upon tweed: which town the Scots many years had desired, but yet they neither by force nor fair promises, could obtain their desire or purpose before the time, Some writers affirm, that he not voluntarily, but coacted by necessity, rendered the same town, or else he could not be permitted once to enter, or have any succour in the realm of Scotland. But whatsoever the cause was: after king james had taken possession of the town, he friendly entertained and faithfully supported the part and faction of king Henry, and concluded a marriage between his sister and the young prince of Wales, which marriage, Philippe duke of Bourgoyne, enemy to queen Margaretes' father, laboured much to infringe and interrupt: but by the consent of both the friends, the matrimony was agreed, but it was never solemnized, as after you shall hear. When king Henry was somewhat settled in the realm of Scotland, he sent his wy●e and his son into France, to king Rene her father trusting by his aid and succour, to assemble a great army, and once again to possess his Realm and dignity, and he in the mean season determined to make his abode in Scotland, to see and espy, what way his friends in England would study or invent, for his restitution and advancement. But whether it were his destiny or his folly, he so imprudently demeaned himself, that within short space, he came into the hands of his mortal enemies. Queen Margaret thus being in France, did obtain & impetrate of the young French king, that all fautors and lovers of her husband and the Lancastreall band, might safely and surely have resort into any part of the realm of France, prohibiting all other of the contrary faction, any access or repair into that country.  
THUS you have heard the variable chance and tragedicall history of king Henry the sixth, which had reigned over this realm eight and thirty years and odd months, which the tenth year after h●s deposition, was again erected to his throne and estate royal, as after shallbe declared. Now leaving king Henry with the princes of his faction consulting together in Scotland, and Queen Margarete his wife gathering men together in France, I will return to the acts of king Edward.  
❧: FINIS.: ❧  
¶ The end of the trobelous season of king Henry the uj    

The prosperous reign of King Edward the fourth.  
PRosperous fortune and glorious victory, 
The first year  happily succeeding to this young Prince and courageous Captain, in the mortal battle fought at Towton, (as you have heard) he being encouraged and set up, partly because he had obtained so great a conquest, and partly, because he perceived, that aswell the nobles as the commons of the Realm, began to draw to him, and to take his part, after the fashion and manner of a triumphant conqueror, and victorious champion, with great pomp returned to London. Where (according to the old custom of the realm) he called a great assemble of persons of all degrees: and the xxix day of june, was at Westminster with all solemnity crounedand anointed King, and called King Edward the four after William the Conqueror, which was in the year of Christ's incarnation. M.iiii. C.lxj  
IN the which year, he called his high Court of Parliament, wherewith thestate of the Realm was wholly set in good order, and specially such things as appertained to the common wealth, which were to much neglected and decayed. During the time of the civil and intestine war, he caused all statutes and ordinances made by king Henry the sixth, (which either touched his title or his profit) to be annihilate and frutrate. In the which Parliament, the Earl of Oxford far stricken in age, and the Lord Ambrey Ueer, his son and heir, whether it were for malice of their enemies, or they were suspected, or had offended the King, they both and diverse of their counsellors, were attainted and put to execution, which caused John earl of Oxford, ever after to rebel. And afterward he created his two younger brethren Dukes, that is to say: Lord George, Duke of Clarence, lord Richard, Duke of Gloucester, and lord John Nevell, brother to Richard earl of Warwick, he first made Lord Montacute, and afterwards created him Marquis Montacute. Beside this, Henry Burchier, brother to Thomas archbishop of Cantorbury was created Earl of Essex, and William Lord Fawconbrige, was made Earl of Kent. To this Lord Henry Burchier being a noble man in martial acts, highly approved and renowned, Richard Duke of York, long before this time, had given his sister Elizabeth in marriage: Having a firm hope, and a sure confidence, that he and his generation, should be a perpetual aid to the Duke and his sequel, aswell in prosperity as adversity, associate together in all chances of fortune, which trust he did not defraud, as afterward appeared to King Edward the fourth, son to the said duke Richard, which for his assured fidelity, made him Earl of Essex: to th'end that both he the father, and his son, should ever be to him, both an aid and a bulwark. This Earl Henry, begat of lady Elizabeth his wife, four sons, William, Thomas, John, and Henry, and one daughter named Isabel, which lived bat a small season. In the which sons, in compassing and bringing great things to pass, there lacked no industry, nor providence: in gravous and weighty affairs, there wanted neither labour nor diligence: in all jeopardies, they were hardy, strong, and courageous: and finally, in foreseeing of things, they neither lakced policy, nor were destitute of counsel. But in Lord William, the eldest son of Henry, all the●e virtues were surely planted and engraven: which William espoused lady Anne Woodwile, descended of an high parentage, whose mother jaquet was daughter to Peter of Luxenborough, earl of saint Paul by whom he had Lord Henry, afterward Earl of Essex, and Cicile, and Isabel, which died unmarried: Cicile was married, to Water lord Ferret's of Chartley. But now to return to the purpose.  

¶ The second year. 
Th● ii year.   
WHen all these chances, thus luckily happened to king Edward, and all things in manner were framed, as he would have them: Henry duke of Somerset, sir Ralph Percy, and diverse other, being in despair, and out of hope of all good chance, that might happen to king Henry the sixth, came humbly and submitted theimselfes, whom he gently entertained, and lovingly received. Of which deed, the duke shortly repent him and so did some of the other.  
ALL this season was king Henry the uj in Scotland, which to have the more aid and comfort of the Scottish king, he delivered unto him the town of Berwick, (as you before have heard) which had been continually, in the possession of Englishmen, from the time of king Edward the first, which, with hardy courage, manful assaults, slaughter of many thousands of Scots, valiantly conquered the same. This same season also, queen Margaret being in France, by the means of her father and friends, found such friendship at the French kings hands, that she obtained a crew of five hundred frenchmen, which was but a small numbered, for her purpose, and yet a greater number than her husband or she, were able to intertein in wages, of their own coffers. She thus being accompanied, with these boasting Frenchmen, of whom sir Piers Bracy, a Bryton knight was Captain, a man more fierce in the house▪ then in the field, and yet more fierce in flying from the ●eld to the house, then hardy to set forward from the house to the field, set up her sails, and with a prosperous wind, arrived in Scotland. If she and her company, were welcome to her husband and son, I report me to such as languish, and would have succour, and to such as lack aid, and would be comforted. The Queen and her company, 
Queen Margarete wi●h her company arriveth at Tynmouth.  thought to do some great enrterprise, (as the nature of the frenchmen is, to be more busy than bold) sailed with her gallant band, toward New Castle, and landed at Tynmouthe. But whether she were a frayed of her own shadow, or that the frenchmen cast to many doubts, the truth is, that the whole army returned to their ships, and a tempest rose so suddenly, that if she had not taken a small Carvel, and that with good speed, arrived safe at Berwick: she had neither vexed king Edward after, as she did with a new invasion, nor yet she had not lived all her old age, in misery wretchedness, and calamity, as she did, leasing both her husband, her son, her Realm, and her honour. And although fortune was so favourable to her, yet her company were with stormy blasts, driven on the shore before Bamborough castle, where they set their ships on fire, and cowardly fled to an Island, called holy Island, where they were so assailed by the bastard Ogle, an Esquire called John Manners, with other of king Edward's retinue, that many of them were slain, and almost four C. taken prisoners, and put to ransom. But the captain Bracy more coward than courageous, happened by chance of a fishar man, & so came to Berwick, to Queen Margaret his masters: whether she gave him thanks or no, I doubt, but sure I am, he none deserved, yet she made him captain of Alnewike Castle, which he with his fresh men kept till they were rescued. This chance little amazed the Queen, nor in any thing abated her haute courage. For incontinently she obtained a great company of Scots, and other of her friends, and so bringing her husband with her, and leaving her son called prince Edward, in the town of Berwick, entered Northumberlande, and took the castle of Bamborough, and stuffed it with Scots, and made thereof captain sir Ralph Grace, and came forward toward the Bishopric of Durham. When the Duke of Somerset heard these news, he without delay refused king Edward, and road in post to his kinsman, king Henry the sixth: verefiing the old proverb: kin will ●repe, where it may no go: Refusing the surety of his estate, which king Edward did promise' him, for the uncertain gain which he hoped to get, by supporting king Henry. With him fled also sir Ralph Percy, and many other of the kings friends, but many more followed him, for covetousness of spoil and rapine: in so much that the puissance of king Henry, was thought to be of as much force, as the strength and army, of his enemy king Edward. The which army was judged to be the greater, because he spoiled, & burned towns, and destroyed fields, wheresoever he came. King Edward (as you could not blame him) was with these doings nothing content, wherefore like a wise prince, intending to stop the gut of king Henry's power, or it made any farther issue: Prepared all munitions, convenient for the war, rigged and appareled, a great navy of ships, of which some were vitailed at Lyn, and some at Hull, and they were furnished with soldiers. When his army by the sea, was thus warlikely set forward: he sent the lord Montacute, (whom both for his hardiness and sage conduit in martial affairs, he much trusted and believed) into Northumberlande, there to raise the people, to withstand his enemies. And after this, he in his royal person, accompanied with his brethren, and a great part of the nobility of his realm, not without a great and puissant army, marched toward his enemies, and came to the city of York, sending a great quantity of his faithful subjects, to the aid of the lord Montacute, lest peradventure he giving to much confidence, to the men of the Bisshopprike and Northumberlande, might by them be deceived and surprised. The Lord Montacute, forgot not the office of a good captain; nor being well furnished with such as he knew would neither fly backward, nor stand still looking, and not fighting, thought no longer to tract the time, but with a valiant courage, marched forward toward his enemies, and in his journey, he was encountered, with the lord Hungerford, the Lord Roos, sir Ralph Percy, and diverse other, at a place called Hegely Moore. Where suddenly thesay lords, in manner without stroke striking, fled, and only sir Ralph Percy abode, and was there manfully slain, with diverse other, saying▪ when he was dying: I have saved the bird in my bosom: meaning that he had kept, both his promise and oath, to king Henry the uj: Forgetting that he in king Henry's moste necessity, abandoned him, and submitted him to king Edward, (as you before have heard.) The lord Montacute seeing fortune thus prosperously leading his sail, was advanced with hardy courage toward his enemies, & then in passing forward, he had by his espials perfit intelligence, that king Henry with all his power, was encamped in a fair plain called Lyvels, on the water of Dowill in Exham shire. 
The battle at Libels, on the Water of D●wil in Exham shire.  It was no need to bid him hast haste, as he that thought not to lose the occasion, to him so manifestly given, & to leave the good port of fortune, to him opened and unclosed: and therefore, in good order of battle, he manfully set on his enemies, in their own camp, which like desperate persons, with no small courage received him. There was a sore fought field, and no party by a long tract, could get any advantage of the other, till at the last, the lord Montacute, crying on his men to do valiantly, entered by plain force, the battle of his enemies, and broke their array, which like men amazed, fled hither and thither, desperate of all succour. In which flight and chase, were taken, Henry duke of Somerset, which before was reconciled to King Edward, the Lord Roos, the Lord Molyns, the Lord Hungerford, sir Thomas Wentworth, sir Thomas Huse, sir John Fynderne, & many other. King Henry was this day, the best horseman of his company: for he fled so fast that no man could overtake him, and yet he was so near pursued, that certain of his henxmen or followers were taken, their horses being trapped in blue velvet: whereof one of them had on his head, shesaid king Henry's healmet. Some say his high cap of estate, called abococket, garnished with two rich Crowns, which was presented to king Edward, at York the fourth day of May. The Duke of Somerset, was incontinently, for his great mutability and lightness, beheaded at Exam, the other lords and knights, were had to New Castle, and there after a little respite, were likewise put in execution. Beside these persons, diverse other to the numbered of xxv were executed at York, and in other places: whereby other fautors of king Henry's party, should be out of all trust of all victory, considering that their captains, had hopped hedles. Fron this battle escaped king Henry the uj sir Humphrey Nevell, William Taylboys, calling himself earl of Keme, sir Ralph Grace, and Richard Tunstall, and diverse other, which being in fear of taking, hide themselves and lurked in dens and wholes secretly. They were not so closely hid, but they were espied: for the earl of Keme was taken in a close place in Riddesdale▪ and brought to New Castle, and there with an axe lost his life, Sir Humphrey Nevel, after long lurking in a Cave, was taken in Holdernes, and at York beheaded. Thus every man almost that escaped, was after taken and scourged: so that it should seem that God had ordained, all such persons as rebelled against king Edward, to have in conclusion, death for their reward and guardone.  
AFTER this battle called Exham field, king Edward came to the city of Duresme, to the intent to be more nearer to his enemies, if they would make any farther attempt: and sent from thence into Northumberlande, the Earl of Warwick, the lord Montacute, the lords, Fawconbrige and Scrope, and diverse other, to recover such Castles and fortresses, as his enemies there held, and with force defended. These lords first besieged the castle of Alnewike, which sir Piers Bracy and the frenchmen, by force and strong hand kept, and in no wise would yield, sending for aid to the Scots, whereupon sir George Douglas, earl of Angus, with xiii M. men well chosen, in the day time rescued the frenchmen out of the castle, the Englishmen looking on, which thought it much better to have the castle, without loss of their men, then to lose both the castle and their men, considering the great power of the Scots, and their small numbered: and so they entered the castle and manned it, and after thesay lords, besieged the castle of Dunstanborogh, and by force took it, and John Goys servant to the duke of Somerset captain of the said castle, was taken and brought to York: where, with a hatchet he received his reward. These Lords also took by force, the strong castle of Bamborough, and in it sir Ralph Grace, which was before sworn to king Edward, for the which perjury to both the princes, he was disgraded of the high order of knighthood at Dancastre, 
The disgrading of a knight.  by cutting of his guilt spurs, renting his cote of arms, and breaking his sword over his head: and finally, there his body was shorted, by the length of his head, and had no more harm, thus was he rewarded for his double deceit, and manifest perjury.  
AFTER this victory, king Edward returned to York, where, in despite of th'earl of Northumberlande, which then lurked, in the realm of Scotland, he created sir John Nevel, lord Montacute, earl of Northumberlande, & in reproof of jasper earl of Penbroke, he created William lord Herbert, earl of the same place: but after when by mediation of friends, th'earl of Northumberlande, was reconciled to his favour, he restored him fully to his possessions, name and dignity: and not intending thereby, to diminish the honour of his friend, he preferred sir John Nevel, to the style of Marquis Montacute, and so by that means, he was in estate and degree higher, than th'earl of Warwick his elder brother, but in power, policy, and possessions, far base and lower.   

¶ The third year. 
The iii year.   
ALthough that King Edward might now think, all things to be in a good case, & himself also to be of puyssance sufficient against all his enemies, (for that he had obtained so great a victory): yet did he provide with all diligence, that neither king Henry, nor queen Margaret his wife, should by any means remain in England: lest the sight with the persuasions of them, and especially with old friends & allies, might altar and change the minds, & also win the hearts of the mutable commonalty. Wherefore he edified bulwarks, and builded fortresses on every side & part of his realm, where might be any place propice and meet, for an army to arrive or take land. Beside this, he wrote to all them in the South parts of his realm, that in no wise they should receive thesay queen, nor in any thing should help or minister to her: and if any did presume or attempt, privately or openly to infringe his will and commandment, the offenders should be taken as his adversaries, & punished as his utter enemies. And on that part that marcheth upon Scotland, he laid watches and espials, that no person should go out of the realm, to king Henry and his company: which then lay sojourning in Scotland. But what so ever jeopardy or peril might be construed or deemed, to have ensued by the means of king Henry: all such doubts, were now shortly resolved and determined, and all fear of his doings, were clearly put under and extinct. For he himself, whether he were past all fear, or was not well established in his perfit mind, or could not long keep himself secret, in a disguised apparel, boldly entered into England. He was no sooner entered, but he was known and taken of one Cantlowe, and brought toward the king, whom the earl of Warwick met on the way, by the kings commandment, 
King Henry the vi taken, and committed to the tour of London.  and brought him through London, to the tour, and there he was laid in sure hold. Queen Margarete his wife, hearing of the captivity of her husband, mistrusting the chance of her son, all desolate and comfortless, departed out of Scotland, and sailed into France, where she remained with Duke Reyner her father, till she took her infortunate journey into England again: where she lost both husband and son, and also all her wealth, honour, and worldly felicity. The new Duke of Somerset and his brother John, sailed into Flaunders, where they also lived in great misery, till duke Charles, because he was of their kin, and descended of the house of Lancastre by his mother, succoured them with a small pension, which to them was a great comfort. th'earl of Penbroke went from country to country, not always at his hearts ease, nor in security of life, or surety of living. Such an unstable and blind gods is fortune: for when he that sitteth highest on the wheel falleth to the ground, all that be underneath fall also, and can neither have aid nor help of her, nor yet of theimselfes.  
AFTER the taking of king Henry the uj and the departing of his wife, this realm was in more quietness & tranquillity, because that men of the contrary part and faction, durst not once attempt nor yet move, any new tumult or conspiracy, considering that both the head was fallen, and the chief membres fled and vanquished. Wherefore king Edward, being clearly out of doubt, of all hostility and danger, set all his mind the whole four years following, for both amending things prejudicial to the common wealth, and also for stablishing of things, meet and necessary, for the people of his Realm and dominion. And first of all, following the old ancient adage which saith, that the husbandman aught first to taste of the new grown fruit: he distributed the possessions, of such as took part with king Henry the vi to his soldiers and captains, which he thought had well deserved it. And beside, he left no point of liberality unshewed, by the which he might allure to him, the benevolence and loving hearts of his people: and in especial to his nobility, he gave both large and precious gifts and rewards. And because that he would gladly have the love of all men, aswell noble as ignoble, aswell of rich as of poor, he showed himself more familiar, both with the nobility and the commonalty, than (as some men thought) was convenient, either for his estate, or for his honour: which gentleness and friendly familiarity, he ever after used. The laws of the realm, 
King Edward the iiii. devised the names of the Coins.  in part he reform, and in part he newly augmented. The coin both of gold and of silver, which yet at this day is current, he newly devised and divided: for the gold he named royals and nobles, and the silver he called groats and half groats. After this, he caused open Proclamation to be divulged, that all persons which were adherent to his adversaries part, & would leave their armure, & submit themselves wholly to his grace and mercy, should be clearly remitted, pardoned, and relessed: and they that obstinately would so refuse, should have such pains, as by the law, to such transgressors, was assigned and appointed. What profit this gentle interteining of his people brought him to: What good will and fixed hearts of the people, he obtained by this kind and friendly handling, all men may with their eyes manifestly perceive. For only by the favour and aid of the people, ever after in all his wars, he was a victor and a conqueror: so that all enterprises afterward against him attempted, had either evil success, or were soon refelled, as afterward you shall perceive. When he had brought his Realm into this estate, he surely thinking, and no less trusting, but that he was set in the sure stall, sta●ble throne, and unmovable chair, of the crown of his realm and kingdom, was not only desirous of himself, being a prince of haut courage▪ young, lusty, and sanguine of complexion, to have a wife, but was also daily solicited, required, and motioned of the peers and nobility of the Realm, to join with such a make, as should be both to his honour and contentation, and also for the security & establishment, of the royal succession and continuance of his progeny, in his new possessed country, and late recovered kingdom. Whereupon, like a wis● and a circumspect Prince, very desirous of a Queen, but more thirsting for such a make, by the aid of whose parents, allies and confederates: he being joined with them in perfit affinity, might little or nothing doubt the attempts of his adversary king Henry, nor yet the malice of his secret friends and privy fautors. This matter (as it was of great weight and importance) hanging long in consultation: Amongst other it was moved, to sand to james the iii, king of Scots, for the obtaining of the fair lady Margaret his sister, to th'intent, that▪ on that side, king Henry his adversary, should be destitute of all aid, refuge, succour, and comfort: but whether it were for a privy sickness, or an open impediment, to him and his counsel declared, or by them spied, this motion vanished and took no farther effect. Then (as many men have said, & few or none have written) it was farther consulted, that the lady Elizabeth, sister & heir apparent, to Done Henry king of Castle, (which afterward was his heir in deed, and married to Done Fernando, king of Arragon) was a marriage for him most convenient, and not so convenient, as profitable both to him and his realm, and them that should lineally succeed him, considering that if he might obtain the kingdom of Castle, of the which his great grand mother, was one of the indubitate heirs, as daughter to Done Peter, late king of Castle, (by the valiant knight, Edward prince of Wales, restored to his signory, realm & kingdom) then were he in case, not only able to defend himself, and his realm of England, against all foreign enemies, and utter invasions, but also he should be of puyssance sufficient to invade, and likely to recover the duchy of Guienne, yea, and whole Acquitain, being his own true and lawful inheritance, with the aid only of the Castilians▪ putting the Englishement to little travail, & less charge. This motion thus setforward seemed highly to redound, both to the honour of the king, and the high advancement of thestate of the realm: Considering first, the high parentage of the woman, and secondly, the indubitate expectation o● th'inheritance, of the realms of Castle and Lion. And this marriage agreed upon, (which seemeth more likely to be entreated of, then concluded as the tale tellers say). The earl of Warwick was sent into Spain, well instructed, and no less accompanied, for the conclusion of the said marriage. But who so will diligently consider, and in equal balance ponder, the youth and appetite of king Edward, and the tender age and minority of this noble damosel: may evidently perceive, that it was neither decent nor convenient, for him nor his realm, to expect and tarry the maturity and full age of this noble princes, nor that he being a prince, well cherished, of lusty courage, and apt to generation, would or could live sole and unmarried without a wife, till she were of age, meet & convenient for his bed. For it appeareth on her goodly sepulture, in the cite of Granado (where she is buried) and also diverse famous and notable Historiographers, both of Spain and other regions, writ and affirm, that she changed this transitory life, in the year of our Lord. M.d.vi being L. years of age, one month only lacking. By which report she should be borne, in the year of our lord. M.iiii. C.lvi And when th'earl of Warwick was sent for the marriage of king Edward, in the beginning of the third year of his reign, the year of our lord . M. cccc.lxiii, so that then she was six and not fully vii years, at which time king Edward had fully accomplished xxiiii years and more. The treaty of which marriage although it be not unpossible, yet for the causes aforsaied, it seemeth not a little unlikely. But admit that this marriage was moved, as it peradventure might be, and that the earl of Warwick sailed into Spain, (as he did not in deed) of likelihod his legation was frustrate, & came to none effect: but sure it is that the same year, he came to king Lewes the xi then being French king, lying at Tours, and with great honour was there received, and honourably entertained: of whom, 
The treaty● of a marriage for king Edward th● four  for king Edward his master, he demanded to have in marriage the lady Bona, daughter to Lewes' duke of Savoy, and sister to the lady Carlot, than French Queen, being then in the French court. This marriage seemeth politicly devised, and of an high imagination to be invented, if you will well consider, the state and condition of king Edward's affairs, which at this time, had king Henry the vi. in safe custody, in the strong tour of London, and the most part of his adherentes, he had as he thought, either profligated or extinct, Queen Margaret only except, and Prince Edward her son, which were then sojourning at Angiers, with old Duke Reiner of Anjou her father, writing himself king of Naples, Scicile, and jerusalem, having as much profits of the letters of his glorious style, as rents and revenues out of the said large and rich realms and dominions, (because the king of Arragon took the profits of the same▪ and would make no account thereof to duke Reiner). King Edward therefore thought it necessary, to have affinity in France, and especially by the queens sister: which Queen, although she ruled not the king her husband, (as many women do) yet he of a certain especial humility, was more content to have her favour & follow her desire, (for wedded men often times doubt storms) rather then to have a lowering countenance, and a ringing peal, when he should go to his rest and quietness: trusting that by this marriage, queen Margarete (whom the same Queen Carlot little or nothing regarded, although her father was called a king and she a queen, & none of both having subjects, profits, nor dominions) should have no aid, succour, nor any comfort of the French king, nor of none of his friends nor allies, wherefore queen Carlot much desirous to advance her blood & progeny, & especially to so great a prince as king Edward was, obtained both the good will of the king her husband, & also of her sister, so that the matrimony on that side was clearly assented to, & the earl of Dampmartine appointed with other, 
The marriage concluded for king Edward the four  to sail into England, for the clearly finishing of the same. After these things thus concluded, the earl of Warwycke was dismissed and highly rewarded, & for the great & noble courage that was in him, he obtained such favour of the king, the queen and the nobles of France, that when he fled out of England, he was there honourably received, friendly maintained, and lovingly succoured, as you shall perceive hereafter.  
BUT now consider the old proverb to be true that saith: that marriage is destiny. For during the time that the earl of Warwycke was thus in France, concluding a marriage for king Edward: The king being on hunting in the forest of Wychwod beside Stonnystratforde, came for his recreation to the manor of Grafton, where the duchess of Bedford sojourned, than wife to sir Richard Woduile, lord Rivers, on whom then was attending a daughter of hers, called dame Elizabeth Greye, widow of sir John Grey knight, slain at the last battle of saint Albon, by the power of king Edward. This widow having a suit to the king, either to be restored by him to some thing taken from her, or requiring him of pity, to have some augmentation to her living, found such grace in the kings eyes, that he not only favoured her suit, but much more phantasied her person, 
King Edward falleth in love with the buches of Bedfo●des daughter, ● after marrieth her.  for she was a woman more of formal countenance, then of excellent beauty, but yet of such beauty & favour, that with her sober demeanour, lovely looking, and femynyne smiling, (neither to wanton nor to humble) beside her tongue so eloquent, and her wit so pregnant, she was able to ravish the mind of a mean person, when she alured, and made subject to her, the heart of so great a king. After that king Edward had well considered all the linyamentes of her body, and the wise and womanly demeanour that he saw in her, he determined first to attempt, if he might provoke her to be his sovereign lady, promising her many gifts and fair rewards, affirming farther, that if she would thereunto condescend, she might so fortune of his paramour and concubine, to be changed to his wife & lawful bedfellow: which demand she so wisely, and with so covert speech answered and repugned, affirming that as she was for his honour far unable to be his spouse and bedfellow: So for her own poor honesty, she was to good to be either his concubine, or sovereign lady: that where he was a little before heated with the dart of Cupid, he was now set all on a hot burning fire, what for the confidence that he had in her perfit constancy, and the trust that he had in her constant chastity, & without any farther deliberation, he determined with him self clearly to mary with her, after that asking counsel of them, which he kenwe neither would nor once durst impugn his concluded purpose.  
BUT the duchess of York his mother letted it as much as in her lay alleging a precontract made by him with the lady Lucye, and divers other lets: all which doubts were resolved, & all things made clear & all cavillations avoided. And so, privily in a morning he married her at Grafton, where he first phantasied her visage.   

¶ The four year. 
The iiii. yer●   
ANd in the next year after, she was with great solemnity crowned queen at Westmynster. Her father also was created earl Rivers, and made high Constable of England: her brother lord Anthony, was married to the sole heir of Thomas lord Scales, & by ●er he was lord Scales. Sir Thomas Grey, son to sir John Grey, the queens first husband, was created Marquis Dorset, and married to Cicilie, heir to the ●ord Bonuile. Albeit this marriage, at the first appearance was very pleasant to the king, but more joyous to the queen & profitable to her blood, which were so highly exalted▪ yea, & so suddenly promoted, that all the nobility more marveled then allowed this sudden rising and swift elevation: Yet who so will mark the sequel of this story, shall manifestly perceive, what murder, what misery, & what trouble ensued by reason of this marriage: for it can not be denied, but for this marriage king Edward was expulsed the Realm, & durst not abide, And for this marriage was th'earl of Warwycke & his brother miserable slain. 
I●commodi●●● y● 〈◊〉 of ●yng Edward's marriage.  By this marriage were king Edward's ii sons declared bastards, & it conclusion prived of their lives. And finally by this marriage, the queens blood was confounded, and utterly in manner destroyed. So that men did afterward divine, that either God was not contented, nor yet pleased with this matrimony, or else that he punished king Edward in his posterity, for the deep dissimuling and covert cloaking, with his faithful friend the earl of Warwycke. But such conjectures for the most part, be rather more of men's fantasies, then of divine revelation. When this marriage was once blown abroad, foreign kings and princes marveled and mused at it: noble men detested and dis●ained it: the common people grudged and murmured at it, and all with one voice said, that his unadvised wowing, hasty loving, and to speedy marriage, were neither meet for him being a king, nor consonant to the honour of so high an estate. The French king and his queen were not a little discontent (as I can not blame them) to have their sister, first demanded and then granted, and in conclusion rejected, and apparently mocked, without any cause reasonable. Wherefore shortly to appeseher dolour, they married her to John Galemce, duke of milan, where she lived in great felicity. But when the earl of Warwycke had perfect knowledge by the letters of his trusty friends, that king Edward had gotten him a new wife, & that all that he had done with king Lewes in his ambassade for the conjoining of this new affinity, was both frustrate & vain, he was earnestly moved and sore chafed with the chance, and thought it necessary that king Edward should be deposed from his crown and royal dignity, as an inconstant prince, not worthy of such a kingly office. All men for the most part agree, that this marriage was the only cause, why the earl of Warwycke bore grudge, and made war on king Edward. Other affirm that th●re were other causes, which added to this, made the fire to flamme, which before was but a little smoke. For after that king Edward had obtained his kingdom (as it was then thought) by the only help and mean of the earl of Warwycke, he begun to suspect▪ yea, and to doubt him, fearing, jest he being in such authority and estimation of the people, as he well might work him pleasure or displeasure, when he thereunto were minded, wherefore he thought it convenient a little and a little to pluck away and minyshe the power and authority, which he and his predecessors had given to the earl, to th'intent that he then might do at his pleasure, both at home and in outward parties, without fear or dread, without check or taunt, whatsoever to his awn mind seemed most convenient. By this a man may see that often it chanceth, that friends for one good turn will not tender another, nor yet remember a great gratuite and benefit in time of necessity, to them showed and exhibited: But for kindness they show unkindness, & for great benefits received, with great displeasure they do recompense. Of this the earl of Warwycke was nothing ignorant, which although he looked for better thanks & more ample benefits at king Edward's hands: yet he thought it best to dissimule the matter, till such a time were come, as he might find the king without strength, and then to embraid him with the pleasure that he had done for him. 
The displeasure between king Edward the four & the earl of Warwycke.  And farther it erreth not from the truth that king Edward did attempt a thing once in the earls house which was much against the earls honesty (whether he would have deflowered his daughter or his niece, the certainty was not for both their honours openly known) for surely such a thing was attempted by king Edward, which loved well both to look and to feel fair dammosels. But whether the injury that the earl thought he had taken at king Edward's hands, or the disdain of authority that the earl had under the king, was the cause of dissolution of their amity and league, truth it is that the privy intentions in their hearts broke into so many small pieces, that England, France, and Flaunders, could never join them again, during their natural lives.  
THE earl of Warwycke being thus moved, inflammed, & set against the king▪ jest in his fury, his purpose might be espied and brought to naught, determined himself, covertly dissimuling, so long to suffer all such wrongs & injuries, as were to him done, till he might spy a time convenient, & a world after his awn appetite, for the setting forth of his enterprise, and accompilshing of his purpose: whereupon he sailed into England, and with reverence saluted the king as he was wont to do, & declared his Ambassade and thexploit of the same, without any spot of grudge to be perceived, as though he were ignorant of the new matrimony. And when he had tarried in the court a certain space, more for to show that he was the same person, and of the same good mind toward the king, as he was before the time of his legation, then for any great affection that he bore, either to the king or the queen, he obtained licence of the king, to departed to his castle of Warwycke, both for his health and recreation, whither with great honour he was accompanied with divers of the kings familiar servitors, as though none inward grudge or covert dissimulation had been hidden between them, where he remained till all his privy imaginations were made open, and all his enterprises were ready to be set forward. During which time, the queen was delivered of a young and fair lady, named Elyzabeth, which afterward was wife to the noble prince king Henry the seven. and mother to king Henry the viij,   

¶ The v year. 
The▪ v. year.   
WHen king Edward had reigned this, full the term of .v. years, not all in pleasure, nor yet so in displeasure, but either by policy or friendship, he ever was superior, & had the upper hand of his enemies: He daily studied and intentively applied his whole mind with all labour and diligence to obtain the love, favour and amity of outward princes & foreign potentates. First to have a Rowlad for an Oliver, for the French king whom he knew not to be his friends, by reason of the refusal of his queens sister, he procured an amity with Henry, king of Castle, and John king of Arragon. At the concluding of which amity he granted licence and liberty for certain cottesolde sheep to be transported into the county of Spain 
King Edward licenced a maintain number of sheep to be transported into Spain.  (as people report) which have so there multiplied and increased, that it hath turned the commodity of England, moche to the spanish profit, & to no small hindrance of the lucre and gain which was beforetymes in England, raised of wool and fell. Beside this to have an amity with his next neighbour, the king of Scots he winking at the town of Barwyke, was content to take a truce for xv. years.  
BUT Lord what happy chance and good luck had king Edward for beside these new friends and conferates (of the which, some were more farther of, than he could call to for help with a whistel, when he stood in most danger and distress) Fortune beside all his expectation provided him even at his elbow, A brother in law, a perpetual ally and friendly neighbour: which offered alliance and new amity, if he had either refused or missed, surely of all his other putatyve (I dare not say feigned) friends, for all their league, in his extreme necessity, he had been clearly abandoned, and of all comfort left disconsolate. This happy chance came by this occasion, In this same season was lord and prince in Flaunders, Brabant and Zelandt, and other the low contreis', thereabout, Philippe duke of Burgoyne, a man as he was of great age and years, so was he had in much honour, great estimation & high reverence amongst all kings and princes in his days: which duke as you hard before, was enemy mortal to king Henrye the sixth This duke had only one son legitimate, called Charles earl of Charol●ys, a man of such haute courage, of so high enterprise and untimerous audacity (even like the son of Mars) as few or none was seen in his time: For how he discomfited king Joys the xi then the French king at the battle of Montleherrye, the frenchmen hath not yet forgotten. The land of Luke also hath in recent memory his sore scourge and cruel plague. This earl Charles was at this time a widower, having only a sole daughter, and no son, wherefore both by his father and himself and the companions of the order of the golde● fleece, being of their counsel, it was thought not only expedient but much more necessary, that he should take a wife, ye and in such a place as they might by that matrimony have both alliance and aid against all their outward enemies, and especially against the French king, whom they knew daily to wait & watch like a serpent, how he by fraud might swallow or catch them or their possessions: upon which communication it was declared by certain, there being present, that king Edward of England had a fair virgin to his sister, called lady Margarete, a lady of excellent beauty, and yet more of womanhod than beauty, and more of virtue than womanhood, whose innumerable good qualities, beside the gifts of nature, grace and fortune, were so seriously set forth to duke Philip, and the earl of Charoloys his son, that both the father & the child judged that marriage to be the most meetest matrimony in Christendom, not only for the excellent qualities and manifold virtues imprinted in the person of the noble virgin, but also for the great profit, alliance and continual friendship that should grow and rise between the realm of England, and the duke's lands.   

The vi. year.  
AFter that this point was clearly resolved on, 
The vi. year.  the Duke appointed his bastard son lord Anthony, commonly called the bastard of Bourgoyne, chief ambassador for this purpose: a man of great wit, courage, valiantness and liberality, which being richly furnished of plate & apparel, necessary for his estate, having in his company gentlemen & other expert in all feats of chivalry, and merciall prows, to the number of. cccc. horses (as the Brabanders write) took his ship, and with prosperous wind arrived in England, where he was of the nobility received & and with all honourable entertainment, conveyed to the kings presence which like a prince, that knew what appertained to his degree, lovingly welcomed, and familiarly embraced the bastard & other nobles that came with him. And after his commission seen, and his message declared, the King gave to him a gentle answer for that time, and so the ambassadors departed to their lodging, where they kept a great household, and made triumphant cheer. You may think that king Edward was not so unwise, nor yet so unpurveyed of counsel, to forsake this beneficial alliance, amicable consanguinity and loving friendship, thus frankly to him proffered and granted, but that he and all his counsel with foot and hand endeavoured themselves to bring too pass, and finally to conclude the same, the Earl of Warwycke only except, which bearing his hearty favour too the French king by ill reports, did asmuch as in him say to hinder this marriage and affinity, of whose good will duke Charles was well informed.  
But for all his opinion at a certain day, the king sent for the Ambassadors, and there declared to● them how he gladly did both accept and grant their loving request, and demand, promising them in the word of a Prince, that he should be during his life friend to the friends of the Duke and the Earl, and enemies to their adversaries and enemies, which words not a little pleased the Burgonnyons. After this he caused the lady Margaret his syste● to be sent for which being richly apparelled, accompanied with a great multitude of ladies and gentlewomen, entered into the kings great chamber, with so sober demeanour, so fair a visage, so loving a countenance & so princely a port, that she was esteemed for her parsonage and qualities, both of the Burgonnyons and other, not to be unworthy to match in matrimony, with the greatest prince of the world. And after the king, she & the ambassadors had commoned a good tract of time, the lord Anthony● bastard of Burgonnye, contracted openly the said lady Margaret, for and in the name of his brother the earl Charles, and there in the name of the duke his father, and the Earl his brother, he presented to the lady Margaret a rich and a costly jewel, which she ioyouslye received with great thanks and many gratulations given, b●th to her father in law and her new contracted husband.  
After this marriage, was thus concluded and contracted to speak what banquets, feasts, disguisynges, pastimes & pleasures were made and showed to the ambassadors, it were to long to writ the matter, b●yng no more serious, & much more tedious to here: But one thing was v●ry honourable, and not meet to be put in oblivion. The bastard of Burgoyne, a man of a haute courage, challenged 
A challenge.  Anthony lord Scales, broth●r to the Queen, a man both equal in heart, and valiantness with the bastard to fight with him both on foot & on horseback, the lord Scales gladly received his demand and promised him on the oath of a gentleman, to answer him in the field, at the day appointed: like challenges were made by other Borgonyons, to the gentlemen of England, which you may surely believe were not refused. The king intending to see this martial sport and valiant challenge performed, caused lists royal for the champion's, and costly galleries for Ladies to look on, to be newly erected and edified in West Smythfelde in London. And at the day by the king assigned, the ii Lords entered within the lists, well mounted, richly trapped, and curiously armed. On which day they ran together, certain courses with sharp spears, and so departed with equal honour. The next day, they entered the field, the bastard sitting on a bay courser, being somewhat dim of sight, and the lord Scales had a grey courser, on whose s●haffrō was a long and a sharp pike of steel. When these two valiant persons coped together at the tornay, the lord Scales horse by chance or by custom, thrust his pike into the nostrils of the horse of the bastard, so that for very pain he mounted so high, that he fell on the one side with his master, & the lord Scales road round about him with his sword shaking in his hand, ●yll the king commanded the Marshal to help up the bastard, which openly said, I can not hold by the clouds, for though my horse failed me, surely I will not fail my countercompaignions'. And when he was remounted, he made a countenance to assail his 〈◊〉, but the king either▪ favouring his brother's honour then gotte●●● mistrusting the shame, which might come to the bastard, if he were again foiled, caused the Heralds to cry, a lostell, and every man to depart. The morrow after, the two noble men came in to the field on 〈◊〉, with two Pole-axes, and there fought valiantly like two courageous champion's, but at the last, the point of the axe of the lord Scales happened to e●ter into the ●ight of the helm of the bastard, & by fine ●orce might have plucked him on his knees, the king suddenly cast doun● his ●arder, and then the Marshals them severed. The bastard not content with this chance, very desirous to be revenged, trusting on his cunning at the Poleaxe (the which feat he had greatly excercised, & there in had a great experiment) required the king of justice, that he might perform his enterprise: the lord Scales, not refused it. The king said he would ask counsel, & so calling to him the Constable and Marshal with the officers of arms, after long consultation had, and laws of arms rehearsed, it was declared to the bastard for a sentence definitive by the duke of Clarence, than Constable of England, and the duke of Norfolk earl Martial, that if he would prosecute farther his attempted challenge, he must by the law of arms, be delivered to his adversary in the same case and like condition, as he was when he was taken from him, that is to say, the point of the lord Scales axe to be fixed in the sight of his helm, as deep as it was when they were severed. The bastard hearing this iudgemt, doughted much the sequel, if he so should proceed again, wherefore he was content to relinquyshe his challenge, rather than to abide the hazard of his dishonour: Other challenges were done, & valiantly achened by the Englishmen, which I pass over. When all these courageous acts were thus with joy accomplished, sorrowful tidings were brought to the bastard, that duke Philip his father was passed this transitory life, of which tidings he was not a little sorrowful, and thereupon taking his leave of king Edward and his sister, the new Duchess of Burgoyne, liberally rewarded with plate and jewels, with all celerity he returned to the new duke Charles his nephew, accounting to him what exploit he had made in his Ambassade & message, which answer was to the great contentation and accomplisment of the desire of the said Duke, and thereof most heartily thanked the lady for her consent, as for the thing that he most desired, not forgetting to gratify king Edwardes for his preferment and furtherance in his loving request.  
This contract was made, and duke Philip died in the year of our salvation. M. CCCC.LXUII. and in the uj year of king Edward the four in which year king Edward more for the Marquis Montagewes love, then for any favour he bore to the earl of Warwycke, promoted George Nevel their brother, to the Archebishoperyke of York.   

The, seven, year, 
The vii: ye●●   
NOw to return to Charles duke of Burgoyne, which was with great victory, and victorious triumph returned from the conquest of the land of Luke of Bruseles, he not forgetting the contract, which his bastard brother the lord Anthony had made in his name, with the noble princess lady Margaret, sister to Edward king of England, deu●sed always how he might with all honour and royalty, have her received into his country. And first he wrote to the king of England, to send her over the sea with all diligence, according to the pact and league between them concluded, which being nothing slack, and especially in such a cause, as so highly magnified his blood, prepared ships and all things necessary, for the honourable conduit of her and her company and so accompanied with the ●ukes of Exeter and Southfolke and their wife's, being both her sisters, and a great company of lords and ladies and other, to the number of. CCCCC. horses, in the beginning of june departed out of London to Dover, & so sailed to S●uys, how she and her company were there received, and from thence conveyed to Bruges, where the marriage was celebrated and solempniezd, what abundant fare and Delicate vian● was served at the feast, with how rich hangings the house was garnished and trimmed, with how many Cupperdes of gold & silver the palace was adorned, with how many garnyshe of silver vessel the companies were served, what justes, what Tourneys, what banquets, and what disports were at this Nuptial feast▪ I neither dare nor will writ, according to the Brabander Chronicle, jest peradventure some men might think that I flattered a little, as perchance I think they say not true in a great deal.  
But now to let go the matters of joy & solace, & to return to the pestilent serpent, which so long had sucked up his poison, and now began to vomit and cast it so abroad, that all the three years following the whole Realm was continually infected with the same, which infection, never ceased till the air was purified with the blood and death of himself at Barnet field: for if you call to your remembrance the deep dissimulinge of the Earl of Warwycke at his return from beyond the sea, and the continual grudge that lurked in his stommack, toward king Edward sith the time, ye must think that of very necessity it would at length either burst the vessel, and by some means issue out, as it did now even at this time: he being at his town of Warwycke, accompanied with his two brethren the Marquis Montacute, and the archbishop of York, framed communication too make them merry and to pass forth the time two or three days, and at the last having an occasion to speak of the king & his doings and procedings, he then first moved and excited them by all ways possible to help and aid, & to restore king Henry the sixth, to the Crown and royal dignity again, 
The persuasion of the earl of Warwyke unto his two brethren against king Edward the fourth.  saying to them after this wise. My dear & well-beloved brethren, the incredible faythefulnes, the secret soberness, and the politic prudence that I have ever by long continuance of time experimented in you both, doth not only encourage my heart, yea and setteth me in great hope of obtaining my purpose, but also putteth me out of all dread & mistrust, firmly believing, & surely judging, that you both will with tooth and nail endeavour yourself, to the uttermost of your power to bring to effect & purpose the thing that I now shall declare unto you. Surely, I would in no wise that you should think that, that which I shall speak to you, of king Edward and king Henry, should rise of any lightness or fantasy of my mind, or any triffeling toy, lately fallen into my imagination, but the true experience and just judgement, that I have of them both, their qualities and conditions, in manner compel and constrain me to say as I say, and to do as I do. For surely King Henry is, a Godly, good, and a virtuous person, neither forgetting his friends, nor putting in oblivion any benefit by him, of a mean person received, nor yet any pain for his causes sustained, he hath left unrewarded: To whom God hath sent a son, called Prince Edward, borne to be of great worthiness and praise, of much bountifulness and liberality, of whom men may, many laudable things conjecture, considering the pain, labour, and travail, that he taketh to help his father out of captivity and thraldom. King Edward on the contrary side, is a man, contumelious, opprobrious, & an injurious person, to them that deserve kindness, he showeth unkindness, and to them that love him, he deadly hateth, now detesting to take any pain, for the preferment or maintenance, of the public wealth of this realm, but all given to pastime, pleasure, and dalliance. Sooner preferring to high estate, men descended of low blood, and base degree, than men of old and undefiled houses, which hath both supported him, & the common wealth of his realm: So that now I perceive, that it is even come to this point that he will destroy all the nobility, or else the nobility must shortly, of very necessity destroy and confound him. But reason would, that we that were first hurt, should first revenge our cause: for it is not unknown to you both, how that he, immediately after he had obtained the crown, began first secretly, and then openly, to envy, disdain, and impugn the fame, glory, and renown, of our house and family, as who said, that all the honour, preferment, and authority that we have, we had only received at his hands, and that we had neither obteigned, dignity nor rule by our great labour, aid and travail. Which to a●l men may seem untrue, which consider that our name, chief title, and principal authority, was to us given by king Henry the sixth, and not by him. But if every man will remember, who first took part with his father, when he claimed the Crown: who at that time, for that cause was in great jeopardy, and almost slain by the kings menial servants, and who never left this man in prosperity nor adversity, till he had the garland, and the realm in quietness, shall manifestly perceive, that we and our blood, hath showed ourselves more like fathers to him, than he like a friend to us. If we have received any benefits of him, surely they be not so much, as we have deserved, nor so much as we looked for, and yet they be much more, than he would we should enjoy, as ye both well perceive and know. Let these things overpass, and speak of the ungentle, untrue, and unprincely handling of me, in the last ambassade, being sent to the French king, for to treat a marriage for him, having full authority to bind and to loose, to contract and conclude. Which thing when I had finished and accomplished: how lightly his mind changed, How privily he vowed, and how secretly he married, Both you know better than I So that by this means, I was almost out of all credence, in the Court of France, both with the king and queen as though I had come thither like an espial, to move a thing never minded, or to treat of a marriage determined before, never to take effect. Whereby the fame of all our estimation, which all kings and Princes have conceived in us, partly obtained by the virtue and prowess of our noble ancestors, and partly achieved by our own peines and forward acts: shall now be obfuscate, utterly extinguished, and nothing set by. What worm is touched, and will not once turn again? What beast is stricken, that will not roar or sound? What innocent child is hurt that will not cry? If the poor and unreasonable beasts: If the silly babes that lacketh discretion, groan against harm to them proffered, How aught an honest man to be angry, when things that touch his honesty, be daily against him attempted? But if a mean person in that case be angry: how much more aught a noble man, to fume and stir coals, when the high type of his honour is touched, his fame in manner brought to infamy, and his honour almost blemished and appalled, with out his offence or desert? All this brethren you know to be true, the dishonour of one, is the dishonour of us all, and the hurt of one, is the hurt of all: Wherefore, rather than I will live unrevenged, or suffer him to reign, which hath sought my decay and dishonour, I will surely spend my life, land, and goods, in setting up that just and good man king Henry the sixth: and in deposing this untrue, unfaithful, and unkind Prince (by our only means) called king Edward the fourth.  
These fair words alured the Archbishop shortly, to his intent and purpose, but the Lord Marques could by no means be reduced, to take any part against king Edward, till the earl had both promised him great rewards and high promotions, and also assured him of the aid and power, of the greatest princes of the realm. Even as the Marquis unwillingly, and in manner coacted gave his consent, to this unhappy conjuration, at the enticement and procurement of th'earl, so with a faint heart and less courage, he always showed himself enemy to King Edward▪ except in his last day: which lukewarm heart, and double dissimulation, were both the destruction of him and his brethren. The earl of Warwick being a man of a great wit, far casting, and many things vigilantly foreseeing, either perceived by other, or had perfect knowledge of himself, that the duke of Clarence, bore not the best will to king Edward his brother (as he did not in deed) thought first to prove him a far of, as it were in a problem, and after to open to him (if he saw him flexible to his purpose) the secret imaginations of his stomach: thinking that if he might by policy or promise, allure the duke to his party, that king Edward should be destitute, of one of his best Hawks, when he had most need to make a flight. So at time and place convenient, the earl began to complain to the duke, of the ingratitude and doubleness of king Edward, saying: that he had neither handled him like a friend, nor kept promise with him, according as the estate of a Prince required. The earl had not half told his tale, but the duke in a great fury answered, why my lord, think you to have him kind to you, that is unkind, yea, and unnatural to me being his own brother, think you that friendship will make him keep promise, where neither nature nor kindred, in any wise can provoke or move him, to favour his own blood? Think you that he will exalt and promote his cousin or alley, which little careth for the fall or confusion, of his own line and lineage: This you know well enough, that the heir of the Lord Scales he hath married to his wife's brother, the heir also of the lord Bonuile and Haryngton, he hath given to his wife's son, and their of the lord Hungerford, he hath granted to the lord Hastynges: three marriages more metre for his two brethren and kin, then for such new foundlynges, as he hath bestowed them on: But by sweet saint George I swear, if my brother of Gloucester would join with me, we would make him know, that we were all three one man's sons, of one mother and one lineage descended, which should be more preferred and promoted, than strangers of his wife's blood.  
When th'earl of Warwick had hard the duke's words, he had that which he both sore thrusted and lusted for, and then began boldly to disclose to the Duke, his intent and purpose even at the full, requiring him to take part with him, and to be one of the attempted confederacy. And lest the duke might think, that the matter was lightly, and uncircumspectly begun, he declared to him, how warily, how secretly, how speedily all things concerning this purpose, had been compassed, studied, and foreseen, requiring him in so great and urgent a cause, both to take pein & travail, and also to study with all circumspection and foreseeing, how these things thus begun might be brought to a certainty and a final conclusion. And the rather to win the duke's heart the earl beside diverse and many fair promises made to the duke, offered him his eldest daughter (being o● ripe age and elegant stature) in marriage, with the whole halfedele of his wife's inheritance. The duke at the persuasion & request of th'earl, promised to do all things which he would or could, in any manner require or desire. After that the Duke and the earl had long consulted, concerning their strange and dangerous affairs: they first determined to sail to Caleis, of the which town the earl was chief captain, where his wife and two daughters then sojourned, whom to visit, the duke of Clarence being in amours, had no small affection. But the earl continually remembering the purpose that he was set on, thought to begin and kindle the fire, of his ungracious conjuration (which so many years vexed and unquieted the realm of England) before his departure, wherefore he appointed his brethren, the archbishop and the Marquis, that they should by some mean in his absence, stir up new commotion or rebellion, in the County of York and other places adiacente: so that this civil war should seem to all men, to have been begun without his assent or knowledge (he being in the parts of beyond the sea).   

The eight year: 
The viii: year   
WHen all these things were thus determined, and in grave counsel allowed, the earl and the duke sailed directly to Caleis: where they were solemnly received, and joyously entertained of the Countess and of her two daughters. And after that the duke had sworn on the Sacrament to keep his promise and pact inviolate made and concluded with the earl of Warwick, he married the Lady Isabella, eldest daughter to thesay earl, in our Lady Church at Cal●is, with great pomp and solemnity. After which marriage so solemnized, the duke and th'earl consulted sadly together, by what means they should continued the war (which as it was by them appointed) was recently and within few days begun in York shire, not without great rumore and disturbance, of all quietness in that country.  
The mother of this pernicious commotion, was uncharitie, or very impiety, for there was in the city of York, an old and rich Hospital, dedicated to Saint Leonarde, in the which Almosehouse the poor and indigente people were harboured and refreshed, and the sick and impotent persons were comforted and healed. For this good purpose and charitable intent, all the whole Province of York, gave yearly to this Hospital certain measures of corn: in manner as an oblation of the first fruits of their new grain, thinking their gift given to so holy a place, for so holy an expense, should be to them meritorious, and before God acceptable. Certain evil disposed persons of the earl of Warwick's faction, intending to set a bruill in the country, persuaded a great number of husband men, to refuse and deny to give any thing to thesay Hospital, affirming and saying: that the corn that was given to that good intent, was not expended on the poor people, but the Master of the Hospital waxed rich with such almose and his priests waxed fat, and the poor people lay lean without succour of comfort. And not content with these sayings, they fell to doings, for when the Proctors of the Hospital, according to their usage, went about the country, to gather the accustomed corn, they were sore beaten, wounded, and very evil entreated. Good men lamented this ungodly demeanour, and the perverse people much at it rejoiced, and took such a courage, that they kept secret conventicles, and privy communicacions, in so much, that within few days, they had made such a confederacy together, that they were assembled to the number of xu thousand men, even ready priest to set on the city of York. When the fame of this commotion and great assemble, came to the ears of the citizens of York they were first greatly astonished: but leaving fear aside, they were in a great doubt and uncertainty, whether it were best for them to issue out of their walls, and to give battle to the rebels, or to keep their city, and repulse the violence of their enemies, by the manful defending of their walls and ports. But the Lord Marques Montacute, governor and president of that country for the king, did shortly put the citizens out of all fear and suspicion of invasion, for he taking speedy counsel, and considering the opportunity of the time, with a small number of men but well chosen, encountered the rebels, before the gates of York: where after long conflict, he took Robert Huldurne their captain, and before them commanded his head there to be stricken of, and then he caused all his soldiers (because it was dark, to enter into the city of York) and after their long labour to refresh them.  
Here is to be marveled, why the Marquis thus put to death the captain and ruler of the people, stirred and raised up by him, and the fellows of his conjuration and conspiracy: Some say he did it to the intent, that he would seem faults and innocent, of all his brothers doings, and privy imaginations: But other affirm and say, that he for all his promise made to his brother, was then deliberately determined to take part with king Edward, with whom (as it shall after appear) he in small space entered into great grace and high favour. The people being nothing abashed at the death of their captain, but rather the more eager and fierce, by fair means and crafty persuasions: found the means to get to them, Henry son and heir to the lord Filz Hugh, and sir Henry Nevell, son and heir of the Lord Latimer, the one being nephew, and the other cousin germane to th'earl of Warwick. Although that these young gentlemen, bore the names of captains, yet they had a tutor & governor called sir John Conyers, a man of such courage & valiantness, as few was in his days, in the north parts. And first considering that they could not get York, for want of ordinance and artillery, which they did lack in deed, they determined with all speed to march toward London, intending by the way to raise such a phantesie in the people's hearts, that they should think that king Edward was neither a just prince to God, nor profitable to the common wealth of the realm.  
When king Edward (to whom all the doings of the Earl of Warwick, and the Duke his brother, were manifest and overt, and were come to that point, that he expected and looked for) was by diverse letters sent to him, certified that the great army of the Northern men, were with all spe●e coming toward London. Therefore in great haste he sent to William lord Herbert, whom, within two years before, he had created earl of Penbroke, that he should without delay encounter with the Northern men, with the extremity of all his power. The earl of Penbroke, commonly called the lord Herbert, was not a little joyous of the kings letters, partly to deserve the kings liberality, which of a mean gentleman, had promoted him to the estate of an earl, partly for the malice that he bore to the earl of Warwick, being the sole obstacle (as he thought) why he obtained not the wardship of the Lord Bonuiles' daughter & heir, for his eldest son. Whereupon he accompaignie● with his brother sir Richard Harbert, a valiant knight, and above vi or vii thousand Welshemennes well furnished, marched forward to encounter with the Northern men. And to assist and furnish him with archers, was appointed Humffray lord Stafford of Southwike (named, but not created) Earl of Devonshire, by the King, in hope that he valiantly would serve him in that journey, and with him he had eight hundred archers. When these two Lords were met at Cottishold, they made diligent inquiry, to here where the Northern men were, and so by their explorators they were asserteined, that they were passing toward Northampton, whereupon the lord Stafford, and sir Richard Harbert with two thousand well horsed Welshmen, said: they would go view and see the demeanour and number of the Northern men, and so under a woods side, they covertly espied them pass forward, and suddenly set on the rearward: but the Northern men with such agility so quickly turned about, that in a moment of an hour, the Welshemen were clean discomfited and scattered, and many taken, and the remnant returned to the army with small gain.  
King Edward being nothing abashed of this small chance, sent good words to the Earl of Pembroke, animating and bidding him to be of a good courage, promising him not alonely aid in short time, but also he himself in person royal, would follow him with all his puissance and power. The York shire men, being glad of this small victory, were well cooled and went no farther Southward, but took their way toward Warwick, looking for aid of th'earl, which was lately come from Caleis, with the Duke of Clarence his son in law, and was gathering and reising of men, to succour his friends and kyns●olke. The king likewise assembled people on every side, to aid and assist th'earl of Penbroke and his company. But before or any part received comfort or succour, from his friend or partaker, both the armies met by chance, in a fair plain, near to a town called Hedgecot, three mile from Banbery, 
Banbery field  wherein be three hills, not in equal distance, nor yet in equal quantity, but lying in manner although not fully triangle: the Welshemen got first the West hill, hoping to have recovered the East hill: which if they had obtained, the victory had been theirs, as their unwise Prophesiers promised them before. The Northern men encamped themselves on the south hill. The earl of Penbroke and the lord Stafford of Southwike, were lodged at Banbery the day before the field, which was saint james day, and there the earl of Pembroke, put the Lord Stafforde out of an Inn, wherein he delighted much to be, for the love of a damosel that dwelled in the house: contrary to their mutual agreement by them taken, which was, that whosoever obtained first a lodging, should not be deceived nor removed. After many great words and cracks, had between these two captains, the lord Stafford of Southwyke, in great despite departed with his whole company and band of Archers, leaving the earl of Pembroke almost desolate in the town, which, with all diligence returned to his host, lying in the field unpurveyed of Archers, abiding such fortune as God would send and provide. Sir Henry Nevell son to the Lord Latimer, took with him certain light horsemen, and skirmished with the Welshmen in the evening, even before their Camp, where he did diverse valiant feats of arms, but a little to hardy, he went so far forward that he was taken and yielded, and yet cruelly slain: which unmerciful act, the Welshemen sore ruied the next day or night. For the Northern men being inflamed, & not a little discontented, with the death of this noble man, in the morning valiantly set on the Welshemennes, and by force of archers, caused them quickly to descend the hill into the valley, where both the hosts fought. th'earl of Penbroke behaved himself like a hardy knight, and expert captain, but his brother sir Richard Herbert so valiantly acquitted himself, that with his Polleaxe in his hand (as his enemies did afterward report) he twice by fine force passed through the battle of his adversaries, and without any mortal wound returned. If every one of his fellows and compaignions' in arms, had done but half th'acts, which he that day by his noble prows ach●ued, the Northremmen had obtained neither safety nor victory.  
Beside this, behold the mutability of fortune, when the Welshemen were at the very point, to have obtained the victory (the Northernmē●●eyng in manner discomfited) John Clappam Esquire, servant to the Earl of Warwycke, mounted up the side of the east hill, accompanied only with. CCCCC. men gathered of all the Rascal of the town of Northampton and other villages about, having borne before them the standard of the Earl, with the white Bear, crying a Warwycke a Warwycke. The Welshmen thinking that the earl of Warwycke had come on them with all his puissance, suddenly as men amazed fled: the Northernmen, them pursued and slew without mercy, for the cruelty that they had showed to the lord Latymers son. So that of the Welshmen there were slain above .v. M, 
A great slaughter of Welshemen.  beside them that were fled and taken.  
The earl of Penbroke, sir Richard Herbert his brother, and divers gentlemen were taken, and brought to Banberie to be beheaded, much lamentation and no less entreaty was made to save the life of sir Richard Herbert, both for his goodly parsonage, which excelled all men there, and also for the noble Chivalry, that he had showed in the fields the day of the battle, in so much that his brother the Earl, when he should say down his head on the block to suffer, said to sir John Conyers and Clappam, Masters let me die for I am old, but save my brother, which is young, lusty and hardy, meet and apt to serve the greatest prince of Christendom. But sir John Conyers and Clappain, remembering the death of the young knight sir Henry Nevel, Cousin to the earl of Warwycke, could not here on that side, but caused the earl & his brother with divers other gentlemen, to the number of ten to be there beheaded. The Northamptonshire men, with divers of the Northernmen by them procured, in this fury made them a captain, and called him Robin of Riddisdale, 
Robin of Riddesdale.  and suddenly came to the manner of Grafton, where the earl Rivers father to the Queen than lay, whom they loved not, and there by force took the said earl and sir John his son, and brought them to Northampton, and there without judgement stroke of their heads, whose bodies were solemnly interred in the Blackefreers' at Northampton. When king Edward was advertised of this unfortunate chances, he wrote in all haste to the Shiriefes of Somerset shire and Devonshire, that if they could by any mean take the lord Stafford of Southwyke, that they upon pain of their lives, should without delay put him in execution, which accordingly to the kings commandment, after long exploration made, found him hid in a village in Brentmarche, called where he was taken & brought to Bridgwater, & there cut shorter by the head. This was the order, 
Hegecote field commonly called Banbery● field.  manner and end of Hegecot field, commonly called Banberie field, fought the morrow after saint james day, in the eight year of king Edward the iiii, the which battle ever since hath been, and yet is a continual grudge between the Northernmen and the Welshemen. After this battle the Northernmen resorted toward Warwycke, where the earl had gathered a great multitude of people, which earl gave high commendations to sir John Conyers and other captains of the North, much rejoicing, that they had obtained so glorious victory, requiring them to continue as they had begun. The king likewise sore thrusting to recover his loss late sustained, and desirous to be revenged of the deaths and murders of his lords and friends, marched toward Warwycke with a great army, and ever as he went forward, his company increased, because he commanded it to be noised and published to the common people, that his only intent was to destroy, and utterly to confound the unhappy stock and ill graffed generation, of such pernicious persons, as would disturb and bring in thraldom, the quiet commons and peaceable people. The earl of Warwycke had by his espials perfit, knowledge how the king with his army was bend toward him, & sent in all hast possible to the duke of Clarence (which was not far from him with a great power) requiring him that both their hosts might join in one for as far as he could imagine, the time of battle was very near. The duke hearing these news, in good order of battle, came and encamped himself with the earls host. When all things were ready prepared to fight: by the means of friends, a mean was found how to common of peace, for the which, letters were written from each part to other, declaring their griefs and the very bottoms of their stommackes: Heralds spared no horseflesh in riding between the king and the earl, nor in returning from the Earl to the king: the king conceiving a certain hope of peace in his own imagination, took both less heed to himself, and also less feared the outward attempts of his enemies, thinking and trusting truly that all things were at a good point, and should be well pacified. All the kings doings were by espials declared to the earl of Warwycke, which like a wise and politic Capitayne intending not to lose so great an advantage to him given, but trusting to bring all his purposes to a final end and determination, by only obtaining this enterprise: in the dead of the night, with an elect company of men of war, as secretly as was possible set on the kings field, killing them that kept the watch, and or the king were ware (for he thought of nothing less than of that chance that happened) at a place called Wolney four mile from Warwycke, 
King Edward the four taken prisoner, by the earl of Warwick  he was taken prisoner, and brought to the Castle of Warwick. And to the intent that the kings friends might not know where he was, nor what was chanced of him, he caused him by secret journeys in the night to be conveyed to Myddelham Castle in Yorkeshyre, & there to be kept under the custody of the archbishop of York his brother, and other his trusty friends, which entertained the king, like his estate, and served him like a prince. But there was no place so far of but that the taking of the king was shortly known there with the wind which news made many men to fear, and greatly to dread, and many to wonder and lament the chance. King Edward being thus in captivity, spoke ever fair to the archbishop and to the other keepers, (but whether he corrupted them with money or fair promises) he had liberty divers days to go on hunting, 
King Edward escaped out of prison.  and one day on a plain there met with him sir William Stanley, sir Thomas of Borogh, and divers other of his friends, with such a great bend of men, that neither his keepers would, nor once durst move him to return to prison again.  
Thus as you have hard was king Edward delivered: Some say that he was set at large by the earls consent and commandment, as who said, I had him in my keeping, and might have destroyed him, I had him in captivity, and so might have detained him, but yet of mine own free-will & gentleness, without pact or ransom I am contented to set him at liberty & to deliver him. This doing might seem to be some countenance of truth, if the earl after this had desisted from persecuting the war by him newly begun: But for a truth this good chance happened to king Edward, by the ill luck of king Henry, for surely by this ill fortune a man may plainly conjecture, that the extreme point of decay of his house and estate was apparently at hand, considering that neither by man's policy, nor by worldly riches his unhappy predestinate chance could not by any policy be put by, nor by any instrument scraped away (well such was God's pleasure) for if you consider how that the earl of Warwycke and his friends, only to th'intent to aid, conserve and defend king Henry the vi have dispended their substances, adventured their lives, and taken pains intolerable, having a sure determination, fixed in their minds, that as long as king Edward lived, that king Henry's faction should never prospero & yet when he was by the Earl taken prisoner, & in captivity, he by fortune escaped, or was wilfully delivered. By this you may plainly perceive that the luck of king Henry was unfortunate, and that all that was done for him, and in is quarrel, ever redouned to his misfortune and detriment, ever noting this, that when things contrived & imagined come to an unlucky success, all the senses of our bodies be there by anger, fear or madness, ravished, and in manner distract from themselves. But to return to the purpose, when king Edward had escaped the hands of his enemies, he went straight to York, where he was with great honour received of the citizens, and there tarried two days to prepare some small army, to accompany him in his journey, but when he perceived that he could have no host meet and convenient to pass to London, through the mids of his enemies (as he was appointed to do) he turned from York to Lancaster, where he found the lord Hastynges his Chamberlain, well accompanied. He then with the aid of the lord Hastynges, and such other as drew to him, being well furnished with speedy journeys, came safe to his city of London.  
When the earl of Warwyke & the duke of Clarence, had knowledge how the king by treason of them that they put in trust, was escaped their hands, & that in one moment of time, all their long studies and forcastes were brought to none effect or conclusion, they waxed angry, & chafed without measure, & by and by calling together all their chief friends began to consult again, of new, & to inquire the estate of their enemies, to the intent that they might make a beginning of a new war, which they conjectured to have taken an end when the king was brought in to captivity. The minds of these Princes were much satisfied, & their courage greatly kindled, by reason that a great number of men having more pleasure in discord then in concord, loving better strife than unity, offered themselves to begin new war of their own desire & request. King Edward took even like study for the wars as his enemies did, minding either to bring them to conformity or reason, by dent of sword, or else by power of battle utterly to destroy & exstirpate them and their affinity, to the intent thee▪ all men might lead a more quiet life, & live in more security & rest: for by the seditious rebelling of these persons, the state of the Realm was brought to great misery, for Churches and Temples were every where rob & spoiled, houses burnt, and men slain in every place, all the Realm was replenished with blood, slaughter, sorrow & lamentation, Cornefeldes were destroyed Cities and Cownes were made desolate and languished with famine & dearth, beside many other things, which happen by the cruelty and fury of war and rebellion. This tumult and trouble in the common wealth of this Realm sore vexed and troubled many, but in especial the nobility much lamented and pitied the state of the commonalty which with all diligence road between the king, the Earl and the Duke to reconsile them each to other, and to conclude a perfect peace & amity, requiring them rather more to remember the benefits, that every of them have received of other, then to set forth the ungratitude or injury, which one hath done to the other, which is rather the occasion of discord, than the mean to come to amity. Further, they exhorted them rather to deserve the love of all men, by keeping of peace & v●●e, then by fighting and intestine war to destroy the Realm, and win the hatred & malice of all the nation: for as he is unkind and unnatural, that will not cherish his natural parents and procreators, much more unnatural and wicked are they, which will suffer their native country, being their common father and mother, by their contention & strife to be brought to decay and utter perdition. The authority first of the nobility of the Realm, and secondarily their charitable motion, so mytigated the minds, both of the king, the Duke and the earl, that each gave faith to other to go and come, safely without jeopardy. In which promise the Duke & earl, having perfect trust and confidence, came both to London, accompanied with to small a number of men, in comparison to the great danger that they were in. And at Westmynster, the king, the Duke and the Earl had a long communication together, ●or some end to be taken or made between them: But they fell at such great words with such exprobrations, and opening: either of old benefits showed or of old ingratitudes received, that in a great fury, without any conclusion they departed, the king to Canterbury, and the Duke and the Earl to Warwycke, where the Earl of Warwycke prepared a new host to rise in Lincolnshire, and made there of captain sir Robert Welles, son to Richard lord Welles, an expert man in arms, and very politic in war.  
These news suddenly brought to the king, did not a little vex & tykil him, because he ever fervently hoped, that his adversaries would rather come to some honest conditions of concord, than so temerariously and so suddenly renovate the war. And the more rumour that was spread (contrary to his expectation) of this new begun battle, the sooner he gathered together an host for the resistance of the same, and out of hand he sent to Richard lord Welles, willing him upon the sight of his letters with all haste to repair unto him, which oftentimes he had excused by sickness and debility of his body. But when that excuse served not, he thinking to purge himself sufficiently before the kings presence, took with him sir Thomas Dymocke, which had married his sister, and so together came to London. When he was come up, his friends certified him that the king was with him not a little displeased, but highly discontented. Wherefore for very fear, he with his brother in law took the sentuary at Westmynster, intending there to abide till the princes Ire were somewhat assuaged and mitygate. King Edward which thought to pacify all this busy tumult, without any farther bloodshed, promising both those persons their pardons, caused them upon his promise to come out of Sentuary to his presence, and calling to him the lord Welles, willed him to writ to sir Robert his son to leave of the war, and not to take the Earls part. And in the mean season, he with his army went forward toward his enemies, having with him the lord Welles, and sir Thomas Dymocke, and being not passed two days journey from Stanford, where his enemies had pitched their field, had perfit knowledge that sir Robert Welles nothing moved with his father's letters, still kept his camp, abiding the king and his power. The king having high indignation at his presumption and minded to be revenged in part, contrary to his faith and promise caused the lord Welles, father to the said sir Robert, and sir Thomas Dymocke to be beheaded there, to the terrible example of of other, which shall put their confidence in the promise of a prince. When sir Robert Welles hard that the king drew near, and that his father & sir Thomas Dymocke were beheaded, he stood first in a great perplexity, studying whither he should give battle or not, because it was both perilous and doubtful to fight with so great an army, before the earl of Warwycke with his power were assembled, but yet having a young and a lusty courage, and with manly boldness stimulate, and pricked forward, he set on his enemies.  
The battle was sore fought on both parts, & many a man slain And in conclusion, while sir Robert was exhorting and provoking his men to tarry, which were in manner disconfit, and ready to fly, he was environed and beset about with his enemies, and so was taken, and with him sir Thomas Delaund knight, and many more. After his taking, the Lyncolnshyre men amazed, threw away their coats, the lighter to run away, and fled, and therefore this battle is yet there called Losecote field. 
〈…〉  The king, glad of this victory, commanded out of hand sir Robert Welles and divers other, to be put to execution in the same place. The fame was, that at this battle were slain ten M. men at the lest.  
The earl of Warwycke lay at this time at his Castle of Warwycke, and was coming with a huge host the next day toward his army in Lyncolneshyre, but when he hard say that they had fought sooner than he thought either they could or would, and that his party was overthrown and vanquished: Although he might now be discouraged, yet he thought it necessary to dissimule the case, because oftentimes in battles, vain things be regarded before true, and to th'intent to comfort certain of his company (being in despair, and ready to flee) both in word and deed, he conscribed and prepared a new host, and with all the study and industry, that he could practise or use, he imagened how to compass Thomas lord Stanley, which had married his sister, that he might be one of the confederacy and conjuration: which thing when he could not bring to pass, for the lord Stanley had answered him plainly, that he would never make war against king Edward, he thought to spend no longer time in waste, and mistrusting that he was not able to meet with his enemies, he with the Duke of Clarence his son in law, departed to Exeter, and there tarrying a few days, and perceiving that all things lacked, which were apt and necessary for the war, determined to sail to king Joys the French king, to renew the familiar acquaintance, which he had with him when he was there of Ambassade, for the marriage of king Edward as you have hard, having a sure confidence and hope, either to have a great aid of the French king, or else to incense him earnestly to make battle against king Edward. And resting upon this opinion, they hired ships at Dartmouth in Devonshire, well armed, and at all points trimmed and decked. And when wind and wether served them, the Duke and the Earl with their wives, and a great number of servants, plucked up the sails, & took their way first toward Caleys, where the earl of Warwycke was chief capitain, and thought there to have left his wife and daughters, till he had returned out of France.   

The ix year.  
WHen the earl of Warwick thus fled out of England, 
The ix year.  the year of our Lord was just .1470. and the year of King Edward's reign was then ix This sudden departing of king Edward's adversaries, did not only vex and bite him at the very stomach, but also did stimulat and quicken him to look the more diligently to his affairs, and business, and especially, because that the absence of the earl of Warwick, made the common people daily more and more, to long and be desirous to have the sight of him, and presently to behold his parsonage. For they judged that the Sun was clearly taken from the world, when he was absent: In such high estimation amongst the people, was his name, that neither no one man, they had in so much honour, neither no one person, they so much praised, or to the Clouds so highly extolled. What shall I say? His only name sounded, in every song, in the mouth of the common people, and his person was represented with great reverence, when public plays, or open triumphs should be ●hewed, or set forth abroad in the streets: which hearty favour, was the apparent occasion why his faction and company, within a few days, marvelously increased and augmented. For the which cause, the king was vexed with a double mischief, for he doubted much, whom he should most fear of two, either the familiar enemies abiding at home, or the extravagant foes, lingering beyond the sea: But chief he provided, but very ●lackly, to withstand the earl of Warwick's landing. And first he wrote to Charles duke of Burgoyn, which had married the lady Margaret his sister, to help that th'earl nor his company, should have neither aid nor refuge, in any part of his, nor his friends territories or dominions. These tidings were joyful to the duke of Burgoyne, as to him which (according to the old proverb) hated the earl of Warwick, worse than the cur dog, or serpent: partly, because he was the overthrower and confounder, of the house of Lancastre, of the which, the earl was lineally descended, by the duchess his mother partly because th'earl had such high offices, and was so renowned in England, that king Edward the duke's brother in law, might not do liberally all things in his realm, as he himself would (which the duke esteemed to be a great bondage.) And partly, because the earl with stood with all his power and might, the conclusion of the marriage, between the kings sister and the said duke. But the chief rancour was, because the earl of Warwick, favoured the French king, whom the duke loved not, for at his last being in France, he promised the French king to be friend to his friends, and utter enemy to his foes and adversaries. This rooted hatred, and cankered malice, which the Duke bore to the Earl, caused him to attempt more displeasures, and to invent more mischiefs against th'earl, than either king Edward could imagine, or was of the Duke required (as you shall plainly perceive, by the sequel of this history.  
Now let us speak of the earl of Warwick's doings, which must needs play a pagtaunt in this interlude, or else the play were at appoint. The earl as you have hard before, sailed from Dartmouth toward Caleis▪ where he was captain general, and with a prosperous wind came before the town, in which fortress was deputy for the earl, the Lord Uaw●lere a Gascoigne, beside diverse of th'earl of Warwick's servants, which bore great offices and authorities in the town. This Uaw clear, whether he did it by dissimulation, or bearing his good mind to king Edward (as by the sequel hereof, I doubt whether he did or not) In stead of receiving of his master with triumph, he bent and discharged against him, diverse pieces of ordinance, sending him word, that he should there take no land. This navy lying thus before Caleis at anchor, 
The Duchess of Clarence delivered of a son upon the sea, before the town of Caleis.  the duchess of Clarence, was there delivered of a fair son, which child, th'earls deputy uneath would suffer to be christened within the town, nor without great entreaty, would permit two flagons of wine to be conveyed aboard, to the ladies lying in the haven. This was a great rigour and extremity, for the servant to use against the Master, or the inferior to use against the superior, wherefore the earl hoped, and nothing less mistrusted, then to be assured and purveyed in that place, which is the greatest treasure, that belongeth to England, and the fairest capitainship of the world, at the lest in Christendom. But he was feign to keep the seas, without comfort of aid, of any of his servants. The King of England was quickly advertised, of the refusal that Monsire de Uaw●lere, made to his captain th'earl of Warwick, which manful doing, so much pleased the king, that incontinent he made him ●hier captain of the town of Caleis, by his letters patents, which he sent to him out of hand, and thereof discharged clearly th'earl, as a traitor and a rebel. Duke Charles of Burgoyn, lying at sent Homers (which would needs have an ower, in the earl of Warwick's boat) being advertised also, of Monsire de Uawcleres refusal made of his Master, sent to him his trusty servant, Philip de Commines (which wrote all these doings in a Chronicle) and gave to him yearly a thousand crowns in pension, (a small reward God wot, for so high a service, as untruly to keep his Master from his office) praying and requiring him, to continued in truth and fidelity, toward king Edward, as he had showed and begun. The messenger found him so toward and of such conformity, that he was content to swear in his presence, truly to take king Edward's part against all men, and only to his use to keep and defend the strong town of Caleis. But thesay Philip de Commines sore mistrusted Monsire de Uawclere, because he sent word to the earl of Warwick privily, lying at whitsandbay, that if he landed he should be taken and lost: for all England (as he said) took part against him, the duke of Burgoin and all thinhabitants of the town, were his enemies, the Lord Duras the kings Marshal, and all the retinue of the garrison were his adversaries: so that for a final conclusion, his only safeguard and comfort, were to withdraw him and his company into France, where he knew he should be highly received & better welcomed, & as for the town of Calais, he should take no thought, for the said Monsire de Uawclere, promised thereof to make him a good reckoning, when time and opportunity should serve. This counsel was profitable to the earl of Warwick, but not to the king of England, and less pleasant to the duke of Burgoyn: which princes might very well think both the office of the Capitainship of Caleis, and the pension of thee. M crowns (if it were paid) on such a deep dissimuler, to be evil employed.  
The earl of Warwick, as he was both before his departure out of England determined, and also now by Monsire de Uawclere, newly counseled and advised, with his navy sailed toward Normandy, and in the mean way, rob, spoiled, and took many rich ships, of the Duke of Burgoyns countries (which sore nettled the duke, and caused him to prepare a strong and a great army on the sea, to take th'earl prisoner, as he returned homeward) & at the last with all his navy and spoil, he took land at Deep in Normandy, where the governor of the country for the French king, friendly welcomed him, and lovingly him entertained, certifying king Lewes of his landing and arrival.  
King Lewes a great season before, had so much marveled at the public fame and common renown, of the noble acts and high prows, of the Earl of Warwick, that he thought nothing might more pleasantly hap, or chance toward him, then to have a cause or occasion to him ministered, whereby he might do the Earl some profit or pleasure. Which long lust according to his desire, was now likely to take effect, to his contentation, and the earls great commodity: wherefore being joyous of his landing in France, he sent unto him certain Princes, which declared to him on the Kings behalf, that as the king had long time sought ways and means, how to do him pleasure, aid and comfort: So seeing that now the time was come, that the Earl had necessity of all those things, he assured him that he would neither forget him, nor yet desist to do for him any thing, which might be consonant to his loving request, or friendly desire: requiring him with the duke his son in law, to take pein to come to his castle of Amboys, set on the River of Leyre: affirming y●thei should neither loose their labour, nor think their journey to have evil success in the conclusion.  
When Duke Charles knew that th'earl was landed in Normandy, he sent in all hast a Post to King Lewes, with whom he was then joined in a league, requiring him neither to help with men nor money, the earl of Warwick, nor the Duke of Clarence, open enemies to king Edward, his fellow, friend, and brother in law, and his perpetual ally and trusty confederate, adding thereto sharp words and minatory sayings, if he would in any case, be to them a refuge or succour.  
The French king did not only contemn his proud words, and laughed at his menacing and blood bragging, but soberly answered, that without enfringing of any league or treaty, he lawfully might & would help his friends, and in especial such, which by their deserts, be above other renowned and extolled: Of which number, he affirmed th'earl of Warwick to be one, which thing if he did, he said: it should be neither cost, charge, nor burden to the Duke of one blank, nor put him to the pain of a moment of an hour. When the duke had certified the king of England of this answer, he was suddenly in a dompe, and began seriously to immagyne, who were his friends, and who were his foes, and apprehended some, whom he thought guilty, began with them to question, who were friends to his enemies: and of their conjuration (which was the occasion that many fearing themselves, fled unto Sanctuary) and many trusting the kings pardon, submitted and yielded theimself to the Kings clemency. Amongst whom, John Marques Montacute, humbly yielded himself, and vowed to be ever true to the king (as he had done before time) whom he with much humanity and fair words, did receive and entertain, to the intent to flecte and allure the hearts of other men, to join and knit with him, against all hostility and utter enemies.  
While these things were thus treated in England, th'earl of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence, road with great pomp toward Amboyse, where the French king lay, and by the way the people gathered and in great number flocked, to see and behold with their eyes, the person and visage of him, of whose valiant acts and wonderful doings, their ears have many times been fulfilled and replenished. When he came to the kings presence, he was with all kinds of courtesy and humanity received and welcomed: To whom by long tract of time, he declared the causes & considerations, of his coming into France. King Lewes aswell having now delectation, with the presence of his friend as he was accustomed to rejoice and be joyous, when he hard either laud or praise of him in his absence: promised him his power, his riches, and all things that he might or could do, to help him in his trouble, and to refresh him in his adversity.  
When Queen Margarete, which sojourned with Duke Reyner her father, called king of Scicile. etc. Hard tell that the earl of Warwick and the Duke of Clarence, had abandoned England, and were come to the French Court: hoping of new comfort, with all diligence came to Amboyse, with her only son Prince Edward. And with her came jasper earl of Penbroke, and John earl of Oxenford, which after diverse long imprisonmentes lately escaped, fled out of England into France and came by fortune to this assemble. After that they hadlong commoned, and debated diverse matters, concerning their surety and wealth, they determined by mean of the French king, to conclude a league and a treaty between them: And first to begin with all, for the more sure foundation of the new amity, Edward Prince of Wales, wedded Anne second daughter to th'earl of Warwick, which Lady came with her mother into France. This marriage seemed very staunge to wise men, considering that that the earl of Warwick, had first disherited the father, and then to 'cause his son, to marry with one of his daughters, whose sister the duke of Clarence before had married, which was ever extreme enemy to the house of Lancastre: whereupon they d●●●ned that the marriage of the Prince, should ever be a blot in the Duke's eye, or the marriage of the Duke, a mote in the eye of the Prince, each of them looking to be exalted, when th'earl on him smiled: and each of them again thinking to be over thrown, when the earl of him lowered. After this marriage, the duke and th'earls took a solemn oath, that they should never leave the war, until such time as king Henry the sixth, or the prince his son, were restored to the full possession and Diadem of the realm: and that the Queen and the Prince, should depute and appoint the Duke and the earl, to be governors and conservators, of the public wealth, till such time as the Prince were come to man's estate, and of ability meet and convenient, to take upon him so high a charge, and so great a burden. There were many other conditions concluded, which both reason, & the weightiness of so great a business, required to be setforward  
While these Lords were thus in the French Court, there landed at Caleis a damosel, belonging to the Duchess of Clarence (as she said) which made Monsire de Uawclere believe, that she was sent from king Edward to the earl of Warwick, with a plain overture and declaration of peace. Of the which tidings, Uawclere was very glad for the earls sake, whom he thought (by this peace) to be restored to all his old possessions, rooms and dignities. But he was sore by this damosel deceived for her message (as it after proved) was the beginning of the earls confusion. For she persuaded the Duke of Clarence, that it was neither natural, nor honourable to him, either to condescend or take part, against the house of York (of which he was lineally descended) and to set up again the house of Lancastre, which lineage of the house of York, was not only by the whole Parliament of the realm, declared to be the very and indubitate heirs of the Kingdom: but also king Henry the sixth and his blood affirmed the same, and thereupon made a composition, which of record appeareth. furthermore she declared, that the marriage with th'earls daughter with Prince Edward, was for none other cause, but to make the Prince king, and clearly to extingishe all the house of York, of whom the duke himself was one, and next heir to the crown, after his eldest brother and his children. These reasons, and the marriage of the Prince to the Earls daughter, so sank in the Duke's stomach, that he promised at his return, not to be so an extreme enemy to his brother, as he was taken for, which promise' afterward, he did not forget. With this answer the dampsell departed into England, th'earl of Warwick thereof being clearly ignorant.  
When the league was concluded (as you before have hard) the French king lent them ships, money, and men, and that they might the surer sail into England, he appointed the Bastard of Burgoyn, Admiral of France with a great navy, to defend the●●● against the army of the Duke of Burgoyne, which was stronger than bathe the French kings navy, or the English fleet. King Reyner also did help his daughter, to his small power, with men, and muni●ions of war. When this army (which was not small) was conscribed and come together to Harflete, at the mouth of the river of Seyne, expecting wind and wether. The Earl of Warwick received letters out of England, that men so much daily and hourly, desired and wished so sore his arrival and return, that almost all men were in harness, looking for his landing: wherefore he was required to make haste, yea, hast more than haste, although he brought no succour with him. For he was farther assured, that assoon as he had once taken land, there should meet him many thousands (as after it proved in deed) to do him what service or pleasure, they could or might: all this was the offer of the common people. Beside this, diverse noble men wrote, to help him with men, harness, money, and all things necessary for the war: beside their own persons, whom they promised to adventure in his quarrel. When th'earl had received these letters, he not a little regarding such an offer, and so many great benefits to him, even at hand apparently proffered, fully determined with the Duke, and th● e●les of Oxenford and Penbroke (because Queen Margaret and her son, were not fully yet furnished for such a journey) to go before with part of the navy, and part of th'army, and to attempt the first brunt of fortune and chance, which if it well succeeded, then should Queen Margerete and her son, with the residue of the navy and people follow into England. The Earl of Warwick thinking this weighty matter, not worthy to be ly●gered, but to be accelerate with all diligence possible, taking his leave of the French king Lewes, giving him no small thanks, both on the behalf of king Henry, and also for his own part, and so being dismissed, came where his navy lay at Anchor, commanding his men to go on ship board minding to take his course toward England.  
The Duke of Burgoyn which was not content, that th'earl of Warwick and his company, was succoured and aided of the French king against his brother in law king Edward of England, to withstand that army, and to take th'earl o● Warwick prisoner, if it were possible. He prepared such a great navy, as lightly hath not been seen before, gathered in manner of all nations, which army lay at the mouth of Seyne, ready to fight with th'earl of Warwick, when he should set out of his harborowe.  
See the work of God, the same night before th'earl departed, there rose such a sudden wind and a terrible tempest, that the duke's ships were scattered one from another, some drowned, some wether driven into Scotland, so that two of them were not in company together, in one place, In the morning next following, the wether waxed fair, and the wind prosperous, whereupon in hope of a bone voyage, the Earl and his company halsed up their sails, and with good speed landed at Dartmouth in Devonshire, from which place he passed into France, almost the uj month, last passed.  
Before this time the duke of Burgoyne Charles, which more hated the Earl of Warwycke, and envied his prosperity, than he loved king Edward, saving for his aid that he trusted of in time of necessity, wrote to king Edward, both of the doings of the earl of Warwycke in France, and of his army and power, and also certified him by his trusty servants of the place, where the Earl purposed with all his people to take land, king Edward passed little on the matter, trusting to much to the movable commons of his Realm, and without any army laid, either to keep the Earl from landing, either to encounter with him at the first arrival, to the e●tent that his friends should not draw in heaps to him for his strength left all purveyance for defence alone, & road on hunting, Hawking, and using all manner of pastimes, with Ladies and Damosels, for his disport and solace that could be imagined or invented. When the earl of Warwycke had taken land, he made a Proclamation in the name of king Henry the vi upon high pains, commanding and charging all men apt, or able to bear armour, to prepare themselves to fight against Edward duke of York, which contrary to all right, justice and law, had untruly usurped the Crown and Imperial dignity of this realm. It is almost incredible to think how soon the fame of the earls landing was blown over, and thorough all the whole Realm, and how many thousand men of war, at the very first tidings of his landing, were suddenly assembled and set forward to welcome him. When he was thus, according to his desire, fully furnished on every side with his kindred & friends, he took his way toward London, where he judged and faithfully believed, to find more open friends then privy enemies, or cankered hearts.  
When king Edward knew of the Earls landing, and of the great repair of people, that to him incessantly without intermission did resort, he then began to think on his business, and studied how to find a remedy for a mischief. (but this was to late) And first he wrote to the Duke of Burgoyne, requiring him to have a vigylant eye to the sea, and so to see the streams kept and scoured with his navy, that the Earl neither should nor might return again into France, if he should be again propulsed out of the Realm. And as for the doings in England he bade let him alone, for he was both of puissance and ability, sufficient to overcome and defend all his enemies and rebels, within his own Realm and country. This saying little or nothing pleased the duke of Burgoynes messengers, for they thought that it had been much more profitable to king Edward, to have circumspectly foreseen afore, and provided to stop his landing, then now suddenly to abide the fortune of battle, which is ever dubious and uncertain. King Edward accompanied with the duke of Gloucester his brother the lord Hastynges his chamberlain, which had married the Earls sister, & yet was ever true to the king his Master, and the lord Scales brother to the Queen, sent out curriers to all his trusty friends, for the fornyture of able persons, meet for the war, and convenient for the defence of his own royal person, intending if he might by any policy or subtle engine to cirumvent or trap the earl of Warwycke, knowing perfectly that if he had once mastered the chief belwether, the flock would soon be dispercled.  
Of them that were sent for, few in effect came, and yet more came then were willing, and more came willingly then were betrusted, some came for fear, and some much doughted to come, but the greatest heads winked and said they could not, but they meant they would not come. king Edward being in this perplexity, and in diffidence of raising any army, with such trusty friends as he had departed into Lyncolnshyre, consulting what was best to be done, but suddenly or he was fully determined on any certain purpose, news were brought to him, that all the Towns and all the country adjacent was in a great roar, and made fires and sang songs, crying king Henry, king Henry, a Warwycke a Warwycke, king Edward was much abashed with these new tidings, and more and more his especials and explorators declared and accounted to him, that all the Realm was up, and by open Proclamation commanded to make war against him, as enemy to king Henry and the Realm, wherefore his near friends advised and admonished him to fly over the sea to the duke of Burgoyne, his brother in law, there to tarry till God and fortune should send him better luck and chance, he being somewhat ruled by this consayll, but much more quickened by having knowledge, that some of the earls of Warwyckes' power was within a half days journey, and less of his tail, with all hast possible passed the wasshes (in greater jeopardy then it beseemed a Prince to be in) & came to the town of Lynne, where he found an English ship & two Hulks of Holland ready (as fortune would) to make sail and take their journey, whereupon he being in a marvelous agony and doughting the mutability of the towns men, taking no farther leisure for his sure succour & safeguard, with his brother the duke of Gloucester, the lord Scales, & divers other his trusty friends entered into the ship, without bag or baggage, without cloth sack, or male, and perchance with a great purse, & little treasure, for he nor his had no leisure to provide, according to their degrees & estates. The lord chamberlain tarried a while after exhorting all his acquaintance, that of necessity should tarry behind, to show themself openly as friends, to the part adverse for their own safeguard, but heartily requiring them privily to continue in their hearts true to king Edward, & friendly to him & his: this persuasion declared he entered, the ship with the other, which were ready to departed. This was in the year of our lords blessed incarnation . M.u. C.lxx & in the ix year of king Edward: When he with one small ship of his awn, & ii Hulks, & vij or eight C. persons, with him having no raiment, but apparel for war, & small store of money, sailed toward Holland. At which time the Easterlynges were mortal enemies, aswell to the Englishmen as to the French nation, & had done the last years past much prejudice & damage to the English merchants, both in taking and spoiling of ships.  
And as the king with sail and ower was making his course as fast as could be possible the Easterlyuges, which had many ships of war on the sea, him espied (according to the old proverb) one ill cometh never alone, and with vii or viii gallant ships, began to chase the king & his company. The kings ship was good with sail, & so much got of the Easterlings, that she came on the coast of Holland, and so descended lower, before a town in Holland, called Alquemare, and there cast Anchor as near the town as was possible, because they could not enter the Haven at an ebbing water. The Easterlynges also approached the English ship as near as their great ships could come at the low water, intending at the flood to have obtained their prey, and so they were likely to do, if Monsieur de Gronture, governor for duke Charles in Holland had not at that season been personally present in those parties.  
O what a miserable chance & strange luck was this to happen so suddenly to a king, and in especial to such a king, as by his own valiantness & prows had overcome his foes, & destroyed his enemies in more than .v. or vi great & mortal battles. first to be persecuted, exiled, & expulsed his own Realm & kingdom, by his own servants, subjects and kinsmen. secondarily, being destitute of all help and consolation, flying to his only friend & brother in law duke Charles, for refuge and comfort, to be chased on the sea by his mortal enemies and deadly foes, & like to be taken prisoner, and brought into captivity, which thing, if it had happened (as God would that it should not) he had lain long unraunsoned (king Henry being restored to his pristinate estate and dignity royal) or else he had died prisoner in great wretchedness & misery. These sour sauces he tasted as a penance for his wanton living, & negligent ouersey●g of things that he might well have foreseen & prevented, but his mind was so given to pastime, dalliance, & sensual pleasure, that he forgot the old adage, saying, in time of peace provide for war, & in the time of war provide for peace which thing if he either had well remembered, or politicly provided for he had not been chased & expulsed his Realm within xi days as he was in deed. The only excuse of his folly is to say, that he so much trusted fortunes flattering, that he thought never to see her change, nor yet to have at dice any ill chance, or at chests any check mate.  
King Edward thus lying at Anchor in great fear of the Easterlings, was by good chance comforted, & of his great perplexite relieved, or he witted how, for the same time lay in the town of Alquemare the lord Gronture, chief governor of Holland, for duke Charles of Borgoyne, which being incontinent advertised of the kings arrival, & also of the great jeopardy that he was in, prohibited first the Easterlings in no wise on pain of death, to intermit or meddle with any Englishmen which were both the duke's friends & allies: which commandment so vexed and troubled the Easterlings, making sure reckoning to have had for their prey & prise, a King, a Duke, divers Barons & rich gentlemen, that they cried out of God, railed & cursed the duke & his officer, and in a rage halsed up their sails, & without any more expectation of good luck, departed home to their country. The lord Gronture came a board the ship, where king Edward was, & him honourably saluted & required him to come to land, offering him his service with all pleasures that he could do or imagine to be done. The king him heartily thanked, & was well revived & comforted with his words, & so he with all his company were set on land, & well refreshed. The lord Gront●re, like a noble man, considering in what poor, estate & necessity the king & his people were in, ministered to them abundantly all things convenient & necessary, according to every man's estate and degree, at the duke's charge & cost. And after they had been well refreshed & newly apparreyled, he conduited them to the Hage, a rich town in Holland, where they arrived on the church holy day, not long after Mychelmas. The lord Gronture, of all this adventure wrote to the duke his master, which there at, was at the first so abashed & amazed to se the earl of Warwyke, whom he hated more than a Cocodrylle, to have the upperhand of his brother, that he had rather have hard of king Edward's death, then of his discomfiture, & especially by the earl of Warwycke, whom he more feared & disdained, than any one man living, yet he willed the lord Gronture to see him & his company, well entertained at the Hage, till he sent for them.  
Now let all Englishmen consider (as before is rehearsed) what profit, what commodity, & what help in distress, the marriage of the lady Margarete, king Edward's sister to the duke Charles, did to him in his extreme necessity: & but by that mean uncurable extremity, for his alyes & conferates in Castle & Arragon, were to far from him, either speedily to fly to, or shortly to come fro with any aid or army. The French king was his extreme enemy, and friend to king Henry, for whose cause in the king of Scots (for all the league between them) he did put little confidence & less trust. The steeds & all Eastland were with him at open war, & yet by this marriage, God provided him a place to fly to, both for refuge & for relieve.  
When the fame was spread of king Edward's flying, innumerable people resorted to the earl of Warwycke to take his part, but all king Edward's trusty friends went to divers sentuaries, daily looking, & hourly hearkening, to hear of his health, & prosperous retiree who afterward served him manfully & truly. Amongst other, Queen Elizabeth his wife, all most desperate of all comfort, took sentuarye at Westmynster, & their in great penury forsaken of all her friends, 
King Edward the .v. borne in sanctuary.  was delivered of a fair son called Edward, which was with small pomp like a poor man's child Christened & baptized, the Godfathers being the Abbot & prior of Westmynster, & the godmother the lady Scrope.  
The Kentyshmen this season, whose wits be ever movable at the change of Princes came to the subberbes of London, & spoiled houses, rob berehouses, & by the counsel of sir Geffray Gates, & other sentuary men, they broke up the kings Bench, & delivered prisoners, which fell at Radclefe, Lymehouse, & saint Katherynes to burning of houses, slaughter of people, & ravishing of women: which small sparkle had grown to a greater flame, if the earl of Warwycke with a great power had not suddenly quenched it, & punished the offenders: which benefit by him done, caused him much more to be praised & accepted amongs the commons than he was before. When he had settled & put an order in all things, according as he thought most convenient, Upon the twelve day of October he road to the tower of London, which was to him without resistance delivered, & there took king Henry the vi. out of the ward, where he before was kept, & was brought to the kings lodging & there served, according to his degree. And the xxv day of the said month, the duke of Clarence accompanied with the earls of Warwycke, Shrewsbury, & the lord Stanley, & other lords & Gentlemen, some for fear, & some for love, and some only to gaze at the wavering world, resorted with a great company to the tower of London, & from thence with great pomp brought king Henry the vi apparelled in a long gown of blue velvet, through the high streets of London, too the cathedral church of saint Paul, the people on the right hand and on the left hand, rejoicing & crying God save the King, as though all thing had succeeded as they would have it, and when he had offered as k●nges use to do, he was conveyed to the palleys of the bishop of London, and there kept his household like a king.  
King Henry the vi thus readepted (by the means, 
King Henry the vi again restored to his kingly estate.  only of the earl of Warwycke) his crown & dignity Royal, in the year of our Lord 1471. newly, after so many overthrows beginning to reign, likely within short space to fall again, & to taste more of his accustomed captivity & usual misery. This ill chance & misfortune, by many men's opinions happened to him, because he was a man of no great wit, such as men commonly call an Innocent man, neither a fool, neither very wise, whose study always was more to excel, other in Godly living & virtuous example, then in worldly regiment, or temporal dominion, in so much, that in comparison to the study & delectation that he had to virtue and godliness, he little regarded, but in manner despised all worldly power & temporal authority, which seldom follow or seek after such persons, as from them fly or disdain to take them. But his enemies ascribed all this to his coward stommack, afferming that he was a man apt to no purpose, nor meet for any enterprise, were it never so small: But who so ever despiseth or dispraiseth, that which the common people allow and marueyll at, is often taken of them for a mad & undiscrete person, but notwithstanding the vulgar opinion, he that followeth, loveth and embraceth the contrary, doth prove both sad and wise (verifieng Salomons proverb) the wisdom of this world, is foolishness before God. Other there be that ascribe his infortunity, only to the stroke & punishment of God, afferming that the kingdom, which Henry the four his grandfather wrongfully got, and unjustly possessed against king Richard the ii & his heirs could not by very divine justice, long continue in that injurious stock: And that therefore God by his divine providence, punished the offence of the grandfather, in the sons son.  
When king Henry had thus obtained again, the possession & dominion of the Realm, he called his high court of Parliament to begin the xxvi. day of November at Westmynster, in the which king Edward was declared a traitor to his country, & usurper of the Realm, because he had unjustly taken on him, the Crown & Sceptre, & all his goods were confiscate & adjudged, forfeited: & like sentence was given against all his partakers & friends. And beside this, it was there enacted that extreme punishment should be done without delay over such persons, as for his cause were taken or apprehended, & were either in captivity, or went at large upon trust of their sureties, amongst whom lord John Typtoft, earl of Worcester lieutenant, for king Edward in Ireland excercisinge there more extreme cruelty (as the fame went) then princely pity, or charitable compassion & in especial on ii enfantes, being sons to the earl of Desmond, was either for treason to him laid or malice against him conceived, attainted & beheaded. Beside this, all statutes made by king Edward, were clearly revoked, abrogated, and made frustrate. The Crowns of the realms of England & France, was by the authority of the same Parliament entailed to king Henry the vi and the heirs males of his body lawfully begotten, & for default of such heir male of his body begotten, then the said Crowns & dignities were entailed to George duke of Clarence, & to theyres' males of his body lawfully engendered, and farther the said Duke was by authority aforesaid enabled to be next heir to his father, Richard duke of York, & to take by descent from him all his lands, dignities & pre-eminences as though he had been his eldest son & heir, at the time of his death. jasper earl of Penbroke, and John earl of Oxenford, and divers other by king Edward attainted, were restored to their old names, possessions, and ancient dignities (keep them even as long as they might) Beside this, the earl of Warwycke as one to whom the common wealth was much beholden, was made Ruler, Governor of the Realm, with whom as fellow and companion was associated, George duke of Clarence his son in law. So that by these means the whole estate, both of the realm, and the public wealth of the same, were newly altered and changed, yea, and in manner clearly transfigured and transmuted. To this Parliament came the lord Marques Montacute, excusing himself that only for fear of death, he declined to king Edward's part, which excuse was so accepted, that he obtained his pardon, which, after was the destruction, of him and his brother: For if he had manfully and appartly taken king Edward's part, surely he being an open enemy, had much less hurted, then being a feigned, false and a coloured friend: for such things as we see before our eyes, we be well ware of, and seldom things before known, do us any hurt or prejudice.  
Queen Margaret, after that the earl of Warwick was sailed into England, ever forcasting and doubting, the chance that might happen, did never cease to pray to God, to send victory to her friends and confederates: which, when she knew by her husbands letters to be obtained, she with Prince Edward her son, and her train, entered their ships, to take their voyage into England: but the Winter was so sore, the wether so stormy, and the wind so contrariant, that she was feign to take land again, and defer her journey till another season. Her enemies said, that it was Gods just provision, that she which had been the occasion of so many battles, and of so much manslaughter in England, should never return thither again, to do more mischief. Her friends on the otherside, said, that she was kept away, and her journey impeached by Sorcerers and Necromanciers: thus as men's imaginations ran, their tongues clacked.  
In this season jasper earl of Penbroke, went into Wales, to visit his County of Penbroke, where he found lord Henry, son to his brother Edmond earl of Richmond, having not fully ten years of his age complete, which was kept in manner like a captive: but well and honourably educated, and in all kind of Civility brought up, by the Lady Harbert, late wife to William earl of Penbroke, beheaded at Banbery, as you before have hard. This lord Henry was he, that after king Richard, brother to king Edward, was vanquished and overthrown, obtained the Crown and regality of this Realm, whom we aught to believe, to be sent from God, and of him only to be provided a king, for to extinguish both the factions and parts, of king Henry the vi and of king Edward the four (which had almost brought the nobility of this realm, to a final destruction and an utter decay) considering, that he once exalted to that dignity, nothing more minded, nor to any one thing more his study applied: This Henry was borne of Margaret, the only daughter and heir, to John the first Duke of Somerset, than not being fully of xiiii years of age. The which Lady Margaret, although she were after conjoined in marriage, with Lord Henry son to Humphrey Duke of Buckyngham, and after to Thomas Stanley earl of Derby, both being lusty, and of age meet for generation: yet afterward she brought forth no more fruit, as though she had done her part sufficiently, for to have borne one man child, and the same to be a king. jasper earl of Penbroke took this child being his nephew, out of the custody of the Lady Harbert, and at his return, he brought the child to London, to king Henry the sixth, whom, when the king had a good space by himself, secretly beholden and marked, both his wit and his likely towardness, he said to such princes, as were then with him: Lo, 
This was King Henry the seuent●.  surely this is he, to whom both we and our adversaries leaving the possession of all things, shall hereafter give room and place. So this holy man showed before, the chance that should happen, that this earl Henry so ordained by God, should in time to come (as he did in deed) have and enjoy the kingdom and the whole rule of the realm.  
As I have showed to you before, what things were done in England after that king Henry had obtained the new possession, of his old kingdom, thinking surely to have possessed, and enjoyed the same longer season then either he did, or could by his adversaries, be permitted or suffered to do: so must I of congruent necessity declare unto you, what great perplexity, what sudden trouble, what multiplicity of imaginations, the landing of king Edward in Friesland, brought to and encumbered with all, Charles Duke of Burgoyn: and how fraudulently for his own advantage he dissimuled, first with king Edward, and after with his party adverse, and how that he openly denied aid to king Edward, when he privily ministered, ample and large succours to him and his. I think you would not, that these things should be forgotten: wherefore you must call to remembrance, how that Duke Charles had before this (as you have hard) great intelligence with Monsire de Uawclere, as he list himself to be called, either chief Captain of Caleis or else deputy Captain, to the earl of Warwick, which had promised to him by the Duke, a pension yearly of a thousand Crowns, to the intent to stand still true to king Edward, and to relinquish king Henry, but in especial to abandon th'earl of Warwick. The duke although that he had small confidence, but rather great diffidence in the oath and promise of Monsire de Uawclere: thought it necessary to know, in what case Caleis stood, and what mutations were there, because it was his next neighbour, (for that time Bulleyn, and Bullenoys, and all Artoys, were in the hands of Duke Charles) as a pledge delivered to his father, as is before rehearsed. Wherefore in all haste (before he sent for king Edward or spoke with him) he sent his trusty counsellor Philip de Commines, accompanied with two gentle men to Caleis, which two gentlemen favoredmore the party of Lancastre then of York. The lord of Argenton met with the people of the country of Bullenois, flying from every part like wild dear. For the earl of Warwick, had now lately sent to Caleis, four hundred archers on horseback, which forraied and spoiled all the country of Bullenoys. The Duke's messengers, which had not seen so soda●● mutation of worldly things, durst not keep on their journey, but the same night tarried at Turnoham, and sent to Monsire de Uawclere for a safe conduct, and also wrote to the Duke, of the fear that they were in. The Duke sent word to Philip de comes, that he and his with all speed, should pass toward Caleis, and if they there were taken, he would shortly for a ransom, buy or redeem them again. For he passed little, either of the pain of his servant, or of his charge and expense, so that his purpose might be served. When this word was brought to the messengers at Turnehan, at the same time they received a letter, from Monsire de Uawclere, with loving words and gracious terms, declaring that they might safely come, and freely depart, as before they were liberally accustomed: so that sir Philip and his compaignions' came to Caleis, without any meeting or solemn entertainment contrary to th'old fashion that he had seen. When they entered the town they might perceive every man, did were th'earl of Warwick's badge, & on every door were set white Crosses, and ragged staves, with times and poises, which purported the French king, and the earl of Warwick were all one. These things seemed very strange, and nothing pleasant to the Burgonions. The lord Uawclere sent for them to dinner the next day, being well accompanied, & did were on his cap, a white ragged staff of gold enamelled, and so did many other, and he that could have it neither of gold nor of silver, had it of silk or cloth. This badge was taken up within one quarter of an hour, after the news came out of England: such is the mutation of the common people, like a reed with every wind is agitable & flexible. While these Burgonions lay thus in Caleis they had knowledge that th'earl of Warwick had prepared four M. valiant men to make frontier war on the Duke's countries, whereof by post they certified the Duke, which so fumed, and smoked at the matter, that he witted neither well what to do, nor of whom to ask comfortable or wholesome counsel. For war he was compelled to have with the French king, which had taken from him certain towns: and if he succoured king Edward, he was sure that with the Earl of Warwick, he should have no p●●●e: and if he left king Edward his confederate and alley, in the time of his tribulation, disconsolate, and destitute of aid and secure, all the world of him might speak shame, unfaithfulness and dishonour. When the duke had well advised this matter, he wrote to his messengers, that they should require to have the league made, between the two realms, kept and observed, with diverse other privy instructions Philip de Comines, being wise and well learned, declared to the counsel of Cal●●s, that the Duke his Master not a little marveled why the Englishmen should over run, and destroy his Countries, having aleague in sure, so strong, and with so many words of efficacy enforced, lately made between the two countries, their territories and dominions, affirming that the mutation of the Prince, is no dissolucion of the league: For although the Princes be named, as chief contractors in every treaty and amity concluded, yet the Countries are bounden, and the subjects shall make recompense, if any thing be altered wrongfully out of his course. And the rather to obtain their desire, they caused all the merchants goods of England, being in the Duke's Countries, to be attached for the redress of the spoil, that the English men had done in the Duke's Country. Which sore grieved the merchants, and much hindered their voyages: beside this, the Merchants of the Staple of Caleis, wrote to the king, and to the earl of Warwick: how, if their wool and fell at Caleis, were not sold and uttered, as it was wont to be (the greatest part whereof, was bought by the Duke's subjects and vassals for ready money) the soldiers of the garrison, should lack their wages, the king should not be paid his custom, and the Merchant in conclusion should stand in adventure, both of loss of stock and credence. These persuasions mollified th'earl of Warwick's mind, and especially, because the king had no great store of money▪ to furnish Caleis with all, which store if he had had, surely the duke of Burgoyne for all the league, had been a little disturbed, and gevously molested. But considering that all things were not, correspondent at this time to th'earls appetite: he was content that it should be thus condescended and agreed, that the alliance made between the Realm of England and the Duke's dominions, should still remain muiolated, saving in the stead of Edward, should be put for the king, this name Henry. This conclusion thus brought to an end, came (even as a man would wish) to pass, for the Duke of Burgoyns purpose, for at this same time, the French king had won from him, the fair town of Amias, and saint Quintines, so that if the Duke should have had war both with France and England, he had been likely to have been shortly a poor Duke, and else utterly undone and brought to destruction. And to pacify and please the Earl of Warwick, whom he never loved and less favoured: he wrote lovingly to him, declaring that as he was lineally descended, and naturally procreated, of the noble stock and family of Lancaster, by his grand mother, being daughter to the high and mighty Prince John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancastre: so was he by nature obliged, and by alliance enforced to support, honour, maintain, and defend, the said noble house and lineage, during his life, as ever he hath done, both in word and deed, against all manner of persons and estates: further more, promising to bear his good heart, loving mind, and friendly favour, to king Henry the sixth and his sequel, before all other Princes and Potentates, with many other flattering terms, and glozing words: which fair promises, I think neither the Duke himself inwardly minded, nor yet the earl outwardly believed.  
Now to return to king Edward, being in the Duke of Burgoyns land, which, although he were out of his country, yet did he never despair, but had a farm hope, to have a mature and ready occasion to him given, how to obtain his kingdom and dominion, and that in short space. For partly, he hoped of a great help, of his brother in law the Duke of Burgoyn, and partly, he was daily solicited by the letters and messages of men of his faction in England, to return with all speed, promising him company and comfort. Many other there were, which either for fear of the rigour of the law, which they had offended, or else disdaining that the world was so altered: or else being brought in to king Edward's favour, had hope to excercise their polling rooms, as they did before his flying out of England, daily came to him from England, and provoked him more and more, to take his journey homeward King Edward in manner ravished with their golden promises, came to the Duke of Burgoyn, to the town of Scent Poll, and there declared to him what great intelligence he had in the realm of Englad, and what assured friends he had in the same, requiring him to aid him with speed as his only trust, and sole hope of relief was in him, being not only his brother in law, but each being companion of others order: for the king wore the golden Flees, and the duke wore the Gartier. The duke of Somerset, which was cousin germane, removed to the Duke of Burgoyn, and brought up and had a pension in the Duke's house. (For surely the Duke of Burgoin loved better the house of Lancastre, than the house of York) sore laboured to the contrary, affirming that it was both ungodly, unprincely, and unnatural, to exalt and set up a stranger, having no right, and to depose and deprive his natural kinsman, having a just title descended to him, from the king his father, & the king his grandfather, from his sceptre and regality. Duke Charles was in a great perplexity, not knowing well what to say, whether consanguinity should prevail more, or affinity, or nature before favour, not willing if he might, to displease any of both the parties. But because the war was overt at his very nose, with the French king: he concluded openly (but intending another thing secretly) to aid the Duke of Somerset, and other that were with him, taking of them certain promises, for things to be done against the earl of Warwick: when they should espy their time, most propice and convenient: The Duke of Somerset joyous of these news, sailed into England, and made report to King Henry. King Edward was present, and heard all this determination, which brought him into a great heaviness, and a deep perplexity: howbeit, he was privily advertised by a friend, that these cloaked dissimulations, were only for this cause, that Duke Charles would in nowise, have war with both the realms at once, and further, if the said duke were put to the worse, or vanquished by the French king, than he were not able, neither to aid, nor to succour king Edward. Wherefore to blind with all the French king, which sore desired, that the duke might have war with England: for than he knew that his enterprise, were more then half gotten. The Duke declared openly, that he would in nowise minister any succours to king Edward, straightly charging & commanding, upon pein of the heart, that no man should once pass the sea with him, or in his army. But all this proclamation notwithstanding when the duke saw that king Edward, upon hope of his friends, would needs repair into England again (he having compassion of his unfortunate chance, caused privily to be delivered to him fifty M. Florence, of the cross of saint Andrew, and further caused four great ships to be appointed for him, in the haven of Vere in Zelande, which is free for all men to come to, and the Duke hired farther for him xiiii ships of the Esterlynges, well appointed, and for the more surety, took bond of them to serve them truly, till he were landed in England, and xu days after. Of which returning, the Esterlynges were glad▪ trusting that by that mean, if he obtained again the possession of the realm, they should the sooner come to a concord and a peace, and to the rest●●●cion of their liberties and franchises, which they claimed to have within England. The Duke of Burgoyn as men reported, cared not much on whose side the victory fell, saving for paim●t of his money. For he would often say, that he was friend to both parts, and each part was trendly to him.   

The ten year. 
The ten year.   
King Edward being thus furnished, thought nothing more painful & wretched, than the tarrying of one day longer, nor nothing more to be desired, then with all celerite to sail toward his country: whereupon having with him only ii M. men of war, beside mariners, in the spring of the year. In the year of our Lord .1461. at the same very season, that the Duke of Burgoyn, went to fight with the French king at Amias. He sailed into England, 
King Edwardes landing.  and came on the cost of York shire, to a place called Ravenspurt, and there setting all his men on land, he consulted with his Captains, to know to what place, they should first for succour resort unto: for he imagined that no way could be for him sure, having so small a company of soldiers.  
After long debating, it was concluded, that diverse persons having light horses, should scour the country on every side, to see if by any persuasions, they might allure the hearts of the rustical and uplandish people to take king Edward's part, and to were harness in his querel: which, with all diligence, followed their commission. It seemeth somewhat to lean to the truth, that king Edward being a wise and a circumspect Prince▪ would not have been so foolish hardy, as to enter England with half a handful of men of war, except he had been sure of speedy succour, and faithful friendship: In which argument is no doubt, but that the Duke of Clarence and he, were secretly agreed before, and that the Marquis Montacute, had secretly procured his favour, of which privy signs and cloaked workings, open tokens, & manifest doings, afterward appeared. The light horsemen which were sent about, after they had felt the minds and intents, of the rude people (as much as they might) they returned to king Edward the next day, making relation that all the towns round about, were permanent and stiff on the part of king Henry, and could not be removed: and that it was but a folly farther to solicit or attempt them, considering that when they were moved and exhorted too be true too king Edward, not one man durst speak for fear of the Earl of Warwycke.  
Which answer, when king Edward had perfectly digested, of very necessity he changed his purpose: for where before his claim was to be restored to the crown and kingdom of England, now he caused it to be published that he only claimed the Duchy of York, to the intent that in requiring nothing, but that which was both true and honest, he might obtain the more favour of the common people. It was almost incredible to see what effect this new imagination (all though it were but feigned) sorted and took immediately upon the first opening (Such a power hath justice ever amongst all men) when it was blown abroad that king Edward's desire was farther from nothing, then from the coveting or desire of the kingdom and royal dominion, and that he no erthelye promotion desired before his just patrimony, and lynyall inheritance: All men moved with mercy and compassion, began out of hand either to favour him or else not to resist him, so that he might obtain his duchy of York, when he had found these means to pacify men's minds, and to reconcile their hearts, he determined to take his journey toward York, and so went to Beverley. The earl of Warwycke which then lay in Warwykeshyre, being informed that king Edward was landed, and going toward York, with all haste wrote to the Marquis Montacute his brother, which had lain at the Castle of Pomfret all the last winter, with a great company of soldiers, giving him warning, and advertesing him in what peril their whole affairs flood in, if their enemy should obtain the possession, or entre into the city of York, willing and commanding him to set on king Edward with all expedition, & bid him battle, or else to keep the passage, that he should pass no farther, till he himself had gathered a greater host, which with all diligence, he was assembling to come and join with his brother the Marquis. And because that the earl knew not by what way his enemies would take their journey, he wrote to all the towns of Yorkeshyre, and to the city also, commanding all men on the kings behalf, to be ready in harness, and to shut their gates against the kings enemies. King Edward without any words spoken to him, came peaceably near to York, of whose coming, when the citizens were certified, without delay they armed themself, and came to defend the gates, sending to him two of the chiefest Aldermen of the city, which earnestly admonished him on their behalf to come not one foot nearer, nor temerariously to enter in to so great a ●eopardy, considering that they were fully determined, and bend to compel him to retract with dent of swourd, king Edward marking well their message, was not a little troubled and unquieted in his mind, and driven to seek the furthest point of his wit, for he had both two mischievous and perilous chances, even before his eyes, which were hard to be evaded or refelled, one was if he should go back again, he feared jest the rural and comen people for covetousness of prey, and spoil, would fall on him, as one that fled away for fear & bread. The other was, if he should proceed any farther in his journey, then might the citizens of ●orke issue out with all their power, and suddenly cirumvent him and take him, wherefore he determined to set forward, neither with army nor with weapon: but with lowly words, and gentel entreatynges, requiring most heartily the messengers that were sent, to declare to the citizens, that he came neither to demand the realm of England, nor the superiority of the same, but only the duchy of York his old inheritance, the which duchy, if he might by their means readept and recover, he would never let pass out of his memory so great a benefit, and so friendly a gratuity to him exhibited. And so with fair words and flattering speech he dismissed the messengers, and with good speed he and his followed so quickly after, that they were almost at the gates as soon as the Ambassadors. The citizens hearing his good answer, that he meant, nor intending nothing prejudicial to king Henry, nor his royal authority, were much mitigated & cooled, & began to comen with him from their walls, willing him to convey himself in to some other place without delay, which if he did they assured him, that he should have neither hurt nor damage, but he gently speaking to all men, and especially to such as were Aldermen, whom he called worshipful, and by their proper names them saluted, after many fair promises to them made, exhorted and desired them that by their favourable friendship, & friendly permission he might enter in to his own town, of the which he had both his name and title. All the whole day was consumed in doubtful communication and earnest interlocution. The citizens partly won by his fair words, and partly by hope of his large promises, fell to this pact & convention, that if king Edward would swear to entertain his citizens of York after a gentle sort & fa●●, yond, and here after to be obedient, and faithful to all king Henry's commandments and precepts, that then they would receive him in to their city, & aid and comfort him with money. King Edward (whom the citizens called only duke of York) being glad of this fortunate chance, 
King Edward's oath of obedience to king Henry 〈◊〉 vi  in the next morning, at the gate where he should enter, a Priest being ready to say mass, in the mass time receiving the body of our blessed Saviour, solemnly swearing to keep and observe the two Articles above mentioned, and agreed upon, when it was far unlike, that he either intended or purposed to observe any of them, which plainly afterward was to all men manifest, evidently perceiving, that he took no more study or diligence for any one earthly thing▪ then he did to persecute king Henry, & to spoil him of his kingdom. So it is daily seen that aswell princes, as men of lesser reputation led by blind avarice and devilish ambition, forgetting the scruple of conscience, & the end of all honesty, use, to take an oath by the immortal God, which they know perfectly, shallbe broken & violate hereafter, before the oath be first made or sworn: yet these persons (as examples thereof be not very strange to find) at one time or other be worthily scourged for their perjury, in so much often times that the blot of such offence of the parents is punished in the sequel & posterity: of this thing I may fortune to speak more in the life of richard the three as the cause shall arise where it may evidently appear, that the progeny of king Edward scaped not untouched for this open perjury.  
When king Edward had appeased the citizens, and that their fury was past, he entered in to the city, & clearly forgetting his oath, he first set a garrison of soldiers in the town, to the intent that nothing should be moved against him by the citizens, & after he gathered a great host, by reason of his money. When all thing was ready, according as he desired, because he was informed that his enemies did make no great preparation to resist him, he thought it necessary therefore with the more speed and diligence to make haste toward London: and as it were for the nonce, he left the right way toward Pomfret, where the Marquis Montagew with his army lay, and took the way on the right hand, not fully iiii. mile from the camp of his enemies. And when he saw that they made no stirring, nor once showed themself in sight, he returned in to the comen high way again, a little beyond their camp, and came safely to the town of Nottingham, where came to him sir William Parr, sir Thomas a Borogh, sir Thomas Montgomerie, and divers other of his assured friends with their aids, which caused him at the first coming to make Proclamation in his own name, king Edward the four boldly saying to him, that they would serve no man but a king. This Proclamation cast a great shame and dolour in to the hearts of the citizens of York, for that they might apparently perceive, that they were fraudulently seduced, and for their good will unhonestly (if it might be said) deluded and mocked. But when the fame was blown abroad, that king Edward, without any detriment, was in savetyme come to Notyngham, Princes and noble men on all sides began to fall to him, firmly believing, that either the Marquis Montacute, bearing favour too king Edward, would not once with him encounter, or that he was afraid to set over or to give battle, knowing not to what part his soldiers would incline. But what soever the occasion was, the most part thought it more for their security and advantage of themselves, to take part and join with king Edward, being at all points furnished with men of war, rather than to cleave to king Henry, and to be always in jeopardy, both of life and land. King Edward (as you can not blame him) being with these good fortunes animated, & with his army furnished at all points, came to his town of Leicester, & there hearing that the earl of Warwycke, accompanied with John earl of Oxford were together at Warwycke with a great power, & were both determined to set on him, he politicly husbandmaning to prevent their invention, determined in great haste to remove his whole army, hoping surely, either to give them battle, either to allure and bring to his side his brother George duke of Clarence, and to comen with him in some privy place, before he came to his confederates: jest peradventure he should be by them, illaquiated & compassed, knowing that the duke was in nothing constant, nor in one mind long permanent.  
In this very season to tell you how the earl of Warwycke was displeased, and grudged against his brother the Marquis, for letting king Edward pass, it were to long to writ: for where he himself had viguantlye provided & politicly foreseen, for all things, the marquis nevertheless where the power of their enemies first began to gather, never moved foot, nor made resistance as he was commanded, but besides this suffered them with a so small number of soldiers, before his eyes & in his open sight, without any battle to pass by: wherefore the earl considering that king Edward did daily increase his power (as a running river by going more & more augmenteth) thought it most necessary for him, to give him battle with speed, and thereupon accersed & called together his army, and in all hast sent for the duke of Clarence, to join with him which had conscribed, & assembled together a great host about London. But when he perceived that the duke lyngered, & did all things negligently, as though he were in doubt of war or peace, he then began somewhat to suspect, that the duke was of his brethren corrupted & lately changed, and therefore without delay marched forward toward Coventry, to th'intent to set on his enemies. In the mean season, king Edward came to Warwycke, where he found all the people departed, and from thence with all diligence advanced his power toward Coventre, & in a plain by the city he pitched his field. And the next day after that he came thither, his men were set forward, and marshaled in array, & he valiantly bade the earl battle: which mistrusting that he should be deceived by the duke of Clarence (as he was in deed) kept himself close within the Walls. And yet he had perfect word that the duke of Clarence came forward toward him with a great army, king Edward being also thereof informed, raised his camp, & made toward the duke. And jest that there might be thought some fraud to be cloaked between them, the king set his battles in an order as though he would fight without any longer delay, the duke did likewise. When each host was in sight of other, Richard duke of Gloucester, brother to them both, as though he had been made arbitrer between them, first road to the duke, and with him commoned very secretly: from him he came to king Edward, and with like secretness so used him, that in conclusion no unnatural war, but a fraternal amity was concluded and proclaimed, and then leaving all army and weapon a side, both the brethren lovingly embraced, and familiarly commoned together. It was no marvel that the duke of Clarence, with so small persuasion and less exhorting, turned from the earl of Warwyckes' part, for as you have hard before, this merchandise was laboured, conduited and concluded by a damsel, when the duke was in the French court, to the earls utter confusion.  
After this, king Edward caused to be proclaimed, that the duke & all that came with him, should be taken as his true friends, without fraud or ill suspicion. But this not withstanding, it seemeth that God did neither forgive nor forget to punish the duke with condign punishment, for violating and breaking his oath solemnly, and advisedly taken and made to the earl of Warwycke, for God not many years after, suffered him like a perjured person to die a cruel & a strange death.  
Then was it concluded amongst the three brethren to attempt th'earl of Warwycke, if by any fair means he might be reconciled or any promise alured to their part: To whom the duke of Clarence sent divers of his secret friends, first to excuse him of the act that he had done, secondarily to require him to take some good end now, while he might with king Edward.  
When the earl had hard patiently the duke's message, lord, how he detested & accursed him, crying out on him, that he contrary to his oath promise & fidelity, had shamefully turned his face from his confederates & allies: But to the duke's messengers he gave none other answer but this, that he had liefer be always like himself, then like a false & a perjured duk●, and that he was fully determined never to leave war till either he had lost his own natural life, or utterly extinguished & put under his foes and enemies.  
From thence king Edward thus being furnished of a strong host, went without any manner of diffidence or mistrust toward London (where after that it was known that the duke of Clarence was come to his brethren, & that all they came together in one knot to the city, such a fear rose suddenly amongst the citizens, that they were driven to their wits end, not knowing either what to do or to say, but at the last very fear compelled them to take king Edward's part. The self same season, the earl of Warwycke sent letters to king Henry, to the duke of Somerset, th'archbishop of York, & other of his counsel, that they should keep the city from their enemy's hands, by the space of ii or iii days after the coming of their enemies, and that he shortly would be at hand, with a puissant army. They as they were commanded defended the city strongly, but it was to small purpose, for the citizens in the same time began maturely to consult, what part they should follow for their most indempnite: and in conclusion when they considered that king Henry was such an innocent person, as of himself was not most apt to moderate and govern the public wealth of the realm. And that on the other side, king Edward by no other men's document, but only by his own policy and wit was wont to order the Realm and govern the kingdom. And farther that king Edward was such a person as was able both to defend himself and also all his, from injury and hostility, whereupon all men were glad to lean to him, and to take his part. They concluded to take his part & to recryve him in to the city: which determination being blown abroad (as the nature of the people is ever to delight in novelties) the commonalty could not be compelled by no commandment to tarry at home, but ran in heaps out of the city, to meet him, and saluted him as their king and sovereign lord. When the duke of Somerset and other of king Henry's friends, saw the world thus suddenly changed, every man fled, and in haste shifted for himself, leaving king Henry alone, as an host that should be sacrificed, in the Bishop's palace of London, adjoining to Paul's church, 
King Henry the vi again taken and committed to prison.  not knowing of whom, nor what counsel to ask, as he which with trouble and adversity was clearly dulled and appalled, in which place he was by king Edward taken, and again committed to prison and captivity.  
This was a sudden change, for the same day, the archbishop of York to the intent that the people might more firmly stick on his side, caused him to ride about London, apparelled in a gown of blue velvet, with a great company crying king Henry, king Henry (which sight as much pleased the citizens as a fire painted on the wall, warmed the old woman) not knowing that or night, his triumphing should be iorned to trembling, and his solemnity converted in to mourning, such chance was to him provided. King Edward returned to London again the xi day of April, six months after that he had sailed in to Flaunders: and first calling before him a great assemble of people, highly commended the fidelity of the citizens, which they constantly bore unto him, rendering to the Aldermen, most hearty thanks for that, that they had kept, and cuased the people to continue, and be permanent in their good minds and loyalty toward him, blaming farther and rebuking as well Merchant strangers, as Englishmen, whom he knew to have pressed, and lente money to king Henry for the arrayenge and setting forth of a new army against him. But when he had grievously with terrible words declared to them their seditious crime & traitorous offence, he had them be of good comfort, & to expel all fear, for he released to them both the punishment of their bodies, and loss of goods, and granted to them Pardon for their faults and offences, by which gentle mean and easy indulgency, he reconciled to him the hearts of the whole multitude, obtaining that, by fair and loving words, which he could not have achieved with sharp strokes, and bloody wounds.  
th'earl of Warwick pondering, that the gain of the whole battle stood in making haste, with all diligence, followed hisenemies, hoping (that if they were let never so little, with any stop or tarrying by the way) to fight with them before they should come to London: the which he thought, should be much to his advantage, considering that he perfectly knew the city to be destitute of men of war for defence, and to have no manner of munitions, to set on the walls or towers, so that they were no able to abide a siege, and for that cause, ever they inclined to the victorious and stronger part. But when he following his enemies, had passed a great part of his journey, he was informed that king Edward, peaceably was entered into London, and had taken, and sent king Henry to prison again: Which things deeply considered, he saw that all cavillations of necessity, were now brought to this end, that they must be committed to thasard and chance of one battle, wherefore, he rested with his army, at the town of saint Albon, partly, to refresh his soldiers and partly, to take counsel what was best to do. In the earls army were John Duke of Excester, Edmond earl of Somerset, John earl of Oxenford, and John Marquis Montacute, whom the earl his brother well knew, not to be well minded (but sore against his stomach) to take part with these Lords, and therefore stood in a doubt, whether he at this time, might trust him or not, but the fraternal love between them, washed away and diminished all suspicion: But what so ever opinion th'earl conceived of him or any other, the earl as a man past all fear, determined courageously to set on his enemies. And from saint Alban's, he removed to a village in the mean way, between London and saint Alban's called Barnet, 
Barnet field  being ten mile distant from both the towns. This town standeth on an hill, on whose top is a fair plain, for two armies to join together, on the one part of this plain, the Earl of Warwick pitched his field, tarrying for his enemies. The rumour of the earls coming, was spread in an instant over all London, which quickened king Edward not a little, wherefore with all speed he adjoined to that host, that he brought with him first to London, a company of elect, picked, and chosen persons, strong, young, and meet for all assays, beside other new aids, that were then come to him: Harness, weapons, horse, and all other engines, instruments meet for the war, he neither forgot, nor slackly furnished. What shall I say more, he determined clearly to spend all his riches, yea, and all that he could imagine upon the chance of this battle: Firmly believing, that this conflict, should knit up the knot of all his labour, and bring him to quietness. So with a puissant army, he marched forward, and to put his people in ure, that they might be the more ready to fight, when so ever they should encounter with their enemies, he divided them in four parts. He brought with him also king Henry the sixth, of all likelihood for this intent, that either his adversaries, seeing their king stand as a prisoner in captivity, should be abashed and discomfited by him, or else if the fortune of the battle should turn against him, that then king Henry should be to him, both a safeguard and a protection. On Easter eve at after noon he came to Barnet, and there not far from his enemies, he encamped his army, and lest his enemies should compel him to fight that night, he environed his camp, with new fortifications and trenches: For tarrying that night, was to him a singular profit, and to his enemies a great detriment: Considering the longer he tarried, the more people came to his aid, the more stronger was his power, and the stronger that his power was, so much weaker was the part of the adversaries, which was far from all succour, and hoped of no new relief nor comfort. Thus both the armies lodged that night on the plain, but not out of their harness, for their tents were so near together, in the which, what for neighing of horses, and talking of men, none of both the hosts could that night, take any rest or quietness. At the breaking of the day, the earl of Warwick set his men in a ray, in this manner: In the right wing, he set the Marquis Montacute, and the Earl of Oxenford, with certain horsemen, and he with the Duke of Exeter, took the left wing, and in the mids between both, he set archers, and to them he appointed the duke of Somerset to be captain. And when he had set his men in an order, he encouraged his men to fight, with many comfortable words, willing them to strike with a good and a fierce courage, and to remember that they fight, not only for the liberty of the country, against a tyrant, which wrongfully and against all right, had invaded and subdued this realm, but they fight in the quarrel of a true, and undubitate king, against a cruel man, and a torcious usurper, in the cause of a Godly, and a pitiful Prince, against an abominable manqueller, and blou●y butcher: In the title of a gentle, liberal, and bountiful king, against an extreme niggard, and a covetous extortioner. In which cause being so good, so godly & so just, God of very justice must beads be their shield and defence. King Edward likewise ordered his battles. In the forward he set the duke of Gloucester, the middle ward, he himself with the Duke of Clarence▪ having with them king Henry, did rule and govern, the lord Hastynges led the rearward, and besides these three battales, he kept a company of fresh men in store, which did him great pleasure, and this done, he encouraged his men, saying: that their adversaries were only traitors to the realm, spoilers of the poor commonalty, and people destitute of all grace, good fortune, & good living. Which mischievous persons, if they should prevail through the faintness of your hearts, all you gentlemen and richmen, were in jeopardy of your lives, all mean men in dounbt of robbing and spoiling: and all inferior persons, in hazard of perpetual bondage andseruitude.  
When the day began to spring, the trumpets blewe up courageously, and the battle fiercely began, Archers first shot, and bill men them followed▪ King Edward having the greater number of men, valiantly set on his enemies. The earl on the otherside, remembering his ancient fame and renown, manfully withstood him. This battle on both sides was sore fought & many slain, in whose rooms succeeded ever fresh and freshemen. In the mean season while all men were together by the cares, ever looking to which way fortune would incline. The Earl of Warwick after long fight, wisely did perceive his men to be over pressed, with the multitude of his adversaries: wherefore he caused new men to relief them, that fought in the forward, by reason of which succours, king Edward's part gave a little back (which was the cause that some lookers on, and no fighters, galoped to London, saying: that th'earl had won the field) which thing when king Edward did perceive, he with all diligence, sent fresh men to their succours.  
If the battle were fierce and deadly before, now it was crueler, more bloody, more fervent and fiery, and yet they had fought from morning almost to noon, without any part getting advantage of other. King Edward being weary of so long a conflict, and willing to see an end, caused a great crew of fresh men (which he had for this only policy, kept all day in store) to set on their enemies, in manner being weary and fatigate: but although the earl saw these new succours, of fresh & new men to netre the battle, being nothing afraid, but hoping of the victory (knowing perfectly that there was all king Edward's power) comforted his men being weary, sharply quickening, and earnestly desiring them with hardy stomachs, to bear out this last and final brunt of the battle, and that the field was even at an end. But when his soldiers being sore wounded, wearied with so long a conflict, did give little regard to his words, he being a man of a mind invincible, rushed into the midst of his enemies, where as he (adventured so far from his own company, to kill and slay his adversaries, that he could not be rescued) was in the mids of his enemies, stricken down and slain. The marquis Montacute, thinking to succour his brother, which he saw was in great jeopardy, and yet in hope to obtain the victory, was likewise over thrown and slain. After the earl was dead, his part fled and many were taken, but not one man of name, nor of nobility.  
Some authors writ, that this battle was fought so near hand, that king Edward was constrained to fight his own person, & fought as sore as any man of his party, and that the earl of Warwick, which was wont ever to ride on horseback, from place to place, from rank to rank comforting his men, was now advised by the Marquis his brother, to relynquishe his horse, and try the extremity by hand strokes, which if he had been on his horseback, might fortune to have escaped.  
This end had Richard Nevell earl of Warwick, 
The death of th'earl of warwicke.  whose stoutestomacke, and invincible courage, after so many strange fortunes, and perilous chances by him escaped, caused death before he came to any old age privily to steel on him, and with his dart to take from him, all worldly and mundain affections: but death did one thing, that life could not do, for by death he had rest, peace, quietness, and tranquillity, which his life ever abhorred, and could not suffer nor abide. On both parts were slain at this battle, more than ten. M. men. Of prisoners the number could not be certainly known: on the kings part were slain sir Humphrey Burchier, son to the Lord Barnes, else no man of estimation. The occasion of this great slaughter was, because that where king Edward was wont, after the battle obtained, to cry: save the commons, and kill the captains, now he spared them not, because they not only so highly favoured th'earl of Warwick, but also because they came with the earl▪ against him in battle. After this field ended, the Duke of Somerset, with John earl of Oxenford, were in all post hast, flying toward Scotland, but fearing the jeopardies, that might chance in so long a journey, altered their purpose, and turned into Wales, to jasper earl of Penbroke: every man fled whether his mind served him. The duke of Excester with much difficulty, escaped into Westminster disguised, and there took Sanctuary. King Edward after this victory, all though he wan it not without great effusion of blood, aswell on his own part, as the part of his enemies, was greatly rejoiced and comforted a●ter the manner of a victorious conqueror, leading with him king Henry like a captive, in most triumphant manner, on Easter day at after noon, made his entry solemnly, into the city of London, and at the Church of saint Paul, he offered his standard, and rendered to almighty God for his great victory, most humble and hearty thanks. The dead bodies of the earl and the Marquis, were brought to London in a coffin, and before they should be buried, by the space of three days, they lay open visaged, in the Cathedral Church of S. Paul, to th'intent that all men might evidently perceive, that they unfeignedly were dead lest peradventure the common people hereafter, here of some dissimuling person, to take on him the name of th'earl of Warwick, thinking him to be living, might stir a new sedition, & excite an unware rebellion.  
The common people said, that the king was not so jocund nor so joyous, for the destruction of th'earl, but he was more sorrowful and dolorous, for the death of the Marquis, whom both he knew and it appeared to other, to be inwardly his faithful friend: For whose only sake he caused both their bodies, to be with their ancestors, solemnly interred at the Priory of Bissain. In the mean season, queen Margaret having knowledge, that all things in England, were now altered and brought into trouble and broil, by reason of king Edward's late return into the realm: gathered together no small company, of hardy and valiant soldiers, determined with all haste and diligence, with Prince Edward her son, to sail into England, but yet once again (such was her destiny) being letted for lack of prosperous wind, and encumbered with to much rigorous tempest, a day after the fair, as the common proverb saith, landed at the Port of Weymouth, in Dorset shire. When she had passed the sea and taken land, it was to her declared▪ how that king Edward had gotten again the garland, and that king Henry her husband, was desolately left post alone, and taken prisoner, how the Earl of Warwick and his brother were both slain and dead, and all their army destroyed, scattered or taken, and in conclusion that her part had sustained, the most bitter plague and scourge, considering both the chance and the time, that in many years before, had been read or seen. When she hard all these miserable chances and misfortunes, so suddenly one in another's neck, to have taken their effect, she like a woman all dismayed for fear, fell to the ground, her heart was pierced with sorrow, her speech was in manner passed, all her spirits were tormented with melancholy. The calamity and misery of her time, she detested and abhorred, her unstable and contrariant fortune, she steadfastly blamed and accused, her painful labour, her care of mind, turned into infelicity she much lamented, and bewailed the evil fate and destiny of her husband, which eminently before her eyes, she saw to approach she accused, reproved, and reviled, and in conclusion, her senses were so vexed, and she so afflicted, and cast into such an agony, that she preferred death before life, rather desiring sooner to die, then longer to live, and peradventure for this cause, that her interior eye saw privily, and gave to her a secret monition of the great calamities and adversities, which then did hung over her head, and were likely incontinent to fall and succeed (which other persons, neither looked for nor regarded.  
This Queen Margarete might well consider and think, that these evil adventures, chanced to her for the most part, for the unworthy death of Humphrey Duke of Gloucester, uncle to her husband: Of the which mischance, although she were not the very occasion and provoker, yet she greatly offended in that she concented thereto, and did not save his life, when she ruling all other, might conveniently have stayed and letted it. For surely he being alive, and having the moderation and governance of the common wealth, king Henry had never wavered in so many hazards, and jeopardies of his life as he did. I would desire of God, that all men would in equal balance, ponder & indifferently consider the causes, of these misfortunes and evil chances, the which being elevate in authority, do meet and measure, justice and injury, right and wrong, by high power, blind authority, and unbridled william.  
But now to the purpose, when Queen Margarete saw, that to bid battle was to no purpose, and in manner in despair, of the wealth of herself and her son: she with the Prince and her company, departed to a sanctuary there by, called Beauliew in Hamshire (where was a monastary of Monks, of the order of Cisterciens) and registered herself and hers, as persons there privileged. When it was known that she was landed, Edmond Duke of Somerset, with lord John his brother Thomas Courtney earl of Devonshire, the which before ever took the contrary part, whose sudden changing, shortly turned to his own confusion, jasper earl of Penbroke, John Lord Wenlocke (a man made only by king Edward) and John Longstrother, Prior of saint Ihones in England, came in great haste to Beaulew, and presented theimselfes to the Queen: Although that she were almost drowned in sorrow, and plunged in pein, yet when she saw and beheld, these noble and princely personages, to resort unto her presence, she was somewhat comforted, and greatly revived again.  
And first, jest it should be laid to her charge, that she had done any thing misavisedly: she declared and showed the cause, why she could not come to them in time, as she gladly would have done, and for what purpose and intent, she had then taken the i●●unitie of Sanctuary: Beseeching them all to study, and provide with all diligence, for the wealth and conservation, of her only jewel the Prince her son, and where for this time, she despaired to do any thing by force of arms, that might be to her profit, she thought it most convenient for her (if the time of year and her enemies, did not let or stop her) to sail again into France and there to tarry till God would send her better luck, and more pleasant fortune, and to bring her long purposed business, to a good conclusion and end.  
After that the Duke and other with comfortable words, somewhat had eased the dolorous heart of this unfortunate queen: The said Duke began with a long process, to enter communication of war to be renewed, and with all hast possible, and extreme diligence, lest their company by tarrying might be diminished, and king Edward's power increased and augmented, considering that all this time, he had no army gathered together, for so much, that at the last battle, the very strength of his chief soldiers, was weaked and appalled: And that notwithstanding, that fortune shone on him, in obtaining the victory against th'earl of Warwick, yet now she might turn her sail on the otherside, causing him to taste eager vinegar, as she before had given him to drink delicate Ypocrace, when all men see daily, that of warlike affairs at the point, there happeneth not seldom time, sudden commutations and unlooked for: affirming farther, that the more number of the nobility, bore toward king Henry her husband, their good minds and fixed hearts, and would help him both with men and money. And of his own free will, if she would take upon her, the name of captain against her enemies, as she before that often times had enterprised: he offered a great power of able men, at his own expense and charge, promising that the two earls, should assure her of a far greater number, of valiant and expert warriors, than she would esteem. And when he had showed that, the victory was now (if they list) in their hands, he merrily required them all, to be of hardy heart and good cheer, and because the matter, required great expedition, he thought it not necessary, farther to reason the cause of battle, but determine out of hand how the battle should be given and ordered.  
The Queen whose mind gave her, that this motion, should come to no good conclusion; answered: that she could well allow this sentence, if she thought that there might happen, no greater loss to some other, than the loss of her own life. But she suspected that while they would help things, that they most phantesied and affected, the life of prince Edward her son, in whom, all the whole hope of that family stood and remained, should be in peril and jeopardy: and therefore, she either thought it necessary, to defer the battle till another time, or eel to convey her son into France again, there to lie sure and secret, till the chance of the first battle were tried and assayed. And no marueyll, although the natural mother, much minded and studied for the safeguard and tuytion of the life of her son, pondering that next her husband, whom she reputed for clean undone and utterly cost away, she had nothing more to be beloved, nothing more dearer, nor nothing to be made more of.  
Thus this prudent and politic Queen required the chieftains expert in martial feats, that they should before hand premeditate with themselves, maturely and deliberately these things by her moved and after that done, if they thought it convenient to give battle, she would to their agreement with all her heart be conformable. But there was no longer disputation of the matter, for the duke said that there was no need to waste any more words for all they were determined (while their lives lasted) still to keep war against their enemies, & therefore that thing which with great counsel and deliberation is concluded, aught to be advanced and set forward with a whole consent and agreement.  
Thus every man together clearly bend and encouraged to the battle gathered his power by himself. The duke through all his dominions, raised a chosen company of men of war: likewise did the earl of Devonshire. The earl of Pembroke went into Wales to his erledom to prepare his people with all diligence. The queen, at the last was brought in to this hope of good fortune that she said, well be it, & so as the duke had advised her, she with her company departed to Bath, intending there to make her abode, till more of her affinity were together assembled. But whether so ever she went, few or none had thereof knowledge, mistrusting left her consayl should by some titiville, be published & opened to her adversaries, before she came to the place prefixed.  
When king Edward knew that Queen Margarete was landed in England, and that the duke of Somerset with her complices had prepared a new army, out of hand he dispatched certain cu●rers on ●ight horses, in to every part to see what number his enemies were, & what way they intended to take. The explorators, according to their instructions, searched and sought the parts by West, and made ●elacion diligently at their return, what they had known and sent. The king being in a great agony, because he knew not what way his enemies took, determined, surely to encounter them at some, one place before they came to London. And upon this conclusion, with such an army as he had gotten about London, he set forward into Oxford shire, and there seeking a place apt and meet to pitch his tents, was conducted to Abyndon, where he encamped himself, commanding all men appointed for the war, with all celerity to follow him to that place. All the hinges host there being assembled and reduct in to one company, news were brought to him, that his enemies were come to Bath, and there did sojourn and tarry purposely to augment and increase their number of such, as daily to them did resort, wherefore the king without delay removed straight to Marleborough, being distant from Bath xu miles, making haste and great diligence, if by any possibility he might to give them battle before they diverted in to Wales, whether he thought (as they intended in deed) that they would take their journey to join themself with the earl of Penbroke, which had gathered a great host in those parties.  
When the Queen knew that king Edward was come so near to her, she tarried not long at Bath, but removed in great haste to Brystow: and sent out certain horsemen to espy, whether she might safely pass over the river Severne by Gloucester into Wales, whether she determined first to go to augment her army, and then without any delay with spear and shield, courageously to set on her enemies, where soever they would abide. They that were sent, returned to, her again, declaring that the town of Gloucester was under the obeisance of Richard, duke of Gloucester the kings brother, and that although they had solicited the lord Beauchampe of Powike, which lay there in the Castle, and had the rule of the Town, and the townsmen first by rewardesafter by menacing, either to take their part, or peaceably to suffer her to pass over their bridge, they were there with all, neither once moved, nor once would speak comfortably to the messengers. When she hard these news, she shortly departed from Bristol with her army, to a proper town on severne side, called Tewkesburye, leving Gloucester unassauted, jest peradventure she might their spend her time with much loss & little gain, but in her passage toward Tewksbury, the lord Beauchamp took from her rearward, more ordinance than she might have well spared, which did to her no small prejudice. When the Queen was come to Tewksbury, and knew that king Edward followed her with his horsemen at the very back, she was sore abashed, and wonderfully amazed and determined in herself, to fly in to Wales to jasper earl of Pembroke: But the duke of Somerset, willing in nowise to fly backward for doughtes that he casted might chance by the way, determined there to tarry, to take such fortune as God should send, being in his own munde, and so fixed in a fair park, adjoining to the town, he pitched his field against the will and consent of many other Captains which would that he should have drawn a side, for a while till th'earl of Penbroke with his army were with him associate, but his will served for his reason, and so the chance followed. The duke of Somerset intending to abide the battle like a politic warrior, trenched his camp round about of such an altitude, and so strongly, that his enemies by no means facilye, could make any entry, and farther perceiving that his part could never escape without battle, determined there to see the final end of his good or ill chance, wherefore he marshaled his host in this manner: he and the lord John of Somerset his brother led the forward: The middelward was governed by the Prince under the conduit of the lord of saint Ihons', & lord Wenlocke (whom king Edward had highly before preferred & promoted to the degree of a baron) The rearward was put in the rule of the earl of Devonshire.  
When all these battles were thus ord●red and placed, 
The battle of Tewkesbury●.  the Queen and her son prince Edward road about the field, encouraging their soldiers, promising to them (if they did show them selfs valiant against their enemies) great rewards and high promotions, innumerable gain of the spoil and booty of their adversaries, and above all other fame and renown through the whole realm. King Edward likewise which the day before was come within a mile of Tewksbury, put his brother the duke of Gloucester in the forward, and himself in the middelward, the lord Marques and the lord hastynges led the reregarde. The duke of Gloucester, which lacked no policy, valiantly with his battle assaulted the trench of the queens camp, whom the duke of Somerset with no less courage defended, the duke of Gloucester for a very politic purpose, with all his men recoiled back. The duke of Somerset, perceiving that: like a knight, more courageous than circumspect came out of his trench, with his whole battle, and followed the chase, not doubting but the prince and the lord Wenlocke, with the middelward had followed just at his back. But whether the lord Wenlocke dissimuled the matter for king Edward's sake, or whether his heart served him not, still he stood looking on. The duke of Gloucester taking the advantage that he adventured for, turned again face to face to the duke of Somersets' battle, which (nothing less thinking on, then of the return) were within a small season, shamefully discomfited. The duke of Somerset, seeing his unfortunate chance returned to the middelward, where he seeing the lord Wenloke standing still, after he had reviled him, and called him traitor, with his axe he struck the brains out of his head. The duke of Gloucester entered the trench, 
A terrible stroke.  & after him the king, where after no long conflict, the queens part went almost all to wreck, for the most part were slain. Some fled for succour in the thick of the park, some in to the monastery, some in to other places. The Queen was found in her Chariot all most dead for sorrow, the prince was apprehended and kept close by sir Richard Croftes: the duke of Somerset and the lord Prior of saint Ihons', were by force taken prisoners, and many other also. In the field & chase were slain lord John of Somerset, the earl of Devonshire, sir John Delues, sir Edward Hampden, sir Robert Wytyngham, and sir John Lewkenor, and iii thousand other.  
After the field ended, king Edward made a Proclamation, that who so ever could bring prince Edward to him alive or dead, should have an annuity of an. C. l. during his life, and the Prince's life to be saved, Sir Richard Croftes, a wise and a valyaut knight, nothing mistrusting the kings former promise, brought forth his prisoner prince Edward, being a goodly feminine & a well feautered young gentleman, when king Edward had well advised, he demanded of him, how he durst so presumptuously enter in to his Realm with banner displayed. The prince, being bold of stomach & of a good courage, answered saying, to recover my father's kingdom & enheritage, from his father & grandfather to ●ym, and from him, after him, to me lineally divoluted. At which words king Edward said nothing, but with his hand thrust him from him (or as some say, struck him with his gauntlet) whom incontinent, they that stood about, which were George duke of Clarence Richard duke of Gloucester, Thomas marquis Dorset, and William lord Hastynges, suddenly murdered, & piteously manquelled. The bit ternesse of which murder, some of the actors, after in their latter days t●sted and assayed by the very rod of justice and punishment of God. His body was homely interred with that other simple corpses, in the church of the monastery of black Monks in Tewkesburye. This was the last civil battle that was fought in king Edward's days, which was gotten the iii day of may, in the ten year of his reign, and in the year of our lord. M. cccc.lxxi. then being Saturday. And on the Monday next ensuing was Edmond duke of Somerset, John Longstrother, Prior of saint Ihons', sir Garuays Clyfton, sir Thomas Tressham, and, xii. other knights and gentlemen beheaded in the market place at Tewkes●ury.  
Queen Margaret like a prisoner was brought to London, 
Queen Margaret brought prisoner too London.  where she remained till king Remer her father ransomed her with money, which sum (as the French writers affirm) he borrowed of king Lewes the xi. and because he was not of power nor ability to repay so great a duty▪ he sold to the French king & his heirs, the kingdoms of Naples, and both the Sciciles, with the county of province, which is the very title that king Charles the seven. made when he conquered the realm of Napels. After the ransom paid, she was conveyed in to France with small honour, which with so great triumph and honourable entertainment was with pomp above all pride, received into this Realm xxviii years before. And where in the beginning of her time, she lived like a Queen, in the middle she ruled like an empress, toward th'end she was vexed with trouble, never quiet nor in peace, & in her very extreme age she passed her days in France, more like a death than a life, languisshing and morning in continual sorrow, not so much for herself and her husband, whose ages were almost consumed and worn, but for the loss of prince Edward her son (whom she and her husband thought to leave, both overlyver of their progeny, and also of their kingdom) to whom in this life nothing could be either more displeasant or grievous.  
After this battle, king Edward rendered to God his most humble thanks, & caused public processions to be with all devout reverence solemnly, kept three days together in every Town and Parish. And when he had visited the towns and places, where his enemies assembled first together (to the pain and punishment of no small number) he with good diligence returned toward London, for he was informed how one Thomas Nevel, bastard son to Thomas lord Faucombridg the valiant captain, a man of no less courage than audacity (who for his evil conditions was such an apt person, that a more metre could not be chosen to set all the world in a broil, & to put the estate of the realm on an ill hazard) had of new begun a great commotion. This bastard was before this time appointed by the earl of Warwycke, to be Uiceadmyrall of the sea, and had in charge so to keep the passage between Dover and Caleys, that none which either favoured king Edward or his friends should escape, untaken or undrouned. And when by the death of the earl of Warwycke, he was brought into poverty, he rob both on the sea & the land, aswell his enemies as also his friends: By reason whereof he got together a great navy of ships, and spoiled on every ship, and at last took land in Kent, and gathered together a great company of Kentishmen, such as were most meet for his purpose, and so marched toward London, where the Essex men having wild whey worms in their heads, joined them with him, saying that their coming and quarrel was to deliver out of captivity King Henry the vi. and to bring him to his wife, but what so ever their outward words were, their inward cogitations were only hope of spoil, and desire to rob and pill. For the bastard himself assaulted the draw bridge of London, and a captain of his called Spising scaled Algate with the Essex men, harnesed in their wife's Chesecloutes, which assaults were deadly given and manfully resisted, in so much that on both parts many were slain and hurt, but at the last the citizens than put back the rebels, and ●lew and wounded a great number of them, and drove the bastard from all his prey to his ships, lying at Radcleffe, which having a good & prosperous wind, made sail with all haste, & Roved on the sea, as before he was accustomed.  
This stirring, although it were but little to think on at the first yet if it had begun not long afore, it had brought all king Edward's business in to a doubtful difference: for king Edward in these his last battles was twice more than fortunate for that, that he at sundry and several times (and not all a● one time) was persecuted & invaded of his enemies: for surely, at the time when the earl of Warwycke with his pitched army was coming toward London, if queen Margarete with her company had taken land (which enterprise she thrice in great jeopardy courageously attempted) Then if she had set on behind, while the earl of Warwycke gave the onset before both at one moment, or if Edmond duke of Somerset had not given battle at Tewkesburye, before jasper earl of Penbroke was come with his train, or if bastard Fawconbridge had vexed the Londeners even at the time: One or the other of these two things should consequently have followed, that king Edward must of necessity once again fly out of the Realm, or else with shame and rebuke yield himself, either to slaughter or captivity: But as in all mean chances and small gains, good luck is desired and praised, so much more in battle, is good fortune and fortunate chance to be most made of, and chief to be advanced.  
Now to return to bastard Faulconbridge, wavering hither & thither in the doubtful surges of the sea, as sure of his life on the water as on the land, which either thinking that no man would see him, or that all men were blind, and could not espy him (and especially in so secret a place) came into the open haven of Southampton, and there took land where he was not long untaken, but shortlier beheaded.  
When jasper earl of Pembroke was credibly ascertained that queen Margarete had lost the battle at Tewkesburye, and that there was no more trust of any comfort or relieve to be had for the part of poor king Henry, he with such men of war as he was, bringing to his confederates, returned back out of the way to the town of Chepstow, where he tarrying deploring and lamenting, that hast to much hasted, & that unpurveyed & blind will had at the final conclusion, not only destroyed and brought to naught all king Heryes estate, riches and pre-eminence, but further had left all his friends ready to toss the waves of fortune, & to seek their living where thy might safely get them, began to think and provide what way was best to take.  
King Edward at this season, not being out of fear of the earl of Penbroke▪ sent privily in too Wales, Roger Uaughan, a man there both strong of people and of friends, to the intent by some guile or engine suddenly to trap and surprise the earl: but he having intelligence of certain friends, how that watch was privily laid for him, suddenly in the same town, took Roger Uaughan, and without delay stroke of his head, so Thomas Uaughan, by God's providence, received the death himself, which he by deceit prepared for the other.  
The earl in good haste departed thence to Penbroke, whom incontinent Morgan Thomas, by king Edward's commandment so strongly besieged him, and so environed his Castle with a ditch and a trench, that he could not lightly fly or escape thence: but he was after eight days delivered, and the siege raised by his faithful and trusty friends David Thomas, brother to the foresaid Morgan, and from thence conveyed to Tynbye, a haven town in wales, where he getting convenient ships, for to transport him and his over the sea into France with his nephew lord Henry earl of Rychemonde, and a few of his familiars took ship, and by fortunes leading, landed in britain.  
After his arrival, he first went to duke Frances of britain, and him reverently saluted, expounding to him the cause, the case, and the necessity of their thither coming, committing the lives, the goods and all the chances both of him and his nephew, whole to the duke's discretion and ordinance. The duke received both the earls, with all benignity, and showed to them no less honour, favour and humanity, with such entertainment, then if they had been his natural brethren, and giving to them his faith, seriously made promise that being with him, they should sustain no manner of wrong, nor no injury should be to them by any creature offered: assuring them, that they might within his dominions, at all times, and in all places, go in safe and good surety.  
When King Edward had appeased, by the means afore rehearsed, his kingdom and people, to the intent that there should insurge hereafter, no new commotion within the realm again: he made a journey into Kente, and there sat in judgement on such, as in the last tumultuous business, took part with bastard Fauconbrige, where many were (not unworthy) straightly punished & ransomed, which business once performed, to th'intent that all men might see apparently, that indubitate peace was come into the realm, and that all fear of exterior hostility, was banished and exiled for ever: Poor king Henry the sixth, a little before deprived of his realm, and Imperial Crown, was now in the Tower of London, 
King Henry the 〈…〉 in the ●ower  spoiled of his life, and all worldly felicity, by Richard duke of Gloucester (as the constant fame ran) which, to th'intent that king Edward his brother, should be clear out of all secret suspicion of sudden invasion, murdered the said king with a dagger. But whosoever was the manqueller of this holy man, it shall appear, that both the murderer and the consenter, had condign and not undeserved punishment, for their bloody stroke, and butcherly act: and because they had now no enemies risen, on whom they might revenge themselves, as you shall hereafter perceive, they exercised their cruelty, against their own selves: and with their proper blood, imbrued and polluted their own hands and membres.  
The dead corpse of king Henry, with bills and glaives pompeously (if you call that a funeral pomp) was conveyed from the tower, to the Church of saint Paul, and there laid o● a beree, where it lay the space of one whole day: and the next day, without Priest or Clarke, Torch or Taper, singing or saying, it was conveyed to the Monastery of Chertesey, being distant from London xu mile, and there was buried, but after he was removed to Winsore, and there in a new vault newly intumilate. This king Henry reigned full xxxviii years, and xvii. days, and after that he had repossessed his kingdom vi months he lived lii years, having by his wife one only son, called Edward Prince of Wales.  
King Henry was of stature goodly, 
The discripci●n of King Henr● 〈…〉  of body slender, to which proportion, all other members were correspondent: his face beautiful, in the which continually was resident, the mountie of mind, with which, he was inwardly endued. He did abhor of his own nature, all the vices, as well of the body as of the soul, and from his very infancy, he was of honest conversation and pure integrity, no knower of evil, and a keeper of all goodness: a despiser of all things, which be wont to cause, the minds of mortal men to slide, fall, or appair. Beside this, patience was so radicate in his heart, that of all the injuries to him committed, (which were no small number) he never asked vengeance nor punishment, but for that, rendered to almighty God, his creator, hearty thanks, thinking that by this trouble, and adversity, his sins were to him forgotten and forgiven. What shall I say, that this good, this gentle, this meek, this sober, and wiseman, did declare and affirm, that those mischiefs and miseries, partly, came to him for his own offence, and partly, for the heping of sin upon sin, wretchedly by his ancestors and forefathers: wherefore he little or nothing esteemed, or in anywise did tourment or macerate himself, what so ever dignity, what honour, what state of life, what child, what friend he had lost, or miss, but if it did but sound an offence toward God, he looked on that, and not without repentance, both mourned and sorrowed for it: these and other like offices of holiness, caused God to work miracles for him, in his life time, (as old men said). By reason whereof, king Henry the seventh, not without cause, s●ed to july Bushop of Rome, to have him canonised, as other saints be: but the fees of canonizing of a King, 
〈…〉  were of so great a quantity at Rome (more than the canonizing of a bishop or a prelate, although he sat in saint Peter's Cheire) that thesay king thought it more necessary, to keep his money at home, for the profit of his realm and country, rather than to empovetishe his kingdom, for the gaining of a new holy day of saint Henry: remitting to God, the judgement of his will and intent. This king Henry, was of a liberal mind, and especially, to such as loved good learning, and them whom he saw profit, in any virtuous science, he heartily favoured and embraced, wherefore 〈…〉 holp his own young scholars, to attain to discipline, and for them he founded a solemn school at Eton, a town next unto Wyndsore, in the which he hath established, an honest college of sad Priests, with a great number of children which be there, of his cost frankly and freely taught, the eruditamentes and rules of Grammar. Beside this, be edified a Princely college, in the University of Cambrige, called the kings college, for the further erudition, of such as were brought up in Eton, which, at this day to flourisheth, in all kinds, as well of literature, as of tongues, that above all other, it is worthy to be called, the Prince of colleges.   

The xi year. 
The xi year.   
NOw to return to King Edward, which was relieved of ●he most part, of his pricking fear, and inward suspicion, to th'intent that no print or shadow, should remain of the adverse faction, in his realm. He diligently required and searched out, all the fragments and leavings, of his enemy's part, intending to repress, and utterly to extinguish them. And first to begin with all, he sent George Nevell, brother to the earl of Warwick, and Archbushoppe of York, under strong conduit, to the Castle of Guysnes, there to be kept in extreme captivity, where he long continued, and at the last, by friendship delivered: which of very pensiveness and grudge of mind, shortly after deceased, whom, Laurence Bath, and after him Thomas Rotheram, in the sea of York, did ordinarily succeed. Beside this, John earl of Oxenford, which after Barnet field, both manfully got, and valiantly kept, saint Mighels Mount in Cornewal: either for lack of aid, or persuaded by his friends, gave up the Mount, and yielded himself to king Edward, (his life only saved) which to him was granted: but to be out of all doubtful imaginations, king Edward sent him over the sea, to the Castle of Hams, where by the space of xii years, he was in strong prison, miserably kept, and diligently looked to. Many other beside these, in diverse parts of the realm, being very little or nothing suspected: were either committed to prison, or grievously fined and taxed. Beside this, lest his neighbours country, might be an harborough, or receptacle of his foes and adversaries, he concluded a new league, with james the iii king of Scots, for the term of twenty years. And yet, whatsoever he thought in his Imagination, for all his busy devices, and politic forcastynges: his mind and phantesie, were not clear exonerate and dispatched, of all fear and inward trouble: For tidings were brought to him, that the earls of Penbroke and Richemond, were arrived in Britain: and there of the Duke, highly cherished, well fostered and entertained.   

¶ The xii year. 
The xii year.   
THis thing nipped king Edward hardly at the very stomach, as though his mind, casting some evil to come after: did signify before, that the Earl of Richemond, should once attain to the Crown and diadem of the realm: which mischief, when he had well digested, he secretly sent wise and close messengers, to the Duke of britain, the which should not stick, to promise' the duke, great & sumptuous rewards, (knowing that meed, many things corrupteth) so that he would deliver, both th'earls into their hands and possession. The duke gladly heard them that were sent▪ but when he knew, the two Earls to be a pray, of such a great value, he determined not to deliver them, but rather to entertain them with him more diligently, than they were accustomed. The duke answered the orators, that it stood not with his honour, nor he would not deliver the two Earls, to whom, he was bound and obliged, by his faith and promise: but this he promised to do for the kings pleasure, that they should be kept, and with such vigilant persons, continually watched, that the king should have no manner of cause, once to think, that they could or should attempt any thing, that might sound, either to his displeasure or prejudice. When the messengers saw, that they could not obtain, that which they desired, like wisemen held themselves contented with that, which by the duke was offered, & so returned into England. The king wrote to the Duke of Britain, lovingly requiring him, to accomplish with all speed, that, which he of his own motion offered, promising him not only, men and great rewards, but yearly to reward him, with a full hand, and a well stuffed purse. The Duke perceiving the sweet gain, which rose to him, by the abode of the two English Earls▪ in his Country: lest they for any cause, should abandon his dominions, and seek succours in some other foreign Region, caused the one, to be segregated from the other: and removed from them such Englishmen, as were daily on them attendant and came with them into britain, and in their places appointed Britons, to be their servitors to minister, and continually to attend and wait on them.  
When king Edward had thus politicly, as he thought, compassed the Duke of Britain: he thinking nothing less, then to take a damage at the Duke of Burgoynes' hand, yea, and such a damage, as by all similitude, was both like, continually to grieve and vex the realm of England: and farther to be an occasion, of a common s●op, and putting back of the commodities, grown within this realm, to be transported into outward parts North eastward, was yet eft sons, brought into a new doubt and perplexity. For the declaration whereof, you must underitande, that Lewes the French king, had a brother called Charles, which was not the wisest, nor yet a man of the greatest experience: and of a certain courtesy, loved better to have other men to rule him, than he to take upon him to rule other. And although that the king at this time, had no son, nor other brother, but him, his open heir apparent: he little favoured, and ●esse loved him, nothing giving him of his good will, for his part and portion, of his father's lands, but that, to the which he was compelled by his counsel, and that he gave him this month, in the next month, he would by flattery or by threatening, by war or corruption of his brother's servants, obtain & bring to his hands and possession again. For first he gave him the Duchy of Berry, & after that whole Normandy, whereof in no long time, he bereft him the possession, regiment & title, without any cause given, on the party of young Charles. And when the said Charles, had afterward departed, with the countries of Brye & champaign, by a fraudulent feat: king Lewes caused him to ●elinquishe the same, & to take for his parentage, the duchy of Guienne, & so was called & named the duke of Guienne. This evil entreating of the duke of Guienne, by the French king his brother, caused diverse other Princes, of no small puissance, to favour, aid, and succour the said Duke (of the which the chief were, Charles Duke of Burgoyn, France's duke of britain, & Lewes earl of sent Poll, Con●●able of France. This Duke of Guienne, by the soliciting of his adherentes, sore laboured to have in marriage, the sole daughter and only heir, of Charles duke of Burgoyne, by whom he hoped to be lord and sovereign, of all duke Charles inheritawce. To the furtherance of this marriage, holp with all his power, the Duke of britain, as who said, that it should be only his act. The Constable of France on the other part, thought that he alone, was able to compass this marriage, and to have solely the thanks, of the Duke of Guienne. The French king did all that he could, to let and stop this marriage: for if his brother had obtained, the young Lady with all her possessions, than he saw well enough, that the Duke of Guienne, being joined with the Duke of Britain, should be strong enough, or at the lest of puissance enough, to encumber the French king and his children. But king Edward of England, sore smoked, when he hard tell first of this marriage, and not without a cause: For he considered, that the French king had no heir mail, but one weak boy and that the Duke of Guienne, was likely to were the Crown of France, after his brother or nephew. And if this ma●age should proceed, all Burgoyn, Brabant, Holland, Zealand, Flaunders, and all the low countries, where the English men, for the most part, made their martes, and uttered their their merchandise, should be united and annexed, to the Crown of France, and in the hands of the old, and ancient enemies of the realm: For so had poor England, and little Caleis, been continually in the danger of their enemies, almost with them environed round about. These things considered, king Edward and his counsel, took the matter in great earnest, and seriously wrote to Duke Charles, that if he would conculde, any marriage in France, to the hurt and prejudice, of the realm of England▪ that he should know that he had, not only broken his league and amity, but also find, that he had been better to have dissimuled, with the best friend that he had, then privily, without reason, to have iuggeled with the realm of England. The Duke of Burgoyn made reasonable answers, and honest excuses, but the Counsel of England, in nowise would give credit thereto: ever surmising that the marriage should take ●ffect. And certainly at this season, the Englishmen had rather have taken part, with the French king then with the Duke of Burgoyne: if it had not been only, to empeche and stop this marriage, so much the Englishmen disdained, to have the house of Burgoyne, conjoined and unite, to the Crown of France. But the Duke of Burgoyne dallied, and dissimuled with all parties, in this matter, giving them fair words, and making large promises, by the which he first deceived other, & inconclusion himself. He promised his daughter, to Nicholas Duke of Calaber, with whom, he had rather have had her buried, then ●edded. Duke Philbert of Savoy, had an outward answer assuredly, when nothing was so minded inwardly. Maximilian Duke of Austrice, and after king of Romans, son to the Emperor Frederick, could never obtain, during the life of duke Charles, but only glozing and painted promises: but all words, writings and promises, what so ever they were, clearly set a side, he was surely fixed and determined (as Argenton his counsellor doth writ) that no marriage as long as he lived, should sort to any effect, at the lest by his consent.  
Now let us leave the Duke of Burgoyne, about his affairs for a while, and return to king Edward: which, in the xiii year of his reign called his high Court of Parliament, at his Palace of 〈◊〉 in the which, alt laws and ordinances, made by him 〈◊〉 that day were corroborated and confirmed: and such Laws made 〈◊〉 him, as king Henry the 〈◊〉, had caused to be abrogated and an 〈◊〉 he again revived and renovated. He made farther laws, 〈…〉 the confiscation of the goods of the rebels, to his person, as 〈◊〉 for restoring of such▪ as fled out of the realm, for his quere 〈◊〉 occasion: which, by his adversaries, as traitors to their King and Country, a little before, were of high ●reason attainted, and to death condemned Toward his charges of late suste●●ed, a competent some of money was demanded, and frankly granted: and inconclusion, all inward grudges and open discords, the which had of long continued, in the hearts of the nobility, which, now were very few (the more part being consumed in the wars) he clearly extirped, and brought to unity and concord. King Edward holp to this agreement, as much as in him lay: And to the intent that other men, should forget iniu●ies to them done, and put away all rancour and malice: following his good and Godly example, he clearly pardoned almost all offences, and all men then being within the Realm, he frankly discharged, although they had taken part with his adversaries against him, of all high treasons and crimes.   

¶ The. x●ii. year. 
The xiii year.   
WHile king Edward was thus setting an order, and pacifying all things, which were out of square: Charles duke of Burgoyn, whose spirit was never in quiet, whose ambitious mind, was never satisfied, whose haute and high stomach, could never be tamed, (till death it suaged and abated) desiring aswell to amplify, and enlarge his territories and dominions, lying on the side of the river of Ryne, toward high Burgoyn as also to recover again Amias and other towns, which the French king, more by fraud then by feats of war, had from him wrongfully usurped: and further above all things, coveting to have the French king, to have some great shame, loss, or hindrance, could not invent no one way, so apt and meet for his imagined purpose, as to entice and persuade the king of England, by his ambassadors, to make war upon thesay king and his country: for the recovering of his old right and ancient title in the same, by the French king & his father, against all right and equity, with holden and deteig●ed. King Edward began a little to hearken on that side, not so much for to help the Duke of Burgoyne (to whom he was much bound, for his aid in the time of his exile, as you before have hard) as for to be revenged of king Lewes, whom, he reputed for his mortal enemy. first, for aiding the Earl of Warwick and his complices, against him: secondarily, for the long maintaining, and fostering of Queen Margarete, and her son prince Edward (whom for a farther affinity, he had made Godfather to his son Charles the Doulphyn) within his countries & dominions. Whereupon, when he had consulted with the nobility and the chief and sage persons of the Realm (which in manner have a certain natural inclination to make war in France, either for hope of great spoil and gain, or of a certain privy canker engendered in the hearts of their forefathers, in time long passed, and after by lineal succession descended in to the stomachs of their nephews) he answered the Duke's messenger, that in the beginning of the year, he would land at Caleys with such a puissant army, that the French king should well perceive that he lacked neither men, nor that his men lacked stomachs, both for to revenge their sovereigns quarrel, and also to recover his right. And for a treugth, at this season there was mortal war between king Lewes and the duke of Borgoyne. And more likely to fall between him and other, for king Lewes, of nature was hard of speech, and chorlish in answer, froward and ungentell aswell to his friends as to his foes. By reason whereof many great men within the realm of France, not content with his gross rudeness, and rude dissimulation began to have intelligens, and to cleave to the duke of Borgoyn, amongst whom was Lewes of Luxenborough, earl of saint Pol, and Constable of France which being confedered with the duke and other noble men, determined so to vex and scourge king Lewes with some plague, by the which other he should be transformed in to a man, clear altered from his old qualities, or else should be in jeopardy, both of loss of live & realm, for it was determined that France should be set on assaulted, both with outward enemies, and inward diss●●ulers. All these things the duke of Borgoyne with king Edward, did communicate to the intent the sooner to allure and provoke him, to enterprise the war, according to his desire. These things, as tokens of victory, before animated king Edward, and enforced him in manner to make war on France and so with all expedition prepared all things necessary, both for water and land. And because no small sum of money was sufficient for so great a charge, and that the money the year before to him advanced by the realm, was consumed in his household, and other necessary affairs, he conceived a new device in his imagination, by the which engine he might covertly persuade and entice his rich friends, to give and grant him some convenient sum of money, toward his ine●●able charges, and incredible costs, which thing, if they did not willingly assent to, he then would impute to them greater ingratitude, and more unkindness, whereupon he caused his officers to bring to him the most rich persons one after another. And to them he explained the cause, & the purpose, and the necessity of the war began, and the faintness & levenesse of his treasure, and the great & importion lack of money, heartily requiring them for their love and affection, that always they had born to him, being their natural Prince, of their own gratuity and free-will to give to him some aid or money, for maintenance of his war and army: what should I say more: This invention came to this effect, that some calling to their remembrance, the benefits of him received, some with shame, some with fear moved and encouraged, gave to him liberally both of their substance and treasure, which without grudge he could not have otherwise obtained. But here I will not let pass a pretty conceit, that happened in this gathering, in the which you shall not only note the humility of a king, but more the fantasy of woman. King Edward had called before him a widow, much abounding in substance, and no less grown in years, of whom he merely demanded what she gladly would give him toward his great charges? By my truth quoth she, for thy lovely countenance thou shalt have even twenty l. the king looking scace for the half of that sum, thanked her, and lovingly kiss her, whether the flavour of his brethe did so comfort her stommacke, or she esteemed the kiss of a king, so precious a jewel, she swore incontinently, that he should have twenty l. more, which she with the same will paid that she offered it. The king willing to show that this benefit was to him much acceptable, and not worthy to be put in oblivion called this grant of money a benevolence, not withstanding that many with grudge & malevolence gave great sums toward that new found benevolence: But the using of such gentle fashions toward them, with friendly prayer of their assistance in his necessity, so tempted them that they could none otherwise do, but frankly and freely yield & give him a reasonable reward.   

The x●iii year. 
The 〈◊〉 year   
WHen all things convenient for such an enterprise were in a readiness. King Edward with his army removed to Dover, where he found .v. C. ships and Hoys, ready to transport him & his army over the sea: And so he himself with his nobility warlikely accompanied, passed over between Dover & Caleys, the four day of july, and landed at Caleys with great triumph, his army, horses and munycons of war, scace passed over in twenty days (whom the Frenchmen bragged, should have been taken, if they had well considered the chance before, as they knew it after) When king Edward with all his army royal, was without any trouble landed, and in surety, he caused every man, according to his degree, to be ordered & lodged. This army, by the writing of Argenton, was the fairest and the strongest army that passed out of England in too France many years before, for the men were so well armed, and so surely in all things appointed & provided, that the French nation were not only amazed to behold them, but much more praised them & there oder. In this army were xu C. men of arms well horsed, of the which the most part were barded & richly trapped, after the most galliard fashion, having many horses decked in one suit. There were farther xv. M. archers, bearing bows & arrows, of the which a great part were on horseback. There were also a great number of fight men & other, aswell to set up Tents and Pavilions (where of the Englishmen had great plenty) as to serve their Artilarie, and to enclose their camp, or otherwise to labour. And in all this army there was not one page.  
The king of England was at his arrival highly displeased with the duke of Borgoyn, which in the word of a Prince, promised him to meet him at his landing with two M. men of arms & light horsemen, beside a great number of Lanceknightes & Halberdiers, & that he would have begun the war iii months before the kings transporting, the more to vex and grieve the French king, & to 'cause him seek his wits. The duke of Borgoyn at this season, lay at siege before the strong town of Nuyce, with a puissant army, against whom were assembled the Emperor Fredrick, and almost the whole Empire for to rescue of the town, to whom the king of England sent the lord Scales in post, requiring him to leave his void siege before the impregnable town of Nuyce, and to return in all haste with his people and army to make war in France, according to his promise and oath, declaring farther that the time passed, & the Summer would be lost, with this charge the lord Scales departed in all haste toward the duke, whom we will leave, riding toward Nuyce for a while.  
O France France, how much art thou bound to laud & praise the Saviour for the deliverance, in the time of thy affliction. For i● God had not permitted the cankered heart of the duke, to be indurate, nor his week brain to be vexed, nor yet his ambitious affection to be inflamed, so that he with all his power had joined with the army of England on y● one side, having on their side the duke of britain with his power.  
These three princes had been like to have make France, either to bow or to break, either to yield or to suffer the chances of fortune, which she like a wavering Gods, had provided for her punishment. Before king Edward departed from Dover, he sent to the French king an officer of arms (whom Argenton untruly calleth Garter borne in Normandy, for the room of Gartier was never given to no estraunger) which Herald delivered to the French king with all dew reverence a letter of diffiance, both for the style & the penning excellently indited, which the Frenchmen would scant believe to be framed by an Englishman. The letter required the French king to tender to the king of England, the realm of France to him of right, & by lineal inheritance aperteyning & belonging, to th'intent that he might put again the church, the nobility, and the commons into their ancient estates, & liberties, & to disburden & exonerate them of the great charges, travails & labours, that they now were in. And in case that he did refuse so to do, than he did protest the harm that should ensue, in the form & manner, that in such a case is requise and accustomed to be done. King Lewes read the letter secretly to himself, & after all alone in a great study withdrew himself into his wardrobe, & sending for the English Herald, said to h●m, sir I know, and well wots, that the king of England your master, is neither descended in these parts of his own fire motion, nor yet of us required, but only enticed & provoked by the duke of Burgoyn, and somewhat enforced by the commons of his Realm. But now you may see that the season of the year passeth, & the duke of Burgoyn is in poor estate, returning from Nuyce all most discomforted. The Constable also, with whom the king your sovereign lord, I am sure hath some intelligence, for favour that your master hath married his niece, is not so sure a trende as he is taken for, & if all the world knew how I have promoted him, & what I have done for him, they would little think, that he would so untruly handle me as he doth, for I assure you, he is a deep dissimuler, & in continual dissimulation, intendeth to lead his life, entertaining all men for his awn profit. And although the king your master, be unsure of all his other promises, yet of one thing he shall be sure, that is, he shall be ever dissimuled with all, & therefore I say to you, and not to your master, that he were better have a peace with an old enemy, than the promises and familiarity of a new dissimuling frede, which peace most pleaseth God, and is the thing that I most do desire. When he had said, he gave to the Herald iii C. crowns, promising him a. M. crowns, if any good appointment came to pass. The Herald being more covetous of the crowns, then secret, according to the duty of his office, promised to do all things that in him lay, not doubting, but that the king his master would be conformable to any reasonable offer, advising the French king (after king Edward were once landed) to sand to him an Herald, to fetch a save conduit & passport, for such as should labour & travail in that treaty. And that the said Herald should first resort to the lord Stanley, or to the lord Haward, for the conducting of him to the kings presence, when the Herald should departed, the king gave him a piece of of Crymosen Velvet of xxx yards long, commanding & straightly charging, that no man should be so hardy once to comen with him, but to let him pass in all gentle fashion. When the Herald was go, king Lewes calling to him vii or viii of his familiars, caused the letter too be read, of the which he was but a little afraid & less abashed, considering the English Herald had showed him plainly, how to enter into the port of the treaty, & in manner how to gain & conquer the fortress, of which information he was not a little joyous, & wisely and secretly according to the same, when he saw his time, he prosecuted his purpose. In this very season, the lord Scales came to the duke of Burgoyn before Nuyce, accounting to him his message, as he was commanded. The duke of Burgoyn, being so sore set to conquer the town of Nuyce, answered the lord Scales, that his honour was lost, and shame should be spoken of him through all Christendom, if he should raise his field and break his siege, but he hoped shortly to gain the town, and then with triumphant victory, to come to aid king Edward with his whole army: with this answer the lord S●ales departed, which only answer was comen without any other augmentation, to all such as king Edward sent, to have the duke to keep his promise. What a folly was this in duke Charles, to besiege a town impregnable, even at the same time when the Englishmen at his request had passed the sea, which thing all the time of his regiment, he had both traveled in, and sore required, and never could compass till this season, and also all things being well disposed for his purpose, both in britain and in other places, except he more regarded to conquer a new town, then to defend all his old possessions and signiories. But shortly after by the Bishop of Rome's authority, he left Nuyce unconquered, but losing a great number of his people, and the remnant he sent into Lorraine and Barroys, there to lie and trouble duke Reyner of Lorayn, which a little before had defied him, lying before Nuyce. And he himself with a small company, came to king Edward before Caleys, with whom king Edward at the first coming, began somewhat to be grieved, laying to his charge that at his motion, request and desire, he with all his army had passed the seas only to the intent with mortal war, to plague and scourge the proud realm of France. And that he leaving all things (which should molest or trouble the French king) a part, applied himself to matters of Lorraine, and extern nations, more than to revenge the open injuries to him done by his neighbour the French king. The duke excused himself with ieoparding the loss of his honour, if he had returned from Nuyce, and also that of necessity, he was compelled too leave his army in Lorraine, to be revenged over duke Reyner, which had him before Nuyce with spiteful words and railing terms defied and detested: affirming farther, that now in the beginning with a small company, a great enterprise might be gained. In proof whereof he delivered to the king, letters of credence, sent from the Constable of France, which willed the king to give credit and perfait faith to the duke. In making relation of such secrets as were to him given in charge to declare to the kings own person, first he showed that all though the Constable had promised to the king and the duke, to tender up to them the town of saint quintines, yet it had not come to so good effect, if it had been yielded, the duke being in Germany, as it now shall, the king and the duke being both personally present, at the deliverance. Wherefore he exhorted the king to set forward, and to display his banner, and set forth his standard. And so by his motion, the king accompanied with the duke, his army departed out of Caleys, and passed by Boleyne to Perone, where the Englishmen thought themselves of the duke, more like enemies than friends to be entertained, for at the gates entered but a few that were appointed, the remnant lodged in the fields, better purveyed of their own, then of the duke's provision.  
The king of England, thinking surely, and firmly believing that the Constable meant all truth, and the sooner induced to that credence because the Constable was great Uncle to the Queen his wife, where in very deed, he nothing less minded than truth, removed his camp from Peron, the Duke of Borgoyn, being in his army, and marched toward saint quintines: certain Englishmen ran before the town, against whose coming they thought that the bells should have benrong, and the gates set open. But when they approached the town, the artillery began to shoot, and they of the town came out both on foot and horseback, and skirmished with the Englishmen, of which two or three were slain. This welcome seemed very strange to king Edward pondering together yestardayes promise, and two days doing. The duke would not that the king should desist from his purpose, because the town was not yielded at the sight of a handful of people, which thing he said, although the Constable would gladly have done, at the first, but yet he would have a colour to do it, as though it should paper that he did it by very conpulsion and force: and therefore, if the king would make but semblance to besiege the town, he wou●d warrant, that incontinent it should be rendered. The king of England, perceiving that he was deluded in his first enterprise, thought it more surer to hear the fair words of the Constable, and the duke, then to give credit to their untrue and deceitful doings. The Englishmen returned to their camp, very ill content, as I can not blame them murmuring against the Constable, calling him Traitor, perjured & untrue gentleman. Beside this anger, there came the next day another corsie, that smarted a little sorer, for duke Charles of Borgoyne, by whose means king Edward had taken upon him this war, either perceived that all the Constable's promises were but fair sun shining, sweetly spoken, and sourly performed, or else he saw that he himself lacked men or money, to proceed farther with king Edward in his journey: took his leave suddenly of the king of England, saying that he must needs visit, and see his army in Berroys, promising shortly with all puissance to return again to the great advantage and commodity of them both, and so in haste departed.  
This departing was both displeasant and strange to the king of England, considering that in hope to have the duke his continual fellow in arms, and too have his counsel in the order of his people (which of late had not frequented the war of France, nor yet perfectly knew the force, the agility and the manner of the French nation) had passed the seas, raised his standard, and by duke's procurement entered into the land of his enemies, and now to be left alone without guide or leader, without aid or succour in the middle of his foes, he could no less think, but that the duke neither used him like a prince nor yet kept his promise like a true man, which unstable and dissimuling working, caused, ye, and rather enforced king Edward, both to think that he never thought, and to do that he never intended to do. The English men sore murmured against the Constable, and no less against the duke, saving they determined, never to give confidence to the Constable's words, and greatly doubted, whether they might give any credit to the duke's promise. Thus lay thenglishmen in the fields when the cold nights begun to wax long, without any gain of conquest, which caused the common people, which be not always content with hardness rather to desire to return homeward, then to proceed any days journey forward. The French king which was both wily & witty (and especially for his own purpose) knew by his espials, the untrue refusal made by the Constable, the unfrendly departing of the Duke of Burgoyne, and the daily murmuring of thenglishmen, against them both, wherefore he thought now, that it was very expedient, to follow the counsel of the English Herald, in sending for a safe conduct, for meeting of Ambassadors, to common of a treaty, if it might be well compassed. But yet to avoid all doubts, he raised an army, and the more he perceived, the power of his enemies to increase, the more he studied, how by power to resist them, and over that army he made captain, Monsire Robert de Estotevile a valiant man, whom, he sent into Artoys, to defend the Frountiers there, against the king of England's entry and invations: and he himself tarried still at Senlis. The French king being thus privily desirous of peace, although he outwardly showed the countenance of Mars: meaning quietness, and setting forth war, caused a varlet to be subornated, in a cote armure of France (which for haste, was made of a trumpet banner) because king Lewes was not much desirous, nor greatly passed on honour, and seldom had in his Court, either officer of Arms or Trumpet: which varlet was well animated, and no less instructed, how to do his message (which was delivered to him in writing) both with a bold countenance, and a sober demeanour. This counterfeight Herald, although he was but a varlet in deed, was both witty and well spoken, and so road in sad manner, near to the English army, and there put on his cote of Arms. The English outskourers perceiving by his cote; that he was an officer of arms, gently saluted him, and inquired of him▪ whether his journey lay: he sadly answered, that his message was from the French king, to the king of England. Then was he conveyed to the tent, where the Lord Haward, and the Lord Stanley, with other were at dinner, where he was highly entertaigned, and no less welcomed. And after dinner, he was brought before the king, in whose presence, with a bold audacity, and no fearful speech, he declared first his credence, because he was an officer of arms (to whom, credit by the law of all nations, aught to be given) and secondarily, he published the things, to him given in charge and commandment, saying: Right high & mighty prince, right puissant and noble king, if your excellent wisdom did perfectly know, or your high knowledge did apparently perceive: what inward affection, and fervent desire, the king my Master hath always had, to have a perfect peace, a sure unity, and a fraternal concord, between your noble person, and your Realm, and his honourable parsonage, and his Dominions, you would (and for truths sake) should confess and say, that never Christian Prince, more thrusted for an amity, nor yet no lover hath more sought, to attain to the favour of his paramor, than he hath sought, to have with you, a perpetual friendship, amity, and alliance: to the intent that the subjects of both the realms, quietly living under two princes, confederate and combined together, in an indissoluble confederacy and league, may mutually embrace each other in their hearts, may personally have resor●, and frequent each others princes territories and dominions, with their merchandises and wares: And finally, the one to live with the other, as friend with friend, brother with brother, companion with companion, in continual love, rest, and tranquillity. And for his part he doth affirm and say, that sith he received first the Crown of his kingdom, and was anointed with the holy Ampulle, he never attempted, nor yet once imagined, any war or thing prejudicial toward your royal person, your realm, or your people. If you peradventure will say, that he supported, and maintained the Earl of Warwick, against your majesty, he surely that doth and will deny: For he aided him against the Duke of Burgoyne, whom, he knew not only to be his extreme enemy▪ but also to lay in wait, both by sea and land either to take him, or utterly to destroy him. Which Duke of Burgoyne, only for his own cause, hath excited and solicited your highness, to come over the troublous and tempestuous seas, to the intent to cause (yea, in manner to compel) the king my Master, to condescend to such treaty and appointment, as should be to his only profit, and neither to your honour, nor yet to your gain. For if he and such other, as daily flattered him for their peculiar profits (as he had many in deed, that daily sucked at his elbow) had once obtained the thing, that they breathed for, all your affairs were put in oblivion, and left at large for them, or their assistance, even as they▪ be at this day. Hath not the Duke of Burgoyn caused you, first to come into France: after to set forward your armi●, and inconclusion, for lake of his promise, to lose the fair season of the year, and to lie in the fields in Winter? Which war, if it continued, shall neither be profitable to you, nor yet your nobility, nor yet pleasant, but painful to your commonalty: And finally to both the realms, and especially to Merchant men, shall bring both misery, ponvertie, and calamity. Came the Duke of Burgoyne from Nu●e to Caleis, only to visit you? Road he all that post haste, only to blind you? Returned he back into Lorraine again for any cause, but only to leave you desolate and to abandon you? Did he or the Constabl●kepe any one promise with you? Why do you then believe, & yet still trust them in whom, you never found faith nor fidelity? But if God will it so ordain that you and my master, may join in a league and amity, I dare both say and swear, that the fine steel never cleaved faster to the Adamant stone, than he will stick and clasp with you, both in wealth and and woe, in prosperity and adversity: And if it shall please you, to hearken to any reasonable treaty, I being a poor man, shall on jeopardy of my life (which is my chief treasure) undertake, that this communication shall sort, and come to such an effect, that both you and your nobility, shallbe glad and rejoice, and your commons, shallbe contented and pleased, and they that have deceived you, shallbe both abashed and ashamed: Most humbly beseeching your highness, if your pleasure shall incline this way, that I may have a sure safe conduit, for one hundred horses, for such personages, as the king my Master, shall sand to you, with farther intimation of his mind and purpose. And if your pleasure shallbe, to have the communication in any place, indifferent between both th'armies, than I shall warrant you, a like safe conduct for your men, as you do send for ours. When he had accomplished his message and instructions, the king of England and his counsel, highly commended his audacity, his tongue, and his soberness, giving to him in reward, a fair guilt cup, with a hundred angels: delivering him a safe conduct, according to his request and demand, with the which, he with speed departed, having with him an English herald, to bring a like safe conduct, from the French king. After both the Princes had maturely consulted on this matter, and that the saveconduites, were delivered on both parts: The ambassadors met, at a village beside Amias, where were sent by the king of England, the Lord Haward, sir Thomas Sentliger, Doctor Morton, after Chancellor of England. For the French king were sent, the Bastard of Bourbon, Admiral of France, the Lord of saint Pierre, the Bushop of Enreux called Heverge. It may of some be not a little marveled at, why the French king thus laboured, and sought for peace, and did make so humble, and large offers as he did: But if they considered in what case, the realm of France stood in, at that time having the king of England, the Duke of Burgoyne, the Duke of Britain, their enemies, and all furnished to set upon them at one instant: They may say, that the French king was both wise and circumspect, to humble himself for advantage, or else if God had not helped, the realm of France had been troubled, and tossed in great jeopardy, and dangerous extremity. The Ambassadors met at the place appointed, the English men demanded, the whole realm of France, or at the lest Normandy, and whole Aquitaine, the allegations were well proved by the Englishmen, and politicly defended by the French men, so that with arguments, without conclusion the day passed, and the Commissioners departed, and made relation to their Masters. The French king and his counsel, would in no wise consent, that the king of England, should have any part, or parcel of land, within the realm of France: but rather fully determined, to put himself and his whole realm, in hazard and adventure: so loath, ye more afeard, then loath, he was to have the Englishmen, to be his next neighbours. The commissioners at the next meeting, concluded and agreed certain articles, which were by both the Princes, accepted and allowed. It was first covenanted and a greed, that the French king should pay to the king of England without delay, lxxv. M. Crowns of the sun, and yearly l M. crowns, to be paid at London, during king Edward's life. And farther it was agreed, the Charles the Dolphin should marry the lady Elizabeth, eldest daughter to king Edward, & they two to have, for the maintenance of their estates, thewhole Duchy of Guienne or else l M. crowns, yearly to be persolued & paid within the tour of London, by the space of ix years: and at the end of thesay term. The dolphin & his dolphins, peaceably to enjoy the whole duchy of Guienne and of that charge the French king, against the king of England, then to be clearly exonerate. And further it was a greed & appointed, that the two. princes, both for thincrease of love, & for the continuance of amity should interview each other, in some place most expedient, & meet for so great a purpose: & after their meeting, each of them to take a corporal oath 〈◊〉 presence of tother. This peace to endure ix years between both the realms, inviolate to observe & keep all things, concluded, agreed, & appointed & on the king of England's part, were comprised as allies in the league, the dukes of Burgoyn & Britain, if they would assent. And that after the whole some aforesaid, was to king Edward paid: he should league in hostage the lord Haward, & sir John Cheyny Master of his horses, till he with all his army, was passed over the sea. This peace much rejoiced the French king▪ to whom, nothing could be either more pleasant, or more exceptable, then to have thenglishmen in short space (how shortly he cared not) clearly avoided, & transported out of his realm: immagining ever that by their tarrying, they would so like the wholesome & sweteaire of his fruitful country, that a great number would be continually sick & vexed till they returned, & sought for their health in the same delicious climate again, wherefore, to rid them with all hasty speed, he borrowed y●said some of lxxv. M. crowns, of every man that might lend a portion. King Edward likewise, although he was of puissance strong enough, to achieve a great enterprise on his enemies, & farther encouraged, because he was renowned for the famous acts▪ by him before time perpetrated, & brought to pass, in so many battles. Desiring also, rather to have war, with the French nation being the old & ancient enemy, to th'English name & blood, yet when he called to his remembrance, that the civil war, had so exhansted and consumed his substance and treasure, that if urgent necessity should expostulate, he were of scant ability, to conscribe and set forth a new army: knowing his treasury at home, to be so void and faint, that it was not able, long to wage his soldiers, thought it both reasonable and profitable, to obey to necessity, and to abstain from battle seeing both honourable offers, to him obleted and agreements of advantage to him ●ocioned. Considering chief beside all this, that neither the Duke of Burgoyne, nor the Constable of France, did, nor would observe or perform the promises by them made and sworn. Whereupon he and the most of his counsel, (and specially such, as loved better peace than war, & their wife's soft beds, better than hard harness, or a stony lodging) agreed to this conclusion and concord. But the Duke of Gloucester and other, to whom the French nation, was more odious than a toad, whose sword thrusted for French blood detested, abhorred, and cried out on this peace, saying: that all their travail, pain, and expenses, were to their shame lost and employed, and nothing gamed but a continual mock, and daily derision of the French king, & all his minions, this imagination took effect without delay. For a gentle man of the French kings chamber, after the peace was concluded, did demand of an Englisheman, how many battles' king Edward had vanquished, and he answered, nine: wherein he himself, personally had been. A great honour said the French man, but I pray you ꝙ he, smiling: How many hath he lost, the Englishman perceiving what he meant, said: one which you by policy, and by no strength, have caused him to lose. Well said the French man, you may ponder in a pair of balance, the gain of the nine gotten battles, and the rebuke of this one in this manner lost: for I tell you, that we have this saying, the force of England hath and doth, surmount the force of France: but the engenious wit of the French men, excel the dull brains of Englishmen. For in all battles you have been the gainers, but in leagues and treaties, our wits have made you losers: so that you may content your selses, with the loss in treaties, for the spoil that you got, in wars and battles. This communication was reported to the French king, which privily sent for the Englisheman to supper, and not only made him good cheer, but also gave him a thousand Crowns, to praise the peace and to help to maintain the same: yet nevertheless, he being not a little moved with these brags, declared all the communication, to the duke of Gloucester, which swore, that he would never have set foot out of England, if he had not thought, to have made the frenchmen once too assayed the strength and puissance, of the Englishmen: but whatsoever he thought, all things were transmuted, into another kind, than he could immagin. The Duke of Burgoyne being informed, that there was a peace entreating, between the two kings: came in no small haste from Luxenborough, only accompanied with sixteen horses, into the king of England's lodging, whereof, the king being not a little abashed seeing both his sudden coming, and his fierce countenance, like one that would rather bite then whine, demanded of him the cause, of his so sudden coming. The Duke sharply answered, to know whether he had, either entered into any communication, or only had absolutely concluded a peace, between the French king and him. King Edward declared, how that for sundry, and diverse great and urgent causes, touching aswell the universal public wealth, of the whole Christianity as their own private commodity, and the quietness of their realms, he and the French king, had concluded a peace and amity, for term of ix years, in the which were comprised, as fellows and friends, both he and the Duke of Britain, requiring him to condescend, and agreed to the same. O Lord, O saint George, ꝙ the Duke of Burgoyne, have you thus done 〈◊〉 deed: Have you passed the seas, entered into France and without killing of a poor ●ie, or burning of a silly sheep cote, and have taken a shameful truce: Did your noble ancestor, king Edward the third, ever make army into France (as he made many) in the which, he did not either gain victory in battle, or profit in conquering, cities, towns, and countries. That victorious Prince, as near kin to me, as you to king Henry the fifth, I mean whose blood you have▪ either rightefully or wrongfully, God knoweth, ●xstirpate and destroyed, with a small puissance entered into France, conquered whole Normandy, and not alonely conquered it, but peaceably kept it, and never would either comen, or agreed to any league, till he had the whole Realm of France offered him, and was thereof made, Regent and heir apparent and you without any thing doing, or any honour or profit gaining, have condescended to a pace, both as honourable, and as profitable to you, as a Pesec●de, and not so wholesome as a Pomegranate: think you that I either moved you, or once enticed you, to take this journey for my peculiar advantage, or commodity (which of my power am able, to revenge mine own causes, without help of other) but only to have you recover, your old rights & possessions, which wer●rō you both torciously & wrongfully with holden. And to th'intent that you shall know, that I have no need of your aid, I will neither enter into your league, nor take truce with the French king, till you be passed the sea, and have been there three months. When Duke Charles had said, he furiously threw down his chair, and would have departed. But the king him stayed and said: Brother Charles, sith you have spoken at leaser, what you would, you must and shall, hear again, what you would not: And first, as concerning our entry into France, no man living knoweth that occasion, neither so well, nor hath cause half so well, to remember it as you: For if you have not fully, put your greatest things, to be had in memory, in your box of oblivion, you be not yet out of mind, how the French king▪ for all your power, took from you the fair ●oune of Amias, and the strong Pile of. S. quintines, with diverse other ●ounes, which you neither durst, nor yet were able, either to rescue or defend. Sigh which time, how he hath plagued you, how he hath taken from you your friends, yea, of your privy chamber, and secret counsel (by whom all your secrets, be to him revealed and made open) you know or have better cause to remember, and not to forget them. And when you determined, to besiege the town of Nuce, you thought yourself, in a great doubt, whether you should lease more at home, by your absence, (the French king dreaming, and waiting like a Fox for his pray) or else gain more in Germany, by your power and presence, and to keep the wolf from the fold, that is the French king, from your Castles and dominions, was the chief and principal cause, why you so fair prayed me, so sore laboured and enticed me to pass over the sea, promising mountains of gold, w●hiche turned into snow, and wasted to water, boasting and craking to send horsemen and footmen, and yet showing neither lackey nor page. If we had made our enterprise for ourself solely, and in our own quarrel think you that we would have expected your coming? If the adventure had been for to have recovered our right, imagine you that we would have passed the sea so slenderly, as we did looking for your aid? Nay nay, you should have well known, if we had intended a conquest, that we would have so strongly invaded, & set on the Realm of France, that what with savour of burning of towns, and infection of the air, corcupted by the multitude of dead carcases of our slain enemies, your countries of Flaunders and Brabant should have had causes enough to wonder at, trusting that, that which we had gotten, we would have kept aswell as any of our ancestors have done: but because the very occasion of the war was yours, and that you wilfully (I will not say cowardly) did not prosecute the same, the French king, which never offended me nor my subjects (except in maynteininge the earl of Warwycke, for the displeasure that you bore him against me) offered me, being destitute of all your succour and aid, both honourable and honest overtures of peace, which offers I was in manner enforced, by very reason to incline to and to accept, & so have concluded a truce, which God willing I will both keep & observe. God send you joy quoth the duke, & suddenly took his horse & road again to Luxenborough. After this day the king and the duke, never loved, nor never saw each other, such is the end of untrustynes & promisbreking. If the duke of Burgoyn were angry, when he hard how this peace was in communication much more angry was the Constable of France, fearing jest, that by that conclusion he might be reputed of the French king v●trew, as ●e had well deserved it. Wherefore he sent his confessor to king Edward, with letters of credence, requiring him heartily little to regard the French kings words, and less to trust to his promise, affirming that the French king would no longer keep promise, than king Edward were on that side of the sea: and rather than he should agree with the French king, for a small sum of money, he offered to lend him l thousand crowns, with many other fair proffers. The king of England made answer that the truce was concluded, and that he would nothing change, concerning the matter, & that if he had kept promise with him, he would not have made that appointment nor agreement.  
Then was the Constable in manner on all sides in despair, but yet he wrote to the French king by his messengers, beseeching him to give no credit or belief, to any ●ale told or feigned against him, without hearing his answer, affirming that the king had always known his truth and fidelity, toward the crown of France, and so should he still find him till his dying day, promising & warranting him, if that it should stand with his pleasure, that he would so compass the duke of Burgoyn, that they two should utterly destroy the king of England and his army or they returned.  
The counsellors of the French king made answer, that their Master and the king of England were joined and confedered in a sure amity, wherefore they would in no wise know nor condescend to any thing that might be either prejudicial, or once sound to the detriment of the Englishmen: But they said, that the king their master much trusted the Constable, and that for his sake he would talk with them in his privy chamber. The French king, before their entry into his chamber, caused the lord of Countay servant to the duke of Burgoyn, accompanied with the lord of Argenton, one of his privy counsel, to stand secretly behind a seling or a hanging in his chamber, and he himself sat in a chair, directly before that place, so that what soever were purposed to him, they standing behind the cloth, might ●asely see, & facile hear the same. Lewes de cruel and his fellow entered into the kings chamber of nothing thinking less than of the spirits enclosed: they declared what pain their master had taken for the French kings sake, to sand move and entice the duke of Burgoyn to leave, and clearly to forsake the king of England, which duke they found in such a rage and fury against the Englishmen, that at their request, he was not only utterly determined, to forsake and refuse their amity, but also would send out adventurers and Lanceknightes, to rob & spoil them in their returning. And in speaking these words (thinking surely much to please the king) the said Lewes conterfeyted the fashion and gesture of the duke of Burgoyn▪ & began to stamp with his foot on the ground, and beat with his fist on the table, swearing by saint George that the king of England was not extracted of no noble house, but was a yomans' son, & that when he was not worth one halfpenny, he was restored to his kingdom, and made king only by his aid, reproving and reviling him with such ill words, and so shameful terms, that all the hearers abhorred it. The French king feigning that he was thick of hearing, caused him to reiterate his saying again, which so conterfeited the very gesture of the dukes angry countenance & roaring voice, that no man hath seen a better counterfaytor or player in any Comedy or Tragedy. The lord or Contay was sore displeased to see his master made a iestingstocke but he kept all these things secret, till his return to his master.  
When the pagiaunt was played, the king bade the messengers of the Constable, to have him commended to his brother their master, and to declare to him that as news rose and grew, he would thereof advertise him, & so gave them licence to departed to their master, who thought himself now to be in great surety of his estate, when in deed he was never so near his fall and perdition: Esteeming the duke of Burgoyn to be his assured friend, which hated him more than a Panym, or a Turk, accounting also the French king to have no ill suspicion in him, which neither trusted nor yet believed any word, writing or message that was either written or sent from him: Such end hath all dissimulation, such fruit springeth of double dealing & crafty conveyeng: for if either the Constable had been faithful to the king his master, as of bounden duty & allegiance he aught to be, or else had kept his promise, made to the king of England & duke of Burgoyn, and not dallied & dissimuled with them, he had surely in his extremity been aided, succoured & comforted of one of these three at the jest, where now he was of all three forsaken, & yet not forsaken, but sought for, looked for, & watched for, not for his profit or promotion, but for his undoing and destruction: Now let us leave of the Constable, and return to the conclusion of the peace. When all things were appointed, written & established, the peace was proclaimed in both the camps, and the king of England, the sooner to consummate the amit●e by oath as it was agreed, came within half a league of Amyas, where the French king was, which to th'intent to obtain the more favour of Thenglishmen, sent into their army a. C. Cartes, laden with wine, the best that might be gotten. And farther, because the Englishmen resorted to the town of Amyas, both for their pastime & business, he ordained at the very entry of the gate of the town two great & long tables, to be set on every side of the street, where the Englishmen should pass, & every table was abundantly furnished with all sorts of delicate viand, & especially of such as would provoke an appetide to drink, there lacked no wine of no sort, servitors were ready to serve and minister all things necessary. And farther to accompany & familiarly to entertain the English nation at every table were appointed .v. or uj gentlemen, of the best compaignions' of the whole country, not only to see them served without lacking but also to drink and make good cheer, and keep company with them, and ever as they entered into the town, they were taken by the bridals and in manner ●nforced to drink, wheresoever they came they paid no money, but were set scot free, which cheer lasted iii or four days, to the French kings cost, and in conclusion to his no small unquietinge. For one day there entered into the town of Amyas ix M. Englishmen, well armed, so that no Frenchman durst once forbidden them to enter, their occasion of entering into the town was only to refresh them, and to buy things necessary for their businesses and affairs. When the French king was thereof informed, he was somewhat vexed & more amazed, fearing either the loss of his town, or hurt of his people: He sent to Th'english captains, requiring them to withdraw their soldiers to their Camp, the captains performed the kings desire, as much as in them lay, but if they sent out .xx, ten came back again, and brought more company with them. The French king sent monsieur de Guye, Martial of France, & other into the town to see the Englishmen'S behaviour, they found some drinking, some singing, & some sleeping, so that they might perceive, that they meant neither disceat nor untruth: yet the French king, which of his nature was very suspicious, & especially toward the Englishmen, came to the gate of Amyas, strongly accompanied, & caused three C. men of arms to be kept secretly in their captains houses, & other compaigny he set on the portal, where the Englishmen entered, a small number God wots, to have resisted the great company of Englishmen if they had either intended any thing toward the French king or his town. The king of England was privily informed of the French kings, doubtful imagination, & untrue suspicion, wherefore he sent word to him that he should make a Proclamation, that no Englishman should entre into the town upon a pain. The French king made answer, that it neither stood with his honour, nor yet with any princely humanity, that he should forbidden his friends (as he called them) to take their pleasure in his town but if it might please the king of England, to appoint certain of the yeomen of his Crown, to stand at the gate, & to appoint, not only who should enter, but also the number of them, he thought that this moderation should be both surety & pleasure to both the parties. Which request the king of England with quick speed, caused to be performed to the great quietness of the French king & his counsel, casting farther periles then reason then required. You, have still in your remembrance, how an article of the treaty was, that the two Princes should interview, & meet in a place by both parties to be appointed. The king of England appointed the lord Haward, & sir Thomas Sentliger, & a Herald: for the French king were assigned the lord Bonchace, & the lord of Argenton. When they had viewed the river, they agreed the most convenient & surest place to be at Pycquegnye, on the water of Some iii leagues fro Amyas. The town standeth low, and the river passeth thorough. On that side that the French king should come, the country fair & open, and so likewise the other part was very pleasant: but toward the river, there was a causey of ii a-row shout in length, which was environed with marshes surely it was a dangerous passage to convey a Prince in a strange Realm, by such a straight, if the French men had meant any fraud, but verily the king of England had so great trust & confidence in the honour & promise' of the French king & his nobility, that he would upon their assurance adventured farther than this, if his will might have been performed. Then it was concluded by these four commissioners, that a large bridge should be made over the river of Some, in the middle of which bridge was made a great strong grate of timber▪ like to the grate where the Lions be kept▪ the holes of which grate did extend into no longer quantity, then that a man might easily put through his arm, which bridge was made & covered with boards, only to keep of the wether, so that under the coverture, there might stand xii persons on every sued of the grate which extended from the one side of the bridge, even directly to the other so that there was no way for one Prince to come to the other (as was in the grate, where John duke of Burgoyn was slain) & over the river was only one ferry boat. When the bridge & all other things necessary were ended & performed for so great a purpose, and well & diligently viewed on both the sides, there were appointed xii noble personages, to be attendant on every Prince to the bars, & four Englishmen were assigned to stand with the French men on the bridge, to see their doing and behaviour, & likewise four Frenchmen were limited to the Englishmen for that same cause and policy. At the day appointed, which was the xxxi day of August, in the year of Christ's blessed incarnation M. cccc.lxxv. each king approached the river side with his army, so that each army might see other. The Frenchmen say & writ, that the army of the Englishmen, was greater and much fairer than their battle, but they excuse it (in this case as they do in all other) saying that the fourth part of their army was lacking, you may allow their excuse if it please you. When the token of meeting by the shot of the Artelerie was known, the French king with xii noble men entered the bridge, & came to the closure, with whom was John duke of Bourbon, and the Cardinal his brother, a prelate, more meet for a ladies carpet, then for an Ecclesiastical pulpit & ten other, amongst whom the lord of Argenton was in like disguised apparel, as the French king ware, for so was his pleasure that day to have him adorned. The king of England came all along the causey that I have spoken of well accompanied, that he seemed well to be a king, & with him was his brother the duke of Clarence the earl of Northumberland, the bishop of Elye his chancellor, the lord Hastynges his Chamberlain, & eight other lords. King Edward, & iiii other were apparelled in cloth of gold frised, having on his bonnet of of black weluet a flower delice of gold, set with very rich and orient stones, he was a goodly fair & a beautiful Prince, beginning a little to grow in flesh, and when he approached near the grate, he took of his cap, and made a low and solemn obeisance: the French king made to him an humble reverence, but after his fashion somewhat homely.  
King Lewes embraced king Edward through the barriers saying: Cousin you be right heartily welcome into these parties, assuring you that there is no man in the world that I have more desired to see & speak with, them with you, & now lauded be almighty God, we be here met together for a good & Godly purpose, whereof I doubt not, but that we shall have cause to rejoice. The king of England him thanked and answered to his words so soberly, so gravely, and so princely, that the Frenchmen their at not a little mused.  
The chancellor of England made there a solemn oration, in laud & praise of peace, concluding on a prophe●ie, that said that at Pycquegny should be concluded a peace, both honourable & profitable to the Realms of England & France. Then the chancellor opened the letters of both their agreements to the treaty, demanding of them if they there with were contented, they answered ye, than each Prince laid his right hand on the Missal, & his left hand on the holy Cross, & took there a solemn oath, to observe and keep the treaty of the truce for ix years concluded between them, with all their confederates and allies comprised, mentioned and specefied in the same, and farther to accomplish the marriage of their children, with all things thereon depending, according as it was agreed & concluded between their Ambassadors, when the oath was taken & sworn, the French king said merrily to king Edward, brother, if you will take pain to come to Paris, you shall be feasted and entertained with Ladies, & I shall appoint you the Cardinal of Bourbon for your confessor, which shall gladly assoil you of such sins, if any be committed.  
The king of England took these words pleasantly and thankfully, for he was informed that the Cardinal was a good companion, & a chaplain meet for such a dalyeng pastime. When this communication was merrily ended, the French king, intending to show himself like a Master emonngest his servants, made all his company to draw back from him, meaning to common with the king of England secretly, the Englishmen with drew them without any commandment, than the two kings commoned alone secretly, I think not to the profit of the Constable of France. The French king demanded of of king Edward, whether the duke of Burgoyn would accept the trence, King Edward answered that he would once again make an offer, and then upon the refusal, he would refer and report the truth to them both. Then king Lewes began to speak of the duke of britain, whom he would fain have excepted out of the league. To whom the king of England answered: Brother I require you to move no war to the duke of Britain, for on my fidelity, in the time of my need and adversity, I never found a more friendly sure and steadfast lover than he.  
Then king Lewes called his compaignye again, & with most lowly & amiable commendations, took his leave of the king of England, speaking certain friendly words to every Englishman. King Edward doing likewise to the Frenchmen, then both at one time departed from the barriers & mounted on horseback, and departed the French king to Amyas, & king Edward to his army, to whom was sent out of the French kings house all things necessary for a Prince, in so much that neither Torches nor Torchettes lacked unsent. When the French king was departed from Picquegny, he called to him the lord of Argenton saying, by the peace of God, the kyyg of England is an amorous & a fair prince, he at the first beck would gladly see Paris, where he might fortune to find such pleasant or talkative Dames, which with fair words, and pleasant pastimes might so allure him to their fantasies, that it might breed an occasion in him to come over the sea again, which I would not gladly see, for his progenitors have been to long and too often both in Paris and Normandye (on this side the sea) love neither his sight nor his compaginye, but when he is at home, I love him as my brother, and take him as my friend.  
The French king after this departing, sore desirous to make war on the Duke of Britain, which he could not do, except he were lift out of the treaty, wherefore he sent the lord of Bouchage, and the lord of. S. Pierre, to the king of England, entreating him by all ways and motions possible, to leave the duke of britain for his alley, and not to have him comprehended in the league: the king of England hearing them so seriously and so fervently, speak against the Duke of britain, with an earnest countenance answered, saying: My Lords I assure you, if I were peaceably at home in my realm, yet for the defence of the Duke of britain and his country, I would pass the seas again, against all them that either would do him injury, or make war upon him, the French Lords nothing farther saying, much marveled why the king of England, so surely clave to the Duke of britains party. But they knew not (or else at the lest remembered not) that Henry Earl of Richemonde, was within the power and dominion, of the Duke of Britain, whom king Edward's phanteasie ever gave him, would make once a title to the Crown of England, as next heir to the house of Lancastre: For he knew well, that if the Duke of Britain, would transport him into England, where he had both kyns●olke and friends, with never so small an aid (yea, although it were but a shadow of an army) then were he enforced, newly to begin again a conquest, as though he had never won the Crown, nor obtained the possession of the Realm, which was the very cause, why he stack so sore, on the Duke of britains part. Thesame night the lords returned to Amias, and reported to their Master king Edward's answer, which therewith, was not the best pleased, but pleasure or displeasure, there was no remedy, but to dissimule the matter. This same night also, there came the lord Haward, and two other of the king of England's counsel, which had been coadjutors toward the peace, to the French king to supper. The lord Haward said to the French king, secretly in his ear, that if it stood with his pleasure▪ he could persuade the king of England, to come to Amias, yea, p●tauenture as far as Paris, familiarly and friendly, to solate himself with him, as his trusty friend and faithful brother. The French king, to whom this motion was nothing pleasant, calling for water, washed and rose without any answer making: but he said to one of his counsel, that he imagined in his own conceit, that this request would be made: the English men began again, to common of that matter, the French men politicly broke their communication, saying: that the king with all celerity, must march forward, against the duke of Burgoyn. Although this motion seemed, only for to increase love, and continual amity between the Princes, yet the Frenchmen having, in their perfect remembrance, the innumerable damages and huttes, which they of late days, had sustained by the English nation: whereby, continual hatred increased, against them in France, thought by policy and wisdom, with fair words, and friendly countenance, to put by this request, and to motion them rather, to depart homeward, then to prick them forward to Paris, where peradventure, they might so be entertained at this time, that they would at another come thither, both undesired and unwelcomed. This peace was said to be made, only by the holy ghost, because that on the day of meeting, a white Dove sat on the very top, of the king of England's tent: whether she sat there to dry her, or came ●hether as a token, given by God, I refer it to your judgement. At this treaty and meeting, was not the Duke of Gloucester, nor other lords, which were not content with this truce, but the Duke came afterward to Amias, with diverse other Lords of England, to the French king, which, both highly feasted them, and also presented them with plate and horses, well garnished. King Lewes considering, what gai● the Englishmen had gotten, by making war in France, an● what misery, what calamity, and what poverty, the French nation had suffered, and many years sustained, by reason of the said wars, determined clearly, rather to pacify and entertain the English nation▪ by 〈◊〉 words, and great rewards (although it were to his great charge) then by to much hardiness, to put himself, his nobility and realm, in a hazard by giving them battle, as his predecessors, had unwisely done at Po●●ers, and at Agyncort, wherefore, to buy peace, he granted to king Edward, for a yearly tribute. L.M. Crowns, to be paid at London, which▪ accounting a crown at four s. amounteth to ten M. l. And to have the favour and good will, of his chief counsellors, he gave great pensions, amounting to the some of xvi M. Crowns a year, that is to say: to his Chancellor, to the Lord Hastynges, his chief Chamberlein, a man of no less wit than virtue, and of great authority with his Master, and that not without a cause: for he had aswell in time of adversity, as in the fair flattering world, well and truly served him, and to the Lord hayward, to sir Thomas Mountgomerie, to sir Thomas Sentliger, to sir John Cheiney, Master of the kings horses, to the Marquis Dorset, son to the Queen, and diverse other, he gave great & liberal rewards, to th'intent to keep himself, in amity with England while he wan and obtained his purpose and desire in other places.  
These persons had given to them great gifts, beside yearly pensions: For Argenton his counsellor, affirmeth of his own knowledge, that the lord Haward, had in less than the term of two years, for reward in money and plate xxiiii M. Crowns, and at the time of this meeting, he gave to the Lord Hastynges, the kings chief Chamberlain, as the Frenchmen writ, a hundred marks of silver, made in plate, whereof every mark is viii ounces sterling, but thenglish writers affirm, that he gave the said Lord Hastynges xxiiii dozen boulles, that is to say, ●ii. dozen guilt, and xii dozen ungilte, every cup weighing xvii nobles, which grite, either betokened in him, a great liberal nature, or else a great and especial confidence, that he had in the said Lord Chamberlain. Beside this, he gave him yearly, two thousand Crowns pension, the which some he sent to him, by Piers Cle●et, one of the Masters of his house, giving him in charge, to receive of him an acquittance, for the receipt of the same pension, to th'intent that it should appear, in time to come, that the Chancellor, Chamberlain, Admiral, Masters of the horses, to the king of England▪ and many other of his Counsel, had been in fee and pencionaries, of the French king, whose yearly acquitaunces (the lord Hastynges only except) remain of record to be showed, in the Chamber of accounts, in the palace of Paris. When Piers Cleret had paid the pension, to the lord Hastynges, he gently demanded of him an acquittance, for his discharge, which request when he denied, he then only required of him, a letter of three lines, to be directed to the king, ●estifiyng the receit of the pension, to the intent that the king your Master, should not think, the pension to be imbesiled. The lord Hastynges although he knew, that Piers demanded nothing but reason, answered him: sir this gift cometh only, of the liberal pleasure of the king his Master, and not of my request: if it be his determinate will, that I shall have it, then put you it into my sleeve, and if not, I pray you tender to him his gift again: For neither he nor you, shall have either letter, acqui●aunce, or scrowe, signed with my hand, of the receit of any pension, to th'intent to brag another day, that the kings Chamberlain of England, hath been pencionary, with the French king, and show his acquittance, in the Chamber of accounts, to his dishonour. Piers left his money behind, and made relation of all things to his Master, which, although that he had not his will, yet he much more praised the wisdom, and policy of the Lord Hastynges, then of the other pencionaries, commanding him yearly to be paid, without any discharge demanding.  
When the king of England, had received his tribute, and his nobility their rewards, of the French king: he trussed up his tents, and jaded all his baggage, and departed toward Caleis, but or he came there, he remembering the crafty dissimulation, and the untrue dealing, of Lewes' Earl of. S. Pole, high Constable of France, intending to declare him, to the French king, in his very true likeness and portarture: sent unto him two letters of credence, written by thesay Constable, with the true report, of all such words and messages, as had been to him sent, and declared by thesay Constable and his Ambassadors, which letters, the French king gladly received, and thankfully accepted▪ as the chief instrument, to bring the Constable to his death: which he escaped no long season after, such is the end of dissimulers.  
When king Edward was come to Caleis, and had set all things in an order, he took ship, and sailed with a prosperous wind, into England, and was received by the Mayor of London, and the Magistrates clad in scarlet, and .v. C. commoners, apparelled in Murrey, the xxviii day of Septembre, in the xiiii year of his reign, upon Black Heath, and so conveyed with great triumph, through the city of Westminster, where after his long labour, he reposed himself a while: every day almost, talking with the Queen his wife, of the marriage of his daughter, whom, he caused to be called Dolphenesse: thinking nothing surer, than that marriage to take effect, according to the treaty. The hope of which marriage, caused him to dissimule, and do things, which afterward chanced, greatly to the French kings profit, & smally to his.  
When king Edward was arrived in England, the French King thinking by no mean possible, to have his will on the Constable, but only by the Duke of Burgoyne, determined to conclude a truce, for ix years, upon covenant, every man to have his own: but the Ambassadors, would not have the truce proclaimed, thinking thereby, to save the Duke from perjury, which had sworn, never to conclude a peace, till the king of England had been three months in his realm, after his return from Caleis. The king of England, was of all these doings▪ asserteined by his friends: wherefore, in all hast he sent, sir Thomas Moungomerie, a wise and a sage knight, to the French king, being then at Uernyns, concluding with the duke of Burgoyns Ambassadors, requiring him, to take none other truce, with Duke Charles, then that, which was by them concluded, desiring him farther, in no wise to depart with saint Quintines to the duke: Offering that if he would, any longer continued the war, against thesay Duke, that he would for his pleasure, and the duke's displeasure, pass the seas again, the next Summer: so that the French king, should pay to him fifty thousand crowns, for the loss which he should sustain, in his Custom by reason that the wols at Caleis, because of the war, could have no vent, nor be uttered, and also pay half the charges, and half the wages of his soldiers, and men of war.  
The French king, most heartily thanked, the king of England, of his kind offer, and faithful friendship, excusing him, that the peace was all ready assented to: how be it, it was the very same peace, that was between them concluded, saving only, that the duke would be, a contractor in the league, and not comprehended in the same, as another princes alley. This matter was thus answered, and faintly excused, and with the same, sir Thomas Mountgomerie dispatched, which was with plate conveniently rewarded: and with him returned, the lord Haward, and sir John Cheiney, which were hostages with the French king, till king Edward were returned into England. The French king marveled not a little, at king Edwardes offres, and thought it perilous to 'cause the englishmen to pass the sea again, and to join with the French men, whom they never loved: conjecturing farther, that the English men and the burgonions, would soon agree, by reason of their old acquaintance and familiarity, and by chance, both become enemies to the French men: wherefore, in avoiding of all ambiguities, he determined to conclude the truce.   

The xu year.  
WHen King Edward had after this manner established, 
The xu year.  as well his affairs of outward wars, as his private and particular business at home, notwithstanding, that he being the most valiant, and fortunate victor, of such, and so many terrible and bloody battles, might think to lead his life, in perfect quietness, and sure safety: Yet considering, that Henry the young earl of Richemond, one of the ofsprynges, of the blood of king Henry the sixth, was yet living and in good health, he judged himself, to be far from his purpose, and that that only thing▪ did so vex and trouble his joy and felicity, that he thought himself, never to be in a sure estate, void of trouble or fear. Wherefore, he determined yet once again, to solicit and move, France's Duke of Britain, either for gifts, promises or prayers, to deliver the Earl into his hands, whom he supposed (after the faction and band, of king Henry's part, by him extincted, and clearly defeated) to bring to his lure, and to rule at his own mind and pleasure. Wherefore, he sent Doctor Stillyngton, and two other, his Ambassadors, well laden with no small some of gold, with all haste to the Duke of Britayn: And to the intent that their desire should appear more honest, in the open face of the world, he willed them to declare to the Duke, that their request, to have the Earl delivered to them, was only for this purpose, to join with him alliance by marriage and so to extirpate and pluck up, all the dregees and leavings of the adverse part, and contrary faction. Which enterprise (whatsoever they said) was not only by affinity, but by the only death, of the innocent earl Henry, to be achieved and brought to pass. The Duke gently hard the Orators, and first he began to deny, & after to excuse, why he might nor aught not agreed to their request but inconclusion, what with prayers requiring, and monnyes, soliciting▪ the Duke being wearied and overcome, delivered the earl to the Ambassadors, whom, in his letters he highly commended, to king Edward, not thinking that he delivered, the sheep to the wolf, but the son to the father, believing surely without scruple or doubt, that king Edward would give in marriage to him lady Elizabeth his eldest daughter, whom in deed he married▪ after her father's death, as you hereafter shall hear. When th'ambasssadors had the pray, that they so much desired, they departed to the town of. S. Malo, standing on the sea side, where, they reckoned to have taken shipping, and so to have sailed into England. The earl of Richemond knowing, that he was going toward his death, for very pensiveness, and inward thought, fell into a fervent & a sore ague. In this very season, one John Cheulet, so esteemed among the Princes of Britain, as few were in all the country, and in much credit, and well accepted with the duke, was when these things were thus concluded, for his solace in the country, but being thereof certified, being chafed with the abomination of the fact: resorted to the Court, and familiarly came to the Duke's presence, and there stood so sadly, and so paly, without any word speaking, that the Duke was much abashed, and suddenly marveled, at his sad and frowning countenance, & demanded of him what should signify, that dumpishenes of mind, and inward sighing, the which by his countenance, manifestly appeared and was evident: he modestly answered, most noble and redoubted lord, this paleness of visage, and deadly look doth prognosticate the time of my death, to approach & be at hand, which i● it had chanced to me, before this day, I assure you, it had much less hurted me. For than had I not been preserved, to feel the dolorous pangs and sorrowful sighings: which a fact by you done (that I thought impossible to be obtained) hath imprinted in my stomach, and in my heart deeply graven: so that I well perceive, that either I shall lose my life, or else live in perpetual distress and continual misery. For you my singular good lord, by your virtuous acts, and noble feats have gotten to you, in manner an immortal fame: which in every man's mouth, is extolled and elevated, above the high Clouds, but alas me seemeth (I pray you pardon me my reudenes) that now that you have obtained, so high a laud and glory, you nothing less regard then to keep and preserve the same inviolate, considering, that you forgetting your faith a●d faithful promise, made to Henry earl of Richemond, hath delivered the most innocent young gentleman, to the cruel tu●menters, to be afflicted, rent in pieces, and slain: wherefore, all such as love you, of the which number I am one, cannot choose but lament and be sorry, when they see openly, the fame and glory, of your most renowned name, by such a dis●o●altie, and untruth against promise to be both blotted and s●a●ed with a perpetual note, of ●aunder and infamy. Peace mine own good John, ꝙ the Duke, I pray thee, believe me there is no such thing like to happen to th'earl o● Richemond: for king Edward hath sent for him, to make of him being his suspect enemy, his good & fair son in law. Well, we●l, ꝙ John, my redoubted lord, give credence to me: th'earl Henry is at the very brink to perish, whom, if you permit once to set but one foot, out of your power and dominion, there is no mortal creature able hereafter, to deliver him from death. The duke being moved, with the persuasions of John Cheynet▪ which either little believed, or smally suspected king Edward, to desire the earl for any ●raude or deceit, or else seduced by blind avarice and love of money▪ more than honesty, fidelity, or wisdom would require, did not consider, what he unadvisedly did, or what he advisedly, should have doen. Wherefore, with all diligence▪ he sent forth Peter Landoyse, his chief treasurer, commanding him to intercept and stay, the Earl of Richemond, in all hast possible. Peter not slugging, nor dreaming his business: came to the English Ambassadors to. S. Malos, there abiding the wind. And first he invented a cause of his coming, and kept with them a long communication, to pertracte the time, till his men in the mean season, had conveyed th●rle (almost half dead) into a sure Sanctuary, within the town, which in nowise might be violated: where he being delivered, from the continual fear of dreadful death, recovered his health, and in good plight was brought to the duke.  
Here a man may evidently perceive the old Greek proverb to be very true, which is that a man, to a man shall sometime be as a God, for the young earl Henry without desert delivered to his death, suddenly by the labour of John Cheulet, and the favour of the good Prince, was preserved, saved and delivered. God grant that such examplesmay be a doctrine and mirror to such as be rulers above other, lacking counsellors to monish & warn them of their duty and office. That they remembering this good act, may learn to take into the counsel and family, such as will well and truly admonish and warn them, and they likewise with good mind and glad intent to be followers of the same.  
The English orators complained and murmured that they were both spoiled of their money & merchandise, requiring Peter Landoyse that they in no wise should return, so deluded without prey or penny. The Treasurer effectuously promised them, that the Earl either should be surely kept in the Sentuary, into the which he escaped (by their negligence as he laid to their charge) or else should be again in the duke's house put in prison, so that they should not need no more to fear him then his shadow. And so the king of England for his money, purchased the keeping of his enemy by the space of iii days, and no more.  
King Edward in the mean season, sore belonging to know what effect his Ambassade took with the duke of Britain, and therefore was every hour troubled and unquieted with hearkening & looking, was at the last certified from thence, how the earl of Rychemond was delivered, and at a point to be brought home to him as a prisoner in captivity: but that he escaped first, he lamented his purpose, not to have more prosperously succeeded, but after being somewhat mollified and appeased, when he hard that he should be savelykept in prison, determined clearly hereafter to banish that care out of his mind and fantasy, and to employ all his whole study and diligence for the keeping of his house, after a more beautiful fashion and liberal proportion, than before was accustomed. And when he had sufficiently stored his chest with treasure, remembering his honour, jest, he peradventure should be noted with the spot of Nygardshyp, he showed himself like a liberal and beneficial Prince to his commons, and like a good and a profitable king to the common wealth, & the poor people of his Realm and dominion.   

The xvi year. 
The xvi y●r●.   
Even as king Edward sought, invented and studied daily and hourly to bring himself to quietness & rest, and his Realm to a continual amity, and a perpetual peace, likewise at the same time Charles duke of Burgoyn, whose wit never loved peace, nor yet was weary or abhorred trouble, whose intolerable pains in wars were to him pleasure, and especially where he thought any new signory to obtain, or else to be revenged of ancient enemies, for old griefs and displeasures to him done. So the desire of rule mixed with hatred, and malice combined with avarice, kindled▪ provoked and excited so his courage this year (whose bragging audacity had more need of a bridle to be refrained, then of a spur to be pricked forward) that he partly to be revenged of the duke of Lorraine and the Swytchers', and partly for the covetous desire that he had to certain lands, lying between his low countries of Brabant & Flaunders and his Duchy of haut Burgoyn, assembled a great army & a mighty puissance, and besieged a town called Granson in Lorayn, which when he had received, without mercy, like a tyrant he caused all the Inhabitants cruelly to be put to death, whereof hearing the Switchers manfully encountered with him, and discomfited his whole army, where the duke lost both honour, praise, and such abundance of riches, that few Princes in his time were able to show such jewels, and so many, & of such high price and value. And after not content with these chances, but ever in hope of revenging he fought with the Switchers again at Morrat, whereof xviii M. good men of war, he lost ten M. beside them that were wounded and hurt: yet this fierce & courageous Capitayne, more courageous than circumspect, gathered again a new army, and contrary to the minds of his whole counsel, in the deep of Winter, besieged the town of Nancy, belonging to the duke of Lorayn, where he was encountered with the said duke and the Switchers, and there by them again overcome, discomfited, and slain.  
Thus in one year he lost iii great battles, the first at Grantson, where he lost honour, and all his riches: The second at Morrat, where he lost honour, & almost all his men: The third at Nancy, where he lost life, honour, riches, men, and all worldly felicity, on the Uigile of the Epiphany, in the year of our lord, after some writers. M. cccc.lxxvi. and after other. M. cccc.lxxvij.  
This end had the valiant heart, and stout courage of duke Charles of Burgoyn, who in his time could never agree with peace and concord, till death more puissant than life may resist, brought his body to quietness and perpetual tranquillity, which body is entered in the Church of saint George in Nancy, leaving behind him one sole daughter, lawfully begotten to be his heir, which afterward was married to Maximiliaen Archduke of Austrice.  
At this battle were taken Anthony and Bauldwyn, bastard brethren to duke Charles, whom the French king bought of the duke of Lorraine, to the intent that they should not withstand his pretenced purpose in Flaunders. If any man were sorry of the duke of Burgoyns death you may be sure that he was not so inwardly sorry, as the French king was in heart joyous and glad: For now having peace with England, he knew no creature that was able to match with him in earnest or in game, & because he would lose no time, he under colour that women be not able to enjoy any thing, that is or hath been, aperteyning to the Crown of France, took of the young Damsel of Burgoyn the towns of Moundedier, Perone, Abbevyle, Monstreul Roy, and all the towns on the river of Some: Beside this, he with no great pain obtained Hesding, Arras, and the town of Bulleyn, with the county of Bullonoys, which king Charles his father had before engaged, and empledged to duke Philip of Burgoyn, as before is mentioned. But this wily and witty king Lewes, coming to the town of Bulleyn, perceived that if it were fortified with a garrison, it should not only be an ill neighbour to the towns of Caleys and Guysnes, but also a port necessary and convenient for all his subjects, when they should be, either by enemies assailed, or by stormy tempestuous wether driven on the narrow seas, wherefore to cast a sure Anchor, knowing the lord Bartrame de la tour, earl of Auluerie, to be the very true and undubytate heir of the said town and county: He first obtained of him his right and title in the same, rewarding him with a greater sum, & a more yearly value of revenues, in the county of Forest, and other places. And after to the intent to have a port ever open upon England, he annexed the same town of Bulleyne, and the county of Bullonoys, with the parts adjacent, to the crown and regality of France. And because, the forenamed town and county were holden of the ●rledom of Artoys, he changed the ●enure, and solemnly avowed to hold the same town & county of our Lady of Bulleyn, and thereof did homage to the Image in the great Church called our Lady church in Bulleyn, offering there a heart of gold, weighing two. M. Crowns, ordaining farther that all his heirs and successors, at their entry into the estate and dignity royal, by themself, or their deputy should offer a heart of like weight and value, as a relieve & homage done, or made for the same town and county. You may be sure that the king of England would not have suffered the French king to have edified such a covert nest, so near his town of Caleis, and the territories of the same, except his league had bound him, or that he had to much affiance in the French king, whose heart was double, & whose wit ever inconstant, but surely the hope of the preferment of his daughter, both brought him to blindness and dotage. Let these doings over pass & see how politicly the French king wrought for his advantage. During these gains in the low parts, he caused the duke of Lorayn to enter into high Burgoyn with a great army, which by policy & promises brought the whole Duchy under obedience of the French king, which then claimed to have the order and marriage of the young lady, as a pupille, ward and orphan, aperteyning to the crown of France, for the which title after rose no small mischief, and trouble in Flaunders, and the countries thereabout. Let us leave a while to speak of outward business, and return to our own.   

¶ The xvii. yer●. 
The 〈◊〉 year   
IN the xvii year of king Edward, there fell a sparkle of privy malice, between the king & his brother the duke of Clarence whether it rose of old grudges before time passed, or were it newly kindled and set a fire by the Queen or her blood which were ever mistrusting and privily barking at the kings lineage, or were he desirous to reign after his brother: to men that have thereof made large inquisition, of such as were of no small authority in those days, the certainty thereof was hid, and could not truly be disclosed, but by conjectures, which as often d●c●yue the imaginations of fantastical folk, as declare truth to them in their conclusion. The fame was that the king or the Queen, or both, sore troubled with a foolish Prophesy, and by reason thereof begun to stomach & grievously to grudge against the duke. The effect of whi●h was, after king Edward should reign, one whose first letter of his name should be a G. and because the devil is want with such witchcrafts, to wrap and illaqueat the minds of men, which delight in such devilish fantasies, they said afterward that that prophesy lost not his effect, when after king Edward, Gloucester usurped his kingdom.  
Other allege this to be the cause o● his death: That of late, the old rancour between them being newly revived (The which between no creatures can be more vehement then between brethren, especially when it is f●rmely radicate) the duke being destitute of a wife, by the means of lady Margaret duchess of Burgoyn, his sister, procured to have the lady mary, daughter and heir to duke Charles her husband, to be given to him in matrimony: which marriage king Edward (envying the felicity of his brother) both again said and disturbed. This privy displeasure was openly appeased, but not inwardly forgotten nor outwardly forgiven, for that, not withstanding a servant of the Dukes was suddenly accused (I can not say of truth, or untruly suspected by the Duke's enemies) of poisoning, sorcery, or enchantment, & thereof condemned, and put to taste the pains of death. The duke, which might not suffer the wrongful condemnation of his man (as he in his conscience adjudged) nor yet forbear, nor patiently suffer the unjust handling of his trusty servant, daily did oppugn, and with ill words murmur at the doing thereof. The king much grieved and troubled with his brother's daily querimonye, and continual exclamation, caused him to be aprehended, and cast into the Tower, where he being taken, adjudged for a Traitor, was privily drowned in a But of Maluesey. 
G●orge duke of Cl●rence, d●oun●d in a But of 〈◊〉 in the Tow●●.   
But sure it is, that although king Edward were consenting to his death and destruction, yet he much did both lament his infortunate chance, and repent his sudden execution. In asmuch, that when any person sued to him for Pardon or remission, of any malefactor condemned to the punishment of death, he would accustomably say, & openly speak, O infortunate brother, for whose life not one creature would make 〈◊〉 openly speaking▪ and apparently meaning, that by the means of 〈◊〉 of the nobility, he was 〈◊〉, and brought to his confusion.  
This duke left behind 〈…〉 young infants, ●ngendered of the body of the daughter to Richard▪ late earl of Warwy●ke, which children by 〈◊〉, or by their own merits, following the steps of their ancestors▪ succeeded 〈…〉 misfortune, and semblable ill chance. For Edward his heir▪ whom king Edward had created earl of Warwycke was three and twenty years after in the time of king Henry the vii attainted of ●reason, and on Tower hill beheaded. Margarete his sole daughter was married to sir Rycharde Pole knight, being mu●h bound to king Henry the vii for her advancement in marriage▪ beside manifold 〈◊〉 by her of him received: But most of all obliged to that excellent prince king 〈◊〉 the eight, for restoring her aswell to the ●ame and title of countess of Salisbury, as too the possessions of the same: she forgetting the miserable chance of her father, and less remembering the kynd●es and kindred o● her said sovereign lord comm●●●ed against his Majesty▪ and his Realm, abominable and detestable treason, for the which she was in open Parliament, adjudged and attainted, and two and sixty years a●ter her father was put to death in the Tower, she on the green within the same place, with an Axe suffered execution. In whose person died the very surname of Plantagene●, which from Geoffrey plantagenet so long in the blood Royal of this realm, had flourished and continued. After the death of this duke, by reason of great 〈◊〉 and untemperate air, happened so fierce and so quick a Pestilence, that xu years war paste, consumed not the third part of the people, that only four months miserably and 〈◊〉 dispatched, and brought to th●● sepulture.   

The xviii year. 
the xviii year.   
YOu have hard not long before, how the French king not only claimed the ●ule, governance, and marriage of the young Princes and damosel of Burgoyn●, but also how he, what with policy, and what with ●orce had plucked from her the fairest feathers of her tail, that is too mean whole haut Burgoyne, and the strong towns of Pycardye which in time to come might (as they were very like) happen to prove ill neighbours to the English nation. All these things were politicly pondered, & maturely digested by the wi●e counsellors of England, which first considered the old amity, between the house of England and Flaunders, and the quotidian intercourse, traffic and commutation, which no small season had been practised, frequented & exercised mutually and friendly between the subjects, and all nations having resort to either of the said countries, saw it open before their eyes, that if the French king, either by force or by 〈◊〉 of marriage to Charles earl of Angulesme (to whom he promised his good will, for the obtaining of the young Princes) should get the upper hand of the Damsel or of her signories and dominions, that then 〈…〉 ensue to the whole Realm of England, both for uttering of their commodities in those parts, and also for the impediment or st●ppe of their course and recourse, beside new impositions and gables, to be set within the said countries, upon the Merchants, their goods and wares. Wherefore the whole nobility and sage fathers made humble request, toking Edward to help, and aid the young lady and Princes of Burgoyne, alleging that as fa●re as they could ●er●eyue, the marriage of his daughter with the dolphin, was but dissimuled and feigned for in the treaty concluded at Pycquegnye, between him and king Lewes, it was appointed, agreed, and openly 〈◊〉, that the French king, within a year following, should send for the Lady Elizabeth, entitled Dolphynesse of Uyen, to be conveyed into France, which year with four more were passed and go, without any word speaking of her sending for, or going into France.  
The Queen of England also had written in this season too the lady Ma●garet, Duchess of Burgoyne, for the prefermente of her brother Anthony earl Rivers, to the marriage of the young damosel, but the counsel of Flaunders, considering that he was but a earl of a mean estate, and she the greatest enheritrice of all Christendom at that time, gave but deaf hearing to so unmeet a request: the which desire, if the flemings had but given good ear to, or with gentle words delayed the suit, she had both been succoured and defended with a good number, and not sustained so great loss as she did. Whether king Edward were not content with this refusal, or that he trusted more the French kings promise, than all his counsel could see cause, or that he was loath to lose his yearly tribute of fifty thousand Crowns, he would in no wise consent to send any army into Flaunders, against the French king: But he sent Ambassadors to king Lewes with loving and gentle letters, requiring him to conclude some reasonable peace, or else at the lest to take a certain truce with her at his request.  
The Ambassadors of England, were highly received, bountefully feasted, and liberally rewarded: But answer to their desire, had they none, but that shortly the French king would send Ambassadors, hostages, & pledges, to the king of England, their Master, for the concluding and performance of all things, depending between them two: So that their sovereign lord and they, should have good cause, to be contented and pleased. All these fair words, were only delays to protract time, and in the mean season, to win towns and countries, from the damosel, or any aid or succour, could be to to her administered.  
And beside this, to stay king Edward, from taking part with her. He wrote to him, that if he would join with him in aid, or personally make war, in any part of the Lady's territories, or dominions: that then king Edward, should have and enjoy, to him and his heirs▪ the whole County and Country of Flaunders, 
A great offer made by the French king to King Edward the four  discharged of all homage, superiority, and resort to be claimed by the French king, and his h●ires and successors: and farther, he should have the whole duchy of Brabant, whereof the French king offered, at his own charge and co●●e, to conquer four, the chief and strongest towns, within thesay Duchy, and them in quiet possession, to deliver to the King of England, granting farther to pay to him, ten thousand Angels▪ toward his charges: besides munitions of war and artillery, which he promised to lend him, with men and carriage, for the conveyance of the same.  
The king of England answered, that the towns of Flanders, were of no small strength, nor of no little quantity, very uneasy to be kept, when they were conquered: and of no less force was the Duchy of Brabant, with whom, his subjects were both loath, and not very willing to have war there, considering▪ that thither was one of their common trafficques and ventes, of all their Merchaundice: But if the French king would make him partner, of his conquest in Picardy, rendering to him part of the towns, all ready gotten and gained, as Boleigne Mounstrell, and Abbevile, than he would surely take his part, and aid him with men, at his own costs and charges. While this matter was in answering, and replying again, the French king spoiled the young Princes, oftounes and Regions, and of the best Captains that her father left▪ as the Lord cords and other: wherefore for pure necessity of aid and strength, she married with Maximilian, son to Fredrick the Emperor, which to his power, sore resisted the French King, for making any invasions into Flaunders, or other his wife's lands and signiories. This Princes conceived of her husband, in the first year of her marriage, a fair lady called Margaret, whom king Lewes so phantesied, either to have a public peace, with Maximilian her father, by the which, he might stay all war, and hostility between them and so by that mean, peaceably to enjoy the countries and towns, by him stolen and faintly conquered, or else imagining by that only damosel, in conclusion to conjoin, the whole country of Flanders, and the other dominions, thereunto appertaining, to the crown of France, (as he had no few times, before attempted and assayed). That he clearly forgetting, his promise made, written, and sworn to the king of England, for the marriage of his daughter, solicited privily the Lords of Flanders, to have thesay lady Margarete, to be conjoined in matrimony, with the Dolphin his son, writing and sending to the King of England, fair promises and flattering letters, when his purpose was clearly vanished out of England, and fixed in Flanders, as you shall hereafter well understand.   

¶ The xix year. 
The xix year.   
King Edward in the xix year of his reign, forgetting aswell all exterior invasions, as civil war, and intestine trouble: which before that time, he had abundantly tasted and more than he was willing, had both felt, and had in continual experience, began first more then he was before accustomed, to search out the penal offences, aswell of the chief of his nobility, as of other gentlemen, being propritaries of great possessions, or abundantly furnished in goods, beside merchants, and other inferior persons. By the reason whereof, it was of all men adjudged, more than doubted, considering his new fame of riches, and his greedy appetite of money and treasure, that he would prove hereafter, a sore and an extreme Prince, amongst his subjects, and this imagination in especial, wandered through the heads of all men, that after his brother the Duke of Clarence, was put to death, he should say, that all men should stand, and live in fear of him, and he to be unbridled, and in doubt of no man. But his new invented practice, and avaricious invention, what for other foreign and outward affairs, and what for the abbreviating of his days, in this transitory world (which were within two years after consumed) took some but no great effect. How be it experience teacheth, that prosperity oft times is as great a trouble, as a great mischief, and as unquiet a profit, to the possessioners of riches, and such as have the fruition or the same: as poverty and adversity, are profitable and laudable, in other persons which can, with patient stomach, and meek heart, bear and suffer the storms and surges, of evil fortune, and perverse mischance.   

¶ The twenty year 
The twenty year.   
AFter this, king Edward having all things brought to that effect, which he had long desired, except the ma●●age of his daughter, with Charles the dolphin much studied and no less desired to have this affinity, according to the appointment made and concluded, to be accomplished and solemnized, and therefore, not only wrote, but sent diverse messengers to the French king, for the performance of the same. The French king which never intended, to have that marriage take effect, considering that the Dolphin, was much younger, than the lady Elizabeth, and for other causes, sent Ambassadors to the king of England with fair words, and frivolous delays, making his excuse, that he had not sent for the kings daughter to be married to his son the dolphin, according to the league and treaty concluded, by the occasion of his great troubles, and busy wars, enterprised in high Burgoin, and the low countries, so that he was disgarnished, aswell of his nobility, as of other men of honour, to receive her into his realm, according to her estate and degree: promising faithfully, shortly to send for her, and to convey her with such a pomp and royal train, that it should be to both their honours and laudes, and to the high contentation, of the King of England and his Queen, which, no less than her husband desired, & sore longed to see the conclusion, of the said marriage take effect.  
These Ambassadors were well feasted, and likewise rewarded, and so took their leave: And within a convenient season after, he sent other Orators, which, were never in England before, to the intent that if their predecessors being Ambassadors, had said or concluded any thing, (although they were authorized so to do) yet if it might turn, to the French kings prejudice or damage, they might without blame, excuse themselves by ignorance, of that matter: affirming that they had no commission to common, or else once to enterprise, to meddle with that matter. Or if he perceived that any thing was like to be concluded, which sounded not to his pleasure or profit, he would send for his Ambassador, in great haste, and after send another with new instructions, nothing depending on the old.  
This fashion king Lewes, used with all Princes, to whom he sent any Ambassadors, by the which he compassed many things, to his purpose, and to their loss: But most of all, he thus dallied with the king of England, concerning this marriage, only to the intent, to keep him still in amity, above all other Princes. And for a truth the King of England, being of no suspicious nature, so much trusted, and gave to him so much confidence, that he thought the Sun, would sooner have fallen from his circle, than that king Lewes, either would have dissimuled, or broken his promise with him.  
But who sooner breaketh promise, than he that is most trusted, or who sooner deceiveth, than he to whom most credence is attributed. And on the other part, who is so soon beguiled, as he that lest mistrusteth, and who sooner falleth, than he that casteth no peril, but as in nothing mistrusting, is no small lightness, so into much trusting, is to much folly: wherefore, if king Edward had either not to much trusted, or mistrusted the French Kings fair promises (as I would he had done in deed) the crown of France, had not so increased in possessions and dominions, to the great glory, and strength of the realm: nor the Princes of Burgoyne, had not so been plucked, hared, and spoiled, of her fair towns and Castles as she was, which chance, she being destitute of friends, and without comfort of defenders, by patience perforce, was compelled to suffer and sustain.  
This is the profit that all nations get, by the fair promises, of the Frenchmen. Thus is the league made with Lewes the French king, fraudulently glossed and dissimuled. Thus is the oath made, and sworn upon the holy Evangelists violated, and contrary to the word, and honour of a Prince, broken and falcefied: by which untrue dealing, and covert dissimuling, with his especial and trusty friend, all men may facilie see, and more apparently then in a mirror perceive, that the very natural condition of the French nation, is pleasuntly to flatter, plentifully to reward, and gloriously to gloze, till they have once obtained, their pretenced purpose, and have their ambitious desire accomplished and satisfied and that gain once gotten on their side, neither oath holdeth, nor friendship continueth, nor yet humanity and kindness before showed, is once regarded, or of them remembered: wherefore, mine advise is, let all men trust them, as they find them.   

The xxi year. 
The xxi year.   
IN this very season, james the iii of that name, king of Scots, sent into England a solemn embassage, for to have the Lady Cicile, king Edward's ii daughter, to be married to his eldest son, james Prince of Scotland, Duke of Rothesay, & earl of Caricke. King Edward & his counsel, thinking that this affinity, should be aswell honourable, as profitable to the realm, did not only grant, to his desire and demand but also before hand disbursed, certain sums of money, to the only intent, that the marriage should hereafter, neither be interrupted nor broken, upon this condition, that thesay Matrimony, by any accedentall mean, should in time to come, take no success nor perfection: or that king Edward would notify, to the king of Scots, or his counsel, that his pleasure was determined, to have the said marriage, to be infringe● and dissolved: Then the Provost and merchants, of the town of Edinburgh, should be bound for the repayment, of thesay some again. All which things were, with great deliberation concluded & sealed, in hope of continual peace, and infringible amity. But this king james being a man of a sharp wit, more wedded to his own opinion then reason would scace bear, would neither hear nor give credit to them, that spoke contrary to his own phantesie, or this imagined opinion: And to th'intent that no man should found fault, with his doings, or reprehend his acts, he promoted and made counsellors, men of base lineage, and low blood and in especial, Cochrane and his company, by whose evil advise, and mischievous instigation, he so punished and grieved his nobility, both with imprisonment, exactions, and death, that some of their voluntary will, went into Exile, and other feigning cause to depart▪ fled into other lands, and strange countries. For the Duke of Albany, called Alexander, brother to king james, was exiled into France but passing through England, he tarried with king Edward as you shall hear. Ther●e of Marinell, a wise politic counsellor, was in Edinburgh be headed: And beside this, he forgetting his oath, promise, and affinity, concluded with king Edward, caused armies to be made, into England, spoiling, burning, and killing, the kings faith full subjects: at the which unprincely doing, the king of England being, not a little moved and chafed, determined to be revenged on him by battle, and dent of sword. Yet notwithstanding, because king james craftily excusing himself, alleging the mischief late committed, to be attempted, done, & perpetrated, without his consent, knowledge▪ or counsel, this matter had been lightly pacified, and blown over, 〈◊〉 the Duke of Albany, being with king Edward, had not incensed, enticed, and provoked him, to make war on the Scottish king, his brother, both to revenge the injuries of late, to the said king done, contrary to all laws of arms, and Princely demeanour, and also, to help to restore thesay duke, to his possessions, and dominions again: out of the which, he was by the king his brother, dispossessed, and rejected ' promising to king Edward, great aid and assistance, when his army was once entered, into the confines of Scotland.  
King Edward being thus persuaded by the Duke, and trusting on his aid, was somewhat agreeable to this, but the inward remembrance how that king james, had supported against him, with men and money, his old enemy king Henry the sixth: and also trusting, that if Alexander duke of Albany, by his adie should vanquish his brother, and obtain the crown of Scotland, he would be always to him sure▪ faithful, & trusty: which did so inflame his courage, & set his heart so on fire, that he determined with all diligence, with an army royal, to invade the country of Scotland, and make the king to know, that he had neither honourably, nor truly kept his league and promise: Wherefore, all the winter season, he mustered his soldiers, prepared his ordinance, rigged his ships, and left nothing apperteigning to the war, unpurveyed or unlooked for: so that in the beginning of the year, all things were prepared, and nothing was miss.   

The xxii year. 
The xxii year.   
WHen all things apperteigning, to the furniture of such an enterprise, were put in a readiness, and ready to be set forward: king Edward appointed, to be chevetain of his host, and lieutenant general, his brother Richard Duke of Gloucester, and to him associated, Henry, the iiij Earl of Northumberlande, Thomas Lord Stanley, Lord Steward of his household, the lord Lovel, and the lord Greystocke, and diverse other noble men and knights. These valiant captains, set forward in May, and made such diligence, with politic conveyance of their soldiers: beside the troublous carriage, of their ordinance, that they came to the town of Alnewike, in Northumberlande, about the beginning of july, where they first encamped theimselfes, and Marshaled their host. The forward was led, by th'earl of Northumberlande, under whose standard were, the lord Scrope of Bolton, sir John Middelton, sir John Dichfeld, and diverse other Knights, esquires and soldiers to the number of six thousand, and seven. C. men. In the middle ward was the Duke of Gloucester, and with him the Duke of Albany, the lord Lovel the lord Greystocke, sir Edward Woduile and other, to the number of five thousand, and eight. C. men. The Lord Nevell was appointed to follow, accompanied with iii M. men. The lord Stanley, led the wing on the right hand, of the Duke's battle, with iiii. M. men, of Lancashire and Chesshire: The left wing was guided by the lord Fitz Hew, sir William a part, sir james Harryngton, with the number of ii M. men, and beside all these, there was a thousand men appointed, to give attendance on the ordinance. This royal army, not intending to sleep, but to give the Scots knowledge, of their arrival in those parties, came suddenly by the water side, to the town of Berwicke, and there, what with force, and what with fear of so great an army, took and entered the town: but th'earl Bothwell, being Captain of the Castle, would in nowise deliver it, neither for flattering words, nor for menacing brags, wherefore, the captains deliberately consulting together, planted a strong siege, and environed it round about. When this siege was thus laid the two Dukes, and all the other soldiers, except the lord Stanley, sir John Elryngton, treasurer of the kings house, sir William a Parr, and four M. men, that were left behind, to keep the siege before the Castle▪ departed from Berwicke, toward Edinburgh: And in marching thetherward, he brent and destroyed these towns following.  

Edryngton.  
Paxton. Fishewike.  
Brandike. ❧  
Hooton.  
Heton Hall.  
Mordyngton and the Bastile.  
Plome Horn and the town.  
Bhroweshed and the steeple.  
Brome hill and the Bastile.  
Edram.  
Estrusbet.  
Blakater and the Branke won.  
Kallow, and Kamorgan.  
Whitsonelawes.  
Brynlenyn and Ryselaw.  
Elbanke.  
Hockas.  
Betroside.  
Erneslaw and the Bastill won.  
Hilton and Whitsome.  
mickle Swynton and the Bastile.  
Little Swynton and the bastill.  
Somprone and Harden.  
Croffirge and Whitside.  
Edyngham. Whitmere.  
Newtowne.  
During which time, the earl of Northumberland, brent these towns  
Yatham, and Yatham.  
Brymsed and the Bastell.  
Low houses and the bastell.  
Cheritrees and Hoyepe.  
Cliffton, Coto, and Hawmon.  
Hawmon Grawnge and Hawdon.  
Marbotell and the bastile.  
Lynton with the Bastile.  
Part of Cawarden brent.  
Chedworthe and Craylam and the Bastill.  
Neskot, Neskett, and old Rokesborough.  
Ednam, and the bastill won.  
Ednam isle, Benlaw.  
Ousnam, Long Puolo delivered.  
Croke, Ashewes, Mydpropes and the Bastell.  
Cossemaynes and the bastell won.  
Weddon and the bastell.   
While these things were in doing, king james of Scotland, having small confidence in his commonalty, and less trust in his nobility, did vountarily incarcerate & enclose himself in the strong Castle of Maidens in Edinburgh, perfectly trusting there to be out of all doubts & danger, except famine or treason, caused him violently to open the ports or gates, whereof the duke of Gloucester entered into the town and at the especial request & desire of the duke of Albany, saved the town and thinhabitants of the same, from fire, blood & spoil, taking only such presents as the merchants gently offered him & his captains: Causing Gartier, principal king at arms, to make a public Proclamation at the high Cross in the market place of Edenboroughe, in the which he warned & admonished, james king of Scots, to keep, observe & perform all such promises, compacts, covenants & agreements as he had concluded & sealed to, with the high and mighty Prince Edward, by the grace of God king of England. etc. And also to make condign and sufficient recompense to his subjects, for the great tyranny spoil and cruelty, that he and his people had perpetrate & committed contrary to his league, within the marches and territories of his realm of England, before the first day of August next ensuing.  
And farther without delay to restore the high and mighty prince Alexander, duke of Albany, his natural brother to his estate, & all his offices possessions and authorities, in as ample and liberal manner, as he before occupied and enjoyed the same: or the high and valiant prince Richard duke of Gloucester, lieutenant general, and chiefetayne for the king of England, was ready at hand to destroy him, his people and country with slaughter, flame & famine.  
King james would make no answer, neither by word nor by writing, knowing that his power now failed, either to perform the request demanded, or to defend his country with such a puissant army invaded. The lords of Scotland, lying at Hadyngton with a great puissance, hearing the king of England's reasonable desire, determined first to practise with the Duke of Gloucester for a peace, and so to have the Castle of Berwycke to their part, and after by some means to allure the duke of Albany, from the English amity, & upon this motion, the ii day of August they wrote to the duke of Gloucester, that the marriage between the prince of England should be accomplished in all points, according to the covenants agreed, and the instruments thereof engrossed, rquyring farther that a peace from thens●urth might be lovingly concluded between both the Realms. The duke of Gloucester wisely and circumspectly certified them again, that as touching the article of marriage, to take effect between their prince and the lady Cicilie of England, he knew not the determinat pleasure of the king his master and brother, either for the affirmaunce or deniance of the same but he desired full restitution of all such sums of money, as for the said marriage before time had been disbursed, or pressed out in love. And where the said lords desired to have a peace, concluded from thensfurth, between both the said realms. He first required to have the Castle of Barwyke to him delivered, or at the jest, if he did agree to the said peace, that then his siege, lying about the said castle, should be hereafter in any wise, neither troubled, vexed, nor molested, nor the king of Scots, nor none of his subjects, nor any other by his procurement or provoking, should aid, comfort or assist with victual, ordinance, or other wise the Capitayne, Constable, or soldiers of the said castle, during the siege.  
The Lords, Prelates, Barons, and estates of the realm of Scotland, perceiving & well pondering, both the answer & the demands of the duke of Gloucester, sent to him sufficiently instructed with these conclusions, the reverend father Andrew, elect of Murray, and the lord John De●nele, which thus answered, that where the said duke desired repayment of the sums of money, delivered in part of payment, for the contract of marriage, to be made between the prince of Scotland and the kings daughter of England: the time of lawful contract of marriage is not yet come, because of the minority of the said prince and princess. And the fault hereof is, that no day was appointed for the money, to be paid before the contract began. And if the king your brother would demand farther assurance, either for the contract to be made, or for the payment of the money, they promised thereunto, according to reason to agree. secondarily, as touching the castle of Berwick, they said all we know well enough, that it is the old inheritance of the crown of Scotland, of many hundred years past, and that our sovereign lord hath right thereunto. And if it be alleged, that it belonged to the realm of England by conquest, it is well known that it standeth in Scotland, & over the Scottish ground. The duke, not withstanding their sayings, would condescend to no peace, without the castle of Barwyke were rendered to the king of England, and so the messengers departed, and on the same day the archbishop of saint Andrew's, the bishop of Dunkelle Colyn, earl of Argyle, lord Cambell and lord Andrew, lord Auandale, Chancellor of Scotland, wrote unto the duke of Albany a solemn and authentical instrument, signed and sealed with their seals, binding their bodies, lands and goods to the said duke, that if he would hereafter be obedient to the king of Scots, and keep & observe his faith and promise to be made to the said lords, that he should not only be restored to all his lands, hereditaments, offices & possessions, which he enjoyed at the day of his departure out of Scotland, but also should have and enjoy to him, & his servants & familiars a fire and a general Pardon, which restitution and pardon, they likewise promised to be ra●●fied & approved by the king and the iii estates assembled at the next Parliament. The duke being glad to be restored again to his old estate & possessions, & especially in his own native country, received their offer, which was truly performed, & so took his leave of the duke of Gloucester, thanking him (as he was no less bound) for the great labour, travail & pain, that he had taken in his own person for his restitution. And promised both by word & by writing of his own hand to do & perform all such things, as he before that time had sworn & promised to king Edward, notwithstanding any agreement, now made or to be made with the lords of Scotland: and for the performance of th'effect of the said Schedule, he again took a corporal oath before the duke of Gloucester, and sealed the writing the third day of August in the English Camp at Levyngton, besides Hadyngton, anno. M. cccc.lxxxii and departed to his own possessions. After he was thus restored & reconciled, the lords of Scotland proclaimed him great lieutenant of Scotland, & in the kings name made Proclamation, that all men should be ready, upon pain of death within viii days at Craushaves, both to raise the siege before the Castle, and for the recovering again of the town of Barwyke. The duke of Albany wrote all this preparation to the duke of Gloucester, humbly requiring him to have no mistrust in him promising to keep his oath & promise, made to king Edward & to him. The duke of Gloucester wrote to him again, that it should neither be honourable nor commendable in him, too help, to raise the siege, at the laying whereof he was counsellor & partner, nor yet to reward the king of England, with such a displeasure for his kindness costs and expenses to him in his extreme necessity, lovingly showed and liberally exhibited. But he assured him in the word of a Prince, that if he & all the power of Scotland attempted to come to raise the siege, planted before the castle of Barwyke, that he himself with his army would defend the besegiers, or else die in the quarrel.  
The counsel of Scotland sagely & poletiquely saw before, that if they should come to raise the siege, that the duke of Gloucester would with them shortly encounter, and then if they lost the field, both the strength of the Realm was brought to an imbecility, the nobles sore minished, and the castle lost and taken. And on the other side, if they obtained victory, nothing was gotten but the poor town of Barwyke, and they were likely son to be invaded with a greater power shortly again, wherefore they sent Lion king at Arms to the duke of Gloucester, offering to him as they thought, two offers very reasonable, the one was, that if he would promise' on his honour to subvert and cast down the town walls of Barwyke, they would likewise raze, and clearly deface the walls Towers and ports of the Castle, or else the duke of Gloucester to put in a capitain and a garrison of men of war into the town, and the duke of Albany, likewise to do with the Castle, for the Tuytion of the same. And farther the foresaid Lion desired an abstinence of war to be taken, till the two dukes might have communication of gravous matters, concerning the wealths of both the Realms. The duke of Gloucester refused both the offers saying, that he had long maintained the siege before the Castle of Barwyke, to no small waste and exhausting of his brother's treasure and riches, and to the great travail and pain of the Lords, Gentlemen, and men of war, that continually made there abode and daily residens at the said siege: wherefore he said, that he in this point was firmly resolved, not to depart till the castle were yielded by appointment, or taken by force, or else his siege were by the power of Scotland raised, or he and his army vanquished: wherefore he would by no mean hearken to the petition of the Scottish lords, concerning the abstinence of war, till he were either vanquished or possessed of the Castle of Barwyke. With which answer the Herald departed, and thereof made relation to the lords and counsel of Scotland. When the duke's answer was of them well digested, they evidently perceiving that the castle of Barwyke was the only maker of the peace and that the not delivery of the same, should be the norice and continuer of war and hostility: considering farther, that the nobility nor commons of Scotland, did not draw together by one line, nor were sorted in one level, electing and choosing the better part, and rejecting and avoiding the worse, agreed and determined to deliver the Castle of Barwyke to the English party, so that there should be truce or abstinence of war taken and concluded for a determinate season. And thereupon they sent to the duke of Gloucester a league indented, which was dated the xxiiii day of August, in the year of our lord a. M. cccc.lxxxii. in the which it was contracted and agreed between the duke of Gloucester, lieutenant general for the king of England, and Alexander duke of Albany, lieutenant for james king of Scots, that an especial abstinence of war should be kept and observed betwixt the Realms of England and Scotland, and the people of the same, aswell by sea as by land, to begin the viii day of September next ensuing, and to endure till the four day of November next following. And in the mean season, the town and castle of Barwyke, to be occupied, and be in the real possession of such as by the king of England's deputy, should be appointed and assigned with all and singular such bounds, limits and territories as the English vation, last used and possessed, when the castle & town were in the subjection of the Englishmen. And all other marches and bounds, being in difference between the said Realms, to stand and to be holden in like case and condition, as they were before the last truce concluded. The duke of Gloucester, which well perceived that the Scots more granted to his demands, for relieve of their own necessity, then to gratify him or the king his brother in any point: like a wise counseyler, took his advantage when it was offered, and especially because these things made for his long desired purpose.  
first the delivery of the Castle of Barwyke, he vountarily without counsel (as a pray privily gotten) both accepted and allowed, and for that only cause he did not refuse the abstinence of war, but too that gently agreed. As touching the possession, to be kept in the lands depending in variance between the Realms (commonly called the batable ground) he would not, nor durst not conclude with the duke of Albany, without having farther intelligence of the king his sovereign lords pleasure and counsel, meaning thereby ever to keep them as sueters to him, & he no farther to seek on them, and in the mean season to let that matter be in suspense. When he had sealed to the first two Articles, and that they were sent again to the lords of Scotland, they them gladly received, and with good will embraced, and likewise truly performed the same: for the castle of Barwyke was incontinent delivered to the lord Stanley, and other thereto appointed, which therein put both English men and artillery, sufficient for the defence of all Scotland for vi months. By this means as you have hard, the Englishmen repossessed again the town & castle of Barwyke, which xxi. years before by king Henry the vi was to the Scots as you have hard given up and delivered. And jest peradventure the duke of Gloucester might think that the duke of Albany did not in all things set forward, prefer, and advance his first requests and demands, made and required of the lords of Scotland, and in especial one which was for the assurance to be made for the repayment to the king of England, of all such sums of money, as he had beforehand pressed & disbursed to the king of Scots for the marriage to be solemnized & consummate between their children, as before is rehearsed: Therefore the said duke of Albany, caused the Provost and Burgesses of Edinburgh to make a sufficient instrument obligatory, to king Edward, for the true satisfaction and contentation of the same money, which he also sent by thesay Provost to the Duke of Gloucester to Alnewyke: The very Copy hereafter followeth.  
Be it known to all men by thele present letters, us Walter Bartraham, Provost of the town of Edemboroug in Scotland, and the whole fellowship, merchants, burgesses, and commonalty of the same town, to be bound and oblished by their presents, unto the most excellent & most mighty prince Edward, by the grace of God king of England. That where it was commoned and agreed, between his excellency on the ta part, and the right high and mighty prince our sovereign lord, james king of Scots on the other part, that marriage and matrimony should have been solemnized, and had betwixt a mighty and excellent prince, james the first begotten son and heir apparent to our sovereign lord foresaid, and the right noble princes Cicilie daughter, to the said Edward king of England, and for the said marriage to have been performed certain and divers great sums of money been paid and contented by the most excellent prince, unto our sovereign lord foresaid, as by certain writings betwixt the said princes, thereupon made more at large plainly appears: That if it be the pleasure of the said Edward king of England, to have the said marriage to be performed and completed according to the said communication in writing, that then it shall be well and truly, without fraud, disobeyed or collusion, observed, keeped, and accomplished on the party of our sovereign lord foresaid, and the nobles spiritual and temporal of the Realm of Scotland. And if it be not the pleasure of the said excellent prince Edward king of England, to have the said marriage performed and completed: That then we Walter Provost, burgesses, merchants, and commons of the abovenamed town of Edenboroughe, or any of us, shall pay and content to the king of England foresaid, all the sums of money that was paid for the said marriage, at sick like terms and days, immediately ensuen, after the refusal of the said marriage, and in sick like manner and form, as the said sums were afore delivered, contented and paid, that than this obligation and bond to be void, & of no strength. Provided always, that the said Edward king of England, shall give knowledge of his pleasure and election in the premises in taking or refusing of the said marriage, or of repayment of the said sums of money, to our said sovereign lord, or lords of his counsel, or to us the said Provost, merchants, or any of us, within the realm of Scotland, being for the time, betwixt this and the feast of Alhalowes next to come. To the whihc payment well and truly to be made, we bind and oblishe us, and every of us, our heirs, succession, executors and all our goods, merchandises, and things whatsoever they be, where so ever, or in what place, by water or by land, on this side the sea, or beyond, we shall happen to be founden, any league, truce or safeguard made or to be made, notwithstanding. In witness whereof to this our present writing, & letters of bond. We, the said Provost, Burgesses, merchants and commontye have set our common seal of the said town of Edinburgh▪ the fourth day of August, the year of God. M cccc. xxii. Given in the presence of the right mighty Prince Richard duke of Gloucester, Alexander duke of Albany, a reverend father in God, james bishop of Dunkeld▪ and the right noble lord Henry earl of Northumberlande, Colyn earl of Argile, Thomas lord Stanley, Master Alexander English and other. etc.  
When the duke of Gloucester had thus obtained his purpose, and received writings signed and sealed for the performance of the same, he sent the instruments to king Edward his brother, which much commended both his valiant manhood, and also his prudent policy, in conveying his business, both to his own purpose, and also to the profit of the Realm. King Edward, not a little mused, and much more debated with his counsel, whether it were more profitable and honourable to him and his Realm, to suffer the said mentioned marriage, to take effect, and proceed to a conclusion, or else to require a repayment, and redelyvery of the sums of money, apprompted and laid out for the same purpose. After long consultation had, and it was considered in what case the realm & the king of Scots stood in, for it was well known that he and his nobility were at great discord as you before have heard: it was considered farther, that if the nobility prevailed, and got the sovereignty, the line and succession of james the third, were likely to be totally extirpate, & disinherited for ever: it was also alleged that the prince of Scotland, never condescended nor as he himself said, would agree to this motioned marriage. These things thus debated, the king by great advice, refused and revoked all things to be done, for the more forwardness of the said matrimony, and elected and chose the repayment of all such sums of money, as for the occasion of the said betrusted marriage was paid, and before hand contented & delivered. And according to the words of obligation, made by the town of Edinburgh, he sent Gartier, his principal king of Arms and Northumberland Herald, to declare and intimate to the Provost and burgesses of Edinburgh, the determinate refusal of the future matrimony, and the election and choice of the repayment of the money ●nd duty. And for the farther overture of the whole conclusion. Gartier was instructed by writing, what he should say and declare: and so by convenient journeys came to the town of Edinburgh viii days before the feast of all saints, where he openly said as followeth:  
I gartier king of arms servant, proctor and messenger unto the most high and mighty prince, my most dread sovereign lord Edward by the grace of God, king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, by virtue of certain letters of procuracy here ready to be showed to me, by my said sovereign lord made and given, make notice and give knowledge unto you Provost, Burgesses, merchants and commonalty of the town of Edinburgh in Scotland, that where as it was sometime commoned and agreed, between my said sovereign lord on the one party, and the right high and mighty prince james king of Scots, on the other party, the marriage & matrimony should have been solemnized, and had between james the first begotten son of the said king of Scots, and lady Cicilie, daughter to my said sovereign lord the king of England. And for the said marriage to have been performed▪ certain and divers great sums of money, been paid and contented by my said sovereign lord, which sums of money, in case of refusal of the said marriage, by my said sovereign lord to be made and declared, ye the said Provost, Burgesses, merchants and commonalty, and every one of you are bound and obliged by your letters under your common seal of your town of Edemborough, to repay unto his highness under like form, and at such terms as they were first paid. So that the king my sovereign lord would make notice and knowledge of his pleasure, and election in talking or refusing of the said marriage, of the repayment of the said sums of money, before the feast of Alhalowes next to come, like as in your said letters, bearing date at Edenboroughe the fourth day of August last passed, it was contained all at large. The pleasure and election of my said sovereign lord, for divers causes and considerations him moving, is to refuse the accomplisment of the said marriage, and to have the repayment of all such sums of money, as by occasion of the said betrusted marriage, his highness had paid. The said repayment to be had of you provost, Burgesses, merchants and commonalty, and every of you, your heirs and successors, according to your bond and obligation afore rehearsed. And therefore I give you notice and knowledge by this writing, which I deliver too you, within the term in your said letters lymitted and expressed to all intents and effects, which thereof may ensue.  
When Gartier had thus declared all things, given to him in charge, the Provost or other Burgesses made answer, that they now knowing the kings determinate pleasure, would according to their bond, prepare for the repayment of the said sums, and gently enterteyning Gartier conveyed him to Barwyke, from whence he departed to new Castle, to the ouke of Gloucester, making relation to him of all his doings, which duke with all speed returned too Shrythuton, and there abode. Shortly after Gartiers departing, the duke of Albany, thinking to obtain again the high favour of the king his brother, delivered him out of captivity and prison, wherein he had a certain space continued (not without the duke's assent, which besieged him in the Castle of Edinburgh a little before) & set him at large, of whom outwardly he received great thanks, when inwardly nothing but revenging and confusion was in the kings stomach incorporate, so that shortly after in the kings presence, he was in icopardye of his life, and all improvided for dread of death, coacted to take a small balynger, and to sail into France, where shortly after tiding by the men of arms, which encontered at the tilt, by Lewes then duke of orleans, after French king he was with mischarging of a spear by fortunes perverce countenance pytyfullye slain and brought to death, leaving after him one only son, named John, which being banished Scotland, inhabited and married in France, and there died. How dolorous, how sorrowful is it to write, and much more pencifull to remember the chances, & infortunites that happened within two year in England and Scotland, between natural brethren. For king Edward set on by such as envied the estate of the duke of Clarence, forgetting nature, and fraternal amity, consented to the death of his said brother. james king of Scots, putting in oblivion that Alexander his brother was the only Organ and instrument, by whom he obtained liberty and freedom, seduced and led by Uyle and malicious persons, which maligned at the glory and indifferent justice of the duke of Albany, imagined and compassed his death, and exiled him for ever? what a pernicious serpent, what a venomous toad, & what a pestiferous Scorpion is that devilish whelp, called privy envy? Against it no fortress can defend, no cave can hide, no wood can shadow, no foul can escape, nor no beast can avoid, her poison is so strong, that never man in authority could escape from the biting of her tethe, scratching of her paws, blasting of her breath, defouling of her tail.  
Wherefore, let every indifferent person, search Histories, read Chronicles, look on aucthores, aswell holy as profane, and they shall apparently perceive, that neither open war, daily famine, or accustomed mortality, is not so much an enemy, nor so great a mall to destroy, and suppeditate high power and nobility, as is rooted malice, inward grudge, and dissimuled hatred. Although that king Edward were glad and joyous, of all the prosperous success, of all enterprises in the realm of Scotland, yet even now his Fever tercian, of the which he had languished sore, sith his voyage royal into France, was suddenly turned into a uncurable quartain: For where he was before tossed, between hope and despair, sometime hot, sometime cold, that the Matrimony of his daughter, and Charles the dolphin, should come to the solempnization, according to the league, between him and the French king, concluded at Picquegnie: Now was he cast into an indissoluble Melancholy, and a continual cold: For the lord hayward, which was returned out of France, with many fair words, and painted promises but without tribute, or conclusion of the marige, certified the king of his own knowledge: how that he being present, saw the lady Margarete of Austrice, daughter to Duke Maximilian, son to the Emperor Frederick, received into France, with pomp more than Imperial, by the Duke of Bourbon, the lord Dalbret, and many other lords and magistrates of the realm, and so with great triumph, conveyed to Amboyse, where the Dolphin lay, and there was to him contracted and espoused. King Edward now being certain, how the French king had with pleasant language, and colourable answers, foded him forth, and alured him to give credence, to his dissimuling words, neither meaning as he said, nor showing what he meant: Determined with himself, no longer to suffer so apparent wrong, nor so intolerable an injury. Wherefore, he called his nobility together, and declared to them the manifold wrong, which he had received of late, at the hands of the French king, and how he untruly, and unprincely, had broken the league and amity, both in denying the payment of the tribute, as also, in refusing the accomplishment of the marriage of his daughter, according as in the treaty was concluded. Requiring them therefore to study, how to revenge and punish, so great a shame, and so opprobrious a taunt, offered to their native Country. The nobility not a little glad of this motion, answered: that their whole desire was, to fight with the French men, whom they so often times had vanquished, & profligated in battle, and that for the dignity, and fame of their Country, they would let nothing be unatempted, offering him in an instant, to be ready in harness to fulfil his mind and desire. When he knew the toward minds of his subjects, of the Temporalty, he moved the spirituality (because by the Ecclesiastical laws, they be prohibited to wear armure) to aid him with money, for maintenance of his wars, and suppressing of his enemies.   

The xxiii year. 
The xxiii year.   
Behold, while he was intentive, and amployed his whole labour, diligence, and industry, to furnish and setforward this war, which he newly had attempted and begun: whether it was with the melencoly, and anger that he took with the French king, for his untruth and unkindness, or were it by any superfluous surfeit (to the which he was much given) he suddenly fell sick, and was with a grievous maledy taken, yea, so grievously taken, that his victual spirits, began to fail and wax feeble, which debility when he perceived, he called together all his nobles, which, that time were about London, upon one day (as he did diverse times comen with them) and thus in effect, to them said. My well-beloved, and no less betrusted friends, counsellors, and allies, if we mortal men would daily and hourly, with ourself revolve, and intentively in our hearts engrave, or in our minds gravously ponder, the frail and fading imbecility, of our human nature▪ and the caduke fragility of the same: we should apparently perceive, that we being called reasonable creatures, and in that predicament, compared and joined with Angels, be more worthy to be numcupate, and de●ed persons unreasonable, and rather to be associate in that name with brute beasts, called unreasonable (of wohse life and death, no creature speaketh) rather then in that point, to be tesembled to the Angelical society, and reasonable company. For while health in us flourisheth, or prosperity aboundeth, or the glozing world laugheth, which is he, so reasonable of us all▪ that can say (if he will not err from the truth) that he, once in a week remembered his fatal end, or the prescribed term of his enduring: or once provided by labour, study, or otherwise, to set a steadfast and a sure order, for the security, and profit, continuanuce either of his possessions and dominions, or of his sequel and posterity, which after him shall naturally succeed: such is the blindness, of our frail and fragile nature, ever given to carnal concupiscence, and mundain delectation, daily obfuscate and seduced, with that lothargious, and deceiable serpent, called hope of long life, that all we put in oblivion, our duty present, and less remember the politic purveyance, for things to come: For blindly we walk in this frail life, till we fall grovelling with our eyes, suddenly upon death. The vanities of this world, be to us so agreeable, that when we begin to live, we esteem our life, a whole world, which once overpassed, it showeth no better but dust, driven a way with a puff of wind: I speak this to you of myself, and for yourselves to you, sore samenting▪ and inwardly bewailing, that I did not perform and finally consummate, such politic devices, and good and Godly ordinances, in my long life and paciffique prosperity, which, than I fully determined to have begun, set forward, and completly to have finished. Which, now for the extreme pains, and tortures of my angry malady, and for the small term of my natural life, I can neither perform, neither yet live to see, either to take effect, or to short to take any conclusion. For God I call to record, my heart was fully set, and my mind deliberately determined: so to have decorated this realm, with wholesome Laws, statutes, and ordinances, so to have educated and brought up mine enfantes and children, in virtue, learning, activity, and policy. That, what with their royal puissance, and your friendly assistance, the proudest Prince of Europe, durst not once attempt, to move any hostility, against them, you, or this realm: But o Lord, all things that I of long time, have in my mind revolved, and imagined, that stealing thief death, goeth about to subvert, and in the moment of an hour, clearly to suppeditate, wherefore (as men say) I now being driven to the very hard wall: having perfect confidence, and sure hope in the approbate fidelity, and constant integrity, which I have ever experimented, and known to be radicate and planted, in the hearts of your loving bodies, toward me and mine. So that I may say and avow, that never Prince bearing sceptre and Crown, over realms and regions, hath found or proved, more faithfuller counsellors, nor truer subjects, than I have done of you, nor never Potentate nor governor, put more affiance and trust, in his vassals and servants, than I, sith the adeption of the Crown, firmly have fixed, in your circumspect wisdoms, and sober discresions. Am now of very force compelled, lying in a dubious hope, between living and dying, between remembrance and oblivion, do require you and instantly move you, that as I have found you, faithful, obedient, and to all my requests and desires, (while I was here in health, conversant with you) diligent and intentive: So after my death, my hope is with a sure anchor grounded, and mine inward conceit undubitatly resolved, that the especial confidence, and inward fidelity, which, so long hath continued between us, being together living, shall not totally by my death, be extinct and vanished like smoke. For what availeth friendship in life, when trust deceiveth after death? What profiteth amity in apparent presence, when confidence is fraudulently beguiled in absence? What love groweth, by conjunction of Matrimony, if the offspring after do not agreed and concord? Or what profiteth Princes, to advance and promote their subjects, if after their death, the bountifulness by them showed, be of the receivers of the same and their sequel, neither regarded nor yet remembered? The parents make the marriage, for an indissoluble amity, Princes promote sometime for favour, sometime for desert, and sometime for pleasure: yet (if you will consider) the very prick, to the which all gifts of promotions, do finally tend it, is to have love, favour, faithful counsel, and diligent service, of such as be by them, promoted and exalted, not only in their own lives, being but brief and transitory: But also, that they and their progeny, calling to remembrance, the favour, estimation, and advancement, which, they of so liberal and munificent a prince had received and obtained: should with spear and shield, tongue and wit, hand and pen, continually study to defend, counsel and prefer not only him during his life, but also to serve, assist, and maintain his sequel, and lineal succession, as the very Images, and carnal portraitures, of his stirpe, line, and stemne, naturally descended. In this case am I, whom you know, not without ineffable trouble, and most dangerous wart, to have obtained the sceptre, and diadem of this realm and Empire, during which reign, I have had either little peace, or small tranquillity: And now when I thought myself, sure of a quiet life, and worldly rest, death hath blown his terrible trumpet, calling and summoning me (as I trust) to perpetual tranquillity, and eternal quietness: therefore now for the perfect, and unmovable confidence, that I have ever had in you, and for the unfeigned love, that you have ever showed unto me, I commend and deliver into your governance, both this noble realm, and my natural children, and your kinsmen. My children by your diligent oversight, and politic provision to be taught, informed, and instructed not only in the sciences liberal, virtuous moral and good literature: but also to be practised in tricks of martial activity, and diligent exercise of prudent policy: For I have hard clerks say, although I am unlettered, that fortunate is that Realm, where Philosophiers reign, or where kings be philosophers, and lovers of wisdom. In this tender age, you may writhe and turn them, into every form and fashion: If you bring them up in virtue, you shall have virtuous Princes: if you set them to learning, your governors shallbe men of knowledge, if you teach them activity, you shall have valiant captains, if they practise policy, you shall have both politic, and prudent rulers. On the other side, if by your negligence, they fall to vice (as youth is to all evil, prove and teady) not only their honour, but also your honesty, shallbe spotted and appalled: If they be slogardes and given to sloth, the public wealth of this realm, must shortly decay. If they be unlearned, they may by flattery soon be blinded, & by adulation often deceived. If they lack activity, every creature be he never so base of birth, shall foil and overthrow them, like dumb beasts and beastly dastards. Therefore I desire you, and in God's name adjure you, rather to study to make them rich, in Godly knowledge, and virtuous qualities, then to take pain to glorify them, with abundance of worldly treasure, and mundain superfluity. And certainly, when they come to maturity of age, and shall peradventure consider, that by your omission and negligent education, they have not such graces, nor are endued with such notable qualities, as they might have been, if you had performed the trust to you, by me committed: They shall not only deplore, and lament their ungarnished estate, and naked condition, but also it may fortune, that they shall conceive inwardly against you, such a negligent untruth, that the sequel thereof, may rather turn to displeasure then thank, and sooner to an ungratitude, then to a reward.  
My kingdom also, I leave in your governance, during the minority of my children, charging you on your honours, oaths, and fidelity, made and sworn to me, so indifferently to order and govern, the subjects of the same, both with justice and mercy, that the wills of malefactors, have not to large a scope, nor the hearts of the good people, by to much extremity, be neither sorofully daunted, nor unkindly kept under: O I am so sleepy, that I must make an end, and now before you all I commend my soul to almighty God, my saviour and redeemer: my body to the worms of the earth, my kingdom to the Prince my son, and to you my loving friends my heart, my trust, and my whole confidence. And even with that, he fell on sleep: After diverse such charitable monitions and exhortations (as the pangs and fits of his sickness would permit him) sometime to his nobility, sometime to his familiar friends, made and declared: His malady suddenly increased, and grew to so painful an extremity, that short death was sooner of him required, then longer life desired, wishing rather departing out of this world, then to abide the painful smart, of his dolorous pangs. Wherefore Attrapos having compassion, of his continual languishing, and daily agony, dirupted and broke the thread, of his natural life, the ix day of April, in the year of our Lord, M. CCCC.lxxxiii. and in the fifty year of his bodily age, when he had reigned over this Realm, more in trouble then perfect quietness xxii years, one month and eight days: whose corpse was with funeral pomp, according to the royal estate of a king, conveyed to the college of Winsore, to the which, he had been a great benefactor, and there on the right hand, of the high altar, princely interred and intumilate, whose death was asmuchelamented of his subjects, as his life desired. He begat of the Queen Elizabeth his wife, ten children, whereof he left living two sons, Edward Prince of Wales, and Richard duke of York, and a bastard son called Arthur, which, after was Uicount Lisle, and came to good proof: beside these he left five daughters, Elizabeth, Cicilie, Anne, Katherine, and Bridget: all these were married, except lady Bridget, which was a Nun professed.  
This king Edward was a man, of a goodly parsonage, of stature high, and exceeding all other in countenance, well-favoured and comely, of eye quick and pleasant, broad breasted, and well set, all other members down to his feet, kept just proportion with the bulk of his body: of wit he was quick and pregnant, of stomach st●●●e and bold, & of courage haute and high, of memory most perfect, and especially of such things, as he had travailed in, in great affairs & weighty causes quick and diligent, in perils and adventures bold and hardy, against his enemies, fierce and terrible, to his friends and to strangers bountiful and liberal, having in wars most prosperous luck, and happy success: From the pleasure of the body, to the which he was prove, & much given, he did much abstain and forbear, for which cause, and also for the great humanity and lowliness, that in him was by nature most abundantly engendered, he used himself among mean persons, more familiar, than his degree, dignity, or majesty required, which was the cause, that some suspected him, to have died of poison. And it was said, he that all the days of his life, had much used liberality, was toward his latter end, given to avarice and love of money. And although he found his kingdom, greatly impoverished, and almost empty, both of men of war and money, yet after that he had pacified, and finished the civil dissension, he left his realm, of all things rich and abundant. The spiritual promotions, he gave ever to the most famous and excellent Clerks, and men of the best living: Other of mean qualities, whom he much favoured, he did not prefer to great dignity and high promotions but with money rewarded them, which thing many Princes (regarding not their honours) do not consider nor observe: with all which notable virtues, he joined to him so surely the hearts of his people, that after his death, his life again was daily wished, and effecteously among his Subjects desired, but wishing served not, nor yet their desire took none effect.  
¶ The end of the prosperous reign of King Edward the fourth.    

The pitiful life of king Edward the .v.  
THE eternal God calling to his merci the noble prince King Edward the four of that name, 
This kings time with some part of king Richard the iii as shall a●●re b● anote made at that place, was written by sir Thomas Moore.  Edward his eldest son (prince of wales) began his reign the ninth day of April, in the year of our lord a thousand four hundred fourscore & three, and in the xxiij year of Lewes the leventhe than French king: Which young prince reigned a small space & little season over this realm, either in pleasure or liberty. For his uncle Richard duke of Gloucester, within three months deprived him not only of his crown and regalitee, but also unnaturally bereft him of his natural life: and for the declaration by what crafty engine he first attempted his ungracious purpose, & by what false colourable and untrue allegations he set forth openly his pretenced enterprise, and finally by what shameful, cruel and detestable act he performed the same: You must first consider of whom he and his brother dessended, their natures, conditions and inclinations, and then you shall easily perceive, that there could not be a more crueler tyrant appointed to achieve a more abominable enterprise.  
Their father was Richard Plantagenet duke of York, 
Richard plantagenent duke of York.  which began not by war, but by law to calenge the crown of England, putting his claim in the parliament, holden the thirty year of king Henry the sixth, where either for right or for favour, his cause was so set forth and advanced that the blood of the said king Henry, although he had a goodly son, was clearly abjected, and the crown of the realm (by authority of parliament) entailed to the duke of York and his heirs after the decease of the said king Henry the sixth. But the duke not intending so long too tarry, but minding under the pretext of dissension grown and arisen within the realm, and of covenants made in the parliament, not kept, but broken, to prevent the time and to take upon him the governance in king Henry's life, was by to much hardiness slain at the battle of wakefield, leaving behind him three sons, Edward, George, and Richard. All these three as they were great estates of birth, so were they great and stately of stomach, greedy of promotions, 
The three sons of Richard duke of York, described.  and impatient partevers of rule and authority.  
This Edward revenged his father's death and deposed king Henry the sixth, and attained the crown and sceptre of the realm.  
George duke of Clarence was a goodly and well feautered prince, in all things fortunate, if either his own ambition had not set him against his brother, or thenuy of his enemies had not set his brother against him: for were it by the queen or the nobles of her blood, which highly maligned the kings kindred (as women commonly, not of malice but of nature, hate such as their husbands love) or were it a proud appetitie of the duke himself, intending to be king, at the least wi●e, heinous treason was laid to his charge, and finally were he in fault or were he faultless, attainted was he by parliament and judged to death, and there upon hastily drowned in a butt of malmsey within the tower of London. 
George duke of Clarence drowned in a but of Malmesay.  Whose death king Edward (although he commanded it) when he wist it was done, piteously he bewailed and sorrowfully repented it.  
Richard duke of Gloucester the third son (of which I must most entreat) was in wit and courage equal with the other, but in beauty and lineaments of nature far underneath both, 
The description of Richard the iii  for he was little of stature evil featured of limnes, croak backed, the left shoulder much higher than the right, hard favoured of visage, such as in estates is called a warlike visage, and among comen persons a crabbed face. He was malicious, wrathful and envious, and as it is reported, his mother the duchess had much a do in her travail, that she could not be delivered of him uncut, and that he came into the world the feet forward, as men be borne outward, and as the fame ran, not untothed: whether that men of hatred reported above the truth, or that nature changed his course in his beginning, which in his life many things unnaturally committed, this I leave to God his judgement. He was none evil captain in war, as to the which, his disposition was more inclined too, then too peace. Sundry victories he had and some overthrows, but never for default of his own person, either for lack of hardiness or politic order. Free he was of his dispenses and somewhat above his power liberal, with large gifts he got him unsteadfast friendship: for which cause he was feign to borrow, pill and extort in other places, which got him steadfast hatred. He was close and secret, a deep dissimuler, lowly of countenance, arrogant of heart, outwardly familiar where he inwardly hated, not letting to kiss whom he thought to kill, dispiteous and cruel, not alway for evil will, but ofter for ambition and too serve his purpose, friend and foe were all indifferent, where his advantage grew, he spared no man's death whose life withstood his purpose. He slew in the tower king Henry the sixth, 
King Henry y● 〈◊〉 in the tow●r by Richard y● iii  saying: now is there no heir male of king Edward the third, but we of the house of York: which murder was done without king Edward his assent, which would have appointed that bocherly office too some other, rather than to his own brother.  
Some wise men also ween, that his drift lacked not in helping forth his own brother of Clarence to his death, which thing in all appearance he resisted, although he inwardly minded it. And the cause thereof was, as men noting his doings and proce●ynges did mark (because that he long in king Edward his time thought too obtain the crown in case that the king his brother, whose life he looked that evil diet would soon shorten) should happen to diseace, as he did in deed, his children being young. And then if the duke of Clarence had lived, his pretenced purpose had been far hindered: For if the duke of Clarence had kept himself true to his nephew the young king, or would have taken upon him too be king, every one of these casts had been a troumpe in the duke of Gloucesters' way: but when he was sure that his brother of Clarence was dead, than he knew that he might work without that jeopardy. But of these points there is no certainty▪ and whosoever divineth or conjectureth, may as well shoot to far as to short, but this conjecture afterward took place (as few do) as you shall perceive hereafter.  
But afore I declare too you how this Richard duke of Gloucester began his mischievous imagined and pretenced enterprise as apparently shallbe opened, I must a little put you in remembrance of a loving & charitable act, no less profitable than amicable to the whole commonalty, if it had been so inwardly thought as it was ontwardly dissimuled which king Edward did, lying on his death bed not long before he died. For in his life, although that the division amongst his friends somewhat grieved and irked him, yet in his health he less regarded & took heed to it, by reason that he thought that he was able in all things to rule both parties, were they never so obstinate: But in his last sickness (which continued longer than false and fantastical tales have untruly and falsely surmised, as I myself that wrote this pamphlet truly knew) when he perceived his natural strength was go, and hoped little of recovery by the arts of all his phicisians which he perceived only to prolong his life. Then he began to consider the youth of his children, how be it, he nothing less mistrusted than that that happened, yet he wisely foreseeing and considering that many harms might ensue by the debate of his nobles while the youth of his children should lack discretion and good counsel of their friends, for he knew well that every part would work for their own commodity, and rather by pleasant advise to win themselves favour, then by profitable adnertisment too do the children good: wherefore lying on his death bed at Westminster, he called to him such lords as then were about him, whom he knew to be at variance, in especial the lord Marques Dorset son to the queen, and the lord Hastynges, against whom the queen especially grudged for the favour that the king bore him, and also she thought him familiar with the king in wanton company: her kin bore him sore, aswell for that the king made him captain of Caleis, which office the lord rivers brother to the queen claimed of the king his former promise, as of diverse other gifts which he received that they looked for. And when these lords with diverse other of both parties were come unto the king his presence, he caused himself to be raised up with pillows, & as I can guess, said thus or much like in sentence to them.  
My lords, 
An exhortation of king Edward the four in his death head.  my dear kinsmen and allies, in what plight I now lie you see, and I perfectly feel, by the which I look the less while to live with you, therefore the more deeply I am moved to care in what case I leave you, for such as I leave you, such are my children like to find you, which if they should found at variance (as God forbidden) they theim selfes might hap to fall at war or their discretion would serve to set you at peace: you see their youth, of which I reckon the only surety to to rest in your concord. For it sufficeth not all you too love them, if each of you hate other: if they were men your faithfulness might hap to suffice, but childhod must be maintained by men's authority, and slipper youth under prompted with elder counsel, which they can never have except you give it, nor you give it, except you agreed, for where each laboureth too break that the other maketh, and for hatred each impugneth others counsel: there must needs be a long tract or any good conclusion can forward. And farther, while each party laboureth too be chief flatterer, adulation shall then have more place▪ than plain and faithful advise, of which must needs ensue the evil bringing up of the prince whose mind in tender youth infect shall re●ely fall to mischief and riot and draw down this noble realm to ruin: But if grace turn him to wisdom (which God sand him) than they which by evil means pleased him best, shall after fall farthest out of favour, so that at the length evil drifts drive to nought, and good plain ways prosper and flourish. Great variance hath been between you, not always for great causes: Some time a thing right well intended and misconstured hath been turned to the worse, or a small displeasure done to you, either by your own affection, either by instigation of evil tongues hath been sore aggravate. But this I wot well▪ you had never so great cause of hatred as you have of love, because we be all men and that we be all Christian men.  
This I will leave to preachers to tell you, and yet I wot not whether any preachers words aught more too move you, than I that is going by and by to the place that they all preach of. But this shall I desire you to remember, that the one part of you being of my blood, the other of my allies▪ and each of you with other either of kindred or affinity which is the very spiritual affinity and kindred in Christ, as all partakers of the sacraments of Christ his church. The weight of which consanguinity if we did bear as would to god we did, then should we more be moved to spiritual charity then to fleshly consanguinitee. Our Lord forbidden that you love the worse together for the self same cause that you ought to love the better, and yet that often happeneth, for no where find we so● deadly debate as amongst them which by nature and law most aught to agree together. Such a serpent is ambition and desire of vainglory and sovereignty, which amongst estates when he is once entered he creepeth forth so far, till with division and variance he turneth all to mischief. first longing to be next to the best, afterward equal with the best, and at the last chief and above the best. Of which immoderate appetite of worship and the debate and dissension that grew there by, what loss, what sorrow, what trouble hath within these few years grown within this realm, I pray God as well to forget as we well remember, which thing if I could as well have foreseen as I have with my more pain than pleasure proved, by God his blessed lady (that was his common oath) I would never have won the courtesies of men's knees with the loss of so many heads. But sith things passed cannot be called again, much more aught we to be ware, by what occasion we have taken so great hurt before, that we eftsoons fall not into that occasion again. Now be these griefs passed and all is quiet, thanked be God, and likely well too prosper in welthfull peace, under your cousins my children, if God send them life, and you love and concord. Of which two things, the less loss were they by whom although God did his pleasure, yet should this realm always find kings, and peradventure as good kings as they. But if you amongst yourselves in a chyldes' reign fall at debate, many a good man shall innocently perish, and happily he and you also, or this land find peace and quiet again: wherefore in these last words that ever I look to speak to you, I exhort and require you all, for the love that you have borne to me, and for the love that I have borne to you, and for the love that our Lord beareth to us all: From this time forward all griefs forgotten, each of you love other, which I verily trust you will, if you any thing regard God or your kings affinity or kindred, this realm, your own conntree, or your own surety & wealth. And there with all, the king for fayntenesse no longer enduring too sit up, laid him down on his right side, his face toward them. And there was none present that could forbear weeping, but the Lords comforting him with as good words as they could, and answering for the time, as they thought should stand with his pleasure. And there in his presence (as by their words appeared) each forgave other, and joined their hands together, when as it after appeared by their deeds their hearts were far asunder. And so within a few days, this noble prince diseased at Westminster the ninth day of April, in the year of our lord. M. cccc.lxxxiii. after that he had reigned xxii years one month and eight days, and was with great funeral pomp conveyed to Windsor, leaving behind him two sons, Edward the prince (of whom this story entreateth) a child of xiii years of age, Richard duke of York two years younger than the prince, & five daughters, Elizabeth, which by God his grace was married to king Henry the seventh and mother to King Henry the eight, Cicile not so fortunate as fair, first wedded to the viscount Welles, after to one Cows and lived not in great wealth, Bridget professed herself a close Nun at Zion, Anne was married to lord Thomas Hauwarde after earl of Surrey and duke of Norfolk, Katherine the youngest daughter was married to lord William Courtney, son to th'earl of Devonshire, which long time tossed in either fortune, sometime in wealth, after in adversity, till the benignity of her nephew king Henry the eight brought her into a sure estate according to her degree and progeny.  
This king Edward was such a prince of governance and behaviour in the time of peace (for in the time of war each must be others enemy) thither was never any king in this realm attaining the crown by war and battle, 
The description of king Edward the 〈◊〉.  so heartily beloved with the more substance of his people, nor he himself so specially favoured in any part of his life, as at the time of his death: which favour and affcction yet after his death, by the cruelty, mischief and trouble of the tempestuous world that followed, highly towards him more increased. At such time as he died, the displeasure of those that bore him grudge for king Henry the sixth sake (whom he deposed) was well assuaged and in effect quenched within the space of xxii years, which is a great part of a man's life, and some were reconciled and grown into his favour, of the which he was never strange, when it was with true heart demanded. He was goodly of parsonage and princely to behold, of heart courageous, politic in counsel, and in adversity nothing abashed, in prosperity rather joyful then proud, in p●ace just and merciful, in war sharp and fierce, in the field bold and hardy, and yet nevertheless no s●rther, than reason and policy would adventure, whose wars whosoever circumspectly and advisedly considereth he shall no less commend his wisdom and policy where he avoided them, than his manhood where he vanquished them. He was of visage full faced & lovely, of body mighty, strong and clean made: with over liberal and wanton diet, he waxed somewhat corpulent and burly, but nevertheless not uncomely.  
He was in youth greatly given to fleshly wantonness, from the which health o● body in great prosperity and fortune without an especial gracehardely refraineth. This fault little grieved his people, for neither could any one man's pleasure stretch or extend to the displeasure of very many nor a multitude be grieved by a private man's fantasy or voluptuous, when it was done without violence. And in his latter days he left all wild dalliance, & fell to gravitce, so that he brought his realm into a wealthy and prosperous estate, all fear of outward enemies were clearly extinguished, and no war was in hand nor none toward, but such as no man looked for. The people were toward their prince not in a constrained fear, but in a true loving and wilful obedience amongst themself, and the commons were in good peace. The lords whom he knew at variance, he in his death bed (as he thought) brought too good concord, love and amity. And a little before his death, he had left gathering of money of his subjects, which is the only thing that draweth the hearts of English men from their kings and princes: nor nothing he either enterprised nor took in hand, by the which he should be driven there unto. For his tribute out of France he had a little before recovered and obtained. And the year before he died, he recovered again the town of Berwick against the king of Scots. And albeit that all the time of his reign, he was so benign courteous and familiar, that no part of his virtues was esteemed more than those high humilitees: Yet that condition in th'end of his last days decayed not, in the which many princes by a long continued soveraingtee, decline to a proud port and behaviour from their conditions accustomed at their beginning. Yet lowliness and gentleness so far forth in him increased that the summer before he died, he being at the havering at the bower, sent for the maire and aldermen of London thither only to hunt & make pastime, where he made them not so herty but so familiar and friendly cheer, and sent also to their wives such plenty of venison, that no one thing in many days before got him either more hearts or more hearty favour amongst the common people, which often times more esteem and take for great kindness a little courtesy than a great profit or benefit.  
And so this noble prince deceased, as you have heard in that time when his life was most desired, and when his people most desired to keep him: Which love of his people and their entire affection toward him, had been to his noble children (having in themselves also as many gifts of nature, as many princely virtues, as much good towardness as their age could receive) a merucilous fortress and a sure armour, if the division and dissension of their friends had not unarmed them and left them destitute, and the execrable desire of sovereignty provoked him to their destruction, which if either kind or kindness had holden place must needs have been their chief defence. For Richard duke of Gloucester, by nature their uncle, by office their protector, to their father greatly beholden and too them by oath and allegiance bounden, all the bands broken and violated which bind man and man together, without any respect of God or the world, unnaturally contrived too bereave them, not only of their dignity and pre-eminence, but also of their natural lives and worldly felicity.  
And first to show you that by conjecture he pretended this thing in his brother's life, ye shall understand for a truth that the same night that king Edward died, one called Mistelbrooke, long ere the day sprung, came to the house of one Pottier dwelling in Redcrosse street without cripple gate of London, & when he was with hasty rapping quickly let in, the said Mistlebroke showed unto Pottier that king Edward was that night deceased: by my truth quoth Pottier, then will my master the duke of Gloucester be king and that I warrant thee. What cause he had so too think, hard it is to say, whether he being his servant knew any such thing pretenced or otherwise had any ynkeling thereof but of all likelihod he spoke it not of nought.  
But now too return to the true history, were it that the duke of Gloucester had of old sore practised this conclusion, or was before time moved there unto and put in hope by the tender age of the young princes his nephews, as opportunity and likely of speed putteth a man in courage of that that he never intended. Certain it is, that he being in the north parties for the good governance of the country, being advertised of his brother's death contrived the destruction of his nephews with the usurpation of the royal dignity and crown. And for asmuch as he well wist, and had holp to maintain, a long continued grudge and heart burning between the queens kindred and the kings blood, either part envying others authority, he now thought, as it was in deed, a furtherly beginning to the pursuit of his intent, and a sure ground and situation of his unnatural building, if he might under the pretence of revenging of old displeasures, abuse the ignorance and anger of the one party too the destruction of the other, and then to win to his purpose as many as he could: and such as could not be won, might be lost or they looked therefore. But of one thing he was certain, that if his intent were once perceived, he hold have made peace between both parties with his own blood: but all his intent he kept secret till he knew his friends, of the which Henry the duke of Buckyngham was the first that sent to him after his brother's death a trusty servant of his called Persivall to the city of York, where the duke of Gloucester kept the king his brother's funerals. This Persivall came to John Warde a secret chamberer to the duke of Gloucester, desiring that he in close and covert manner might speak with the duke his master: where upon in the dead of the night, the duke sent for Persivall (all other being avoided) which showed to the duke of Gloucester that the duke of Buckyngham his master in this new world would take such part as he would, and would farther wait upon him with a thousand good fellows if need were.  
The duke sent back the messenger with great thanks and diverse privy instructions by mouth, which Persivall did somuch by his travail that he came to the duke of Buckyngham his master into the marches of Wales, and eftsoons with new instructions met with the duke of Gloucester at Notyngham, which was come out of the Northecountree with many knights and gentlemen to the numbered of six hundred horse and more, in his journey toward London. And after secret meeting and communication had between him and the duke of Gloucester, he returned with such speed that he brought the duke of Buckyngham his master too meet with the duke of Gloucester not far from Northampton with three hundred horses, and so they two came together too Northampton where they first began their unhappy enterprise, and so the duke of Buckyngham continued still with the duke of Gloucester till he was crowned king, as ye shall plainly perceive hereafter.  
The young king at the death of his father kept household at Ludlowe, for his father had sent him thither for justice too be done in the Marches of Wales, too the end that by the authority of his presence, the wild Welshemennes and evil disposed persons should refrain from their accustomed murders and outrages. The governance of this young Prince was committed too lord Antony Wooduile earl Rivers and lord Scales, brother to the queen, a wise, hardy and honourable parsonage, as valiant of hands as politic of counsel, and with him were associate other of the same party, and in effect every one as he was nearer of kin unto the queen, so was he planted next about the prince. That drift by the queen seemed too be devised, whereby her blood might of right in tender youth be so planted in the prince's favour, that afterward it should hardly be eradicated out of the same.  
The duke of Gloucester turned all this to their destruction, and upon that ground set the foundation of his unhappy building: For whom soever he perceived too be at variance with them, or to bear toward himself any favour, he broke unto them, some by mouth, some by writing and secret messengers, that it was neither reason nor yet to be suffered that the young king their master and kinsman should be in the hands and custody of his mother's kyntede, sequestered in manner from their company and attendance, of which every one ought him as faithful service as they, and many of them of far more honourable part of kin than his mother's side, whose blood quoth the duke of Gloucester saving the king his pleasure was far unmeet to be matched with his, which now to be removed from the king and the least noble to be left about him, is quoth he neither honourable to his majesty nor too us, and also too him less surety, to have the nobles and mightiest of his friends from him, & to us all no little jeopardy to suffer, and specially our well proved evil willers too grow into great authority with the king in youth, namely which is light of belief and soon persuaded.  
You remember that king Edward himself, albeit he was both of age and discretion, yet was he ruled in many things by that bend, more than stood either with his honour or our profit, or with the commodity of any man else, except only the immoderate advancement of them selves, which whether they thirsted sore after their own weal or not, it were hard I think to guess. And if some folks frendeshipe had not holden better place with the king than any respect of kindred, they might, peradventure, easily have trapped and brought to confusion some of us or this: and why not as easily as they have done other or this as near of the blood royal, but our lord hath wrought his will, and thanked be his grace that peril is passed: howbeit as great is growing if we suffer this young king in his enemy's hands, which without his witting might abuse the name of his commandment to any of our undoing, which things god and good provision forbidden, of which good provision none of us hath any thing the less need for the late atonement made, in which the king his pleasure had more place than the parties hearts or wills, nor none of us is so unwise or somuch overseen as to trust a newefrend made of an old foo, or to think that any only kindness so suddenly contracted in an hour, continued scantly yet a fortnight, should be deeper set in our stomachs, than a long accustomed malice many years rooted.  
With these persuasions and writings, the duke of Gloucester set a fire them which were easy to kindle, and in especial twain, Henry duke of Buckyngham, and William lord Hastynges, and lord Chamberlain, both men of honour and of great power, the one by long succession from his ancestors, tother by his offices and the king his favour. These two not bearing each to other so much love, as hatred both to the queens blood, acc●roed together with the duke of Gloucester that they would remove from the king all his mother's friends, under the name of their enemies.  
Where upon the duke of Gloucester being advertised that the lords about the king intended to bring him too London too his coronation, accompaigned with such a number of their friends that it should be hard ●or him too bring his purpose to pass without the assembling and gathering of people & in manner of open war, whereof the end he wist was doubtful, and in the which the king being on the other side his part should have the name and face of rebellion.  
He secretly therefore by diverse means caused the queen to be persuaded that it was neither need & should also be ieoperdeous for the king to come up so strong, for as now▪ every lord loved other and none other thing studied for, but the triumph of his coronation & honour of the king. And the lords about the king, should assemble in the kings names much people, they should give the lords betwixt whom & them there had been some time bebate an occasion to fear and suspect lest they should gather this people, not for the kings save guard, whom no man impugned, but for their destruction, having more regard to their old variance then to their new atonement, for the which cause they on the other part might assemble men also for their defence, whose powers she wist well far ●●retched, and thus should all the realm fall in a roar, & of the mischief that thereof should ensue (which was likely to be not a little the most harm was like to fall where she lest would, & then all the world would put her & her kindred in the blame, saying that they had unwisely and untruly broken the amity and peace which the king her husband had so prudently made between her kindred and his, which amity his kin had always observed.  
The queen being thus persuaded, sent word to the king and to her brother, that there was no cause nor need to assemble any people, & also the duke of Gloucester and other lords of his bend, wrote unto the king so reverently and to the queens friends there so lovingly, that they nothing earthly mistrusting, brought the young king toward London with a sober company in great haste (but not in good speed) till he came to Northampton, and from thence he removed to Stony stratford. On which day, the two dukes and their bend came to Northampton, feigning that Stony stratford could not lodge them all, where they found the earl Rivers, intending the next morning to have followed the king, and to be with him early in the morning. So that night, the dukes made to the earl Rivers friendly cheer, but assoon as they were departed very familiar with great courtesy in open sight & th'earl Rivers lodged: the two dukes with a few of their privy friends fell to council, wherein they spent a great part of the night, and in the dawning of the day they sent about privily to their servants in their lodgings to haste to horseback for their lords were in manner ready to ride, whereupon all their servants were ready or the lord Rivers servants were awake. Now had the dukes taken the keys of the in into their possession, so that none should issue out without their consent. And over this in the high way toward Stony stratford, they set certain of their folks that should 'cause and compel to return again all persons that were passing from Northampton to Stony stratforde, saying that the duke's themselves would be the first that should come to the king from Northampton: thus they bore folks in hand. But when the earl Rivers understood the gates closed and the ways on every side beset, neither his servants, neither himself suffered to go out, perceiving so great a thing without his knowledge, not begun for nought, comparing this present doing with the last nights cheer, in so few hours so great a change, marvelously misliked it. Howbeit, sith he could not get away▪ he determined not to keep himself close, lest he should seem to hide himself for some secret fear of his own fault, whereof he saw no such cause in himself, wherefore on the surety of his own conscience he determined to go to them and to inquire what this matter might mean: Whom assoon as they saw, they began to quarrel with him, affirming that he pretended to set distance between the king and them to bring them to confusion, which should not lie in his power, and when he began as he was an eloquent and well spoken man in goodlywyse to excuse himself, they would not hear his answer but took him by force and put him in ward. And then they mounted on horseback and came in haste to Stony stratforde, where the king was going to horseback, because he would leave the lodging for them, for it was to strait for both the compaignies. And when they came to his presence they alighted and their company about them, and on their knees saluted him, and he them gently received, nothing earthly knowing ner mistrusting as yet. The duke of Buckyngham said aloud, on afore gentlemen, and yeomen keep your rooms, and therewith in the kings presence they picked a quarrel to the lord Richard Grey the queens son, and brother to the lord Marques & half brother to the king saying, that he and the Marquis his brother and the lord Rivers his uncle had compassed to rule the king and the realm and set variance between th'estates, & to subdue and destroy the noble blood of the realm. And toward thacomplishement of the same, they said, the lord Marques had entered into the tower of London, and thence had taken out treasure and sent men to the sea, which things these dukes knew well were done for a good purpose and as very necessary, appointed by the whole counsel at London, but somewhat they must say: unto the which words the king answered, what my brother Marquis hath done I cannot say, but in good faith I dare well answer for mine uncle Rivers and my brother here, that they be innocent of such mat●ers. Ye my liege quoth the duke of Buckyngham, they have kept the dealing of these matters far from the knowledge of your good grace. And forthwith they arrested the lord Richard and sir Thomas Uaugham & sir Richard Hawte knights, in the kings presence, & brought the king and all back to Northampton, where they took further counsel in their affairs. And there they sent from the king whom it pleased them, & set about him such servants as better pleased them then him. At which dealing he wept and was not content, but it booted not. And at dinner, the duke of Gloucester sent a dish from his own table to the lord Rivers, praying him to be of good cheer and all should be well, he thanked him & prayed the messenger to bear it to his nephiewe the lord Richard with like words, whom he knew to have need of comfort, as one to whom such adversity was strange, but he himself had been all his days ennured therewith, and therefore could bear it the better. But for all this message, the duke of Gloucester sent the lord Rivers, the lord Richard and sir Thomas Uaugham and sir Richard Hawte into the Northparties into diverse prisons, but at last, all came to Pounfret where they all four were beheaded without judgement.  
In this manner as you have hard, the duke of Gloucester took on him the governance of the young king, whom with much reverence he conu●ied towards London. These tidings came hastily to the queen before mydnighte, by a very sore report that the king her son was taken and that her brother and her other son and other her friends were arrested and sent, no man wist whether. With this heavy tidings the queen bewailed her chyldes' ruin, her friends mischance, and her own infortune, curffing the time that ever she was persuaded to leave the gathering of people to bring up the king with a great power, but that was passed, and therefore now she took her younger son the duke of York and her daughters and went out of the palace of Westminster into the sanctuary, and there lodged in the abbots place, and she and all her children and company were registered for sanctuary persons. The same night there came to doctor Rotheram archbishop of York and lord chancellor, a messenger from the lord Chambrelayne to York place beside Westminster: the messenger was brought to the bishops bedsyde and declared to him that the dukes were go back with the young king to Northampton, and declared further▪ that the lord Hastynges his master sent him word that he should fear nothing for all should be well. (Well quoth the archbishop) be it as well as it will, it will never be so well as we have seen it, and then the messenger departed. Whereupon the bishop called up all his servants and took with him the great seal and came before day to the queen, about whom he round much heaviness, rumble, haste, business, conveyance and carriage of her stuff into sanctuary, every man was busy to carry, bear and convey stuff, chests & farthels, no man was unoccupied, and some carried more than they were commanded to another place.  
The queen sat alone below on the rushes all desolate & dismayed, whom the archbishop comforted in the best manner that he could, showing her that the matter was nothing so sore as she took it for, and that he was put in good hope and out of fear by the message sent to him from the lord Hastynges. A woe worth him quoth the queen, for it is he that goeth about to destroy me and my blood. Madame quod he be of good comfort and I assure you, if they crown any other king than your son whom they now have, we shall on the morrow crown his brother whom you have here with you. And here is the great seal▪ which in likewise as your noble husband delivered it to me, so I deliver it to you to the use of your son and therewith delivered her the great seal, and departed home in the dawning of the day. And when he opened his windows and looked on the Temies, he might see the river full of boats, of the duke of Gloucester his servants watching, that no person should go to sanctuary, ner none should pass unserched.  
Then was there great rumour and commotion in the city and in other places, the people diversely divined upon this dealing. And diverse lords, knights and gentlemen, either for favoute of the queen or for fear of themselves, assembled companies and went flocking together in harneys. And many also, for that they recompted this demeanour attempted, not so specially against other lords as against the king himself in the disturbance of his coronation, therefore they assembled by and by together to common of this matter at London.  
The archbishop of York fearing that it would be ascribed (as it was in deed) to overmuch lightness, that he so suddenly had yielded up the great seal to the queen, to whom the custody thereof nothing apperteigned without especial commandment of the king, secretly sent for the seal again and brought it with him after the accustomed manner to meet with the lords.  
At this meeting, the lord Hastynges, whose truth toward the king no man doubted nor needed not to doubt, persuaded the lords to believe, that the duke of Gloucester was faithful and sure towards his prince, and that the lord Rivers, the lord Richard and other knights apprehended, were for matters attempted by them against the dukes of Gloucester and Buckyngham put under arrest, for their surety, and not for the kings jeopardy, and that they were also in safeguard there to remain till the matter were (not by the dukes only) but also by all the other lords of the kings council indifferently examined, and by their discretions ordered and either judged or appeased. And one thing he avised them to beware of, that they judged not the matter to farfurthe or they knew the truth, nor turning their private grudges into the common hurt, irriting and provoking men unto anger, and disturbing the kings coronation, toward which the dukes were coming, for that, than might peradventure bring the matter so far out of joint, that it should never be brought in frame again, which if it should hap as it were likely to come to a field, though all parties were in all other things equal, yet should the authorytee be on that side, where the king is himself, with these persuasions of the lord Hastynges, whereof part he himself believed, and of part he wist well the contrary, these commotions were some what appeased. But in especial, because the dukes of Buckyngham and Gloucester were so near and came on so shortly with the king, in none other manner, nor none other voice or sembleaunce then to his coronation▪ causing the fame to be blown about that such persons as were apprehended had contrived the destruction of the dukes of Gloucester and of Buckyngham and other of the noble blood of this realm, to the intent that they alone would rule and govern the king. And for the colour thereof, such of the duke's servants as road with the carts of their stuff which were taken, among the which stuff no marvel though some were harness which at the breaking up of such an household must be brought away or cast away, they showed to the people, and as they went, said: lo, here be the barrels of harness that these traitors had privily conveyed in their carriages to destroy the noble lords withal. This diverse, (although it made the matter to wise men more unlikely) well perceiving that thintenders of such a purpose would rather have had their harness on their backs, then to have bound them up in barrels, yet much part of the common people were therewith right well satisfied.  
When the king approached near the city, 
〈…〉 of London.  Edmonde shaw Goldesmythe then Mayre of the city with the Aldermennes and shreves in scarlet, and five hundredth commoners in murray received his grace reverently at Harnesay Park, and so conveyed him to the city, where he entered the fourth day of May, in the first and last year of his reign, and was lodged in the bishop of London's palace: but the duke of Gloucester bore him in open sight so reverently, saying to all men as he road, behold your prince and sovereign lord, and made such sembleaunce of lowliness to his prince, that from the great obloquy that he was in so late before he was suddenly fallen in so great trust that at the council next assembled, he was made the only chief ruler, and thought most meet to be protector of the king and his realm: so that, were it destiny or were it folly, the lamb was betaken to the wolf to keep. At which council the archbishop of York was sore blamed for delivering the great seal to the queen, and the seal taken from him and delivered to doctor john Russel bishop of Lyncolne, a wise man and a good and of much experience, and diverse lords and knights were appointed to diverse rooms, the lord chamberlain and some other kept the rooms that they were in before, but not many.  
Now were it so that the protector (which always you must take for the duke of Gloucester) sore thrusted for the acheving of his pretenced enterprise and thought every day a year till it were performed, yet durst he no further attempt as long as he had but half his prey in his hand, well witting that if he deposed the one brother, all the realm would fall to the other, if he remained either in sanctuary or should happily be shortly conveyed to his father's liberty. Wherefore incontinent at the next meeting of the lords in council, he purposed to them that it was an heinous thing of the queen, and proceeding of great malice toward the kings counsellors that she should keep the kings brother in sanctuary from him whose special pleasure and comfort were to have his brother with him, and that to be done by her to none other intent, but to bring all the lords in an obloquy and murmur of the people, as though they were not to be trusted with the kings brother, which lords were by the whole assent of the nobles of the realm appointed as the kings near friends to the tuytion of his royal person, the prosperity whereof (quoth he) standeth not alonely in keeping from enemies and evil dyate, but partly also in recreation & moderate pleasure, which he cannot take in his tender youth in the company of old and ancient persons, but in the familiar conversation of those that be not far under nor far above his age, and nevertheless, of estate convenient to accompany his majesty, wherefore with whom rather then with his own brother? and if any man think this consideration light (I think no man so thinketh that loveth the king) let him consider that sometime without small things, greater cannot stand, and verily it redouneth greatly to the dishonour of the kings highness and of all us that be about his grace to have it come in any man's mouth, not in this realm only, but also in other lands (as evil words walk far) that the kings brother should be fain to keep sanctuary. For every man will judge that no man will so do for naught, and such opinions fastened in men's hearts be hard to be wrested out, and may grow to more griete than any man here can divine. Wherefore me thinketh it were not the worst to sand to the queen some honourable and trusty parsonage, such as ten der the kings weal and the honour of his council, and is also in credit and favour with her: for which considerations none femeth more meetly to me then the reverend father my lord Cardinal archbishop of Cauntorbury, who may in this matter do most good of all men if it please him to take the pain, which I doubt not of his goodness he will not refuse for the kings sake and ours and wealth of the young duke himself the kings most honourable brother, and for the comfort of my sovereign lord himself my most dearest nephiewe, considering that thereby shallbe ceased the ●launderous rumore and obloquy now going abroad, and the hurts avoided that thereof might ensue, and then must rest and quietness grow to all the realm. And if she percase be so obstinate and so precisely set in her own will and opinion, that neither his wise and faithful advertisement can move her, nor any man's reason satisfy her, then shall we by mine advice by the kings authorytee fetch him out of that prison and bring him to his noble presence, in whose continual company he shallbe so well cherished and so honourably entreated that all the world shall to our honour and her reproach perceive that it was only malice, frowardness and folly, that caused her to keep him there. This is my mind for this time, except that any of you my lords any thing perceive to the contrari, for never shall I by God's grace so wed myself unto mine own will, but I shallbe ready to change it upon your better advices.  
When the Protector had said, all the council affirmed that the motion was good and reasonable, and to the king and the duke his brother honourable, and a thing that should cease great murmur in the realm, if the mother might by good means be induced to deliver him: which thing the archbishop of Cauntorburye, whom they all agreed also to be most convenient thereunto, took upon him to move her, and thereto to do his uttermost endeavour. Howbeit if she could in no wise be entreated with her good will to deliver him, than thought he and such of the spirituality as were present, that it were not in any wise too be attempted to take him out against her will, for it would be a thing that should turn to the grudge of all men and high displeasure of God, if the privilege of that place should be broken which had so many years been kept, which both Kings and Popes had granted and confirmed, which ground was sanctified by Saint Peter himself more than five hundredth years agone. And sith that time, was never so undevout a king that ever enterprised that sacred privilege to violate, nor so holy a bishop that durst presume the church of the same to consecrated: and therefore quoth the archbishop, God forbid that any man should for any earthly enterprise break the immunyte and liberty of that sacred sanctuary that hath been the safeguard of so many a good man's life, but I trust quoth he, we shall not need it, but for any manner of need I would we should not do it, I trust that she with reason shallbe contented and all thing in good manner obtained. And if it hap that I bring it not to pass, yet shall I further it to my best power, so that you all shall perceive my good will, diligence, and endeavour: But the mother's dread and womanish fear shallbe the let if any be.  
Nay womanish frowardness quoth the duke of Buckyngham, for I dare take it on my soul that she well knoweth that she needeth no such thing to fear, either for her son or for herself. For as for her, here is no man that will be at war with women, would God some men of her kin were women to, and then should all be soon in rest. Howbeit, there is none of her kin the less loved for that they be of her kin, but for their own evil deserving. And put the case that we neither loved her nor her kin, yet there were no cause why we should hate the kings noble brother to whose grace we ourselves be kin, whose honour if she desired as our dishonour, and as much regard took to his wealth as to her own will, she could be as loath to suffer him to be absent from the king as any of us, if she had any wit, as would God she had as good will as she hath froward wit. For she thinketh herself no wiser than some that are here, of whose faithful minds she nothing doubteth, but verily believeth and knowledgeth that they would be as sorry of his harm as her own self, and yet they would have him from her if she abide there.  
And we all I think be content that both her children be with her if she came from thence and abide in such place where they may be with their honour. Now if she refuse in the deliverance of him to follow the wisdom of them, whose wisdom she knoweth, whose approbate fidelity she well trusteth: it is easy to percewe that frowardness letteth her, and not fear. But go to, suppose that she feareth (as who may let her to fear her own shadow) the more we ought to fear to leave him in her hands, for if she cast such fond doubts that she fear his hurt, then will she fear that he shall be fet thence, for she will soon think that if men were set (which God forbid on so great a mischief) the sanctuary will little let them, which sanctuary good men as me thinketh might without sin, somewhat less regard than they do. Now then, if she doubt lest he might be fetched from her, is it not likely that she will send him somewhere out of the realm? verily I look for none other. And I doubt not but she now as sore mindeth it, as we mind the set thereof: And if she might hap to bring that purpose to pass, as it were no great mastery to do, we letting her alone, all the world would say that we were a sort of wise counsaillers about a king to let his brother to be ●ast away under our noses. And therefore I ensure you faithfully, for my mind, I will rather maugre her stomach fetch him away, then leave him there till her fear or fond froward fear convey him away, 
Of sanctuaries  and yet will I break no sanctuary, for verily sith the privilege of that place and other of that sort have so long continued I would not go about to break it, but if they were now to begin I would not be he that should make them: yet will not I say nay, but it is a deed of pity that such men as the chance of the sea, or their evil debtor have brought into poverty, should have some place of refuge to keep in their bodies out of the danger of their cruel creditors. And if it fortune the crown to come in question as it hath done before this time while each part taketh other for traitors, I think it necessary to have a place or refuge for both: But as for thieves and murderers, whereof these places be full, and which never fall from their craft after they once fall thereunto, it is pity that ever Sanctuary should serve them, and in especial wilful murderers, whom God commandeth to be taken from the altar and to be put to death. And where it is otherwise then in these cases, there is no need of sainctuaries, appointed by God in the old law. For if necessity of his own defence or misfortune drived him to that deed, than a pardon serveth him, which either is granted of course, or the king of pity and compassion giveth. Now look how few sanctuary men there be whom necessity or misfortune compelled to go thither? And then see on the other side, what a sort there be commonely therein of such, whom wilful unthrittynes hath brought to nought? what a rabble of thieves, murderers and malicious heinous traitors be▪ and that in two places specially, the one at the elbow of the city, and the other in the very bowels. I dare well a vow it, if you weigh the good that they do▪ with the hurt that cometh of them, ye shall find it much better to lose both then to have both. And this I say, although they were not abused (as they now be and so long have been) that I fear me ever they will be while men be afeard to set to their hands to the amendment, as though God and saint Peter were the patrons of ungracious living. Now unthrifts riot and run in debt upon boldness of these places, yea, and rich men run thither with poor men's goods, there they build, there they spend and bid their creditors go whystle. Man's wives run thither with their husbands plate, and say they dare not abide with their husbands for beating, thieves bring thither stolen goods and live thereon. There devise they new robberies nightely and steal out and rob, rive, and kill men and come again into those places, as though those places gave them not only a safeguard for the harm that they have done, but a licence also to do more mischief: howbeit, much of this great abusion, (if wise men would set their hands there unto) might be amended, with great thanks of God and no breach of the privilege. The conclusion is, sith it is so long a go I wot not what pope and what prince, more piteous than politic, hath granted it, and other men sense of a religious fear have not broken it, let us take a pain with it, and let it stand a Gods name in his force, as far forth as reason will, which is not so farfurthe as may serve too let us of the fetching forth of this noble man to his honour and wealth out of that place in the which he neither is nor can be a sanctuary or privileged man. A sanctnarye ever sernethe too defend the body of that man that standeth in danger abroad, not of great hurt only, but of lawful hurt: for against unlawful hurts and harms no pope ner king intended too privilege any one place wherein it is lawful for one man to do another man wrong. That no man unlawfully take hurt that liberty the king, the law and very nature fordiddeth in every place and maketh too that regard for every man every place a sanctuary but where a man is by lawful means in peril, there needeth he the tuition of some special privilege, which is the only ground of all sanctuaries, from which necessity this noble prince is far, whose love to his king nature and kindred proveth, whose innocency too all the world, his tender youth affirmeth, and so sanctuary as for him is not necessary, ner none he can have. men come not too sanctuary as they come too baptism to require it by his godfathers he must ask it himself that must have it, and reason, sith no man hath cause too have it, but whose conscience of his own fault maketh him have need to require it. What will then hath yonder babe▪ which if he had discrection too require it if need were, I dare say would be now right angry with them that keep him there? And I would think without any scruple of conscience, without any breach of privilege too be somewhat more homely with them that be there sanctuary men in deed, that if one go too sanctuary with another man's goods, why should not the king leaving his body at liberty satisfy the party of his goods even within the sanctuary, for neither king nor pope can give any place such a privilege that it shall discharge a man of his debts being able to pay.  
And with that divers of the clergy that were there present, whether they said it for his pleasure or as they thought, agreed plainly by the law of God and of the church that the goods of a sanctuary man should be delivered in payment of his debts, and stolen goods to the owner, and only liberty reserved to him too get his living with the labour of his hands. verily quoth the duke I think ye say very truth: And what if a man's wife take sanctuary because she list to run from her husband? I would think if she can allege none other cause he may lawfully without any displeasure done too saint Peter, take her out of saint Peter's church by the arm. And if no body may be taken out of sanctuary because he saith he will abide there, then if a child will take sanctuary because he feareth to go to school, his master must let him alone. And as simple as that example is, yet is there less reason in our case then in it, for there, though it be a childeshe fear, yet is there at the least some fear, and herein is no fear at all. And verily I have hard of sanctuary men, but I never hard before of sanctuary children, and therefore as for the conclusion of my mind, whosoever may deserve to have need of it, if they think it for their suretee let them keep it, but he can be no sanctuary man that hath nother discretion to desire it, ner malice to deserve it, whose life ner liberty can by no lawful process stand in jeopardy: and he that taketh one out of sanctuary to do him good I say plainly he breaketh no sanctuary.  
When the duke had done, the temporal men wholly, and the most part of the spiritual men also thinking no hurt earthily meant toward the young baby, condescended in effect, that if he were not delivered he should be fetched out. Howbeit, they thought it best in avoiding of all manner of rumour, that the cardinal should first assay to get him with her good william. And thereupon all the counsel came to the star chamber at Westminster, and the cardinal leaving the protector and other lords in the star chamber departed into the sanctuary to the queen, accompanied with certain lords, were it for the respect of his honour or that she should by the persons of so many, perceive that his errand was not only one man's mind, or were it for that the protector intended not in this matter too trust one man alone, or else if she finally were determined to keep him, some of the company had peradventure some secret instruction incontinente maugre her will too take him and too leave her no respite to convey him.  
When the queen and these lords were come together in presence, the Cardinal showed unto her that it was thought to the lord protector and the whole counsel that her keeping of the king his brother in that place highly sounded, not only to the grudge of the people & their obloquy, but also to the importable grief and displeasure of the king his royal majesty, to whose grace it were a singular comfort to have his natural brother in company, and it was their bothes dishonoures & theirs and hers also to suffer him in sanctuary, as though the one brother stood in danger and peril of the other. And he showed her farther that the whole counsel had sent him to require of her the delivery of him that he might be brought to the king his presence at his liberty out of that place which men reckoned as a prison, and there should he be demeaned according to his estate and degree, & she in this doing should both do great good to the realm, pleasure to the counsel, profit to herself, succour to her friends that were in distress, and over that, which he wist well she specially tendered, not only great comfort and honour to the king but also to the young duke himself, whose both great wealth it were to be together, aswell for many greater causes as also for their both disport and recreation, which things the lords esteemed not light, though it seemed light, well pondering that their youth without recreation and play cannot endure, ner any estraunger for the convenience of both their ages & estates so meetly in that point for any of them as the either of them for tother.  
My lord (quoth the queen,) I say not nay, but that it were very convenient that this gentleman whom you require were in the company of the king his brother, and in good faith me thinketh it were as great commodity to them both, as for yet a while too be in the custody of their mother the tender age considered of the elder of them both, but in especial the younger, which besides his infancy that also needeth good looking to, hath a while been so sore diseased with sickness and is so newly rather a little amended then well recovered, that I dare put no person earthily in trust with his keeping, but myself only, considering there is as physicians say, and as we also find, double the peril in the resiluation that was in the first sickness, with which disease nature being sore laboured, foreweried and weakened, waxeth the less able to bear our a new surfeit. And albeit there might be founden other that would happily do their best unto him, yet is there none that either knoweth better how to order him than I, that so long have kept him, or is more tenderly like too cherish him then his own mother that bore him. No man denieth good madame, quoth the Cardinal, but that your grace of all folk were most necessary about your children, and so would all the counsel not only be content but also glad that it were if it might stand with your pleasure too be in such place as might stand with their honour. But if you apoincte yourself too tarry here, then think they it more convenient the duke of york were with the king honourably at his liberty to the comfort of them both, than here as a sanctuary man to their both dishonour and obloquy, sith there is not always so great necessity to have the child with the mother, but that occasion sometime may be such that it should be more expedient to keep him else where, which in this well appeareth, that at such time that your most dearest son than prince and now king should for his honour and good order of the country keep household in Wales far out of your keeping, your grace was well content therewith yourself. Not very well content (quoth the queen) & yet the case is not like, for the one was then in health and the other is now sick, in which case I marvel greatly why my lord protector is to desirous to have him in keeping, where if the child in his sickness miscarried by nature, yet might he run into slawder & suspicion of fraud. And they call it a thing so sore against my child's honour & theirs also the he abideth in this place, it is all their honours there to suffer him abide where no man doubteth he shallbe best kept, & that is here while I am here, which as yet intend not to come forth & jeopardy myself after other of my friends, which would God were rather here in surety with me, than I were there in jeopardy with them.  
Why madame (quoth the lord Haward) know you any thing why they should be in jeopardy? Nay verily (quoth she,) nor why they should be in prison neither as they now be, but I trow it is no great marvel though I fear lest those that have not letted to put them in durance without colour, will let as little to procure their destruction without cause. The cardinal made a countenance to the lord Haward that he should harp no more upon that string: and then said he too the queen, that he nothing doubted but those lords of her kin the which remained under a rest should upon the matter examined do well enough, & as toward her noble person, neither was, nor could be any manner of jeopardy. Whereby should I trust that (quoth the queen) in that I am gyltesse, as though they were guilty, in that I am with their enemies better beloved than they, when they hate them for my sake, in that I am so near to the king, and how far be they of that would help, as God send grace they hurt not. And therefore as yet I purpose not too depart hence: as for this gentleman my son, I mind he shall be where I am till I see further, for I see some men so greedy without any substantial cause too have him, which maketh me much more further and scrupulous too deliver him. Truly madame (quoth the Cardinal) the further that ye be too deliver him, the further be other men too suffer you too keep him, least your causeless fear, might 'cause you farther too convey him, and many think he can here have no privilege which can have neither will too ask it, nor yet malice or offence to need it. And therefore, they reckon no privilege broken, although they fetch him out of sanctuary, which if you finally refuse too deliver him. I think verily the counsel will enfraunchefe him, so much dread hath my lord his uncle, for the tender love that he beareth him, least your grace should send him away. Ah, quoth the queen, hath he so tender a zeal to him that he feareth nothing, but least he should escape him? thinketh he that I would sand him hence, which is neither in the plight to send out? and in what place could I reckon him sure, if he be not sure in this sanctuary? whereof was there never tiraunte yet so devilish, that durst attempt too break the privilege, & I trust God is now as strong to withstand his adversaries as ever he was. But my son can deserve no sanctuary, you say, and therefore he can not have it, forsooth the lord protector hath sent a goodly gloze, by the which that place that may defend a thief, may not save an innocent: but he is in no jeopardy nor hath no need thereof, I would God he had not. Troweth the protector, (I pray God he may prove a protector, rather than a destroyer, where unto his painted process draweth) that is it not honourable that the duke bide here? it were more comfortable to them both that he were with his brother, because the king lacketh a play feloe, yea be you sure, I pray God sand him better plai fellows than him that maketh so high a matter upon such a trifleing pretext, as though there could none be found to play with the king, but if his brother which hath no lust to play ●or sickness, must come out of sanctuary, out of his safeguard to play with him, as though that princes so young as they be, could not play without their peers, or children could not play without their kindred, with whom for the more part they agreed much worse than with strangers. But the child you say cannot require the privilege, who told the protector so? Ask him and you shall hear him ask it, and so shall he if ye william. Howbeit, this is a strange matter, suppose he could not ask it & think he would not ask it, and imagene he would ask to go out, if I say he shall not: Note if I ask the privilege, but for myself, I say that he that against my will taketh out him, breaketh sanctuary. Serveth this liberty for my person only or for my goods to? you may not from hence take my horse from me, if I stolen him not nor own you nothing: then followeth it, that you may not take my child from me▪ he is also my ward, for as far as my learned counsel showeth me, he hath nothing by dissent holden by knights service, but by socage: then the law maketh me his guarden, then may no man lawfully (I suppose) take my ward from me out of this place▪ without the breach of sanctuary, and if my privilege could not serve him, nor he ask it for himself, yet sith the law committeth to me the custody of him, I may require it for him, except the law give the infaunte a guarden only for his goods, discharging him of the cure and savekeping of his body, for which only, both goods and lands serve: Wherefore here intend I to keep him, sith man's law serveth the guarden too keep the infant, and the law of nature willeth the mother to keep the child, and God's law privilegeth the sanctuary, and the sanctuary privilegeth my son, sith I fear to put him to the protectors hands, that hath his brother already, which is (if both failed) inheritor to the crown as heir male, as he saith. The cause of my fear no man hath too do to examine, and yet fear I no ferther than the law feareth, which as learned men tell me, forbiddeth every man the custody of them, by whose death he may inherit less land than a kingdom. I can say no more, but whosoever he be that breaketh this holy sanctuary, I prai God send him shortly need of sanctuary, when he may not come too it, for I would not that my mortal enemy should be taken out of sanctuary.  
The Cardinal perceived that the queen ever the longer the farther of, and also that she began too kindle and chafe and spoke sore biting words against the protector, and such as he neither believed and also was loath to here, he said to her, for a final conclusion, that he would no more dispute the matter, and if she were content to deliver the duke to him and to the other lords there present, he durst lay his own body and soul both in pledge, not only for his surety, but also for his estate, and surely he knew nor suspected no cause but he might so do (but he knew not all.) And further he said, if she would give him a resolute answer too the contrary he would therewith depart incontinente, and shift who so would with this business afterward, for he never intended further to move her in the matter, in the which she thought that he and all other also, save herself, lacked either wit or truth. Witte if they were so dull if they nothing could perceive what the protector intended, and if they should procure her son to be delivered into his hands, in whom they should perceive towards the child any evil will intended, than she might think all the counsel both evil advised and of little fidelity to their prince.  
The queen with these words stood in a great study, and forasmuch as she saw the lord Cardinal more readier to depart then the remanaunte, and the protector himself ready at hand, so that she verily thought that she could not keep him there but he should be incontinente taken thence and to convey him else where, neither had she time too serve her, nor place determined, nor persons appointed to convey him, and so all thing was unready, when this messsage came so suddenly on her▪ nothing less looking for, then too have him out of sanctuary which she knew now men too be set in all places about, that he could not be conveyed out untaken, and partly as she thought it might fortune her fear to be false: so well she wist it was either needless or bootless. Wherefore, if she should needs go from him, she deemed best to deliver him, and specially of the cardinals faith she nothing doubting nor of some other lords whom she saw there, which as she feared le●e, they might be deceived, so well was she assured that they would not be corrupted: then thought she that it would make them the more warily too look to him, and the more circumspectly to see his surety, if she with her own hands betook him them by trust, and at the last she took the young duke by the hand and said unto the lords, my lord quoth she and all my lords, neither am I so unwise to mistrust your wits, nor so suspicious to mistrust your truths: of the which thing I purpose to make such a proof, that if either of both lacked in you, might turn both me to great sorrow, the realm to much harm and you to great reproach. For lo, here is quod she this gentleman, whom I doubt not but I could keep safe if I would, whatsoever any man say, and I doubt not also but there be some abroad so deadly enemies unto my blood, that if they wist where any of it lay in their own body they would let it out: we have also experience that the desire of a kingdom knoweth no kindred, the brother hath been the brother's bane, and may the nephews be sure of the uncle? each of these children are others defence while they be asunder, and each of their lives lieth in other's body keep one safe and both be sure, and nothing to both more perilous then both too be in one place: for a wise merchant never aventureth all his goods in one ship. All this notwithstanding▪ here I deliver him and his brother in him, to keep to your hands, of whom I shall ask them both before God and the world. Faithful you be and that I wot well, and I know you be wise and of power and strength if you list to keep him, for you lack no help of yourselves, nor need to lack no help in this case, and if you cannot else where, then may yond leave him here: But only one thing I beseech you, for the trust that his father put you in ever, and for the trust that I put you in now, that as far as you think that I fear to much▪ ye be well ware that you fear not to little. And therewith all she said to the child, far well mine own sweet son, God send you good keeping, let me once kiss you or you go, for God knoweth when we shall kiss together again, & therewith she kissed him, & blessed him, and turned her back & wept, going her way, leaving the poor innocent child weeping as fast as the mother.  
When the Cardinal and the other lords had received the young duke, they brought him into the star chaumbre, where the protector took him into his arms and kissed him with these words: now welcome my lord with all my very heart, & he said in that of likelihod even as he inwardly thought, and there upon, forthwith brought him to the king his brother into the bishops palace at Paul's, and from thence through the city honourably into the tower, out of which after that day they never came abroad. When the protector had both the children in his possession, yea & that they were in a sure place, he then began to thirst to see the end of his enterprise. And to avoid all suspicion, he caused all the lords which he knew to be faithful to the king, to assemble at Baynard's castle to comen of the order of the coronation, while he and other of his complices & of his affinity at Crosbies' place contrived the contrary and to make the protector king: to which counsel there were adhibite very few, and they very secret. Then began here & there some manner of muttering amongst the people, as though all thing should not long be well, though they they wy●● not what they feared nor wherefore: were it, that before such great things, men's hearts (of a secret instinct of nature) misgiveth them, as the southwind sometime swelleth of himself before a tempest: or were it that some one man happily somewhat perceiving, filled many men with suspicion, though he showed few men what he knew: howbeit, the dealing itself made men to muse on the matter, though the counsel were close, for little and little all folk drew from the tower where the king was, and drew to Crosbies' place, so that the protector had all the resort, and the king in manner desolate. While some made suit unto them that had the doing, some of them were by their friends secretly warned, that it might happily turn them to no good to be to much attendant on the king without the protectors apointement, which removed diverse of the king his old servants from him, and set new in their toumes about him.  
Thus many things coming together, partly by chance and partly by purpose, caused at length, not common people only, which waver with the wind, but wise men also and some lords, to mark the matter and muse there upon: in so much as the lord Stanley which afterward was earl of Derby wisely mistrusted it and said to the lord Hastynges, that he much misliked these two several counsels, for while we ꝙ he talk of one matter at the one place, little wot we whereof they talk in the other: peace my lord ꝙ the lord Hastynges, on my life never doubt you, for while one man is there, which is never thence, neither can there be any thing once minded that should sound amiss toward me, but it should be in mine ears or it were well out their mouths. This meant he by Catesby which was near of his secret counsel, and whom he familiarly used in his most weighty matters, putting no man in so special trust as him reconning himself to no man so lief sith he wist well there was no man to him so much beholding as was this Catesby, which was a man well learned in the laws of this land, and by the special favour of the lord Hastynges in good authority and much rule bore in the countries of Lecestre & Northampton where the lord Hastynges power say. But surely great pity was it that he had not had either more truth or less wit, for his dissimulation only, kept all that mischief up, in whom if the lord Hastynges had not put so special trust▪ the lord Stanley and he with diverse other lords had daparted into their countries and broken all the dance. for many evil signs that he saw, which he now construed all for the best, so surely thought he that there could be no harm toward him in that counsel intended where Catesbye was. And of truth the protector and the duke of Bukyngham made very good sembleaunce unto the lord Hastynges and kept him much in their company. And undoubtedly, the protector loved him well, and loath was to have lost him saving for fear lest his life should have quailed their purpose, for the which cause he moved Catesby to prove with some words cast out a far of, whether he could think it possible to win the lord Hastynges to their part. But Catesby, whether he assayed him or assayed him not, reported unto him that he found him so fast, and heard him speak so terrible words that he durst no farther break: and of a truth the lord Hastynges of very trust showed unto Catesby the mistrust that other began to have in the matter. And therefore, he fearing lest their motions might with the lord Hastynges minish his credence, where unto only all the matter leaned, procured the protector hastily to rid him, & much the rather, for he trusted by his death to obtain much of the rule which the lord Hastynges bore in his country, the only desire whereof, was the thing that induced him to be procurer and one of the speciallest contrivers of all this horrible treason. Where upon the lord protector caused a counsel to be set at the tower on the fridaye the thirteen day of june, where was much commoning for the honourable solemnity of the coronation, of the which the time appointed approached so near, that the pageants were a making day & night at Westminster, and victual killed which afterward was cast away.  
These lords thus sitting▪ commoning of this matter, the protector came in among them about nine of the clock saluting them courteously, excusing himself that he had been from them so long saying merely that he had been a sleper that day. And after a little talking with them he said to the bishop of Ely, my lord you have very good strawberries in your garden at Holborn, I require you let us have a mess of them. Gladly (my lord ꝙ he) I would I had some better thing as ready to your pleasure as that, and with that in all hast he sent his servant for a dish of strawberries. The protector set the lords fast in commoning and there upon prayed them to spare him a little, and so he departed and came again between ten and eleven of the clock into the chamber all changed with a sour angry countenance knitting the brows, frowning and freting and gnawing on his lips and so set him down in his place. All the lords were dismayed and sore marveled of this manner and sudden change and what thing should him ail. When he had sitten a while, thus he began: What were they worthy to have that compass and imagine the destruction of me being so near of blood to the king & protector of this his royal realm? At which question, all the lords sat fore astonied, musing much by whom the question should be meant, of which every man knew himself clear.  
Then the lord Hastynges as he that for the familiarity that was between them, thought he might be boldest with him, answered and said that they were worthy to be punished as heinous traitors what soever they were, and all the other affirmed the same, that is (ꝙ he) yonder sorceress my brother's wife and other with her, meaning the queen, at these words many of the lords were sore abashed which favoured her, but the lord Hastynges was better content in his mind that it was moved by her then by any other that he lued better, albeit his heart grudged that he was not afore made of counsel of this matter as well as he was of the taking of her kindred and of their putting to death, which were by his assent before devised to be beheaded at Pomfrete, this self same day, in the which he was not ware that it was by other devised that he himself should the same day be beheaded at London: then said the protector in what wise that sorceress and other of her counsel, as Shore's wife with her affinity have by their sorcery and witchcraft this wasted my body, and therewith plucked up his doublet▪ sleeve to his elbow on his let arm, where he showed a weryshe withered arm & small as it was never other. And thereupon, every man's mind mysgave them, well perceiving that this matter was but a quarrel, for well they witted that the queen was both to wise to go about any such folly, & also if she would, yet would she of all folk make Shore's wife lest of her counsel whom of all women she most hated as that concubine whom the king her husband most loved.  
Also, there was no man there but knew that his arm was ever such sith the day of his birth, Nevertheless the lord Hastynges, which from the death of king Edward kept Shore's wife, whom he somewhat doted in the kings life, saving it is said that he forbore her for reverence toward his king, or else of a certain kind of fidelity toward his friend. Yet now his heart somewhat grudged to have her whom he loved so highly accused, and that as he knew well untruly, therefore he answered and said, certainly my lord, if they have so done, they be worthy of heinous punishment, what ꝙ the protector, thou servest me I ween with if and with and, I tell the they have done it, and that will I make good on thy body traitor. And therewith (as in a great anger) he clapped his fist on the board a great rap, at which token given, one cried treason without the chamber, and therewith a door clapped, and in came rushing men in harness as many as the chamber could hold. And anon the protector said to the lord Hastynges, I arrest the traitor, what me my lord ꝙ he? yea the traitor ꝙ the protector. And one let fly at the lord Stanley, which shroncke at the stroacke and fell under the table, or else his head had been cleft to the teeth, for as shortly as he shrancke, yet ran the blood about his ears. Then was the archbishop of York and doctor Morton bishop of Ely & the lord Stanley taken and divers other which were bestowed in divers chambers, save the lord Hastynges (whom the protector commanded to speed and shrive him apace) for by saint Poule (ꝙ he) I will not dine till I see thy head of, it boted hum not to ask why, but hevily he took a priest at adventure and made a short shrift, for a longer would not be suffered, the protector made so much haste to his dinner, which might not go to it till this murder were done, for saving of his ungracious oath. So was he brought forth into the green beside the chapel within the tower, and his head laid down on a log of timber that lay there for building of the chapel, & there tyrannously stricken of, and after his body and head were interred at Wyndesore by his master king Edward the forth, whose souls jesus pardon. Amen.  
A marvelous case it is to hear, either the warnings that he should have voided, or the tokens of that he could not void. For the next night before his death, the lord Stanley sent to him a trusty messenger at midnight in all the haste, requiring him to rise and ride away with him, for he was disposed utterly no longer for to abide, for he had a fearful dream in the which he thought that a bore with his tusks so razed them both by the heads that the blood ran about both their shoulders, and for as much as the protector gave the boar for his cognisance, he imagined that it should be he. This dream made such a fearful impression in his heart, that he was thoroughly determined no longer to tarry but had his horse ready, if the lord Hastynges would go with him. So that they would ride so far that night, that they should be out of danger by the next day. A good lord (ꝙ the lord Hastynges) to the messenger▪ leaneth my lord thy master so much to such tries, and hath such saith in dreams, which either his own fear phantasieth, or do rise in the nights rest by reason of the days thought. Tell him it is plain witchcraft to believe in such dreams, which if they were tokens of things to come, why thinketh he not that we might as likely make them true by our going if we were caught and brought back, (as friends fail fliers) for then had the bore a cause likely to raze us with his tusks, as folks that fled for some falsehood, wherefore either is there peril, nor none there is deed, or if any be, it is rather ingoing then abiding. And if we should needs fall in peril one way or other, yet had I leaver that men should see it were by other men's falsehood, then think it were either our own fault or faint feeble heart, and therefore go to thy master and commend me to him and I pray him to be merry & have no fear, for I assure him, I am assured of the man he wotteth of▪ as I am sure of mine own hand. God sand grace (ꝙ the messenger) and so departed. certain it is also that in reading toward the tower the same morning in which he was beheaded, his horse that he accustomed to ride on stumbled with him twice or thrice almost to the falling▪ which thing although it happeth to them daily to whom no mischance is toward, yet hath it been as an old evil token observed as a going toward mischief. Now this that followeth was no warning but an envious scorn, the same morning ere he were up from his bed where Shore's wife lay with him all night, there came to him sir Thomas Haward son to the lord Haward (which lord was one of the priveyest of the lord protectors counsel and doing) as it were of courtesy to accompaignye him to the counsel, but of truth sent by the lord protector to hast him th●herward.  
This sir Thomas, while the lord Hastynges slayed awhile commoning with a priest whom he met in the Towr●●rete, broke the lords t●le, saying to him merely, what my lord I pray you come on, wherefore talk you so long with that priest, you have no need of a priest yet, & laughed upon him, as though he would say, you shall have need of one son: But little wist the other what he meant (but or night these words were well remembered by them that heard them) so the true lord Hastynges little mistrusted, & was never merrier, ner thought his life in more surety in all his days, which thing is often a sign of change: but I shall rather let any thing pass me then the vain surety of man's mind so near his death, for upon the very tower wharf, so near the place where his head was of, so soon after, as a man might well ca●t a ball, a pursuivant of his own called Hastynges met with him, & of their meeting in that place he was put in remembrance of another time, in which it happened them to meet before together in the place, at which time the lord Hastynges had been accused to king Edward by the lord Rivers the queens brother, insomuch that he was for a while which lasted not long highly in the kings indignation as he now met the same pursuivant in the same place, the jeopardy so well passed, it gave him great pleasure to talk with him thereof, with whom he had talked in the same place of that matter, & therefore he said, Ah Hastynges, art thou remembered when I met the here once with an heavy heart? You my lord (ꝙ he) that I remember well, and thanked be to God they got no good ner you no harm thereby, thou wouldst say so (ꝙ he) if thou knewest so much as I do, which few know yet, & more shall shortly, that meant he that th'earl Rivers and the lord Richard & sir Thomas Uaughan should that day be beheaded at Pomfrete, as they were in deed, which act he witted well should be done, but nothing were that the axe hung so near his own head. In faith man (ꝙ he) I was never so sorry ner never stood in so great danger of my ly●e as I did when thou and I met here, and lo the world is turned now, now stand mine enemies in the danger as thou mayst hap to hear more hereafter, and I never in my life merrier nor never in so great surerye, I pray God it prove so (ꝙ Hastynges, prove ꝙ he? doubtest thou that) nay nay I warrant thee, and so in manner displeased he entered into the Tower, where he was not long on live as you have heard. O lord God the blindness of our mortal nature, when he most feared, he was in most surety, and when he reckoned himself most surest, he lost his life, and that within two hours after. Thus ended this honourable man a good knight & gentle, of great authority with his prince, of living somewhat dissolute,, plain and open to his enemy, and sure and secret to his friend, easy to beguile, as he that of good heart and courage foresaw no perils, a loving man and passing well-beloved, very faithful and trusty enough, but trusting to much was his destruction as you may perceive.  
Now flew the fame of this lords death through the city and farther about, like a wind in every man's ear, but the protector immediately after dinner (intending to set some colour upon the matter) sent in all the haste for many substantial men out of the city into the Tower, and at their coming himself with the duke of Buckyngham stood, harnessed in old evil favoured briganders, such as no man would ween that they would have vouchsafed to have put on their backs, except some sudden necessity had constrained them. Then the lord protector showed them, that the lord Hastynges & other of his conspiracy had contrived to have suddenly destroyed him and the duke of Buckyngham there the same day in counsel, and what they intended farther, was yet not well known, of which their treason he had never knowledge before x. of the clock the same forenone, which sudden fear drove them to put on such harness as came next to their hands for their defence, and so God holp them, that the mischief turned upon them that would have done it, & thus he required them to report. Every man answered fair, as though no man mistrusted the matter, which of truth no man believed. Yet for the further appeasing of the people's minds, he sent immediately after dinner an Herald of arms with a proclamation through the city of London which was proclaimed in the Kings name, that the lord Hastynges with divers other of his traitorous purpose had before conspired, the same day to have slain the protector and the duke of Buckyngham sitting in counsel, & after to have taken upon them the rule of the king and the realm at their pleasure, and thereby to pill and spoil whom they list uncomptrolled, & much matter was devised in the same proclamation to the slander of the lord Hastynges, as that he was an evil counsailoure to the kings father, enticing him to many things highly redounding to the diminishing of his honour and to the universal hurt of his realm by his evil company and sinister procuring and ungracious example, aswell in many other things as in vicious living and inordinate abusion of his body, both with many other and especial with Shore's wife which was one of his secret counsel of this heinous treason, with whom he lay nightly, and namely the night passed next before his death, so that it was the less marvel if ungracious living brought him to an unhappy end, which he was now put to by the commandment of the king his highness and of his honourable and faithful counsel, both for his demerits being so openly taken in his false contrived treason, and also lest the delaying of his execution might have encouraged other mischievous persons partners of his conspiracy, to gather and assemble themselves together in making so great commotion for his deliverance, whose hope now being by his well deserved death pollytickely repressed, all the realm shall by God's grace rest in good quiet and peace. Now was this proclamation made within two hours after he was beheaded, and it was so curiously endited and so fair written in Parchment in a fair set hand, and therewith of itself so long a process, that every child might perceive that it was prepared and studied before (and as some men thought, by Catesby) for all the time between his death and the proclamation proclaiming, could scant have suffyced unto the bore writing alone, albeit that it had been in paper and scribeled forth in haste at adventure. So that upon the proclaiming thereof, one that was scolemayster at Paul's standing by and comparing the shortness of the time with the length of the matter said to them that stood about him, here is a gay goodly cast, foul cast away for haste. And a merchant that stood by him said that it was written by inspiration and prophesy. Now then by and by, as it were for anger and not for covetous, the protector sent sir Thomas Hawarde to the house of Shore's wife (for her husband dwelt not with her) which spoiled her of all that ever she had, above the valour of two or three thousand marks, and sent her body to prison. And the protector had laid to her for the manner sake that she was a counsel with the lord Hastynges to destroy him. In conclusion, when no colour could fasten upon these matters, than he laid heinously to her charge that thing that she could not deny, for all the world knew that it was true, and that notwithstanding every man laughed to hear it then so suddenly, so highly taken, that she was nought of her body. And for this cause as a godly continent prince clean and faultless of himself, sent out of heaven into this vicious world, for the amendment of men's manners, he caused the bishop of London to put her to open penance, going before a cross one Sondaye at precession with a taper in her hand. In the which she went in countenance and peace so womanly, & albeit she was out of all array saving her kyrtel only, yet went she so fair and lovely, and namely when the wondering of the people cast a comely read in her checks, of the which she before had most miss, that her great shame wan her much praise amongst them that were more amorous of her body then curious of her soul, and many good folk that hated her living and were glad to see sin correected, yet pitied they more her penance then rejoiced it, when they considered that the protector did it more of corrupt mind then any virtuous affection.  
This woman was borne in London, 
The description of Sho●es wife,  well friended, honestly brought up, and very well married, saving somewhat to soon, her husband an honest and a young citizen, godly and of good substance, but forasmuch as they were coupled or she were well ripe, she not very fervently loved for whom she never longed, which was the thing (by chance) that the more easily made her to incline to the kings appetite, when he required her. Howbeit the respect of his royalty, the hope of gay apparel, ease, pleasure, and other wanton wealth was able soon to pierce a soft tender heart: but when the king had abused her, anon her husband being an honest man and one that could his good, not presuming to touch a kings concubine left her up to him altogether. When the king died, the lord Hastynges took her, which in the kings days albeit that he was sore enamoured with her yet he forbore, either for a princely reverence or for a certain friendly faithfulness. Proper she was and fair, nothing in her body that you could have changed, but if you would have wished her somewhat higher. This say they that knew her in her youth, soem said and judged that she had been well favoured, and some judged the contrary, whole judgement seemeth like as men guess the beauty of one long before departed, by a scaple taken out of a channel house, & this judgement was in the time of king Henry the eight, in the xviii year of whose reign she died, when she had nothing but a revealed skin and bone. Her beauty pleased not men so much as her pleasant behaviour, for she had a proper wit & could both read and write, merry in company, ready and quick of answer, neither mute nor full of babble, sometime tanting without displeasure, but not without disport. 
The description of king Edward three Concubine's.  King Edward would say the he had three concubines, which in diverse proparties diversly excelled, one, the merriest, the other the wyliest, the third the holiest harlot in the realm as one, whom no man could get out of the church to any place lightly, but if it were to his bed, the other two were somewhat greater personages than master's Shore, and nevertheless of their humility were content to be nameless and to forbear the praise of these properties. But the merriest was Shores wife in whom the king therefore took great pleasure, for many he had, but her he loved, whose favour to say the truth (for it were sin to lie on the devil) she never abused to any man's hurt, but to many men's comfort & ●elie●e. For where the king took displeasure, she would mitigate & appease his mind, where men were out of favour, she would bring them into his grace▪ for many that had highly offended, she obtained pardon, & of great forfeatures she got remission, and finally, in many weighty suits she stood many men in great stead, either for none or for very small reward: and those rather gay then rich, either for that she was content with the deed well done, or for that she delighted to be sued unto, & to show what she was able to do with the king, or for that that wanton women and wealthy be not always covetous, I doubt not some man will think this woman to be to slight to be written of among grave and weighty matters, which they shall specially think that happily saw her in her age & adversity, but me seemeth the chance so much more worthy to be remembered, in how much after wealth she fell to poverty, and from riches to beggary vn●rended, out of acquaintance, after great substance after so great favour with her prince, after as great suit & seeking to with all those which in those days had business to speed as many other men were in their times, which be now famous only by the infamy of their evil deeds, her doings were not much less, albeit they be much less remembered, because they were not evil, for men use to writ an evil turn in marble stone, but a good turn they write in the dust, which is not worst proved by her, for after her wealth she went begging of many that had begged themselves of she had not helped them, such was her chance.  
Now was it devised by the protector & his counsel, that the same day the the lord Camberlayne was headed in the tower of London and about the same hour should be beheaded at Poumfrete the earl Rivers and the lord Richard the queens son, sir Thomas Uaughan and sir Richard Haute, which as you heard were taken at Northampton and Stony stratfort by the consent of the lord Hastynges, which execution was done by the order & in the presence of sir Richard Ratclif knight, whose service the protector specially used in the counsel, and in the execution of such lawless enterprises, as a man that had been long secret with him, having experience of the world & shrewd wit, short and rude in speech, rough and boisterous of behaviour, bold in mischief, as far from pity as from all fear of God.  
This knight brought these four persons to the scaffold at the day appointed, & showed to all the people that they were traitors, not suffering the lords to speak, & to declare their innocency, lest their words might have inclined men to pity them and to hate the protector & his part & so without judgement & precesse of the law caused them to be beheaded without other earthly guilt, but only the they were good men and true to the king & to nigh to the queen, insomuch as sir Thomas Uaughan going to his death said, A woe worth them that took the prophecy that G. should destroy king Edward's children, meaning the by the duke of Clarence lord George which for the suspicion is now dead, but now remaineth Richard G. duke of Cloucester, which now I see is he the shall and will accomplish the prophecy & destroy king Edward's children & all their alyes & friends, as it appeareth by us this day, whom I appeal to the high tribunal of God for his wrongful murder & our true innocency▪ And then Ratclyffe said, you have well apeled, lay down your head, ye ꝙ sir Thomas, I die in right, beware you die not in wrong, and so that good knight was beheaded and the other three, and buried naked in't he monastery at Poumfret.  
When the lord Hastynges and these other lords and knights were thus beheaded and rid out of the way, than the protector caused it to be proclaimed that the coronation for divers great and urgent causes should be deferred till the second day of November, for than thought he, that while men mused what the matter meant, and while the lords of the realm were about him, out of their own strengths, and while no man wist what to think nor whom to trust, or ever they should have time and space to digest the matter, and make parts, it were best hastily to pursue his purpose and put himself in possession f the crown, or men could have time to devise any wise to resist. But now was all the study, this matter being of itself so heinous might be first broken to the people in such wise as it might well be taken. To this counsel they took diverse such as they thought meet to be trusted and likely to be induced to that part and able to stand them in stead, either by power or by policy. Among whom, they made a counsel Edmond Shaa then Mayre of London, which upon trust of his own advancement, where he was of a proud heart highly desirous, took on him to frame the city to their appetite. Of spiritual men they took such as had wit, and were in authority amongst the people for opinion of their learning, and had no scrupulous conscience. Amongst these had, they took Raffe Shaa clerk brother to the Mayor, & Freer, Pynkie provincial of the Augustine Freers', both doctors in divinity, both great preachers, both of more learning than virtue, of more fame than learning, & yet of more learning than truth. For they were before greatly esteemed among the people, but after that, never none of these two were regarded. Shaa made a sermon in praise of the Protector before the coronation, and Pynkye made one after the coronation, both ●o full of tedious flattery, that no good man's ears could abide them, Pynkye in his sermon so lost his voice that he was fain to leave of and come down in the midst, doctor Shaa by his sermon lost his honesty, and soon after his life, for very shame of the world, into the which he durst never after much come abroad, but the Freer forced for no shame, and so it harmed him the less. Howbeit, some doubt and many think that Pynkey was not of counsel before the coronation, but after the common manner fell to flattery after, namely, because his sermon was not incontinent upon it, but at saint Mary Hospital the Easter after. But certain it is that doctor Shaa was of counsel in the beginning, in so much that they determined that he should first break the matter in a sermon at Paul's cross, in which he should by the ancthoritie of his preaching induce the people to incline to the protectors ghostly purpose. But now was all the labour and study in the devise of some convenient pret●●te, for which the people should be content to depose the prince & accept the protector for king▪ In which diverse things they devised, but the chief thing, & ●he weight of all that invention rested in this, that they should allege bastardy in king Edward himself, or in his children, or both, so that he should seem disabled to inherit the crown by the duke of York and the prince by him. To lay bastardy in king Edward sounded openly to the rebuke o● the protectors own mother, which was mother to them both. For in that point could be none other colour, but to pretend that his own mother was an adulteress, but nevertheless he would that point should be less and more finely & closely handled, not even fully plain and directly, but touched a ●●ope craftily, as though men spared in that point to speak all the truth for fear of his displeasure. But that other point concerning the basterdy they devised to surmysse in king Edward his children, that would he should be openly declared and enforced to the uttermost. The colour and pretext whereof cannot be well perceived except we repeat some things long before done about king Edward his marriages.  
After king Edward the fourth had deposed king henry the sixth and was in peaceable possession f the realm, determining ●, ●m sel●e to marry (as was requisite) both for himself and for the realm, he sent th'earl of Warwick & diverse other noble men in ambassade to the French king to entreat a marriage between the king and Bona sister to the French queen, then being in France. In which thing th'earl of Warwick found the parties so toward and willing, that he speedily without any difficulty according to his instructions brought the matter to a good conclusion. Now happeneth it in the mean season, there came to make a suit to the king by petition dame Elizabeth Grey (which after was his queen) than a widow, borne of noble blood, specially by her mother, which was Duchess of Bedforde, and she was married to sir Richard Wooduile lord Rivers, her father.  
Howbeit, this Elizabeth being in service with queen Margaret wife to king Henry the sixth, was married to one John Grey Esquire whom king Henry made knight at the la●te battle of saint Alban's, but little while he enjoyed his knighthod, for at the same field he was slain.  
After, when that king Edward was king and the Earl of Warwick being on his ambassad, this poor lady made suit to the king to be restored to such small ladnes as her husband had given her in jointoure, whom when the king beheld and hard her speak▪ as she was both fair and of good favour, moderate of stature, well made and very wise, he not alonely pitied her, but also waxed enamoured on her, and taking her secretly a side began to enter into talking more familiarly, whose appetite when she perceived▪ she virtuously denied him, but that she did so wisely and that with so good manner and words so well set, that she rather kindled his desire then quenched it. And finally after many a meeting and much wowing and many great promises she well espied the king his affection toward her so greatly increased that she durst somewhat the more bodily say her mind, as to him whose heart she perceived more fervently set then to fall of for a word. And in conclu●ion she showed him plain that as she witted herself to simple to be his wife, so thought she herself to good to be his concubine. The king much marueiling of her constancy, as she that had not been wont else where so stiefly said nay, so much esteemed her continency and chastity, that he set her virtue in stead of possession and richesse: And this taking counsel of his own desire determined in haste to marry her. And after that he was thus appointed and had between them twain insured her, than asked he counsel of his secret friends, and that in such manner that they might easily perceive that it boted not to say nay. Notwithstanding the duchess of York his mother, was so sore moved therewith that she dissuaded that marriage as much as she possible might: alleging that it was his honour▪ profit & surety, to marry in some noble progeny out of his realm, where upon depended great strength to his estate by that affinity, and great possibility of increase of his dominions. And that he could not well otherwise do, considering the earl of Warwick had so farfurthe entered into the matter all ready, which was not like to take it well if all his voyage were in such wise frustrate & his appointment deluded. And she said ferther, that it was not princely to marry his own subject, no greater occa●ion leading there unto, no possessions ner other commodity depending thereupon, but only as a rich man would marry his maiden only for a little wanton dotage upon her person. In which marriage many men commend more the maidens fortune then the man's wisdom, & yet she said that there was more honesty than honour in this marriage, forasmuch as there is not between a merchant & his maid so great a difference as between a king and his subject, a great prince and a poor widow. In whose person, although there were nothing to be misliked yet was there said she, nothing so excellent but that it might be found in diverse other that were more meetly (ꝙ she) for your estate: yea and maidens also, the only widowhed of dame Elizabeth Grey (although she were in all other points and things convenient for you) should suffice as me thinketh to refrain you from her marriage, sith it is an unfitting thing and a great blemish to the sacred majesty of a prince, that aught as near to approach priesthood in cleanness, as he doth in dignity, to be defiled with bygamy in his first marriage. The king made his mother an answer part in earnest and part in play merely, as he that wist himself out of her rule: & albeit he would gladly that she should take it well▪ yet was he at appoint in his own mind, took she it well or otherwise▪ Howbeit, somewhat to satisfy her he said, that albeit marriage being a spiritual thing ou●ht rather to be made for the respect of God, where his grace inclineth, the parties aught to incline to love together (as he trusted it was in his case) rather then for the regard of any temporal advantage: yet nevertheless him seemed this marriage well considered not to be unprofitable, for he reckoned the amity of no earthily nation to be so necessary for him as the friendship of his own, which he thought likely to bear him so much the more hearty favour, in that he disdaigned not to mari with one of his own land: & yet if outward alliance were thought so requisite, he would find the means to enter thereunto much better by other of his kin where all the parties could be contented, then to marry himself wherein he should never happily love, and for the possibilitee of possessions lose the fruit and pleasure of this that he had already. For small plasure taketh a man of all that ever he hath beside, if he be wived against his appetite, and I doubt not (quoth he,) but there be as you say other that be in every point comparable with her, and therefore I let not them that like them to marry them, no more is it reason that it mislike any man that I marry where it liketh me. And I am sure that my cousin of Warwick, neither loveth me so little, to grudge at that that I love, ner is so unreasonable to look that I should in choice of a wife rather be ruled by his eye then by mine own, as though I were a ward that were bounden to marry by the apoynctement a guarden. I would not be a king with that condition to forbear mine own liberty in choice of mine own marriage. As for possibility of more inheritance by new affinity in strange lands, is often the occasion of more trouble than profit. And we have already title by that means, as sufficeth to somuch as sufficeth to get & keep well in one man's days. That she is a widow and hath already children: By god his blessed lady, I am a bachelor and have some to, & so each of us hath a proof, that neither of us is like to be barren. And therefore madame I pray you be content. I trust to God she shall bring forth a young prince that shall please you. And as for the bigamy, let the bishop hardly lay it to my charge when I come to take orders, for I understand it is forbidden a priest put I never wist that it was forbidden a prince. The duchess with these words nothing appeased and saying the king so set on that she could not pluck him back, so highly she disdaigned it, that under pretext of her duty to God ward, she devised to disturb this marriage, and rather to help that he should marry one dame Elizabet Lucy, whom the king not long before had gotten with child, wherefore the king his mother objected openly against this marriage (as i● were in discharge of her conscience) that the king was sure to dame Elizabeth Lucy and her husband and before God, by reason of which words such obstacle was made in that matter, that either the bishop durst not, or the king would not proceed to the solemnisation of the marriage, till his fame were clearly purged, and the truth well and openly testified. Where upon dame Elizabeth Lucye was sent for, and albeit she was by the king his mother and many other put in good comfort to affirm that was assured to the king, yet when she was solemnly sworn to say the truth, she confessed she was never insured. howbeit she said, his grace spoke such loving words to her, that she verily hoped that he would have married her, and that if such kind words had not been, she would never have showed such kindness to him, to let him so kindly get her with child. This examination solemnly taken, it was clearly proved that there was no impediment to let the king to marry, wherefore, he shortly after at Grafton beside Stonystratforde married the lady Elizabeth Grey very privily, which was his enemy's wife and had prayed heartily for his loss, in the which God loved her better than to grant her her bone, for than had she not been his wife: And after that she was crowned queen, and her father was created earl Rivers and her son created Marquis Dorset. But when the earl of Warwick understood of this marriage, he took it so highly, that thereof ensued much trouble and great bloodshed as is declared before in the story of Edward the four  
I have rehearsed this marriage somewhat the more at length, because it might thereby the better apere upon how slipper a ground the protector builded his colour, by which he pretended king Edward his children to be bastards, but the invention, as simple as it was liked them to whom it sufficeth to have somewhat to say, while they were sure to be compelled to no larger proof than themselves list to make.  
Now to return where I left, as I began to show you, it was by the protector and his counsel concluded that this doctor Shaa should in a sermon at Paul's cross signify to the people that neither king Edward himself nor the duke of Clarence were lawfully begotten, nor were the very children of the duke of York, but begotten unlawfully by other persons by adultery of the duchess their mother. And that dame Elizabeth Lucy was the very wife of king Edward, and so prince Edward and all the children begotten on the queen were bastards. And according to this devise, doctor Sha the sunday after at Paul's cross in in a great audience (as alway a great numbered assembled to his preaching, came into the pulpit taking for his Theme. Spuria vitulamina non dabunt ●ad●esaltos. Sapien four that is to say, bastard swappes shall never take deep roots: whereupon when he had showed the great grace that God giveth & secretly infoundeth in right generation after the laws of matrimony, than declared he that those children commonly lacked the grace (& for the punishment of their parents) were for the most part unhappy which were gotten in baste, and specially in adultery, of which (though some by the ignorancy of the world and the truth hid from knowledge) have enherited for a season other men's lands, yet God alway of provideth that it continueth not in their blood long, but the truth coming to light the rightful enheritoures be restored, and the bastard sups plucked up or it can be rooted deep. And when he had laid for the proof and confirmation of this sentence, examples taken out of the old testament and other ancient histories, than began he to descend to the praise of the lord Richard duke of York, calling him father to the protector and declared his title to the crown biinheritaunce and also by entail authorized by parliament after the death of king Henry the sixth. Then showed he that the lord protector, was only the right heir, of his body lawfully begotten. Then declared he that king Edward was never lawfully married to the queen, but his wife before God was dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so his children were bastards. And besides that, that neither king Edward himself nor the duke of Clarence amongst them that were secret in the duke of York's household) were never reckoned surely to be the children of the noble duke as those that by their favours more resembled other known men then him, from whose virtuous conditions he said, also that king Edward was far of. But the lord protector (quoth he) that very noble prince, the special patron of knightly prows, aswell in all princely behaviour as in the lineaments and favour of his visage representeth the very ●ace of the noble duke his father. This is (quoth he) the father's own figure, this is his own countenance the very print of his visage, the sure undoubted image, the plain express likeness of that noble duke. Now was it before devised that in the speaking of these words, the protector should have come in amongst the people to the sermon ward, to th'end that these words so meeting with his presence, might have been taken amongst the hearers, as though the holy ghost had put them in the preachers mouth, and should have moved the people even there to have cried, king Richard that it might have been after said that he was specially chosen by God▪ and in manner by miracle: but this devise quailed, either by the protectors negligence or the preachers over hasty diligence. For while the protector, found by the way ta●iynge, least he should have prevented these words, the doctor fearing that he should come or his sermon could come to those words hasting his matter thereto, he was come to them and passed them, and entered into other matters or the protector came, whom when he beheld coming, he suddenly left the matter which he had in hand, and without any deduction thereunto out of all order, and out of all frame began to repeat those words again. This is the very noble prince the especial patron of knightely prows, which aswell in all princely behaviour as in the lineaments and favour of his visage representeth the veray● face of the noble duke of York his father. This is the fathers own figure, this is his owns countenance▪ the very print of his visage the sure undoubted image, the plain express likeness of that noble duke, whose remembrance can never die while he liveth. While these words were in speaking, the protector accompanied with the duke of Buckyngham, went through the people up into the place where the doctors stand where they hard out the sermon: but the people were so far from ●●ynge king Richard that they stood as they had been turned into stones for wonder of this shameful sermon: after which once ended the preacher got him home and never after durst look out for shame but kept him out of sight as an owl and when he asked any of his old friends, what the people talked of him, although that his own conscience well showed him that they talked no good, yet when the other answered him, that there was in every man's mouth of him much shame spoken it so struck him too the heart that in few days after he withered away.  
Then on the tuesday after next following this sermon, being the xvii. day of june, there came to the guilded hall of London the duke of Buckyngham and diverse lords and knights m● then happily knew the message that they brought. And at the east end of the hall where the hoystynges be kept▪ the duke and the maire and the other lords sat down, and the aldermen also, all the commons of the city being, assembled and standing before them. After silence commanded upon agreate pain in the protectors name: The duke stood up and as he was well learned and of nature marvelously well spoken, 
The ora●ion of the duke of Buchingham made to the ci●●ns of London.  he said to the people with a clear and a loud voice: Friends, for the zeal and hearty favour that we bear you, we be come to break of a matter right great and weighty, and no less weighty than pleasing to God and profitable to all the realm▪ nor to no part of the realm, more profitable, them to you the citizens of this noble city. For why, the thing that you have long lacked and as we well know sore longed for, that you would have given great good for, than you would have go far to fetch: that thing be we come hither to bring you, without your labour pain, cost, adventure or ●eoperdye. What thing is that? Certes the surety of your own bodies, the quiet of your wives and daughters and the safeguard of your goods: Of all which things in time passed you stood in doubt. For who was he of you all that could reckon himself lord of his own good amongst so many gins and traps were set therefore among so much pilling and polling, among so many taxes and talliages, of the which there was never end, and oft-times no need, or if any were, it grew rather of riot or of unreasonable waste, than any necessary honourable charge▪ so that there was daily plucked and peeled from good and honest men great substance of goods, to be lashed out among unthrifts, so far forth that fifteens sufficed not, nor any usual terms of known taxes, but under an easy name of benevolence and good will, the commissioners so much of every man took, 
benevolence.  as no man would with his good will have given. As though the name of benevolence had signified, that every man should pay, not what he of himself of his good will lust to grant, but what the king of his good will lust to take, who never asked little, but every thing was haunsed above the measure, amerciaments turned into ●ines, fines into ransoms small trespasses into mesprision, mesprision into treason, where of I think that no man looketh that we shall remember you of examples by name, as though Burdet were forgotten which was for a word spoken, in haste cruelly beheaded. (this Burdet was a merchant dwelling in Cheapside at the sign of y●●roune, which now is the sign of the deluse over against supper lane: This man merely in y●●ufflyng time of king Edward the four his rage, said to his own some that he would make him in heritor of the crown, meaning his own house: but these words king Edward made to be mysconstrued, & interpreted that Burdet meant the crown of the realm: wherefore within less space than iiii. hours, he was apprehended, judged, drawn and quartered in Chepesyde) by the misconstruing of the laws of the realm for the prince pleasure, with no less honour to Merkam chief justice then, which lost his office rather than he would assent to that judgement: then to the dishonesty of those that either for fear or flattery gave that judgement. What need I too speak of sir Thomas Cook Alderman and mayre of this noble citce, 
Of this sir Thomas Cook ye ma●reade.  who is of you either for negligence that wotteth not, or so forgetful that he remembreth not, or so hard hearted that he pitieth not that worshipful man's loss? What speak I of loss, this wonderful spoil and undeserved destruction, only because it happened him to favour them whom the prince favoured not. We need not rehearse of these any more by name, sith I doubt not that here be many present that either in themselves or their nigh friends, aswell their goods as their persons were greatly endangered either by feigned quarrels or small matters aggravated with heinous names, & also there was no crime so great, of which there could lack a pretext. For sith the king preventing the time of his inheritance attained the crown by battle, it sufficed in a rich man for a pretext of treason, to have been of kindred or alliance, near of familiarity, or longer of acquaintance with any of those, that were at any time, the kings enemies which was at one time or another more than half the realm. Thus were neither your goods, neither lands in surety, and yet they brought your bodies in jeopardy, beside the comen adventure of open war, which albeit, that it is ever the well and occasion of much mischief, yet is it never so mischievous as where any people fall in division, and at distance among themselves: and in no realm earthly so deadly and so pestilent as when it happeneth amongst us. And among us never continued so long dissension nor so many battles in any season, nor so cruel nor so deadly fought, as were in the king his days that dead is, God forgive it his solle. In whose time and by whose occasion▪ what about the getting of the garland, keeping it, losing and winning again, it hath cost more English 〈◊〉 than hath the twice winning of France. In which inward war amongst ourselves hath been so great effusion of the ancient noble blood of this realm, that scarcely the half remaineth, to the great enfebling of this noble land, beside many a good town ransacked and spoiled by them that have been going too the field or returning from thence, and peace after, not much ●urer than war. So that no time was there in the which 〈◊〉 men for their money, and great men for their lands, or some other for some fear or for some displeasure were out of peril. For whom mistrusted he that mistrusted his own brother? Whom spared he that killed his own brother? Could not such manner of folk that he most favoured do somewhat (we shall for his honour spare to speak) howbeit, this ye wo●e well all, that whose was best bare ever the jest rule, and more suit in his days was to Shore's, wife a vile and abominable strumpet then to all the lords in England, except unto those that made her their proctor, which simple woman was yet well named and honest till the king for his wanton lust and sinful affection bereft her from her husband, a right honest man and substantial amongst you. And in thai point which in good faith I am sorry too speak of, saving that it is vain to keep in counsel that thing that all men kuoweth, the king his greedy appetite was insatiable, and every where over all the realm intolerable. For no women was there any where young or old, poor or rich, whom he set his eye upon, whom he any thing liked either for person or beauty, speech, pace or countenance, but without any fear of God, or respect of his honour, mermure, or grudging of the world, he would importunately pursue his appetite and have her, to the great destruction of many a good woman, and great dolour to their husbands and friends, which being honest people of themselves, so much regarded the cleanness of their houses, the chas●itee of their wives and children, that them were liefer to loose all that they have beside, then to have such a villainy done to them. And albeit that with this and other importable dealing, the realm was in every place annoyed, yet specially you the citizens of this nobility, as for that amongst you is most plenty of such things as minister matter to such miuries, as for that you were nearest hand, sith that near here about was his most common abiding. And yet be ye people whom he had as singular a cause well and truly to entreat, as any part of his realm: not only for that the prince by this noble city, as of his special chamber and renowned cite of this realm, much honourable fame receiveth amongst all other nations, but also for that, you not without your great cost and fondrye favours and jeopardies in all his wars bore ever your especial favour to his part: which your kind minds borne to the house of York, sith he hath nothing worthily requited you, there is of the house now which by God his grace shall make you full recompense, which thing to show you, is the whole some and effect of our errand. It shall not, I wore well need, that I rehearse unto you again that you all ready have heard of him that that can better tell it, and of whom I am sure ye will better believe it (and reason it is that it so be) I am not so proud too look therefore that you should receive my words of so great authority as the preathers of the word of God▪ namely a man so coming and so wise, that no man wotteth better what he should do and say, and thereto so good and virtues that he would not say the thing, which he witted he should not say in the pulpit, namely, into the which no honest man cometh to lie: which honourable preacher ye well remember, substantially declared to you at Paul's cross on Sondaie last paste, the right and title of the most excellent prince Richard duke of Gloucester now protector of this his realm which he hath unto the crown of the kingdom of the same. For that worship ●u●man made it perfectly and groundly open unto you. The children of king Edward the fourth were never lawfully begotten, for as much as the king living his very wife dame Elizabeth Lucy) was never lawfully married to the queen their mother whose blood saving he set his voluptuous pleasure before his honour, was full unmetely to be matched with his (the myngling of which two bloods together hath been the ●ff●sion of a great part of the noble blood of this realm) whereby it may well be seen, that marriage was not well made of which there is so much ●●th●efe grown. For lack of which lawful copulation and also of other things which the said worshipful doctor, rather signified then fully explained, and which thing shall not be spoken for me▪ as the thing that every manue forbeareth to say that he knoweth, in advoiding the vispleasure that my noble lord protector bearing as nature requireth a filial reverence to the duchess his mother. For these causes before remembered I say, that for lake of issue lawfully coming of the late noble prince Richard duke of York, to whose royal blood the crowns of England and of France, are by the high au●●horite of a parliament entailed, the right and title of the same is by 〈◊〉 course of inheritance according too the common law of this land, devoluted and come unto the most excellent prince the lord protector, as to the very lawful begotten son of the fore-remembered noble duke of York. Which thing well considered and the knightely prowess with many virtues which in his noble person singulerely do abound: The nobles and commons of this realm, and specially of the North parts, not willing and bastard blood to have the rule of the land, nor the abusions in the same before used and exercised any longer too continued, have fully condescended and utterly determined too make humble petition unto the puisaunte prince the lord protector that it may like his grace at our humble request, to take upon him the guiding and governance of this realm, too the wealth and increase of the same, according to his very right and ●uste title, which thing I wot well he will be loath to take upon him as he whose wisdom well perveiveth▪ the labour and study both of mind and body that shall come therewith to him, whosoever shall occupy that room. I dare say he will if he take it (for I warrant you that that room is no child's office) & that the great wise man well perceived when he said Vae regno, cuius Rex puer est, woe to that realm whose king is a child wherefore, so much more cause have we to thank God, that this noble parsonage, which is so righteously entitled thereto is of so sad age, & there to of so great wisdom, joined with so great experience which albeit, he will be loath as I have said to take upon him, yet shall he too our petition in that behalf the more graciously incline, if ye the worshipful citizens of this city being the chief city of the realm join with us the nobles in our said request, which for your own weal we doubt not but that ye william. And yet nevertheless, we pray you so to do, whereby ye shall do great profit to all this his realm: Beside that, in choosing them so good a king, it shall be to yourself a special commodity, to whom his majesty shall ever after, bear so much the more tendre favour in how much he shall perceive you the more prove and benevolentely minded toward his election: wherein dear friends, what mind you have we require you plainly to show us? When the duke had said and looked that the people whom he hoped that the mayor had framed before, should after this flattering preposition made, have cried king Richard, king Richard, all was still and mute and not one word answered to: wherewith the duke was marvellously abashed, and taking the mayor near to him, with other that were about him privy to the matter, said unto them softly. What meaneth this, that the people be so still? Sir quoth the More, percase they perceive you not well, that shall we amend quod he, if that will help, and therewith somewhat louder rehearsed the same matter again, in other order and other words so well and ornately, and nevertheless so evidently and plain, with voice, gesture, & countenance so comely and so convenient, that every man much marveled that hard him and thought that they never hard in their lives so evil a tale so well told. But were it for wonder or fear, or that each looked that other should speak first, not one word was there answered of all the people that stood before, but all were as still as the midnight, not so much as rouning among them, by which they might seem once to common what was before too do. When the mayor saw this, he with other partners of the counsel, drew about the duke and said that the people had not been accustomed there to be spoken too, but by the Recorder, which is the mouth of the city, and happily to him they will answer. With that the Recorder called Thomas Filz Wyllyan, a sad man and an honest, which was but newly come to the office, and never had spoken to the people before, and loath was with that matter to begin notwithstanding, there unto commanded by the More, made rehearsal to the commons of that which the duke had twice purposed himself, but the recorder so tempered his tale, that he showed every thing as the duke his words were, and no part of his own, but all this no change made in the people, wiche alway after one stood as they had been amazed. Where upon, the duke rouned with the More and said, this is a marueileous obstinate silence, and there with turned too the people again with these words. Dear friends, we come to move you too that thing which peraventure we so greatly needed not, but that the lords of this realm and commons of other parts might have sufficed, saving such love we bear you, and so much set by you▪ that we would not gladly do without you, that thing in which to be partners is your weal and honour, which as to us seemeth you see not or way not: wherefore we require you to give us an answer, one or other, whether ye be minded as all the nobles of the realm be, to have this noble prince now protector to be your king? And at these words the people began to whisper among themselves secretly, that the voice was neither loud nor base, but like a swarm of bees▪ till at the last, at the neither end of the hall a bushment of the duke's servants and one Nashfeelde and other belonging to the protector with some apprentices and lads that thrusted into the hall amongst the press, began suddenly at men's backs to cry out as loud as they could, king Richard, king Richard, and there threw up their caps in token of joy, and they that stood before cast back their heads marueiling thereat, but nothing they said. And when the duke and the mayor saw this manner, they wisely turned it to their purpose, and said it was a goodly cry and a joyful to here every man with one voice and no man saying nay. Wherefore friends (quoth the duke,) sith we perceive that it is all your whole minds to have this noble man for your king, whereof we shall make his grace so effectual report that we doubt not but that it shall redound to your great wealth and commodity. We therefore require you that to morrow ye go with us and we with you to his noble grace to make our humble petition and request to him in manner before remembered. And therewith the lords came down and the company dissolved and departed the more part all sad, some with glad sembleaunce that were not very merry, and some of them that came with the duke, not able to dissemble their sorrow, were feign even at his back to turn their face to the wall, while the dolour of their hearts burst out of their yies.  
Then on the morrow the More and aldermen and chief commoners of the city in their best manner apparelled, assembling them together at Paul's, resorted to Baynard's castle where the protector lay, to which place also according too the appoin●tment repaired the duke of Buckyngham, and diverse nobles with him, besides many knights and gentlemen. And there upon the duke sent word to the lord protector of the being there of a great honourable company to move a great matter to his grace. Where upon the protector made great difficult to come down to them, except he knew some part of their errand, as though he doubted and partly mistrusted the coming of such a numbered to him so suddenly, without any warning or knowledge, whether they came for good or harm. Then when the duke had showed this too the Mayor and other, that they might there by see how little the protector looked for this matter, they sent again by the messenger such loving message, and there with so humbly besought him to vouchsafe that they might resort to his presence to purpose their intent of which they would to none other person any part disclose. At the last he came out of his chamber, and yet not down to them, but in a galary over them with a bishop on every hand of him, were they beneath might see him and speak to him, as though he would not yet come near them till he witted what they meant. And there upon, the duke of Buckyngham first made humble petition to him on the behalf of them all, that his grace would pardon them and licence them to purpose unto his grace the intent of their coming without his displeasure, without which pardon obtained, they durst not be so bold to move him of that matter. In which, albeit they meant as much honour to his grace as wealth to all the realm beside, yet were they not sure how his grace would take it, whom they would in no wise offend. Then the protector, as he was very gentle of himself and also longed sore apparently to know what they meant, gave him leave to purpose what him liked, verily trusting for the good mind that he bore them all, none of them any thing would intend to him ward, wherewith he thought to be grieved When the duke had this leave and pardon to speak, than waxed he bold to show him their intent and purpose, with all the causes moving them thereto as ye before have hard. And finally▪ to beseech his grace taht it would like him of his accustomed goodness and zeal unto the realm now with his eye of pity to behold the long continued distress and decay of the same, & to set his gracious hand to the redress and amendment thereof by taking upon him the crown and governance of the realm according to his right and title lawfully descended unto him▪ and to the laud of god profit and surety of the land & unto his grace so much the more honour and less pain, in that y● never prince reigned upon any people that were so glad to live under his obe●saunce as the people of this realm under his.  
When the protector had hard the proposition, he looked very strangely thereat and made answer, that albeit he knew partly the things by them alleged to be true, yet such entire love he bore to king Edward and his children▪ and so much more regarded his honour in other realms about, than the crown of any one▪ of which he was never desirous, so that he could not find in his heart in this point to incline to th●●● desire, for in all other nations where the truth were not well known. It should peraventure be thought that it were his own ambitious mind and devise to depose the prince and to take himself the crown, with which infamy he would in no wi●e have his honour freined for any ●●oune, in which he had ever perchance perceived much more labour and pain▪ then pleasure to him that so would use it as he that would not and were not worthy to have it. Notwithstanding, he not only pardoned them o● the motion that they made him, but also thanked them for the love and hearty favour they bore him, praying them for his sake to bear the same to the prince under whom he was and would be content to live and with his labour & counsel as far as it should like the king too use it, he would do his uttermost deuo●er too set the realm in good estate which was all ready in the little time of his protectourship (lauded be God,) well begun, in that the malice of such as were before the occasion of the contrary and of new intended to be, were now partly by good policy, partly more by God his special providence, than man's provision, repressed and put under.  
Upon this answer given, the duke of Buckyngham by the protector his licence a little rounded, as well with other noble men about him as with the maire and recorder of London. And after that (upon like pardon desired and obtained) he showed aloud unto the protector, for a final conclusion that the realm was appointed that king Edward his line should no longer reign upon them, both that they had so far go that it was now no surety to retreat (as for that they thought it for the weal universal to take the way, although they had not yet begun it.) Wherefore if it would like his grace to take the crown upon him, they would humbly beseech him thereunto, and if he would give them a resolute answer to the contrary (which they would be loath to here) then must they seek and should not fail to found some other noble man that would. These words much moved the protector, which as every man of small intelligence may wit would never have inclined thereto: but when he saw there was none other way but that he must take it, or else he and his both to go from it, he said to the lords and commons, sith it is we perceive well that all the realm is so set (whereof we be very sorry) that they will not suffer in any wise king Edward his line to govern them, whom no man earthily can govern against their wills: And we also perceive that no man is there to whom the crown c●n by so just title appertain as to ourself as very right heir lawfully begotten of the body of our most dread and dear father Richard late duke of York to which title is now joined your election, the nobles and commons of the realm, which we of all titles possible take for most effectual, we be content and agreed favourably to incline to your petition & request, and according to the same, here we take upon us the royal estate of pre-eminence and kingdom of the two noble realms, England and France, the one from this day forward by us and our heirs to rule, govern and defend, the other by God his grace and your good help to get again, subdue and establish for ever in dew obedience unto this realm of England, the advancement whereof we never ask of God longer to live than we intend to procure and set forth. With this there was a great cry and shout, crying king Richard, and so the lords went up to the king, and so he was after that day called. But the people departed talking diversely of the matter, every man as his fantasy gave him, but much they marveled of this manner of dealing, that the matter was on both parts made so strange as though never the one part had command with the other part thereof before, when they wist that there was no man so dull that heard them, but he perceived well enough that all the matter was made between them. Howbeit, some excused that again, saying: all thing must be done in good order, and men must sometime for the manner sake not be acknown what they know. For at the consecration of a bishop, every man perceiveth by payment of his bulls that he intendeth to be one, yet when he is twice asked whether he will be a bishop, he must twice say nay, and at the third time take it upon him as compelled thereto by his own william. And in a stage play, the people know right well that he that playeth the sowdaine, is percase a souter▪ yet if one of acquaintance perchance of little nurture should call him by his name while he standeth in his majesty one of his tourmentours might fortune break his head for marring the play. And so they said, these matters be kings games, as it were staige plays, and for the most part played upon scaffolds, in which poor men be but lookers on, and they that wise be, will med●● no ferther, for they that step up with them when they cannot play their parts, they disorder the play and do themselves no good.   

The tragical doings of King Richard the third.  
Loath I am to remember, but more I abhor to writ, the miserable tragedy of this infortunate prince, which by fraud entered, by tyranny proceeded, and by sudden death ended his infortunate life: But if I should not declare the flagitious facts of the evil princes, as well as I have done the notable acts of virtuous kings, I should neither animate, nor encourage rulers of royalmes▪ Countries and signiories to follow the steps of their profitable progenitors, for to attain to the type of honour and worldly fame: neither yet advertise princes being prone to vice and wickedness, to avoid and expel all sin and mischief, for dread of obloquy and worldly shame: for contrary set to contrary is more apparent, as white joined with black, maketh the fairer show: Wherefore, I will proceed in his acts after my accustomed usage.  
RICHARD the third of that name, usurped the crown of England & openly took upon him to be king, the nyntene day of june, in the year of our lord, a thousand four hundred lxxxiii. and in the xxv year of Lewes the eleventh then being French king: and the morrow after, he was proclaimed king and with great solemnity road to Westminster, and there sat in the seat royal, and called before him the judges of the realm straightly commanding them to execute the law with out favour or delay, with many good exhortations (of the which he followed not one) and then he departed toward the abbey▪ and at the church door he was met with procession, and by the abbot to him was delivered the sceptre of faincte Edward, and so went and offered to saint Edward his shrine, while the Monks sang Te deum with a faint courage, and from the church he returned to the palace, where he lodged till the coronation. And to be sure of all enemies (as he thought) he sent for five thousand men of the North against his coronation, which came up evil appareled and worse harneissed, in rusty harness, neither defensable nor scoured to the sale, which mustered in Finsbury field, to the great disdain of all the lookers on.  
The fourth day of july he came to the tower by water with his wife, and the fifth day he created Edward his only begotten son, a child of ten year old, prince of wales, and John haward, a man of great knowledge and virtue (aswell in counsel as in battle) he created duke of Norfolk, and sir Thomas Hawarde his son he created earl of Surrey, and William lord Barkeley was then created earl of Nottingham, and France's lord Lovel was then made Uicount Lovel, and the king his chamberlain, and the lord Stanley was delivered out of ward for fear of his son the lord Strange, which was then in Lancasshire gathering men (as men said) and the said lord was made Stavarde of the king his household, likewise the archbishop of York was delivered: but Morton bishop of Ely, was delivered to the duke of Buckyngham to keep inward, which sent him to his manor of Brecknoke in Wales, from whence he escaped to king Richard his confusion, The same night the king made seventeen knights of the Bath. The next day he road through London with great pomp, and in especial the duke of Buckyngham was richly apparelled and his horse trapped in blue beluet enbroudered with the naves of carts burning of gold: which trapper was borne by footmen from the ground, with such solemn fashion that all men much regarded it.  
On the morrow being the sixth dare of july, the king came toward his coronation into Westminster hall, where his chapel and all the prelate's mitred received him. And so they in order of procession passed forward: After the procession followed th'earl of Northumberlande with a poinctelesse sword naked, and the lord Stanley bore the Mace of the constableshippe. th'earl of Kente bore the second sword on the right hand of the king naked. The lord Lovel bore an other sword on the left hand. Then followed the duke of Suffolk with the sceptre, and the earl of Lyncolne with the ball and cross. After them followed the new earl of Surrey with the sword of estate in a rich scabbard. On the right side of him went the duke of Norfolk bearing the crown: then followed king Richard in a Circot and rob of purple velvet under a canabie borne by the barons of the five ports, going between the bishops of Bath and Duresme. The duke of Buckingham with the rod of the high steward of England bore the king his train. After him followed th'earl of Huntyngdon, bearing the queens sceptre, and the Uicount lisle, bearing the rod with the dove, And the earl of Wiltshire bore the queens crown. Then followed queen Anne daughter to Richard earl of Warwick in robes like to the king, between two bishops, and a canabie over her head, borne by the Barones' of the ports. On her head a rich coronal set with stone and pearl. After her followed the countess of Richemond heir to the duke of Somerset, which bore up the queens train. After followed the duchess of Suffolk and Norfolk with countesses, baronesses, ladies, and many fair gentlewomen: in this order they passed through the palace, and entered the abbey at the West end, and so came to their seats of estate. And after diverse songs solemnly song, they both descended to the high altar and were shifted from their robes, and had diverse places open from the middle upward, in which places they were anointed. Then both the king and the queen changed them into cloth of gold and ascended to their seats, where the cardinal of Cauntorbury and other bishops them crowned according to the old custom of the realm, giving him the sceptre in the left hand and the ball with the cross in the right hand, and the queen had the sceptre in her right hand, and the rod with the dove in the left hand: On every side of the king stood a duke, and before him stood the earl of Surrey with the sword in his hands. And on every side of the queen standing a bishop and a lady kneeling. The Cardinal song the mass, and after pax, the king and the queen descended, and before the high altar they were both houseled with one host divided between them. After mass finished, they both offered at saint Edward his shrine and there the king left the crown of saint Edward, and put on his own crown. And so in order as they came, they departed to Westminster hall, and so to their chambers for a season, during which time the duke of Norfolk came into the hall his horse trapped to the ground in cloth of gold as high marshal, and voided the hall.  
About four of the clock the king and queen entered the hall, and the king sat in the middle, and the queen on the left hand of the table, and on every side of her flood a countess holding a cloth of pleasance, when she list to drink. And of the right hand of the king sat the bishop of Countorbury, the ladies sat all on one side in the middle of the hall, and at the table against them sat the chancellor and all the lords. At the table next the cupboard sat the More of London. And at the table behind the lords, sat the Barones' of the ports. And at the other boards sat noble and worshipful personages. When all persons were set, the duke of Norfolk earl Martial, the earl of Surrey constable for that day, the lord Stanley lord Steward, sir William Hopton treasurer, and sir Thomas Percy controller came in and served the king solemnly with one dish of gold and another of silver. And the queen all in guilt vessel, and the bishop all in silver. At the second course came into the hall, sir Robert Democke the king his champion, making a proclamation, that whosoever would say that king Richard was not lawfully king, he would fight with him at the utterance and threw down his gauntlet: and then all the hall cried king Richard. And so he did in three parts of the hall, and then one brought him a cup with wine covered, & when he had drunk he cast out the drink, and departed with the cup. After that, the heralds cried a largesse thrice in the hall, and so went up to their staige. At the end of dinner, the More of London served the king and queen with sweet wine, and had of each of them a cup of gold with a cover of gold. And by that time that all was done, it was darkenight: And so the king returned to his chamber, and every man to his lodging. When this feast was thus fineshed, the king sent home all the lords into their countries that would depart, except the lord Stanley, whom he retained till he hard what his son the lord strange went about. And to such as went home, he gave straight charge and commandment to see their countries well ordered, and that no wrong nor extortion should be done to his subjects. And thus he taught other to execute justice and equity, the contrary whereof he daily exercised: he also with great rewards given to the Northrenmen which he sent for to his coronation, sent them home to their country with great thanks. Whereof diverse of them, (as they all be of nature very greedy of authority, and specially when they think to have any comfort or favour.) took on them so highly and wrought such masteries, that the king was feign to ride thither in his first year, and to put some in execution, and stay the country, or else no small mischief had ensued  
Incontinente after this, he sent a solemn Ambassade to Lewes the French king, to conclude a league and amity with him, trusting also to obtain the tribute which king Edward his brother had before out of France, but the French king so abhorred him and his cruelty, that he would neither see nor hear his Ambassadors, a so in vain they returned.  
Now after this triumphant coronation, there fell mischiefs thick and thick, and as the thing evil gotten is never well kept, so through all the time of his usurped reign, never ceased there cruel murder, death and slaughter, till his own destruction ended it. But as he finished with the best death and most rightewyse, that is to say his own, so began he with the most piteous and wicked, I mean the lamentable murder of his innocent nephews, the young king and his tender brother, whose death and final fortune hath nevertheless so far come in question that some remained long in doubt whether they were in his days destroyed or no. Not for that that Parkin warbeck by many folks malice, and more folks folly so long space abusing the world, was aswell with princes as with poor people reputed and taken for the younger of these two: But for that also that all things were so covertly demeaned, one thing pretended and another meant, that there was nothing so plain and openly proved, but that yet for the common custom o● close and covert dealing, men had it ever inwardly suspect, as many well counterfeit jewels make the true mistrusted. Hobeit, concerning that opinion, men may see the conveyance thereof in the life of the noble prince king Henrye the vii in the process of Parkyn. But in the mean season, for this present matter I shall rehearse to you the dolorous end of these two babes, not after every way that I have hard, but after that way that I have so hard by such men and such means as me thinketh it to be hard but it should be true.  
King Richard after his coronation, taking his way to Gloucester, 
The destruction of king Edward● children.  to visit in his new honour the town, of which he bore the name of old, devised as he road to fulfil that thing which he before had intended. And forasmuch as his mind gave him that his nephews living, men would not reckon that he could have right to the realm. he thought therefore without delay to rid them, as though the killing of his kinsmen might end his cause, and make him kindly king. Where upon he sent John Grene, whom he specially trusted, unto sir Robert Brakembury constable of the tower, with a letter and credence also, that the same sir Roberte in any wise should put the two children to death. This john Grene did his errand to Brakenbury, kneeling before our lady in the Tower, who plainly answered that he would never put them to death to die therefore. With the which answer Grene returned, recompting the same to king Richard at Warwyke yet on his journey, wherewith he took such displeasure and thought that the same night he said to a secret page of his: Ah, whom shall a man trust? they that I have brought up myself, they that I went would have most surely served me, even those fail me, and at my commandment will do nothing for me. Sir quoth the page, there lieth one in the palet chamber with out that I dare well say, to do your grace pleasure the thing were right hard that he would refuse, meaning this by james Tirel, which was a man a goodly parsonage, and for the gifts of nature worthy to have served a much better prince, if he had well served God▪ and by grace obtained to have as much truth and good will, as he had strength and wit.  
The man had an high heart and sore longed upward, not rising yet so fast as he had hoped, being hindered and kept under by sir Richard Ratcliff and sir William Catesbye, which longing for no more partners of the Prince's favour, namely not for him, whose pride they knew would bear no peer, kept him by secret drifts out of all secret trust: which thing this page had well marked and known: wherefore, this occasion offered of very special friendship spied his time to set him forward, and such wise to do him good, that all the enemies that he had (except the devil) could never have done him so much hurt and shame, for upon the pages words, king Richard arose (for this communication had he sitting on a draft, a convenient carpet for such a counsel) and came out into the palet chamber, where he did find in bed the said james Tyrell and sir Thomas Tyrell of person like and brethren of blood, but nothing of kin in conditions. Then said the king merely to them, what sirs, be you in bed so soon? and called up james Tyrell, & broke to him secretly his mind in this mischievous ma●●er, in the which he found him nothing strange. Wherefore on the morrow he sent him to Brakynbury with a letter by the which he was commanded to deliver to the said james all the keys of the Tower for a night, to th'end that he might there accomplish the kings pleasure in such things as he there had given him in commandment. After which letter delivered & the keys received, james appointed the next night ensuing to destroy them, devising before and preparing the means.  
The prince assoon as the Protector took upon him to be king, and left the name of protector, was thereof advertised and showed, that he should not reign, but his uncle should have the crown. At which word the prince sore abashed began to sigh and said: Alas I would mine uncle would let me have my life although I lose my kingdom. Then he that told him the tale used him with good words and put him in the best comfort that he could, but forthwith he and his brother were both shut up, and all other removed from them, one called black Wyl, or William Slaughter only except, which were set to serve them, and iiii. other to see them sure. After which time, the prince never tied his points, nor any thing roughte of himself, but with that young babe his brother lyngered in thought and heaviness, till this traitorous deed delivered them of that wretchedness.  
For james Tirrell devised that they should be murdered in their beds, and no blood shed: to the execution whereof, he appointed Miles Forest one of the four that before kept them, a fellow flesh bred in murder before time: and to him he joined one john Dighton his own horsekeeper, a big broad square and strong knave. Then all the other being removed from them, this Miles Forest and john Dighton about midnight, 
King Edward's children furthered.  the silly children lying in their beds, came into the chamber and sodenli lapped them up amongst the clotheses and so bewrapped them and entangled them, keeping down by force the featherbed and pillows hard unto their mouths, that within a while they smored & ●●yfled them, and their breaths failing, they gave up to God their innocent souls into the joys of heaven, leaving to the tourmentours their bodies dead in the bed, which after the wretches perceived, first by the struggling, with the pangs of death, and after long lying still to be thoroughly dead, they laid the bodies out upon the bed, and fetched james Tirr●ll to see them, which when he saw them perfectly dead, he caused the murderers to bury them at the stair foot, meetly deep in the ground under a great heap of stones.  
Then road james Tirrel in great haste to king Richard, and showed him all the manner of the murder, who gave him great thanks, and as men say, there made him knight, but he allowed not their burial in so vile a corner, sa●yng that he would have them buried in a better place because they were a kings sons: Lo the honourable courage of a king, for he would recompense a detestable murder with a solemn obsequy. Whereupon a priest of sir Robert Break●nburies took them up & buried them in such a place secretly as by the occasion of his death (which was very shortly after) which only knew it the very truth could never yet be very well and perfectly known. For some say that king Richard caused the priest to take them up and close them in lead and to put them in a coffyne full of holes hooked at the ends with ii hokes of yro●, and so to cast them into a place called the Black depes at the Themes mouth, so that they should never rise up nor be seen again. This was the very truth unknown by reason that the said priest died so shortly & disclosed it never to any person that would utter it. And for a truth, when sir james Tirrell was in the Tower for treason committed to king Henrye the seventh: both he and Dighton were examined together of this point, and both they confessed the murder to be done in the same manner as you have hard, but whether the bodies were removed, they both affirmed they never knew. And thus as I have learned of them that much knew and little cause had to lie, where these two noble princes, these innocent tender children, borne of the most royal blood and brought up in great wealth, likely long to live, to reign and rule in the realm, by traitorous tyranny taken and deprived of their estate, shortly shut up in prison and privily ●●aine and murdered by the cruel ambition of their unnatural uncle and his dispiteous tormentors: which things on every part well pondered, God gave this world never a more notable example, either in what unsurety standeth this worlds weal, or what mischief worketh the proud enterprise of an high heart, or finally, what wretched end ensueth such dispiteous cruelty. For first to begin with the ministers, Miles Forest▪ 
The end of the murderers of king Edward's children.  at saint Mar●yns le grand by piece meal miserably rotten away, john Dighton lived at Caleys long after, no less disdained and hated then poincted at, and there died in great misery: But sir james Tyrrel was beheaded at the Tower hill for treason: And king Richard himself was slain in field hacked and hewn of his enemy's hands, harried on a horseback naked being dead, his here in despite torn and tugged like a cur dog. And the mischief that he took with in less than three years, of the mischief that he did in three months be not comparable, and yet all the mean time spent in much trouble and pain outward, and much fear, dread and anguish within. For I have hard by credible report of such as were secret with his chamberers that after this abominable deed done, he never was quiet in his mind, he never thought himself sure where he went abroad, his body privily feinted, his eyen whirled about, his hand ever on his dagger, his countenance and manner like always to strick again, he took evil rest on rights, lay long waking and musing, forweried with care and watch, rather from bred then slept, troubled with fearful dreams, 
From the beginning of King Edward the fift: hitherto, is of sir Thomas Moor's 〈◊〉.  suddenly sometime start up, leap●● out of his bed and looked about the chamber, so was his restless heart continually tossed and tumbled with the tedious impression and stormy remembrance of his abominable murder and execrable tyranny.  
KING Richard by this abommable mischief & scelerous act▪ thinking himself well relieved both of fear and thought, would not have it kept counsel, but with in a few days caused it to run in a common rumour that the ii children were sodanlie dead, and to this intent as it is to be deemed that now, none heir male being alive of king Edward's body lawfully begotten, the people would be content with the more patient heart, & quiet mind, to obey him & suffer his rule and governance: but when the fame of this detestable fact was revealed, & devulged through the hole realm, there fell generally, such a dolour & inwardsorow in to the hearts of all the people, that all fear of his cruelty set a side, they in every town, street, and place openly wept, and pitiou●●ye sobbed. And when their sorrow was somewhat mitigate, there inward grudge could not refrain but cry out in plates public, and also private furiously saying, what creature of all creatures is so malicious and so obstinate an enemy either to God, or to christian religion, or to human nature, which would not have abhorred, or at the jest abstained from so miserable a murder of so execrable a tyranny. To murder a man is much odious, to kill a woman, is in manner unnatural, but to slay and destroy innocent babes, & young enfantes, the whole world abhorreth, and the blood from the earth crieth, for vengeance to all mighty God. If the common people cried out, I assure you the friends of the queen, and her children made no less exclamation and complaint with loud voice lamentable come crying and saying a 'las what will he do to other that thus shamefully murdereth his own blood with out cause or desert: whom, will he save when he slaith the poor lambs committed to him in trust? now we see and behold that the most cruel tyranny hath invaded the common wealth, now we see that in him is neither hope of justice nor trust of mercy but abundance of cruelty and thrust of innocent blood. But when these news were first brought to the infortunate mother of the dead children yet being in sanctuary, no doubt but it struck to her heart, like the sharp dart of death: for when she was first informed of the murder of her ii sons, she was so suddenly amassed with the greatness of the cruelty that for fear she sounded and fell down to the ground. And there lay in a great agony like to a dead corpse. And after that she came to her memory and was revived again, she wept and sobbed and with pitiful scriches she replenished the hole mansion, her breast she puncted, her fair here she ●are and pulled in pieces & being overcome with sorrow & pencivenes rather desired death then life calling by name divers times her sweet babes, accounting herself more than mad that she deluded by wile and fraudulent promises delivered her younger son out of the sanctuary to his enemy to the put to death thinking that next the oath made to God broken, & the duty of allegiance toward her children violated, she of all creatures in that point was most seduced and deceived. After long lamentation, when she saw no hope of revenging otherwise, she kneeled down and cried on God to take vengeance for the disceaytfull perjury, as who said that she nothing mistrusted but once he would remember it. What is he living that if he remember and behold these ii noble enfantes with out deserving, so shamefully murdered, that will not abhor the fact, ye & be moved & tormented with pity and mercy. And yet the world is so frail and our nature so blind that few be stirred with such examples, obliviouslie forgetting, and little considering, that oftentimes for the offences by the parents perpetrate and committed, that sin is punished in there line and posterity. This chance might so happen to this innocent children, because king Edward their father and parent offended in staining his conscience: he made his solemn oath before the gate of the city of York (as you have hard before) and promised and swore one thing by his word thinking clean contrary in his heart as after did appear. And afterward by the death of the duke of Clarence his brother, he incurred (of likelyehod) the great displeasure toward God. After this murder this perpetrated and that he had visited his town of Gloucester which he for his old dignity both loved and with ample liberties and privileges endued and decorated, he took his journey toward the county of York, where the people abusing his lawful favour (as he both favoured and trusted them in his heart) had of late presumed to attempt divers routs and riottes contrary to his laws and enfrynging of his peace, and upon hope of his maintenance, were so elated that no lord were he never of so great power could either pacify or rule them till the king himself came personally thither to set a concord and an unity in that country and to bridle and rule the rude rustical and blustering bold people of that region, and so he by long iourneyinge came to the city of York where the citizens received him with great pomp and triumph, according to the qualities of their education and quantity of there substance and ability, and made divers days plays and pageantes in token of joy and solace. Wherefore king Richard magnified and applauded of the northern nation, & also to show himself apparently before them in habit royal with sceptre in hand and diadem on his head, made proclamation that all persons should resort to York on the day of the ascension of our lord where all men should both behold and see him his queen and prince in there high estates and degrees and also for their good wills, should receive many thanks, large benefits and muni●icente rewards. At the day appointed the hole clergy assembled in copes richly revested and so with a reverent ceremony went about the city in procession, after whom followed the king with his crown and sceptre appareled in his circot rob royal accompanied with no small number of the nobility of his realm: after whom marched in order queen Anne his wife likewise crowned leading on her left hand Prince Edward her son having on his head a demi crown appointed for the degree of a prince. The king was had in that triumph in such honour and the common people of the north so rejoiced that they extolled and praised him far above the stars. After this solemn feast and glorious pomp he kept great counsels there, as well for the ordering of the country in time to come, as for the brydelling and punyshinge of such as there had misgoverned themselves: and farther of the gentlemen of that country, he augmented the number of his domestical ministers & servants, in the which persons he put his whole trust & affiance. When all things were thus discreetly ordered, he returned by Nothynghan, and after came to London: whom more for dread then for love, the citizens received in great compaygnies. Thus king Richard by a new invented cruelty and late practised tyranny obtained and grew to high praise and honour, and then by the admiration and judgement of the common multitude, he was most esteemed to be exalted in to heaven, when he covertly had intelligence, that he was like to loose his estate and could by no means have long continuance in his usurped power: for assuredly after the death of king Edward's children when any blusteringe wind perilous thunder or terrible tempest, chansed or were apparently like to happen: Suddenly the people having in there fresh memory the facinorous act of there king and prince, would openly cry and make vocyferation that God did take vengeance and punish the poor Englishmen, for the crime and offence of there ungracious king, whom they blamed, accursed and wished to have extreme tortures. Although king Richard hard often of this slanderous words and malicious saying and knew well by what persons they were spoken, yet he dirst not with strong hand be on the first inventors revenged, knowing that some time it is no wisdom to refuse or disdaigne them that tell a ruler his duty or declare to him his mysbehavour toward the common wealth, or counsel him to amend and change his ill life. After this great felicity, he fell again in to a great fear and pencivenes of mind, and because he could by no means either correct or amend things that were passed, he determined by doing his duty in all things to his commons, to obliterate and put out of memory that note of infamy with the which his fame was justly spotted and slayned, and to 'cause the people to co●ceyue so good an opinion in him, that from thence forth no calamity nor trouble should be adjudged to happen to the common wealth, either by his negligence or by his misgovernance (although it is difficile and strange shortelie to turn and pluck out such qualities and usages as have of long time been encorporate in a man's mind and rooted in his manners and conditions.) Therefore whether it was for the performance of his former intent of amendment or (as the common fame slew a broad) that he took repentance of his mischievous acts and scelerate doings, he turned over the leffe, and began an order of a new life, and pretended to have the name of a good and virtuous man, by the reason that he showed himself more just, more meeker, more familiar, more liberal (especially a 'mongst the poor people) then before he had accustomed to do, and so by this means he firmly trusted first to obtain of god forgiveness of his offences and crimes, and after to levy and take a way the enemy and inward grudge that the common people bore in their minds toward him, and in conclusion, to obtain their friendly love and assured favour. He furthermore began and enterprised divers things aswell public as private, the which he being prevented by sudden death did neither accomplish nor bring to conclusion, for he begun to found a college of a hundredth priests, which foundation with the founder shortly took an end. To please the common people also, he in his high court of parliament enacted divers and sundry good laws and profitable statutes and in especial one against strangers and foreign wrought wares, not to be transported in to this realm, which commodius act for the common wealth if he had lived he fully purposed to have advanced & fet forward & put in execution. But afterward evidently to all persons it appeared, that only fear (which is not a master long in office and in continual authority) and not justice, caused king richard at that very time to wax better and amend his sinful life, for shortly the goodness of the man which was but payncted and fraudulent, suddenly waxed could and vanished away. And from thence forth not only all his counsels, doings and proceedings, suddenly decayed and sorted to none effect: But also fortune began to frown and turn her wheel downwardly from him, in so much that he lost his only begotten son called Edward in the iii month, after he had created him prince of Wales.  

¶ The ii year.  
ANd shortly after, The ii year he was unquieted by a conspiracy, or rather a confederacy between the duke of Buckyngham and many other gentlemen against, him as ye shall hear: But the occasion why the duke and the king fell out, is of diverse folk diversely pretended. This duke as you have hard before, assoon as the duke of Gloucester after the death of king Edward was come to York▪ and there had solemn funeral service done for king Edward, sent to him a secret servant of his called Persall, with such messages as you have hard before. And after the duke of Buckyngham came with. CCC. horse to Northampton and still continued with him, as partner and chief organ of his devices till after his coronation, they departed to all seeming very friends at Gloucester. From whence assoon as the duke came home, he so highly turned from him and so highly conspired against him, that a man would marvel whereof the change grew in so short space. Some say this occasion was, that a little before the coronation, the duke required the king amongst other things to be restored to the earl of Herfordes' lands: And forasmuch as the title which he claimed by inheritance, was somewhat interlaced, with the title of Lancaster, which house made a title to the crown, and enjoyed the same three discentes, as all men knew, till the house of York deprived the third king, which was Henry the sixth▪ King Richard somewhat mistrusted and conceived such an indignation, that he rejected the duke's request, with many spiteful, and minotary words, which so wounded the duke's heart with hatred and mistrust, that he could never after endure to look right on king Richard but ever feared his own life, so far forth, that when the protector should ride to his coronation, he feigned himself sick, because he would do him no honour. And the other taking it in evil part, sent him word to rise and ride or he would make him to be carried. Whereupon, gorgeously appareled, and sumpteously trapped with burning cart naves of gold embroidered, he road before the king through London with an evil will and worse heart. And that notwithstanding, he roase the day of the coronation from the feast, feigning himself sick, which king Richard said was done in hate and spirit of him. And therefore men said that each of them ever after lived continually in such hatred and distrust of other, that the duke looked verily to have been murdered at Gloucester, from which he in fair manner departed: but surely such as were right secret with both, affirm all this to be untrue and other wise men think it unlikely, the deep dissymuling nature of both these men well considered. And what need in that green world the protector had of the duke, and in what peril the duke stood if he fell once in suspicion of that tyrant, that either the protector would give the duke occasion of displeasure, or the duke the protector occasion of mistrust. And surely men think, that if king Richard had any such opinion conceived in him, he would never have suffered him to avoid his hands or escape his power: but very true it is, that the duke of Buckyngham was an high minded man, and evil could bear the glory of another, so that I have heard of some that saw it, that he at such time as the corune was set upon the protectors head, his eye could never abide the sight thereof, but wried his head another way: but men said he was not well at ease, and that was both to king. Richard well known and well taken, nor any demand of the duke's request uncourteously rejected, but gently deferred, but both he with great gifts and high be hests in most loving and trusty manner departed from the king to Gloucester. Thus every man judged as he thought, but soon after his coming home to Breckenocke, having there by king Richard's commandment doctor Morton bishop of Ely, who before as you have have hard was taken at the counsel at the tower, waxed with him very familiar, whose only wisdom abused his pride, to his own deliverance and the duke's destruction. The bishop was a man of great natural wit, very well learned and of honourable behaviour, lacking no wise ways to win favour. He was first upon the part of king Henrye, while that part was in wealth, and neither left it nor forsook it in no woe, but fled the realm with the queen and the prince. And while king Edward had king Henry in prison, he never returned but to the field at Barnet: After which field lost and utterly subdued and all part takynges extynguished, king Edward for his fast faith and wisdom▪ as not only content to receive him, but also wooed him to come and had him from thensforthe both in secret trust and special favour, whom he nothing deceived. For the being after king Edward's death first taken by the tyrant for his truth to the king, found the mean to set the duke in his top, and joined gentlemen together in aid of the earl of Richemonde, which after was named king Henry the seventh: first devising the marriage between the lady Elizabeth daughter to king Edward the fourth, by the which his faithful and true service declared to both his masters at once, was an infinity benefit to the realm, by the conjunction of the bloods of Lancaster and York, whose funeral titles had long iniquieted the realm. This man afterward escaped from the duke and fled the realm, and never returned, and went to Rome, never minding to meddle with the world, till king Henry the seventh sent for him, and after made him archbishop of Cauntorbury and chancellor of England, and after was made Cardinal, and lived well to all men's judgements and died well. But to return to the former purpose, he by the long and often alternate proof, as well of prosperity as adverse fortune, had gotten by great experience the very mother and masters of wisdom, and deep insight in politic & worldly drifts, whereby perceiving now the duke to common with him, ●ed him with fair words and many pleasant praises, and perceiving by the grief of their communications the duke's pride now and then to baulk out a little braid of envy toward the glory of the king, and thereby feeling him easy to fall out if the matter were well handled, he craftily sought the ways to prick him forward taking always the occasion of his coming, and also keeping himself close within his bands that he rather seemed to follow him then to lead him. For when the duke began first to praise and boast the king and show how much profit the realm should take by his reign: Bishop Morton answered, surely my lord, folly it were for me to lie, for I am sure if I would swear the contrary ye would not once believe me but if the world would have begun as I would have wished, that king Henry's son had had the crown and not king Edward, then would I have been his true and faithful subject, but after that God had ordained him to loose it, and king Edward to reign, I was never so mad with a dead man to strive against the quick, so was I ever to king Edward a faithful and true chapeleyn and glad would have been that his children should have succeeded him howbeit if the secret judgement of God have otherwise provided, I purpose not to spurn against the prick, nor labour to set up that God pulleth down. And as for the late protector and now king: and with that word he left, saving that he said that he had already meddled to much with the world and would from that day meddle with his book and beads, and no further. Then longed the duke sore to hear, what he would have said, because he ended with the king, and there so suddenly stopped, and exhorted him familiarly, between them both to be bold and to say whatsoever he thought, whereof he faithfully promised there should never come hurt, and peradventure more good than he would ween. And that he himself intended to use his faithful secret advice and counsel, which he said was the only cause for the which he procured of the king to have him in his custody, where he might reckon him self at home, or else he had been put in the hands of them with whom he should not have found like favour. The bishop right humbly thanked him and said, in good faith my lord, I love not much to talk of princes as of a thing not all out of peril, although the word be without fault, but yet it must be as it pleaseth the prince to construe it. And ever I think on Isopes' tale, that when the Lion had proclaimed that on pain of death there should no horned beasts come into the wood, one beast that had a bonche of flesh growing out of his head, fled a great pace: the Fox that saw him fly with all the haste, asked him whether he fled? In faith quoth he, I neither wot ne reck, so I were once hence, because of the proclamation made against horned beasts. What fool quoth the fox, the Lion never meant it by thee, for that which thou haste is no horn in thy head. Not marry quoth he, I wot that well enough, but if he say it is a horn, where am I then? The duke laughed merely at the tale and said, my lord I warrant you, neither the Lion nor the boar shall pick any matter at any thing here spoken, for it shall never come near their ears. In good faith, sir said the bishop, if it did, the thing that I was about to say taken aswell as before God I meant, it could deserve but thank, and yet taken as I ween it would, might happen to turn me to little good and you to less.  
Then longed the duke much more to weet what it was, whereupon the bishop said. In good faith my lord, as for the late protector, sith he is now king in possession I purpose not to dispute his title, but for the wealth of this realm, whereof his grace hath now the governance, and whereof I myself am a poor member, I was about to wish that to those good abilities whereof he hath already right many, little neading my praise, yet might it have pleased God for the better store to have given him some of such other excellent virtues meet for the rule of the realm, as our lord hath planted in the person of your grace, and there left of again. The duke somewhat marueling at his sudden pauses as though they were but parentheses, with a high countenance said: my lord I evidently perceive and no less note your often breathing and sudden stopping in your communication, so that to my intelligence your words neither come to any direct or perfect sentence in conclusion, whereby either I might perceive and have knowledge what your inward intent is now toward the king, or what affection you bear toward me. For the comparison of good qualities ascribed to us both (for the which I myself knowledge and recognize to have none, nor look for no praise of any creature for the same) maketh me not a little to muse thinking that you have some other privy Imagination, by love or by grudge engraved and imprinted in your heart, which for fear you dare not or for childeshe shamefastness you be abashed to disclose and reveal, and especially to me being your friend, which on my honour do assure you to be as secret in this case as the deaf and dumb person is to the singer, or the tree to the hunter. The bishop being somewhat boulder, considering the duke's promise, but most of all ammated and encouraged because he knew the duke desirous to be exalted and magnified, and also he perceived the inward hatred and privy rancour which he bore toward king Richard, was now boldened to open his stomach even to the very bottom, intending thereby to compass how to destroy and utterly confound king Richard, and to deprive him of his dignity royal, or else to set the Duke so a fire with the desire of ambition, that he himself might be safe and escape out of all danger and peril, which thing he brought shortly to conclusion both to the kings destruction and the duke's confusion and to his own safeguard, and finally, to his high promotion. And so (as I said before) upon trust and confidence of the duke's promise, the bishop said: my singular good lord sith the time of my captivity, which being in your grace's custody I may rather call it a liberal liberty more them a strait emprysonment, in a voiding idleness mother and norissher of all vices, in reading books and ancient pamphlettes I have found this sentence written, that no man is borne fire and in liberty of himself only, for one part of duty he oweth or should own to his parents for his procreation by a very natural instinct and filial courtesy: another part, to his friends and kinsfolk, for proximity of blood and natural amity doth of very duty challenge and demand: But the native country in the which he tasted first the sweet airs of this pleasant and flattering world after his nativity, demandeth as a debt by a natural bond neither to be forgotten nor yet to be put in oblivion, which saying causeth me to consider in what case this realm my native country now standeth, and in what estate and assueraunce before this time it hath continued: what governor we now have, and what ruler we might have, for I plainly perceive the realm being in this case must needs decay and be brought to utter confusion and final exterminion: But one hope I have encorporate in my breast, that is, when I consider and in my mind do diligently remember, and daily behold your noble parsonage, your justice▪ and indifference, your ●eruente zeal and ardent love toward your natural country, and in like manner the love of your country toward you, the great learning, pregnaunte wit and goodly eloquence, which so much doth abound in the person of your grace, I must needs think this realm fortunate, ye twice more than fortunate, which hath such a prince in store, meet and apt, to be a governor in whose person being endued with so many princely qualities consisteth and resteth the very undoubted similitude and image of true honour. But on the other side when I call to memory the good qualities of the late protector and now called king, so violated and subverted by tyranny, so thaunged, & altered by usurped authority, so clouded and shadowed by blind and infaciable ambition, ye and so suddenly (in manner by a metamorphosis) transformed from politic civility, to detestable tyranny: I must needs say and justly affirm, that he is neither meet to be a king of so noble a realm, nor so famous a realm meet to be governed by such a tyrant: Was not his first enterprise to obtain the crown begun and incepted by the murder of divers noble valiant true and virtuous personages: O a holy beginning to come to a mischievous ending, did he not secondarily proceed contrary to all laws of honesty, shamefully against his own natural mother, being a woman of much honour, and more virtue, declaring her openly to be a woman given to carnal affection, and dissolute living (which thing if it had been true as it was not in deed, ●uery good and natural child would have rather mummed at, then to have blasted a broad and especially she being a live.) Declaring furthermore his two. brethren and his ii nephews to be bastards & to be borne in avoutrey, yet not with all this content. After that he had obtained the garland for the which he so long thrusted, he caused the two poor innocens his nephews committed to him, for especial trust, to be murdered and shamefully to be killed. The blood of which silly and little babes daily cry to God, from the earth for vengeance. Alas my heart sobbith, to remember this bloody boutcher and cruel monster, what surety shall be in this realm to any person, other for life or goods under such a cruel prince, which regardeth not the destruction of his own blood, and then less the loss of other. And most especially as oftentimes it chanceth, where a covetous or a cruel prince taketh suspicion, the smaleste, swerving that is possible (if the thing be mysconstered) may be the cause of the destruction of many guiltless persons: and in especial of noble and wealth personages having great possessions and riches: Such a lord is Lucifer when he is entered into the heart of a proud prince, given to covetousness and cruelty. But now my Lord to conclude what I mean toward your noble person, I say and affirm, if you love God, your lineage, or your native country, your must your self take upon you the Crown and Diadem of this noble empire, both for the mayntenauns of the honour of the same (which so long hath floreshed in fame and renown) as also for the deliverance of your natural country men, from the bondage and thraldom (worse than the captivity of Egypte) of so cruel a tyrant and arrogant oppressor. For thus I dare say, if any foreign prince or potentate, ye the turk him self would take upon him the regiment here and the crown, the commons would rather admit and obey him, then to live under such a blood supper and child killer: but how much more joyful and glad would they be to live under your grace, whom they all know to be a ruler meet and convenient for them, and they to be loving and obedient subjects meet to live under such a governor: despise not, nor forsake not so manifest occasion so lovingly offered. And if you yourself knowing the pain and travail that appertaineth to the office of a king, or for any other consideration, will refuse to take upon you the crown and sceptre of this realm: Then I adjure you by the faith that you own to God, by your honour and by your oath made to Saint George patron of the noble order of the gartier (whereof you be a companion) and by the love and affection that you bear to your native country and the people of the same, to devise some way how this realm now being in misery may by your high discretion and princely policy, be brought and reduced to some surety and convenient regiment under some good governor by you to be excogitate: for you are the very patron, the only help, refuge, and comfort for the poor amazed and desolate commons of this realm. For if you could either devise to set up again the lineage of Lancaster or advance the eldest daughter of king Edward to some high and puissant prince, not only the new crowned king shall small time enjoy the glory of his dignity, but also all civil war should cease, all domestical discord should sleep, and peace, profit and quietnies should be set forth and embraced. When the bishop had thus ended his saying, the duke sighed and spoke not of a great while, which sore abashed the bishop and made him change colour: which thing when the duke apperceived, he said, be not afraid my lord, all promises shall be kept, to morrow we will common more: let us go to supper, so that night they commoned no more, not a little to the iniquietation of the bishop, which now was enen as desirous to know the duke's mind and intent, as the duke longed the day before to know his opinion and meaning. So the next day, the duke sent for the bishop and rehearsed to him in manner (for he was both witty and eloquent) all the communication had between them before, and so paused a while, and after a little season putting of his bonett he said: O lord God creator of all things how much is this realm of England and the people of the same bounden to thy goodness, for where we now be in vexation and trouble with great storms oppressed sailing and tossing in a desperate ship without good master or governor: but by thy help good lord I trust or long time pass that we shall provide for such a ruler as shallbe both to thy pleasure, and also to the security and safeguard of this noble realm. And then he put on his bonett saying to the bishop, my lord of Ely whose true heart and sincere affection toward me at all times, I have evidently perceived and known, and now most of all in our last privy communication and secret devising, I must needs in heart think and with mouth confess and say; that you be a sure friend, a trusty counsellor, a vigilant foresear, a very lover of your country, a natural countryman: for which kindness for my part, I most lovingly tender to you my hearty thanks now with words: hereafter trusting to recompense and remunerate you with deeds, if life and power shall serve. And sith at our last communication, you have disclosed, and opened, the very secrets and privities of your stomach, touching the duke of Gloucester now usurper of the crown, and also have a little touched the advancement of the ii noble famelyes of York & Lancaster: I shall likewise not only declare and manifest unto you, all my open acts, attempts and doings, but also my privy intents, and secret cogitations. To the intent that as you have unbuckeled your bogett of your privy meanings, and secret purposes to me: so shall all my cloudy working, close devices, and secret imaginations, be (as clear as the some) revealed, opened, and made lightesome to you. And to begin, I declare: that when king Edward was disseaced, to whom I thought myself little or nothing beholden, (all though we ii had married two sisters) because, he neither promoted nor preferred me, as I thought I was worthy & had deserved, neither favoured nor regarded me, according to my degree and birth: For surely I had by him little authority, and les●e rule, and in effect nothing at all: which caused me the less to favour his children, because I found small humanity, or none in there parent. I than began to study, and with mature, deliberation, to ponder and consider, how & in what manner this realm should be ruled and governed. And first I remembered an old proverb worthy of memory, that often ruithe the realm, where children rule, and women govern. This old adage so sank, and settelled in my head, that I thought it a great error, and extreme mischief to the hole realm, either to suffer the young king to rule, or the qu●ne his mother to be a governor over him, considering that her brothers, and her first children (all though they were not extract of high and noble lineage) took more upon them, and more exalted themselves by reason of the queen, than did the kings brothers, or any duke in his realm: Which in conclusion turned to there confusion. Then I being persuaded with myself in this point, thought it necessary both for the public and profitable wealth of this realm, and also for mine own commodity and emolument, to take part with thee duke of Eloucester: Whom I assure you I thought to be as clean without dissimulation, as tractable without injury, as merciful without cruelty, as now I know him perfectly to be a dissembler without verity, a tyrant without petty, yea, and worse than the tyrant phaleres, destitute of all trutghe and clemency: And so by my means, at the first counsel holden at London, when he was most suspected of that thing that after happened, (as you my lord know well enough) he was made Protectoure and defender, both of the king and of the realm, which authority once gotten, and the two children partly by policy brought under his governance, he being moved with that gnawing and covetous serpent, desired to reign and never ceased privily to exhort and require (yea & some times with minatory terms) to persuade me and other lords aswell spiritual as temporal, that he might take upon him the crown, till the prince came to the age of four and twenty years, and were able to govern the realm, as a mature and sufficient king: Which thing when he saw me somewhat stick at, both for the strangeness of the example (because no such presidente had been seen) and also because we remembered that men once ascended to the highest type of honour and authority will not gladly descend again, he then brought in instruments, authentic doctors, proctors, and notaries of the law, with depositions of divers witnesses, testifying king Edward's children to be bastards, which depositions then I thought to be as true, as now I know them to be feigned, and testified by persons with rewards untruely subornate. When the said depositions were before us red and diligently hard, he stood up bore headed saying: Well my lords, even as I & you sage & discrete counsellors would that my nephew should have no wrong: So I pray you do me nothing but right. For these witnesses and sayings of famous doctors being true▪ I am only the undubitate heir to lord Richard plantagenet duke of York, adjudged to be the very heir to the crown of this realm by authority of parliament, which things▪ so by learned men to us for a verity declared, caused me and other to take him for our lawful and undoubted prince and sovereign lord. For well we knew that the duke of Clarence son, by reason of the attainder of his father was disabled to inherit, and also the duke himself was named to be a bastard, as I myself have hard spoken, and that upon great presumptions more times than one: so again by my aid and favour, he of a protector was made a king, and of a subject made a governor, at which time he promised me on his fidelity, laying his hand in mine at Baynarde castle, that the ii young princes should live, and that he would so provide for them and so maintain them in honourable estate▪ the I and all the realm aught and should be content. But when he was once crowned king, and in full possession of the hole realm he cast a way his old conditions as the adder doth her skin, verefieng the old proverb, honours change manners, as the parish priest remembreth that he was never parish clerk. For when I myself sued to him for my part of the Earl of Ha●●fordes lands which his brother king Edward wrongfully detained and with held from me, and also required to have the office of the high constable ship of England, as divers of my noble anunceters before this time have had, and in long discente continued. In this my first suit showing his good mind toward me, he did not only first delay me, and afterward denay me, but gave me such unkind words, with such taunts and retauntes ye in manner check and check mate to the uttermost proof of my patience. As though I had never furthered him but hindered him as though I had put him down and not set him up: yet all these ungratitudes and undeserved unkindness I bore closlye & suffered pacientelie and covertly remembered, owtwardely dissimuling that I inward thought, and so with a payncted countenance I passed the last summer in his last company, not without many fair promises, but without any good deeds. But when I was credibly informed of the death of the ii young innocentes, his own natural nephews contrary to his faith and promise, to the which God be my judge I never agreed nor condescended. O lord, how my veins panted, how my body trembled, and my heart inwardly grudged, in so much that I so abhorred the sight and much more the company of him, that I could no longer abide in his court, except I should be openly revenged. The end whereof was doubtful, and so I feigned a cause to depart, and with a merry countenance and a despiteful heart I took my leave humbly of him (he thinking nothing less than that I was displeased) and so returned to Brecknock to you. But in the journey as I returned whither it were by the inspiration of the holy ghost, or by Melancolous disposition, I had divers and sundry imaginations how to deprive this unnatural uncle, and bloody butcher, from his royal seat, and princely dignity. first I fantesyed that if I list to take upon me the crown, and imperial sceptre of the realm, now was the time propice and convenient. For now was the way made plain, and the gate opened, and occasion given▪ which now neglected, should peradventure never take such effect and conclusion. For I saw he was disdaigned of the lords temporal execrate and accursed of the lords spiritual, detested of all gentlemen, and despised of all the commonalty: So that I saw my chance as perfectly as I saw my own Image in a glass, that there was no person (y●● had been greedy to attempt the enterprise) could nor should have won the ring, or got the goal before me. And on this point I rested in imagination secretly with myself ii days at Tewkesberie. And from thence so iornyeng I mused & thought that it was not best nor convenient to take upon me as a conqueror, for than I knew that all men & especially the nobility, would with all their power with stand me, both for rescuing of possessions & tenors, as also for subverting of the hole estate laws and customs of the realm: Such a power hath a conqueror as you know well enough my lord. But at the last, in all is doubtful case there sprang a new branch out of my head, which surely I thought should have brought forth ●ayer flowers, but the son was so hot that they turned to dry weeds, for I suddenly remembered that lord Edmond duke of Somersett my grandfather was with king Henrye the sixth in the ii and iii degrees from John duke of Lancaster lawfully begotten: So that I thought sure my mother being eldest daughter to duke Edmonde, that I was next heir to king Henry the sixth of the house of Lancaster. This title pleased well such as I made privy of my counsel, but much more it encorraged my foulishe desire, and elevated my ambitious intent, in so much that clearly judged, and in mine own mind was determynath resolved, the I was indubitate heir, of the house of Lancaster, and there upon concluded, to make my first foundation, and crecte my new building. But whither God so ordained, or by fortune it so chanced, while I was in a ma●e, other to conclude suddenly on this title, and so set it open a mongeste the common people, or to keep it secret a while, see the chance: as I ro●e between worceter and brigenorthe, I encountered with the lady Maxgariete, countess of Richemonde, now wife to the lord Stanley, which is the very daughter and sole heir, to lord John duke o● Somersett my grandfathers elder brother: Which was as clean out of my mind as though I had never seen her, so that she and her son the Earl of Richemonde be both bulwark and portecolice between, and the gate, to enter into the majesty royal and getting of the crown. And when we had commoned a little concerning her son, as I shall show you after, and were departed, she to our lady of worceter, and I toward Shrewsberie: I then new changed and in manner amazed, began to dispute with myself, title considering that thus my earnest was turned even to a tittyl not so good as, estamen. eftsoons I imagened whither I were best to take upon me, by the elec●ion of the nobility and commonalty, which me thought easy to be done, the usurpor king thus being in hatred and abhorred of this hole realm▪ or to take it by power, which standeth in fortune's chance and difficle to be achieved and brought to pass. Thus rambling and tossing, in the waves ambiguity, between the stone and sacrifice, I considered fyrble the office, duty and pain of a king, which suely think that no mortal man can justly, and truly observe, except he be called elected and specially appointed by God as king David and divers other have been.  
But farther I remembered that if I once took on me the sceptre, and the governance of the realm: That of two extreme enemies I was daily sure, but of one trusty ●rend (which now a days begun a pilgrimage) I was neither assured nor credible asserteyned (such is the worlds mutation) for I manifestly perceived that the daughters of king Edward and there allies, and friends, which be no small number, being both, for his sake much beloved, and also for the great injury and manifest tyranny done to them, by the new usurper, much lamented, and pitied, would never cease to bark if they cannot bite at the one side of me. Semblable, my cousyne th'earl of Rychemonde, his aids and kinsfolk, which be not of little power, will surely attempt like a fierce grandhounde, other to bite or to pierce me on the other side. So that my life and ru●e, should ever hang by a hear, never in quiet, but ever in doubt of death's or deposition. And if the said ii lineages of York and Lancaster, which so long have strived for the imperial Diadem should join in one against me, than were I surely mated and the game gotten. Wherefore I have clearly determined, and with myself concluded, utterly to relinquish all such fantastical imaginations concerning the obtaining of the crown. But all such plagues, calamities and troubles (which I feared and suspected) might have chanced on me if I had taken the rule & regiment of this realm, I shall with a reredemayne so make them rebound to our comen enemy that calleth himself king, th●t the best stopper that he hath at tenyce shall not well stop without a fault: for as I told your before, the countess of Richemonde in my return from the new named king meeting me in the high way, prayed me fyrble for kindred sake, secondarily for the love that I bore to my grandfather duke Humphrey, which was sworn brother to her father, to move the king to be good to her son Henry earl of Richemond, and to licence him with his favour to return again into England: and if it were his pleasure so to do, she promised that the earl her son should marry one of king Edward's daughters at the appointment of the king, without any thing to be taken or demanded for the said espousals, but only the kings favour, which request I so●e over passed and gave her fair words & so departed. But after in my lodging, when I called to memory with a deliberate study & did circumspectly ponder them. I fully adjudged the the holy ghost caused her to move a thing (the end whereof she could not consider) both for the security of the realm as also for the prefermente of her child and the destruction and final confusion of the common enemy king Richard. Which thing, she neither than thought I am sure as I by her words could make conjecture, nor I myself cast not her desire to be so profitable to the realm as I now do perceive, but such a lord is God, that with a little sparkle he kyndelith a great fire, & so finally to declare to you the very conclusion, to the which I am both bend and set, my mind is and my power and purse shall help, that the earl of Richemond very heir of the house of Lancaster (in the quarrel of the which lineage, both my father and grand father lost their lives in battle) shall take to wi●e lady Elizabeth eldest daughter to king Edward by the which marriage both the houses of the York and Lancaster may be obtained and unite in one, to the clear stablyshement of the title to the crown of this noble realm. To which conclusion if the mothers of both parties, and especially the earl himself, and the lady will agree, I doubt not but the bragging boar, which with his tusks raiseth every man's skin, shall not only be brought to confusion as he hath deserved but that this empire shall ever be certain of an undubitate heir, and then shall all civil and intestyne war cease, which so long hath continued to the paring of many men's crowns, and this realm shallbe reduced again to quietness renown and glory. This invention of the duke many men thought after, that it was more imagined for the inward hatred that he bore to king Rycharde, then for any favour that he bore to the earl of Rychemond. But of such doubtful matter, it is not best to judge for erring to far from the mind and intent of the auctor: But whatsoever he intended, this device once opened to king Richard was the very occasion, the he was rounded shorter by the whole head, without attainder or judgement. When the duke had said, the bishop, which favoured ever the house of Lancaster, was wondrous joyful, and much rejoiced to here this device, for now came the wind about even as he would have it, for all his imagination tended to this effect to have king Richard subdued, & to have the lines of king Edward, & king Henry the vi again raised and advanced. But lord how he rejoiced to think how the by this marriage the lineages of York & Lancaster should be conjoined in one, to the very steadfastness of the public wealth of this realm. And jest the duke's courage should suage, or his mind should again altar, as it did often before, as you may easily perceive by his own tale. He thought to set up all the sails that he had, to the intent that the ship of his pre●ensed purpose might come shortly to some sure port: And said to the duke, my lord, sigh by God's high provision and your incomparable wisdom and policy, this noble conjunction is fyrs●e moved, now is it convenient, ye and necessary to consider, what personages and what friends we shall first make privy of this high device and politic conclusion. By my truth quoth the duke we will begin with my lady of Rychemonde th'earls mother which knoweth where he is, either in captivity or at large in Britain. For I hard ●aie that the duke of Britain restored him to liberty immediately after the death of king Edward, by whose means he was restrained. Sith you will begin that way (said the bishop) I have an old friend with the countess, a man sober, secret, & well witted, called Reignold Bray whose prudent policy I have known to have compassed things of great importance, for whom I shall secretly sand if it be your pleasure, & I doubt not he will gladly come, & that with a good will. So with a little diligence, the bishop wrote a letter to Reignold Bray requiring him to come to Brecknock wit● speed for great and urgent causes touching his mistress: & no other thing was declared in the letter. So the messenger road into Lancashire where Bray was with the countess & lord Thomas Stanley her husband, & delivered the letter, which when he had read, ●e took it as a sign or presage of some good fortune to come, & so with the messenger he came to the castle ●f Brecknock, where the duke and the bishop declared what thing was devised both for to set the realm in a quiet stedefastnes, as also for the high preferment of the earl of Richemond son to his lady & mistress: Willing her first to compass how to obtain the good will of queen Elizabeth, & also of her eldest daughter bearing the same name: & after secretly to sand to her son into Britain to declare what high honour was prepared for him if he would swear to mary the lady Elizabeth assoon as he was king & in royal possession of the realm. Reignold Bray with a glad haste for getting nothing given to him in charge in great haste and with good sped returned to the countess his lady and mastresse. When Bray was departed & this great doubtful vessel once set a brooch, the bishop thrusting for nothing more than for liberty: when he saw the duke pleasant and well minded, toward him told the duke that if he were in his isle of Elye he could make many friends to ferther their enterprise, and if he were there and had but four days warning he little regarded the malice of king Richard, his country was so strong. The duke knew well all this to be true, but yet loath he was that the bishop should depart, for he knew well that as long as the bishop, was with him, he was sure of politic advise, sage counsel, and circumspect proceeding. And so he gave the bishop fair words, saying that he should shortly depart and that well accompaigned for fear of enemies. The bishop beiing as wyttye as the duke was wily, did not tarry till the duke's company were assembled, but secretly disguised in a night departed (to the dukes great displeasure) and came to his see of Ely, where he found money and friends and so sailed into Flaunders, where he did the earl of Richemonde good service and never returned again till the earl of Richemoude after beyinge, king sent for him, and shortly promoted him to the see of Cauntorbury. Thus the bishop wound himself from the duke when he had most need of his aid, for if he had tarried still the duke had not made so many blabs of his counsel, nor put so much confidens in the Welshemen, nor yet so temerariously set forward with out knowledge of his friends as he did, which things were his sodanie overthrow as they that knew it did report.  
When Reignold Bray had declared his message, and privy instruction to the countess of Richemonde his maftres, no marvel though she were joyous and glad, both of the good news and also for the obtaining of such a high friend in her sons cause as the duke was, wherefore she willing not to sleep this matter, but to farther it to the uttermost of her power & ability, devised a means how to break is matter to quen● Elizabeth then being in sanctnarie at Westminster. And there upon she having in her family, at that time for the preservation of her health a certain Welsheman called Lewes learned in physic, which for his gravity and experiens, was well known and much esteemed amongst great estates of the realm: with whom she used sometime liberally and familiarly to talk, now having opportunity and occasion to break her mind unto him of this weighty matter, declared that the time was come that her son should be joined in marriage with lady Elizabeth daughter & heir to king Edward, and that king Richard being taken & reputed of all men for the common enemy of the realm, should out of all honour and estate be dejected, and of his rule and kingdom be clearly spoiled & expulsed: and required him to go to queen Elizabeth (with home in his faculty he was of counsel) not as a messenger, but as one that came frendelie to visit and consolate her, and as time and place should require to make her privy of this devise, not as a thing concluded, but as a purpose by him imagined. This physician did not long linger to accomplish her desire, but with good diligens repaired to the queen being still in the sanctuary at Westminster. And when he saw time propice & convenient for his purpose, he said unto her: Madam, although my imagination be very simple and my device more foolish, yet for the entire affection that I bear toward you and your children, I am so bold to utter unto you a secret & privy conceit that I have cast & compassed in my fantastical brain. When I well remember and no less consider the great loss and damage that you have sustained by the death of your noble and loving husband, and the great dolour and sorrow th●t you h●ue suffered and tolerated by the cruel murder of your innocent children: I can no less do both of bounden duty and christian charity, then daily to study and hourly imagine not only how to bring your heart to comfort and gladness but also devise how to revenge y●●●ghteous quarrel of you and your children on that bloody blood●●pper and cruel tyrant king Richard. And first consider, what battle, what manslaughter, what mischieve hath risen in this realm by the dissension between the ii noble houses to York and Lancaster, which ii families (as I have contrived) if they ma● be joined in one, I think, ye & doubt not but your line shallbe again restored to the pristmate estate and degree to your great joy and comfort, and to the utter confusion o● your mortal enemy the usurper king. You know very well madame that of the house of Lancaster, the er●e or Richemond is next of blood, which is living and a †iusty† young bachelor, and to the house of York your daughters now are heirs: if you could agreed & invent the mean how to couple your eldest daughter with the young earl of Ric●emōd in matrimony, no doubt but the usurper of the realm should be shortly deposed, and your heir again to her right restored.  
When the queen had heard this friendly motion (which was as far from her thought as the man that the rude people say is in the moon) lord how her spirits revived, and how her heart leapt in her body for joy and gladness. And first giving laud to almighty God as the chief aucthore of her comfort, secondarily to master Jews as the deviser of the good news and tidings, instantly besought him that as he had been the ●●rst inventor of so good an enterprise, that now he would not relinquish nor desist to follow the same: requiring him farther (because he was appertaining to the countess of Richemonde mother to the earl Henry) that he wolf with all diligent celerite resort to her then lodging in her husbands place within the city of London, and to declare on the queens behalf to the countess, that all the friends and fautoures of king Edward her husband, should 〈◊〉 and t●ke part with the earl of Richemonde her son, so that he would take a corporal oath after the kingdom obtained, to espouse and take to wife the lady Elizabeth her daughter, or else lady Cecile, if th'elder daughter were not then living.  
Master Lewes with all dexterity so sped his business that he made and concluded a final end and determination of this enterprise between the ii mothers, and because he was a physician and out of all suspicion and mysdeming, he was the common 〈◊〉 and daily messenger between them, aiding and setting forth the invented conspiracy against king Richard. So the lady Margarete countess of Richemonde brought into a good hope of the prefermente of her son made Reygnolde Bray her most faithful servant chief solicitor and privy procurer of this conspiracy, giving him in charge secretly to enuegle and attract such persons of nobility to join with her and take her part as he knew to be ingenious, faithful, diligent and of activity. is Reygnolde Breie within few days brought unto his lure (first of all taking of every person a solemn oath to be true and secret) sir Gyles Daubenei, sir John Cheiney knight, Richard Guylforde and Thomas Rame esquires and diverse other. The countess of Richemonde was not so diligent for her part, but Queen Elizabeth was as vigilaunte on the other side and made friends and appointed counsellors to set forward and advance her business. In the mean season the countess of Richemond took into her service Christopher Urswike an honest and a wise priest, and after an oath of him for to be secret taken and sworn, she uttered to him all her mind & council, adhibiting to him the more confidence and truth that he all his life had favoured and taken part with king Henry the vi and as a special ●uell put to her service by sir Lewes her physician. So the mother studious for the prosperity of her son appointed this Christopher Urswike to sail into Britain to the earl of Richemond and to declare and to demonster to him all pacts & agreements between her & the queen agreed & concluded: But suddenly she remembering that the duke of Buckingham was one of the first ●uenters and a secret founder of this enterprise, determined to send some parsonage of more estimation than her chapelain, and so elected for a messenger Hugh Conwey esquire and sent him into Britain with a great some of money to her son, giving him in charge to declare to the earl the great love & especial favour that the most part of the nobility of the realm bore toward him, the loving hearts & benevolent minds which the whole commonalty of their own free-will frankly offered and liberally exhibited to him, willing & advising him not to neglect so good an occasion apparently offered, but with all speed & diligence to addict & settle his mind and full entention how to return home again into England where he was both wished & looked for, giving him farther monition & council to take land & arrival in the principalite of Wales, where he should not doubt to find both aid, comfort and friends. Richard Guylford lest Hugh Conwey might fortune to be taken or stopped at plymouth, where he intended to take his navigation, sent out of kent Thomas Rame with the same instruccions: & both made such diligence and had such wind and wether, the one by land from Caleys, and the other by water from plymouth, that within less than an hour both arrived in the duke of britains court and spoke with the earl of Richemond, which from the death of king Edward went at his pleasure and liberty, and to him counted and manifested the cause and effect of their message and ambassade. When the earl had received this joyful message, which was the more pleasant because y● was unlooked for, he rendered to jesus his saviour his most humble and hearty thanks, being in ferme credence and believe that such things as he with busy mind and laborious intent had wished and desired, could never have taken any effect without the help and prefermente of almighty God. And now being put in comfort of his long longing he did communicate and break to the duke of Britain all his secrets and privy messages which were to him declared, advertising him that he was entered into a sure and steadfast hope to obtain and get the crown and kingdom of the realm of England▪ desiring him both of his good will and friendly help toward the acheving of his offered enterprise, promising him when he came to his intended purpose, to render to him again equal kindness and condign gratulation.  
Although the duke before that day by Thomas Hutton ambassador from king Richard had both by money & prayers been solicit & moved to put again into safe custody the earl of Richemonde, he nevertheless promised faithfully to aid him, and his promise he truly performed.   

¶ The iii year.  
Whereupon the earl with all diligence sent into England again Hugh conwey and Thomas Rame, which should declare his coming shortly into England, to th'intent that all things which by council might be for his purpose provided, should be accelerate and hasted, and that all things doubtful should of his friends be prudently foreseen, in avoiding all engines and snares which king Richard had or might have set in disturbance of his purpose, and he in the mean season would make his abode still in britain, till all things necessary for his journey were prepared and brought in aredynes.  
In, the mean season the chieftains of the conjuration in England began together many entreprises: Some in convenient fortresses put strong garrisons: Some kept armed men privily, to th'intent when they should have knowledge of the earls landing, they would begin to stir up the war: Other did secretly move and solicit the people to rise and make an insurretion: Other (amongst whom John Morton bishop of Ely then being in Flaunders was chief) by pervie letters and cloaked messengers, did stir and invite to this new conjuration, all such which they certainly knew to have a rooted hatred or to bear a cankered malice toward king Richard & his proceedings.  
Although this great entreprice were never so privily handled and so secretly amongst so circumspect persons treated, compassed and conveyed, yet knowledge thereof came to the ears of king Richard, which with the sudden chance was not a little moved and astoned. 〈◊〉 because he had no host ready prepared and conscribed. secondarily if he should raise and army so suddenly he knew not where to 〈◊〉 and meet his enemies or whether to go or where to ●arie. Wherefore he determined to dissimule the matter as though he knew nothing till he had assembled his host, and in the mean season either by the rumour of the common people or by the diligence of his exploratours and espials to investigate and search out all the councils, determinations▪ intents and compasses of his close adversaries, or else by crafty policy to intercept and take some person of the same conjuration, considering that there is no more secret nor hid espial then that which lurketh in dissimulation of knowledge and intelligence, or is hidden in the name and shadow of countre●●i●te humanity and feigned kindness. And because he knew the duke of Buckyngham to be the chief h●d and aid of the conjuration, he thought it most necessary to pluck him from that part either by fair promises or open war. Whereupon he addressed his loving letters to the duke, as full of 〈◊〉 words, humanity and familiarity as the in●erior cogitation and privy meaning was full of malice, rancour and poison: giving farther in charge to the messenger that carried the letter to promise to the duke on his behalf golden hills and silver rivers, and with all gentle and pleasant means to persuade and exhort the duke to come to the court. But the duke as wily as the king, mistrusting the f●yre flattering words and the gay promises to him so sodayuly without any cau●e offered, knowing the crafty casts of king Richard's bow, which in diverse affairs be●ore time he had seen practised required the king to pardon him, exculing himself that he was so diseased in his stomach at scant he could take either refection or rest▪ King Richard not being content with this excuse would in no wise a●mytte the same but incontinente directed to the duke other lett●rs of a more rough●t and hawter sort, not without minatory terms and checking words, commanding him all excuses set apart to repair without any delay to his royal presence. The ●uke made to the messenger a determinate answer that he would not come to his mortal enemy, whom he neither loved nor ●auoured: and immediately prepared open war against him, and persuaded all his complices and partakers that every man should in his quarter with all diligence ●●yse up the people and make a commotion. And by this means almoo●●e in one moment Thomas Marques dorcet came out of sanctuary where he sigh the beginning of Richard's days had continued, whose 〈◊〉 by the only help of sir Thomas lovell e●quyer was preserved from all danger and peril in this troubleous world, gathered together a great band of men in Yorkshire. Sir Edward Courtney and Peter his brother bishop of Exsetter, raised another army in devoushire and cornewall. In kent, Richard Guylforde and other gentlemen, collected a great company of souldyoures and openly began war. But king Richard which in the mean time had gotten together a great strength and puissance, thinking it not most for his part beneficial to disparse and divide his great army into small branches, and particulerely to persecute any one of the conjuration by himself, determined all other being set aside, with his whole puissance to set on the chief head which was the duke of Buckyngham. And so removing from London, he took his journey toward Salisbury, to th'intent that in his journey he might set on the duke's army if he might know him in any place encamped or in order of battle arrayed. The king was skace ii days journey from Salisbury when the duke of Buckyngham accompanied with a great power of wild Weleshmen, whom he being a man of that courage and sharp speech in manner against their wills had rather thereto enforced and compelled by lordly and straight commandment then by liberal wayges and gentle reteynoure, which thing was the very occasion why they left him desolate and cowardly forsook him. The duke with all his power mershed through the forest o● dean intending to have passed the river of Severne a● Gloucester, and thereto have joined in army with the courtneys and other Westernmen of his confederacy and affinity, which if he had done, no doubt but king Richard had been in great jeopardy either of privation of his realm or loss of his life or both. But see the chance, before he could attain to Severne side, by force of continual rain and moisture, the river rose so high that it overflowed all the country adjoining, in somuch that men were drowned in their beds, houses with the extreme violence were overturned, children were carried about the fields, swiming in cradles, beasts were drowned on hills, which rage of water lasted continually ten days, in somuch that in the country adjoining they call it to this day, the great water, or the duke of Buckynghams' great water. By this innudation the passages were so closed that neither the duke could come over Severne to his complices, nor they to him, during the which time, the Welshemen lingering idly and without money, victual, or wages, suddenly scaled and departed: and for all the dukes fair promises, menaces and enforcements, they would in no wise neither go farther nor abide. The duke thus abandoned and left almost post alone was of necessity compelled to fly, and in his flight was with this sudden oif fortune marvelously dismayed: and being unpurveyed, what council he should take and what way he should follow, like a man in despair not knowing what to do, of very trust and confidence conveyed himself into the house of Homfrey Banaster his servant beside shrewsburie, whom he had tenderly brought up, & whom he above all men loved, favoured and trusted, now not doughting but that in his extreme necessity, he should find him faithful, secret and trusty, intending there covertly to lurk till either he might raise again a new army, or else shortly to sail into Britain to the Earl of Richemond.  
But when y● was known to his adherentes which were ready to give battle, that his host was scaled and hd left him almost alone, and was fled and could not be found, they were suddenly amazed and stricken with a sudden fear, that every man like persons desperate shifted for himself and fled, some went to sanctuary and to solitary places, some fled by see, whereof the most part within a few days after arrived safely in the duchy of Britain. among which number were these persons, Peter Courtney bishop of Exce●●re and sir Edmonde Courtney his brother, by king Henrye the seven. after created Earl of Denoushire, Thomas Marques dorcet, John lord Welles, Sir John Burchier, Sir Edmonde Wooduile a valiant man in arms brother to queen Elyzabeth, Sir Roberte Willoughby, Sir Gyles Dabeney, Sir Thomas Arundel, Sir John Cheyney and his two brethren, Sir William Barkeley, Sir William Brandon and Thomas his brother, Sir Rycharde Edgcombe, all these for the most part being knights, and John Halwell, Edward Pownynges a pollytike captain. At this very season John Morton bishop of Ely and Christopher Urswike priest and another company of noble men sojourned in Flaunders, and by letters and messengers procured many enemies against king richard, which using a vigilaunte eye and a quick remembrance, being newly come to Salsburye, having perfect notice and knowledge how the duke was fled, and how his complices intended to pass out of the realm. first he sent men of war to all the next ports and passages to keep streightely the see coast, so that no person should pass outward nor take land in the realm without their assent and knowledge. secondarily, he made proclamation, that what person could show and reveal where the duke of Buckyngham was should be highly rewarded, if he were a bondman he should be enfranchised and set at liberty, if he were of free blood he should have a general pardon and be remunerate with a thousand pounds. furthermore, because he understood by Thomas Hutton, which as you have hard was newly returned out of Britain, that France's duke of britain not only refused to keep th'earl of Richemonde as a prisoner at his contemplation and for his sake, but also was ready to aid and succour thesaide Earl with men, money and all things necessary for his transporting into England. Wherefore he rigged and sent out ships of war well furnished and decked with men and artillery, to scour and keep that part of the see that lieth against Britain, to th'intent that if the earl of Richemond would adventure to fail toward England, either he should be taken captive or be profligate and driven from the coast of England. And moreover, to th'intent that every cost, way, passage, and corner should be diligently watched and kept, he set at every dubious and suspected place men of war, to seek, search, and inquire if any creature could tell tidings of the duke of Buckyngham or of any of his confederation, adherentes, fautoures or partakers.  
While this Busy search was diligently applied and put in execution, Homfrey Banaster (were it more for fear of loss of life and goods, or attracted and provoked by the avaricious desire of the thousand pounds) he bewrayed his gest and master to John Mitton then sheriff of shropshire, which suddenly with a strong power of men in harness apprehended the duke in a little grove adjoining to the mansion of Homfrey Banaster, and in great haste and evil speed conveyed him apparelled in a peeled black cloak to the city of Salisbury where king Richard then kept his household.  
Whether this Banaster bewreyed the duke more for fear then covetous many men do doubt: but sure it is, that shortly after he had betrayed the duke his master, his son and heir waxed mad and so died in a bores sty, his eldest daughter of excellent beauty was sodaynelie stricken with a foul leperye, his second son very marvelously deformed of his limnes and made decrepit, his younger son in a small puddle was strangled & drowned, & he being of extreme age arraigned & found guilty of a murder and by his clergy saved. And as for is thousand pound king Richard gave him not one farthing, saying that he which would be untrue to so good a master would be false to all other, howbeit some say the he had a small office or a farm to stop his mouth with al. The duke being by certain of the kings council diligently upon interrogatories examined what things he knew prejudicial to the kings person, opened and declared frankly and freely all the conjuration with out dissimuling or glozing, trusting because he had truly & plainly revealed and confessed all things that were of him required, that he should have licence to speak to the king which (whether it were to sue for pardon and grace, or whether he being brought to his presence would have sticked him with a dagger as men then judged) he sore desired and required. But when he had confessed the whole fact and conspiracy upon Allsoulen day without arreignement or judgement he was at Salsburye in the open merker place on a new scaffold beheaded and put to death. This death (as a reward) the duke of Buckyngham received at the hands of king Richard, whom he before in his affairs, purposes and entreprises had held sustained and set forward above all Gods forbade.  
By this all men may easily perceive that he not only loseth both his labour, travail and industire, an ferther steynethe and spotteth his line with a perpetual ignomony and reproach, which in evil and mishiefe assisteth and aideth an evil disposed person, considering for the most part that he for his friendly favour should receive some great displeasure or infortunate chance. Beside that God of his justice in conclusion appoyneteth to him a condign pain and affliction for his merits and deserts. While these things were thus handled and ordered in England, Henry Earl of Richemond prepared and army of five thousand manly Brytons, and forty well furnished ships. When all things were prepared in aredynes and the day of departing and setting forward was appointed, which was the xii day of the month of October, in the year of the incarnation of our redeemer. M. CCCC.xlviii. and in the second year of king Richard's reign, the whole army went on shipboard and halsed up their sails, and with a prosperous wind took the see: but toward night the wind changed and the wether turned, and so huge and terrible a tempest suddenly roase, that with the very power and strength of the storm, the ships were disparkled, severed and separate a sondre: some by force were driven into Normandye, some were compelled to return again into Britain. The ship wherein the Earl of Rychemonde was, associate only with one other bark was all night tossed and turmoiled. In the morning after when the rage of the furious tempest was assuaged, and the Ire of the blustering wind was some deal appeased, about the hour of none the same day, the Earl approached to the south part of the realm of England even at the mouth of the haven of pole in the county of dorcet, where he might plainly perceive all these banks and shores garnished and furnished with men of war and souldioners appointed and deputed there to defend his arrival and landing as before is mentioned. Wherefore he gave straight charge and sore commandment, that no person should once presume to take land and go too the shore, until such time as the whole navy were assembled and congregate. And while he expected and lyngered tariyenge for that purpose, he sent out a ship boat toward the land side to know, whither they which stood there in such a number and so well furnished in apparel defensive were his capital foes and enemies or else his friends fautoures and comforters. They that were sent in exploration and message were instantly desired of the men of war keeping these coast (which thereof were before instructed and admonished) to dissende and take land, affirming that they were appointed by the duke of Buckyngham there to await and tarry for the arrival and landing of the earl of Rychemond, and to conduct safely to the camp where the duke not far of say encamped with a populous army and an host of great strength and vigour, to th'intent that the duke and the earl joining in puissances and forces together, might prosecute and chase king Richard being destitute of men, and in manner desperate and fugitive, and so by that means and their own labours and industry to obtain the end of their enterprise which they had before begun.  
The earl of Richemonde suspecting their flattering request to be but a fraud (as it was in deed) after that he perceived none of his ships to apere in sight, he we●ed up his anchors and halsed up his sails having a prosperous and strenable wind and a fresh gale sent even by God to deliver him from that peril and jeopardy, arrived safe and in security in the duchy of Normandye, where he to re●teshe and solace his soldiers and people, took his recreation by the space of iii days, and clearly determined with part of his company to pass all by land again into Britain. And in the mean season he sent orators to the french king called Charles the viii which newly succeeded his father king Lewes the xi not long before departed to God, requiring him of a safe conduct and licence to pass through his country of Normandye into Brytayne. The young king having compassion of the misfortune and unfortunate chance of the earl of Richemonde, not only gently granted and assigned to him a passport, but also liberally disbursed and departed to him a convehtente some of money for his conduct and expenses necessary in his long journey and passage. But the earl trusting on the French kings humanity adventured to sand his ships home into Britain, and to set forward himself by land on his journey making no great haste till his messengers were returned, which being with the benefit so comforted, and with hope of prosperous success so encouraged, mershed toward Britain with all diligent celerite intending there to consult farther with his lovers and friends of his affairs and entreprises. When he was returned again into Britain he was certified by credible information that the duke of Buckyngham had lost his head and that the Marquis dorcet and a great number of noble men of England had a little before inquired and searched for him there, & were now returned to Uannes. When he had heard these news thus reported, he first sorrowed, & dolorously lamented the first attempt and setting forward of his friends, and in especial of the nobility not to have more fortunately succeeded. secondarily, he rejoiced on the other part that God had sent him so many valiant and prudent captains to be his compaignions' in his mertiall entreprises, trusting surely and nothing doubting in his own opinion, but that all his business should be wisely compassed and brought to a good conclusion. Wherefore he determining with all diligence to accelerate & set forward his new begun business departed to Renes & sent certain of his privy servitors to conduct and bring the Marques and then other noble men to his presence. When they knew that he was safely returned into Britain, lord how they rejoiced and applauded, for before that time they missed him and knew not in what part of the world to make investigation or search for him. For they doubted and no less feared lest he had taken land in England, and fallen in the hands of king Richard, in whose person they knew well was neither mercy nor compassion. Wherefore in all speedy manner they galloped toward him, and him reverently saluted, which meeting after great joy and solace and no small thanks and gratifications given and rendered on both parts, they consulted and advisedely debated and commoned of their great business and weighty enterprise, in the which season the solemn feast of the nativity of out saviour Christ happened, on which day all th'English lords went with great solemnity to the chief church of the city, and there each gave faith and promise to other. The earl himself first took a corporal oath, and on his honour promising that incontinent after he should be possessed of the crown and dignity of the realm iof England, he would be conjoined in matrimony with the lady Elizabeth daughter to king Edward the fourth. Then all the company swore to him fealty, and did to him homage as though he had been that time the crowned king and anointed prince, promising faithfully and firmly assuring that they would not only lose their wordly substance, but also be privated of their lives and worldly felicity, rather than to suffer king Rycharde that tyrant longer to rule and reign over them. Which solemn oaths made and taken, the Earl of Rychemonde declared and communicated all these doings to Frances duke of Britain, desiring and most heartily requiring him to aid him with a greater army to conduct him into his country, which so sore longed and looked for his return, and to the which he was by the more part of the nobility and commonalty called and desyced which (with god's aid and the duke's comfort) he doubted not in short time to obtain, requiring him farther to priest to him a convenient some of money, affirming that all such sums of money which he had received of his especial friends, were spent and exhausted in the preparation of the last journey made toward England, which sums of money after his enterprise once achieved, he in the word of a prince faithfully promised to repay and restore again. The duke promised him aid and help, upon confidence whereof the rigged his ships, and set forth his navy well decked with ordinance, and warlykely furnished with all things necessary, to th'intent to sail forward shortly, and to see no convenient time slackly overpassed nor be pretermitted.  
In the mean season, king Richard apprehended in diverse parts of the realm certain gentlemen of the earl of Rychemondes' faction and confederation, which either intended to sail into Britain toward him, or else at his landing to assist and aid him. Emongeste whom, sir George Browne, sit Roger Clyfforde and four other were put to execution at London, and sir Thomas Sentliger which had married the duchess of Exeter the kings own sister, and Thomas Rame and diverse other were executed at exceter. Beside these persons, diverse of his household servants whom either he suspected or doubted, were by great cruelty put to shameful death. After this he called a parliament in the which he attainted the earl of Richemond & all other persons which were fled out of the realm for fear or any other cause, as enemies to him and to their natural country, and all their lands, goods and possessions were confiscate and seized to the kings use. And yet not content with this pray which no doubt was of no small valour and moment, he laid on the people's necks a great tax and tallage, and surely necessity to that act in manet him compelled. For what with purging and declaring his innocency concerning the murder of his nephews toward the world, and what with cost to obtain the love and favour of the commonalty (which outwardly glossed and openly dissimuled with him) he gave prodigally so many and so great rewards that now both he lacked and skace witted honestly how to borrow. In this troubleous season, nothing was more marveled at then that the lord Stanley had not been taken and reputed as an enemy to the king, considering the working of the lady Margarete his wife mother to the earl of Richemonde, but forasmuch as the enterprise of a woman was of him reputed of no regard or estimation, and that the lord Thomas her husband had purged himself sufficiently to be innocent of all doings and attempts by her perpetrated and committed, it was given him in charge to keep her in some lecrete place at home, without having any servant or company, so that from thence forth she should never send letter nor messenger to her son nor nay of his friends or confederates, by the which the king might be molested or troubled, or any hurt or prejudice might be attempted against his realm and commonalty. Which commandment was a while put in execution and accomplished according to his dreadful commandment. Yet the wild worm of vengeance wavering in his head could not be contented with the death of diverse gentlemen suspected of treason, but also he must extend his bloody fury against a poor gentleman called Collyngborne for making a small rhyme of three of his unfortunate counsellors, which were the lord lovell, sir Richard Radelyffe his mischievous minion, and sir William Catesbey his secret seducer, which metre was. 
The Rat, the Cat and Lovel our dog  
Rule all England under the hog.  Meaning by the hog, the dreadful wild boar which was the kings cognisance, but because the first line ended in dog, than metrician could not observing the regiments of metre end the second verse in Boar, but called the bore an hog. This poetical schoolmaster corrector of breves and longs, caused Collyngborne to be abbreviate shorter by the head, and too be divided into four quarters.  
King Richard being thus tormented and tossed in his own concept and imagination, called to his remembrance that considerations amity's, and other honest bonds and parts, made, concluded and appointed between princes and politic governors are the cause efficient and esp●●cia●l introduction that their realms and countries are ●ortified and munited with a double power, that is to say, with their own strength and the aid of their friends devised with himself to practice a league and amity with the king of Scots, which not long before had made diverse incursions and roods into the realm of England, where although he garte little, yet surly he lo●● not much▪ and thereupon sued to have a truce or peace concluded, which ●●me even as king Richard had wished it. Wherefore commissioners were assigned for both parts to meet at Nothyngham the vii day next ensuing, at which time came thither for the king of England John bishop of Lyncolne chancellor of England, Richard bishop of saint Ass, John duke of Norfolk, Henrye earl of Northumberlande▪ Thomas lord Stanley, George Stanley lord strange, John Grace lord powes Richard lord Fyt●hughe, John Gunthorpe keeper of the kings privy 〈◊〉, Thomas barrow master of the rolls, sir Thomas Bryane chie●e iusti●e o● the common place, sir Richard Ratelyffe knight, William Catesbey and Richard Salkeld esquires. And for the king of Scots were deputed Colyn earl of Ergile lord Camplell & lord chancellor of Scotland, Willi●m bishop of Aberdene, Robert lord Lyle L●urence lord Olyphant, John Drummond of Stobhall, Arch balo Qwhitelator ●rchedeacon of Lawdene and secretary to king james. Lion king of Arms and Duncane dundas. These counsellors ●yuerse times met, and after long debating, demanding, and denying in the end of September they fully concluded, and made a determination the effect whereof followeth in articles.  
first it was appointed and concluded that a perfect an●itie and an mu●olable peace should be had and kept between the realms o● England and Scotland for the space of iii years to begin at the son rising the xxix day of september in the year o● our lord. M. cccc.lxxxiiii. and to endure to the setting o● the son the xxix day of september in the year of Christ's incarnation M. cccc.lxxxvii.  
Item that during the said years, none of both the princes, nor their ministers shall make war or invade the realm or dominion of the other by se or by land, or vex, perturb, or molest the subjects or vas●a●●es of either of them▪ nor shall give council excite, or move any other person to make war or invasion on the territories of any of the said princes.  
Item that the town and castle of Berwick with all such bounds as thereto were belonging, which were in the English men's hands at the deliverance of the same town by king Henry the vi to the king of Scots, shall so peaceably remain in the possession of the king of England during thesai●e truce.  
Item that all other castles, holds and fortresses, shall peaceably remain in the hands of the possessor and owner without challenge or demand during thesaide truce, the castle of dumbarre only except, (which was delivered into th'English men's hands by the appointment of the duke of Albany when he fled into France.)  
Item if the king of Scots do intymate and declare to the king of England, within the space of xl days next ensuing the date hereof, that he will not suffer thesayde castle of Dumbarre to be possessed of th'English nation above the term of vi months, that then during the said vi. months, neither thenglishmen in the garrison of Dumbarre, nor the Scots dwelling and inhabiting about the limits of the same, shall do any hurt, prejudice or damage to any of thesaide parties thesayde term continuing.  
Item if after the same vi months any variance or war shall arise between thesaide two princes, either for the recovering or defending thesayde castle of Dumbarre, yet thesayde truce, league & amity for all other rights and possessions, shall stand in force and be effectual, and that it shallbe leeful to each of the said princes to do what they shall think necessary, both for the obtaining and defending of the said castle of Dumbarre, any thing contained in the treaty of peace notwithstanding.  
Item it is concluded and appointed between the parties aforesaid, that during thesaide truce, none of both the princes aforesaid, shall receive into his realm, territories, or dominions, any treytoure or rebel of the other prince, nor shall maintain, favour, a●de or comfort any rebel or traitor which is already fled, or hereafter shall fly into either of the said princes dominions, nor there suffer him or them to tarry or make their abode.  
Item if any such rebel or treytoure shall fortune hereafter to arrive in the realm or territory of any of thesayde princes, that then thesayde prince, in whose dominiou thesaide traitor or rebel is so arrived, at the instance & reques of the other prince to whom the offence and crime was committed, shallbe bound incontinently to deliver the said rebel or traitor to thesaide demander without fraud or male engine.  
Item that all scottyshmen now inhabiting in England, & sworn to the king of England, shall & may there inhabit and tarry, so that their names within xl days after the date of this league be certified to the king of Scots, or to his chancellor, by the king of England, or the warden of the marches.  
Item if during thesaide amity and peace, it shall fortune any of the wardens of the said princes without commandment, assent to knowledge of his sovereign lord and master, to invade and raise an armeye in the dominion of the other prince, and there to slay, burn or spoil: the then thesaide prince, to whom thesaide warden is or shallbe subject & vassalle, shall within vi days next after the fact done & perpetrate, declare thesaide warden a traitor and rebel, and thereof shall make certificate to the other prince to whom the injury was committed within xii days after thesaide declaration made and denounced.  
Item that in every saveconduyete to be granted by either of the said princes, this clause to be added: Provided alweies that the obteyner of this saveconduyte be no traitor nor rebel to his prince.  
Item if during this amity and truce, any of the subjects of either prince do presume or attempt to aid, help, maintain or serve any other prince against any of thesaide contractoures: Then it shallbe leeful to the prince and his subjects against whom he showed himself enemy and adversary to apprehend and attach thesaide subject, going, coming or tarrying any act, article or clause in this league to the contrary comprehended notwithstanding.  
Item it is agreed, appointed and accorded that in this treaty and amity shallbe comprehended the friends obliged and confederates of both the princes if they lift to enter and accept the league, and thereupon to declare their pleasures within vi months next ensuing, and specially for the king of England's part were named for confederates. The king of Castle and Lion, The king of Arragon, The king of Porsyngall, The archduke of Austryche and Burgoyne and the dyuke of Britain. On the part of the king of Scots were named for confederates, Charles the French king, John king of Denmark and Norwey & the duke of Guildes and Britain.  
Item it is agreed and concluded between the parties aforesaid that the lordship of Lorne in the realm of Scotland, nor the Island of Londay lying in the river of Severne in the realm of Euglande, shall not be taken nor comprised within this league, but to stand at large as they did before.  
Item that this concord, peace and amity shallbe published, proclaimed and divulged the first day of October next ensuing in the most notable and famous cities and towns of both the realms & regions. And conservators were appointed for the sure observation of this league and amity on both parts, whose names follow.  

For the king of England.  
John earl of Lyncolne  
Henry earl of Northumberland  
Ralph lord Nevell  
Ralph lord Greystocke  
Richard lord Fitz Hugh  
John lord Scrope  
Thomas lord Scrope of Massam  
Sir Christopher Moresby  
William Clapton, esquire  
Homfrey lord Daker  
Sir Richard Ratcliff  
Sir John Conyers  
Sir Edmond Hastynges  
Sir Robert Donstable  
Sir Hugh Hastynges  
Sir William Evers  
Sir John Huldeston  
William Musgrave, esquire  
Richard Salkeld, esquire.   

For the king of Scots.  
David earl of Crafford and lord lynsey  
George Earl of Huntley, lord Gorden and Badzenath.  
John lord Dorneley  
John lord Kynedy  
Roberte lord Lile  
Patrick lord Hales  
Laurence lord Oliphaunt  
Willam lord Borthwike  
Sir John Rosse of Halkehed  
Sir Gilbert Ihonson of Elphynston  
Sir John Lundy  
Sir james Ogilly of Arly  
Sir Robert Hamilton of fingalton  
Sir William Balze of Lamyngton  
Sir John Kynedy of Blarqhon  
Sir John wemes  
Sir William Rochewen  
Edward Crochton of kirk paty  
John dundas  
John Rosse of Montgrenane  
these iii last were esquires.   
Item it is farther condescended and agreed that these commissioners whose names ensue shall meet at Loughmabanstane the xviii day of November next ensuing aswell for redress to be had of certain offences done on the westmerches as also for declaring and publishing of the peace and amity.  

Commissioners of the English part.  
The lord Dacre  
The lord Fitz Hugh  
Sir Richard Radclyffe  
Sir Christopher Moresby  
Sir Richard Salkeld  
or three of them.   

Commissioners for the Scottish part.  
The lord kenedy  
The lord Mountgomory  
The lord lile  
John Maxwell steward of Annerdale.  
Robert Crechton of sanquhane or three of them.   
Item like commissioners were assigned to meet at Roydon borne for the East marches the first day of December and also meet at haldanestanke the four day of the said month for the middle marches.  

Commissioners for the king of England.  
The earl of Northumberlande  
The lord Greystorcke  
The lord Scrope of Massam  
Sir William Gastoyn  
Sir Robert Conestable   

Commissioners for the king of Scots.  
The earl of Huntley  
The earl of Angus  
The earl of Ergile  
chancellor of Scotland  
The lord wandale  
The lord Seton  
The lord Olyphaunt  
Te lord Stobhill   
Item it is agreed that the commissioners aforesaid shall depute and assign certain persons to view and declare the bounds and limits apperteigning to the town of Berwick according to the true meaning of the league.  
Item it is agreed and appointed that no person of England or Scotland shall during the said truce, build, ear or sow any lands or ground being within the bounds of the batable ground, but no suffer the same to continue in the same condition that it now remaineth.  
When this league and amity was thus concluded, finished and sealed with all dew circumstances thereunto required. Although king Richard judged and deemed himself somewhat the more stronger and quyeter by force of this new amity and concluded confederacy, yet to augemnte more the familiarite begun between the king of Scots and him, and to have a double string for his bow, he entreated a new alliance and marriage to be concluded between the prince of Rothsaye eldest son to the king of Scots, and lady Anne de la pool daughter to John duke of Suffolk and lady Anne sister to king Richard, which sister he so much favoured that he studying all the weighs by the which he might advance her offpring and lineage, did not only procure and seek means how to make her daughter a princess, and consequently a Queen, but also after the death of his son, he proclaimed John earl of Lyncolne his nephew and her son, heir apparent to the crown of England, dishenetiting king Edward's daughters, whose brethren before you have heard he shamefully killed & murdered.  
The king of Scots having need of Friends, but not so much need as king Richard which was of necessity compelled to seek aiders and to entreteyne fautors, the one for favouring of flatterers and base borne persons, and the other not only for tyranny and unnatural homicide, but also for the usurpation of the crown being of all the realm detested and disdained, gladly accepted and ioyousely concented to king Richard's device and conjunction of amity, perfightely remembering that amongst all bonds and obligations of love and amity, that there is neither a surer nor a more perfighter lock, than the knot of conjunction in the sacrament of matrimony, which was in the very beginning of the first age of man, ordained and instituted in the holy place of paradise terrestial by God himself: by reason whereof, the propagation and succession of the human nature, established upon the sure seat of lawful matrimony between princes, may nourish peace concord and unite, assuage and break the furious rage of truculente Mars and terrible battle, and increase love, favour and familiarity. Wherefore thesayde princes sent their ambassadors and councelours again to the town of Nottyngham, where thesayde marriage was by writings and instruments covenanted, condescended and agreed, and affiances made and taken by proctors and deputies on both par●es, and she ymediately called princess of Rothsay, which name she shortly lost by the short life of king Richard her loving uncle. Here may well be noted the unnatural love and disordered affection which this kind kinsman showed to his blood: For he not remembering the tyranny that he had executed against his brother's sons, the wrong and manifest injury that he had done to his brother's daughters, both in taking from them their dignity, possessions and living, thought it should redound greatly to his honour and fame, if he promoted his sisters child (to whom he was nothing bound in conscience to make restitution) to the dignity of a Queen, rather than to prefer his brother's daughter whom he had untruly and by force dishenerited, and of all their right deprived, to the marriage of a mean esquire: such was his fraternal kindness toward his brother, and such was his large conscience towards his brother's children.  
After this league and marriage thus concluded and agreed, the king of Scots disdeigning that the strong castle of Dumbarre should remain in thenglish men's hands and possession, wrote a gentle letter to king Richard, delcaring to him that where in the league concluded between them, it was agreed and appointed that he should within xl days next ensuing, express and declare his opinion and meaning concerning the castle of Dumbarre, whether the said castle should be occupied and stand still in the hands of thenglishmen during the whole time of the truce, or else for the term of six months only. He now certified king richard by his letters, that he was content that he and his should enjoy the possession of thesayde castle quyetely and peaceably during thesayde truce and amity. Nevertheless he required him for the love and familiarity that now both by treaty and alliance was sprung and knit between them, that he would redeliver thesayde castle into his hands, which was untruly possessed of th'English nation by delivery of rebels and treytours, contrary to all right, equity, and conscience. King Richard dallied with pleasant letters and fair words, and so foded forth the king of Scots, that he never had Dumbarre delivered while king Richard lived, after whose death, whether it were by treason or by apoyntement, the castle was rendered to the king of Scots to his great contentation and rejoicing. Albeit this league & amity thus covenanted and concluded, it might manifestly seem to all persons, that all conjurations and confederacies against king Richard were extinct and put silence, and in especial considering that the duke of Buckyngham and his alyes were made out of his way, some by death, and some by banishment and exiling into far countries & regions. Yet king Richard more doubting then trusting to his own people and friends was continually vexed, tossed and unquiet with fear of the return of the earl of Richemond and his complices & fauroures, which daily dread and hourly agony, caused him to live in doleful misery, ever unquiet, & in manner incontinual calamity. Wherefore he intending to be relieved and to have all his dolorous imagination allevyated, determined clearly to extirpate and pluck all the matter and ground of his fear and doubts. Wherefore after long and deliberate consultation had, nothing was for his purpose and intent thought either more necessary or expedient then once again with price, prayer and rewards, to attempt the duke of Britain in whose territory the earl of Richemond then abode, to deliver thesaide earl into his hands, by which only means he should be discharged of all fear of peril, and brought ot rest and quietness both of body & mind. Wherefore incontinent he sent certain ambassadors to the duke of Britain, which took upon them (beside the great and ample rewards the they brought with them into Britain) that king Richard should yearly pay & answer the duke of all the revenues, rents and profits, of the signories, lands & possessions aswell belonging & apperteigning to the earl of Richmond, as to any other noble or gentleman which then were in the earls company, if he after that time would keep them in continual prison and restrain them from liberty.  
The orators furnished with these and other instructions, arrived in Britain and came to the duke's house, where with him they could have no manner of communication concerning their weighty affairs, by reason that he being fatigate and weakened by a long and daily infirmity, began a little to wax idle and weak in his wit and remembrance. For which cause Peter Landoyse his chief treasouter, a man both or pregnant wit and great authority, ruled and adjudged all things at his pleasure and commandment, for the which cause (as men set into high authority be not best beloved) he excited and provoked against him the malice and evil will of the nobility of Britain, which afterward for diverse great offences by him during his authority perpetrate and committed, by their means was brought to death and confusion. Thenglishe ambassadors moved their message and request to Peter Landoyse, and to him declared their master's commandment, instantly requiring, and humbly disiring him (in whose power it lay to do all thing in Britain) that he would friendly assent to the request of king Richard offering to him the same rewards and lands, that they should have offered to the duke.  
This Peter which was no less disdained than hated almost of all the people of Britain▪ thought that if he did assent and satisfy king Richard's petition and desire, he should be of power and ability sufficient to withstand and re●ell the malicious attempts and disdeynfull inventions of his envious adversaries. Wherefore he feithefully promised to accomplish king Richard's request and desire, so that he kept promise with him, that he might be able to withstand the cankered m●lice of his secret enemies. This act that he promised to do, was not for nay grudge or malice that he bate to the earl of Richemonde▪ for as you have heard before, he delivered him from peril of death at saint Malos when he was in great doubt of life and jeopardy but as cause riseth we ever offend, and that cursed, hunger of gold and execrable thirst of lucre, and inward fear of loss of authority, driveth the blind minds of covetous men and ambitious persons to evils and misch●●es innumerable, not remembering loss of name, obloquy of the people, nor in conclusion the punishment of God for their merits and deserts. But fortune was so favourable to the public wealth of the realm of England that this deadly and dolorous compact took none effect or place. For while posts ran, and letters were sent to and frotor the finisshing of this great enterprise between king Richard & Peter Landoyse, John Morton bishop of Ely sojourning then in Flaunders, was of all this crafty conveyance certified by his secret & sure friends: wherefore he sent Christopher Urswike (which at that very season was come out of Britain into Flaunders) to declare to the earl of Richmond how all the deceit & crafty working was conveyed and compassed, giving him in charge to council and advise the earl in all hast possible with all his company to retire out of Britain into France. When these news were brought to the earl he then kept house in Uannes', and incontinent dispatched again Christopher Urswike to Charles the French king, requiring him that he and his might safely pass into France, which desire, impetrated and obtained, the messenger shortly returned to his lord and prince. The earl well perceiving that it was expedient and necessary with all speed and diligence, to look to this weighty mattre, calling very few to council, he made exploration and search of all secret and by ways, and sent before all his noble men, as though for a certain familiarity and kindness they should visit and comfort the duke▪ which then for recreation and change of air, lay on the borders and confines of France. And secretly he gave charge to the Earl of pembroke which was the leader and conductor of his company, that when they approached the marches and lymites of Britain, they should divert and take the next weigh into France. The noble men somewhat suspicious of things newly imagined, without any tarrying or by the journey ga●ynge, scouring the weighs as fast as there horse would run, or as they conveniently might bear & sustain, came out of the duchy of Britain into the duchy of Angeou in the dominion of France, where they expected the earls coming, which ii days after departed out of Uannes' only accompanied with .v. seruytoures, as though he had go secretly to visit a familiar friend of his in a small village adjoining. No man suspected that he would depart, considering that a great multitude of Englishmen were left and continued in the city, but after that he had passed directly five miles forward, he suddenly turned into a solitary wood next adjoining, where clothing himself in the simple cote of his poor servant, made and appointed his said minister leader and Master of his small company, and he as an humble page diligently followed and served his countrefeate governor, never resting nor themselves refreshing except the baiting of their horses till they by ways unknown now this way, now turning that way, came to their company abiding them in angiers.  
The fourth day after the earl of Richemonde was thus departed, that crafty merchant Peter landoyse, trusting still after his pray promised by king Richard, was ready to set forward his crew of soldiers, which he privily had consigned with certain trusty capiteynes for that only purpose appointed and elected, to perform & achieve his pretenced enterprise, dissymuling and feigning them to be conducted and hired by him to serve the Earl of Richemond, and him to conduit in his return toward his native country, meaning none other thing but to apprehend him and the other noble men in his retinue, which no such fraud suspecting, nor yet any treason imagining, unware and unprovided and destitute of all aid, and them to cast and detrude suddenly into continual captivity and bondage▪ to thententeintent that by this facinorous and naughty act, he might satisfy the charitable request and loving desire of good king Richard, more for his own profit then king Richard's gain. But when this crafty dissymuler Peter Landoyse, which was no Wylyer than an old Fox, perceived that the earl was departed (thinking that to be true that he imagined) lord how currioures rane into every coast, how light horsemen galloped to every strait to follow and detain him, if by any possibility he could be subsecuted and overtaken, and him to incarcerate and bring captive into the city of Uannes'. The horsemen made such diligence, and with such celerite set forward their journey, that nothing was more likely them they to have obtained, ye & seized their pray. For the earl of Richmond was not entered into the realm of France scace one hour, but the followers came to the limits and confines of Britain, and durst adventure no farther but veinely without their desire sorofully returned. At which season were left at Uannes' about the number of iii Englishmen, which not being called to council and unware of this entreprice, but knowing of the earls sudden departure were so incontinently astoned, that in manner they were all in despair both of him and their own security and safeguard. But fortune turned her sail, & otherwise it happened then there fear them encumbered. For the duke of Britain now being somewhat recovered, was sore displeased, and nothing contented that the earl o● Richmonde was in his dominion so uncourteously tracted and entreated, that he should be by fraud and untruth compelled to leave and fly out of his duchy and country contrary to his honour. Wherefore he took great displeasure with Peter Landoyse his treasurer, to whom (although he knew not & was ignorant that all the drift was driven and devised by him) he laid the fault and imputed the crime. Wherefore he sent for Edward Wooduile, and Edward pownynges valiant esquires of England, and delivered unto them money sufficient for their conduit, willing them to convey the rest of thenglishmen being in britain, to the earl of Richemondes' presence. When the Earl was thus furnished & appointed with his trusty company, and was escaped all the dangerous labirinthes and snares 〈◊〉 were set for him, no marvel though he were jocund and glad of the prosperous success that happened in his affairs. Wherefore, jest he should seem to be blotted with the note of ingratitude, he sent diverse of his gentlemen to the duke of Britain, the which should publish & declare to him on the behalf of the earl, that he and his, were only by his benefit and favour conserved and delivered from the imminente danger that they were like to be trapped in. Wherefore at that time he rendered to him his most hearty thanks in words, trusting & not doubting but in time to come liberally to recompense him with acts & deeds.  
After this, the earl took his journey to Charles the French king, lying then at Langes upon the river of leyre, to whom after great thanks given for manifold gratuytes by him to the earl showed, he disclosed and manifested the cause & occasion of his access & repair to his person. After that he required of him help▪ and secure, to th'intent that by his immortal benefit to him at that time showed, he might safely return to the nobility o● his realm, of whom he was generally called to take upon him the crown and sceptre of the realm▪ they so much hated & abhorred the tyranny of king Richard. King Charles promised him aid and comfort, and bade him be of good courage and make good cheer, for he assured him that he would gladly show to him his benevolent mind and bountiful liberality. Which king from thence removed to Mountargis, leading with him the earl ofn Richemond, and all the noble personages of his retinue and faction.  
While the earl was thus attendaunte in the French court, John vere earl of Oxford (which as you have heard before was by king Edward kept in prison within the castle of hams) so persuaded John blunt captain of thes●●e fortress, and six John Fortescewe porter of the town of Caleys ●hat he himself was not only dismissed and set at liberty, but the ●●lso abandoning and leaving their fruitful offices, condescended go with him into France to the Earl of Rychmonde and to 〈◊〉 part. But james Blount like a wise capiteyne, because he 〈…〉 wife remaining in the castle before his departure, he forte●● the same both with new inventions and new soldiers. 〈◊〉 the Earl of Richemonde saw the Earl of Oxford, he was rauy●●ed with an incredibile gladness, that he being a man of so high nobil●●e, of such knowledge and practice in feats of war, and so constant, trusty and assured (which alweie had studied for the maintenance and preferment of the house of Lancaster) was now by god's provision delivered out of captivity & imprisonment, & in time so necessaty & convenient come to his aid, succour & advancement, in whom more surer than any other he might put his trust & confident, and take less pain and travail in his own person. For it was not hid from him that such as had ever taken part with king Edward before this time, came to do him service either for malice that they bore to king Richard, or else for fear to time under his truculent rule and tempestuous governance. But this man which so often times had personally fought in mortal battle in the quarrel of king Henry the vi he judged by divine power and heavenly inspiration to be delivered out of captivity, & imprisonment for this only purpose, that he should have a man of his own faction and school▪ to whom he might surely and faithfully communicate and credit all things as to his own propre person, and therefore being inflamed with all immortal joy for the earls coming he began to have a good hope of the happy success of all his pretenced entreprises.  
Not long after, the French king returned again to Paris, whom the earl of Richmond followed, intending there to solicit his mattre to the conclusion. Whereupon he besought king Charles to take upon him the whole tuition and defence of him and his cause, so that he and his company being by his means aided and comforted, should confess & say, their wealth, victory and advancement to have flowed and budded forth of his bountyfulnes and liberality, which they would God willing shortly reacquyte. In the mean season diverse Englishmen which either fled out of England for fear, or were at Paris to learn and study good literature and virtuous doctrine c●me vountarily and submitted themselves to the Earl of Rychemonde, and vowed and swore to take his part. Emongeste whom was Richard Fox a priest, a man of great wit and no less learning, whom the earl incontinent received into secret familiarity & in brief time erected & advanced him to high dignities and promotions, and in conclusion he made him bishop of Wynchester.  
In the mean season king Richard was credibly advertised what promises and oaths the earl and his confederates ha● made and sworn together at Renes, and how by the earls means a●●henglishmē were passed out of Britain into France. Wherefore be●●ge sore dysmaied and in manner desperate, because his crafty cheuesa●● took none effect in britain, ymagened and devised how to 〈◊〉 and disturb the earls purpose by another mean, so that by the 〈◊〉 of lady Elizabeth his niece he should pretend no clayne nor title 〈◊〉 crown. For he thought if that marriage failed, the earls chief com●●ad been clearly cut. And because that he being blinded with the ambiens' desire of rule before this time, in obtaining the kingdom, had perpetrate and done many flagitious acts and detestable tyrannies, ye● awarding to the old proverb, let him take the bull that stolen away the calf▪ ●● thought all facts by him committed in times passed to be but of sma●l moment and not to be regarded in comparison of that mischievous imagination which he now newly began and attempted. There came into his ungracious mind a thing not only detestable to be spoken of in the remembrance of man, but much more cruel and abominable to be put in execution. For when he revolved in his wavering mind how great a fountain of mischief toward him should spring, if the earl of Richmond should be advanced to the marriage of his niece, which thing he heard say by the rumour of the people that no small number of wise and witty personages enterprised to compass & bring to conclusion. He clearly determined to reconcile to his favour his brother's wife queen Elizabeth either by fair words or liberal promises, firmly believing her favour once obtained that she would not stick to commit and lovingly credit to him the rule and governance both of her and her daughters, and so by that means the earl of Richemonde of the affinity of his niece should be utterly defrauded and beguiled. And if no ingenious remedy could be otherwise invented to save the innumerable mischiefs which were even at hand and like to fall, if it should happen queen Anne his wife to depart out of this present world, than he himself would rather take to wife his cousin and niece the lady Elizabeth, then for lack of that affinity the whole realm should run to ruin, as who said, that if he once fell from his estate and dignity, the ruin of the realm must needs shortly ensue & follow. Wherefore he sent to the queen being in sanctuary diverse and often messengers, which first should excuse and purge him of all things before against her attempted or procured, and after should so largely promise promotions innumerable and benefits, not only to her but also to her son lord Thomas Marquis Dorcett, that they should bring her if it were possible into some wanhope, or as men say into a fools paradise. The messengers being men both of wit and gravity so persuaded the queen with great & pregnaunte reasons, then with fair & large promises, that she began somewhat to relent & to give to them no deaf ear, in somuch that she faithfully promised to submit & yield herself fully and frankly to the kings will and pleasure. And so she putting in oblivion the murder of her innocent children, the infamy and dishonour spoken by the king her husband, the living in adultery laid to her charge, the bastarding of her daughters, forgetting also the faithful promise & open oath made to the countess of Richmon● mother to the earl Henry, blinded by avaricious affection and seduced by flattering words, first delivered into king Richard's hands her .v. daughters, as Lambs once again committed to the custody of the ravenous wolf. After she sent letters to the Marquis her son being then at Paris with the earl of Richmonde, willing him in any wise to leave the earl and without delay to repair into England, where, for him were provided great honours and honourable promotions, asserteigning him ferther, that all offences on both parties were forgotten and forgiven, and both he and she highly incorporate in the kings heart. Surely the inconstancy of this woman were much to be marveled a●, if all women had been found constant, but let men speak, yet women of the very bond of nature will follow their own kind. After that king Rycharde had thus with glorious promises and flattering words pleased and appeased the mutable mind of queen Elyzabeth which knew nothing less than that he most intended, he caused all his brother's daughters to be conveyed into his palace with solemn receiving, as though with his new familiar and loving entreteinement they should forget, and in their minds obliterate the old committed injury and late perpetrate tyranny. Now nothing was contrariant and obstacle to his pernicious purpose, but that his mansion was not void of his wife, which thing he in anywise adjudged necessary to be done. But there was one thing that so much feared and dragged him from committing this abominable murder, because as you have heard before he began to countrefaycte the image of a good and well disposed person, and therefore he was afeard least y● sudden and immature death of his wife once openly known, he should lose the good and credible opinion which the people had of him, without desert conceived and reported. But in conclusion, evil council prevailed in a wit lately minded to mischief, and turned from all goodness. So that his ungracious desire overcame his honest fear. And first to enter into the gates of his ymagened enterprise, he abstained both from the bed and company of his wife. After, he complained to diverse noble men of the realm, of the infortunate sterilite and barrenness of his wife, because she brought forth non fruit and generation of her body. And in especial he accounted to Thomas Rotheram archbishop of York (whom lately he had delivered out of ward and captivity) these impediments of is queen and diverse other, thinking that he would enucleate and open to her all these things, trusting the sequel hereof to take his effect, that she hearing this grudge of her husband, and taking therefore an inward thought, would not long live in this world. Of this the bishop gathered (which well knew the complexion and usage of the king) that the queens days were short, and that he declared to certain of his secret friends. After this he procured a common rumour (but he would not have the author known) to be published and spread abroad among the common people that the queen was dead, to th'intent that she taking some conceit of this strange fame, should fall into some sudden sickness or grievous malady, & to prove 〈◊〉 afterwards she should fortune by y● or any other ways to lose her li●e, whither the people would impute her death to the thought or sickness, or thereof would lay the blame to him. When the queen heard tell that so horrible a rumour of her death was sprung amongst the commonalty, she sore suspected and judged the world to be almost at an end with her, and in that sorrowful agony, she with lamentable countenance and soroful cheer, repaired to the presence of the king her husband, demanding of him, what it should mean that he had judged her worthy to die. The king answered her with fare words, and with dissimuling blandimentes and flattering losings comforted her, bidding her to be of good comfort, for to his knowledge she should have none other cause. But howsoever that it fortuned, either by inward thought and pensiveness of heart, or by intoxication of poison (which is affirmed to be most likely) within a few days after, the queen departed out of this transitory life, and was with dew solemp●ite buried in the church of s●int Peter at Westminster. This is the same Anne one of the daughters of the earl of Warwyk, which as you have heard before at the request of Jews the French king, was married to prince Edward son to king Henry the vi.  
The king thus (according to his long desire) loosed out of the bonds of matrimony, began to cast a foolish fantasy to Lady Elizabeth his niece, making much suit to have her joined with him in lawful matrimony: But because all men, and the maiden herself most of all, detested and abhorred this unlawful and in manner unnatural copulation, he determined to prolong and defer the matter till he were in a more quietness. For all that very reason he was oppressed with great, weighty and urgent causes and businesses on every side, considering that daily part of the nobility sailed into France to the earl of Richmond: Other privily favoured & aided certain of the conjuration, so & of his short end, few or none were in doubt. And the common people for the most part were brought to such desperation, that many of them had rather be reputed & taken of him in the number of his enemies, then to abide the chance and hazard to have their goods taken as a spoil of victory by his enemies. Amongst the noble men whom he most mistrusted, these were the principal, Thomas lord Stanley, Sir William Stanley his brother, Eylbert Talbot and vi hundred other, of whose purposes although king Richard were ignorant, yet he gave neither confidence nor credence to any one of them, and lest of all to the Lord Stanley, because he was joined in matrimony with the lady Margarete mother to the earl of Richmond as afterward apparently ye may perceive. For when thesayde lord Stanley would have departed into his country to visit his family, and to recreate and refresh his spirits (as he openly said) but the truth was to th'intent to be in a persight readiness to receive the earl of Richmond at his first arrival in England: the king in no wise would suffer him to depart before that he had left as an hostage in the court George Stanley lord strange his first begotten son and heir. While king Richard was thus troubled and vexed with imaginations of the tumultuous time that was like to come: Lo●, even suddenly he heard news that fire was sprung out of the smoke and the war, recently begun, and that the castle of hams was delivered into the hands of the earl of Rychmonde by the means of the earl of Oxenford and that not only he but also james Blount capiteine of the castle, were fled into France to aid the Earl Henry. Wherefore he thinking it great policy to withstand the first brunt sent the most part of the garrison of Caleis, to recover again by force the castle of Hams. They which were in the castle perceiving their adversaries to approach, prepared munitions and engines for their defence, and sent also to the Earl of Richemonde, to advertise him of the●● sudden obsession, requiring him of hasty aid and speedy succour. The earl ●epynge not this first begun as●au●e, sent the earl of Oxe●forde with an elected company of soldiers to raise the siege & rescue the castle: Which at their first arriving pitched their camp not far from their enemies. And while king Rychardes' men gave vigilaunt eye, weyting lest the Earl of Oxford should take any advantage of them that la●e on that side of the Castle. Thomas Brandon with xxx approved men of war by a marsh which lay on the other side entered into the castle. The soldiers within greatly animated and much comforted by this new succour and aid, grieved thenemies by shorting from the walls more than they were accustomed to do. And they of the Castle vexed their enemies on the forepart: the Earl of Oxenford no less molested and unquieted them on the other part, which was the occasion that king Richard's men offered of their own mere motion licence to all being within the castle to depart in safety with bag and baggage nothing excepted: which condition the earl of Oxenford coming only for that purpose to deliver his loving friends out of all pe●ell and danger▪ & chiefly of all, his old hostess jane Blount wife to james Blount the captain, would in no wise repudiate or refuse. And so leaving the Castle bore and ungarnysshed both of victual and artillery, came safe to the earl of Richmond sojourning in Paris. During this time, king Richard was credebly informed of his explorators & espials y● the earl of Richmond was with long suit in the court of France sore fatigate & wearied, & desiring great a●de, could obtain small relieve. In so much that all thing went so far backward, that such things as were with great diligence and no less deliberation purposed and determined to be set forward, were now dashed and overthrown to the ground. King Richard either being to light of credence, or seduced and deluded by his crafty taletellers, greatly rejoiced as though he had obtained the overhand of his enemies with triumph and victory, and thought himself never so surely delivered of all rear and dreadful imaginations, so that he needed now no more once for that cause either to wake of break his golden sleep. Wherefore he called home again his ships of war which he had appointed to keep the narrow sees, & dispatched all such soldiers as he had deputed to keep certain garrisons & to stop certain passages as you have heard before. Yet lest he might for lack of provision be suddenly trapped he straightly charged and gave in commandment to all noble men and in especial such as inhabited near to the see coast and on the frontiers of wales, that according to the usage of the country, they should keep diligent watch & strong ward, to the intent the his adversaries in no wise should have any place apt or opportune easily to t●ke land without defence or rebutting back. For the custom of the countries adjoining near to the see is (especially in the time or war) on every hill or high place to erect a bekon with a great lantern in the top, which may be seen and discerned a great space of. And when the 'noys is once bruited that the enemies approach near the land, they suddenly put fire in the lanterns and make shouts & outrages from town to town and from village to village. Some run in post from place to place admonishing the people to be ready to resist the jeopardy, and defend the peril. And by this policy the fame is soon blown to every city & town, in somuch that aswell the citizens as the rural people be in short space assembled and armed to refel and put back the new arrived enemies.  
Now to return to our purpose, king Richard thus alleviate of his accustoned pensiveness, began to be somewhat more merrier & took less thought and care for outward enemies than he was wont to do, as who say, that he with polletique provision should withstand the destiny which hung over his head, and was ordained in brief time suddenly to fall. Such is the force and puissance of divine justice▪ that every man shall less regard, less provide, less be in doubt of all things, when he is most nearest punishment, and next to his mischance for his offences and crimes.  
About this season, while the earl of Richmonde was desiring aid of the French king, certain noble men were there appointed to rule the realm of France during the minorite of king Charles, which amongst theim selfes were not of one opinion. Of which dissension, Lewes duke of orleans was the chief stirrer, which because he had married lady johann sister to the French king, took upon him above other the rule and administration of the whole realm. By reason of which controversy, no one man only was suffered to rule all, wherefore the earl of Rychemond was compelled to make suit to every one of the council severally one after another, requiring and desiring them of aid and relieve in his weighty business, and so his cause was prolonged and deferred. During which ●ime, Thomas Marquis Dorsett which was as you have heard enticed by his mother to return again into England partly despairing in the good success of the earl of Richmond & partly onerate and vanquesshed with the fair glozing promises of king Richard: secretly in the night season stolen out of Paris, and with all diligent expedition took his journey toward Flaunders. When relation of his departure was made to the earl of Richmond & the other noble men, no marvel though they were astonied & greatly amazed. Yet that wthstandyng they required of the French king thou'st it might be leeful to them in his name and by his commandment to take and stay their companion, confederate, and partaker of all their council, in what place within his realm and territory so ever they could find him. Which petition once obtained, they sent out curriers into every part, amongst whom Homfrey Cheiny pl●iyng the part of a good blood hound, foloed the tract of the flyer so even by the scent▪ that he overtook and apprehended him not far from Compeign & so what with reason & what with fa●re promises being persuaded, he returned again to his companions. The earl of Richmond unburdened of this misauenture, lest by procrastination of days & prolonging of time, he might lose the great opportunity of things to him offered and ministered: also lest he should ferther wound or molest the minds of his faithful and assured friends which daily did aspect & tarry for his coming, determined no longer to protract & defer the tune, but with all diligence & scelerite to attempt his begun entreprice and so obtaining of king Charles a small crew of men, and borrowing certain sums of money of him & of diverse other his private friends. For the which he left as debtor or more likelier as a pledge or hostage lord Thomas Marquis Dorsett (whom he half mistrusted) and Sir John Burchier, he departed from the French court & came to the city of Rouen. While he tarried there making provision at harflete in the mouth of the river of Seyne for all things necessary for his navy and navigation, tidings were brought to him that king Richard being without children and now widower, intended shortly to marry with Lady Elizabeth his brother's daughter, and to prefer the lady Cicile her sister to a man found in a cloud and of an unknown lineage and family. He took these news as a matter of no small moment (and so all things considered, it was of no less importance than he took it for. For this thing only took aweie from all his compaignions' their hope and courage that they had to obtain an happy enterprise. And therefore no marvel though it nipped him at the very stomach when he thought that by no possibility he might attain the marriage of any of king Edward's daughters, which was the strongest foundation of his building, by reason whereof he judged that all his friends in England would abandon and shrink from him. Wherefore making not many of his council, after diverse consultations he determined not yet to set forward, but to tarry and attempt how to get more aid, more friends and more stronger succours. And amongst all other, it was thought most expedient to allure by affinity in his aid as a companion in arms Sir Walter Herbert a man of an ancient stock and great power amongst the Welshemen, which had with him a fair Lady to his sister, of age mature and ripe to be coupled in matrimony. And for the acheving of this purpose, messengers were secretly sent to Henry Eearle of Northumbreland (which had before married another sister of Sir Walter Herbertes) gto th'intent that he should set forward all this device and purpose, but the weighs were so narrowly watched and so many spies laid that the messenger proceeded not in his journey and business. But in the mean season, there came to the Earl a more ioyfuller message from Morgan Kydwelly learned in the temporal law, which declared that Rice ap Thomas, a man of no less valiantness than actyvitee, and John Savage an approved Capteyne, would with all their power be partakers of his quarrel.  
And that Reignolde Breye had collected and gotten together no small some of money for the payment of the wages to the soldiers and men of war: admonisshing him also to make quick expedition and to take his course directly into Wales. The Earl of Richmonde because he would no longer linger and weighed his friends living continually between hope and fear, determined in all convenient haste to se●f forward, and carried to his ships armour, weapons, vitayle and all other ordinances expedient for war. And shortly to speak, all things he prepared which are wont to be necessary and profitable to the variable chances and incertain accidents and jeopardies or war, which requireth preparation of many instruments and things chargeable.  
After that the earl had made his humble petition and devout prayer to almighty God, beseeching him not only to send him most prosperous wind and sure passage in his journey, but also effecteously desiring his goodness of aid & comfort in his necessity and victory & supremity over his enemies, only accompanied with ii thousand men and a small number of ships, weighed up his anchors and halsed up his fails and in the kalends of August he sailed from harflet with so prosperous a wind that the vii day after his departure he arrived in Wales in the evening at a port called Mylford Haven, and in continent took land and came to a place called Dalle, where he heard say that a certain company of his adversaries were laid in garrison to defend his arrival all the last winter. And the earl at the son rising removed to harfford west, being distant from dalle not fully ten mile, where he was applauded and received of the people with great joy, and he arrived there so suddenly that he was come and entered the town at the same time when the citizens had but knowledge of his coming.  
Here he heard news which were as untrue as they truly were reported to him in Normandy, that Rice ap Thomas and John savage with body and goods were determined to aid king Richard. While he and his company were somewhat appalled of these new tidings, there came such message from thinhabitants of the town of Pembroke that refreshed and revived their frozen hearts and daunted courages. For Arnold Buttler a valiant captain, which first asking pardon for his offences before time committed against the earl of Richmond, and that obtained, declared to him that the penbrochians were ready to serve & give their attendance on their natural and immediate lord jasper earl of Pembroke. The earl of Richmond having his army thus increased, departed from Herforde west to the town of Cardygan being .v. mile distant from thence. While the soldiers were refreshing and trimming themselves in their camp, strange tidings sprung among them without any certain author, that sir Walter Herberd which lay with a great crew of men at Carmarden▪ was now with a great army ready to approach and hid them battle. With which news the army was sore troubled, and every man assayed his armure and proved his weapon and were priest to defend their enemies. And as they were in this timorous doubt, certain horsemen which the earl had sent to make exploration and search, returned and reported all the country to be quiet and no let nor impediment to be laid or cast in their journey.  
And even at that same time the whole army was greatly recomforted by reason that the coming of Rycharde Gryffyth, a man of great nobility, the which notwithstanding that he was conferate with Sir Walter Harbert and Richard app Thomas, yet at that very instant he came to the Earl of Richemund with all his company, which were of no great number. After him, the same day came John Morgan with his men. Then the Earl advanced forward in good haste, making no repose or abode in any one place. And to th'intent to pass forward with sure and short expedition, he assaulted e●ery place where his enemies had set any men of war, which with small force and less difficulty he briefly did expugn and vanquish. And suddenly he was by his espials asserteyned that Sir Walter Harbert and Rice app Thomas were in harness before him ready to encounter with his atmye and to stop their passage. Wherefore like a valiant captain he first determined to set on them and either to destroy or to take them into his favour, and after with all his power and puissance to give battle to his mortal enemy king Richard. But to th'intent his friends should know with what dexterite his attempted entreprice proceeded forward, he sent of his most secret and faithful servants with letters and instructions to the lady Margarete his mother, to the Lord Stanley and his brother, to Talbote and to other his trusty friends, declaring to them, that he succoured and helped with the aid and relieve of his friends intended to pass over the river of Severne at Shrewsburie, and so to pass directly to the city of London, requiring them as his especial trust and confidence was perplanted in the hope of their fidelity, that they would occur & meet him by the way with all diligent preparation to th'intent that he & they at time propice and place convenient might communicate together the profundyte and deepness of all his dubious and weighty business. When the messengers were disparkled with these commandments & admonitions, he marched forward toward Shrewsbury, and in his passing there met & saluted him Rice ap Thomas with a goodly band of Welshmen, which making an oath and promise to the earl, submitted himself whole to his order and commandment. For the earl of Richemond ii days before made to him promise that if he would swear to take his part and be obedient to him, he would make him chief governor of Wales, which part as he faithfully promised and granted, so after that he had obtained and possessed the realm and diadem, he liberally performed and accomplished the same. In the mean time, the messenge●s that were sent, diligently executed the things given to them in charge, and laden with rewards of them to whom they were sent, returned to him the same day that he entered into Shrewsburie, and made relation to him that his friends were ready in all points to do all things for him which either they aught or might do. The earl Henry brought in good hope with his pleasant message continued forth his intended journey and came to a little town called Newporte and pitching his camp on a little hill adjoining, reposed himself there that night. In the evening, the same day came to him Sir George Talbot with the whole power of the young Earl of Shrewsburye then being in ward, which were accounted to the number of two thousand men. And thus his power increasing he arrived at the town of Stafforde and there paused. To whom came Sir William Stanley accompanied with a few persons, and after that the Earl and he had communed no long time together, he reverted to his soldiers which he had congregate together to serve the Earl, which from thence departed to Lichefelde and lay without the walls in his camp all the night. The next morning he entered into the town, and was with all honour like a prince received. A day or two before the lord Stanley having in his band almost five thousand men, lodged in the same town, but hearing that the Earl of Richemonde was marshing thetherward, gave to him place, dislodging him and his, and repaired to a town called Adrestone, there abiding the coming of the Earl, and this wily fox did this act to avoid all suspicion, being afraid lest if he should be seen openly to be a fautoure or aider to the Earl his son in law before the day of the battle, that king Richard which yet did not utterly put in him diffidence and mistrust would put to some cruel death his son and heir apparent George Lord Strange whom king richard as you have heard before kept with him as a pledge or hostage to th'intent that the lord Stanley his father should attempt nothing prejudicial to him.  
King richard at this season keeping his house in the Castle of Notyngham was informed that the Earl of Richemond with such bannysshed men as fled out of England to him were now arrived in Wales, and that all things necessary to his entreprice were unprovided, unpurveyed and very weak, nothing meet to withstand the power of such as the king had appointed to resist him. This rumour so enflated his mind, that in manner disdeigning to here speak of so poor a company, determined at the first to take little or no regard to this so small a sparkle, declaring the Earl to be innocent and unwise because that he temerariously attempted such a great entreprice with so small and thin a number of Warlike persons, and therefore he gave a definityve sentence, that when he came to that point that he should be compelled to fight against his will, he either should be apprehended a live, or else by all likelihood he should of necessity come to a shameful confusion, and that he trusted to be shortly done by Sir Walter Harbert and Rice ap Thomas, which then ruled Wales with equal power and like authority. But yet he revolving and casting in his mind that a small war begun and winked at and not regarded, may turn to a great broil and tumultuous trouble, and that yftwas prudente policy not to asperne and disdain the little small power and weakness of the enemy, be it never so small, thought it necessary to provide for after claps that might happen and chance. Wherefore he sent to John duke of Norfolk, Henry earl of Northumberlande, Thomas Earl of Surrey and to other of his especial and trusty friends of the nobility, which he judged much more to prefer and esteem his wealth and honour than their own riches and private commodity, willing them to muster and view all their servants and tenentes, and to elect and choose the most courageous and active persons of the whole number, and with them to repair to his presence with all speed and diligence. Also he wrote to Robert Brakenbury Lieutenant of the tower, commanding him with his power to come to his army and to bring with him as fellows in arms Sir Thomas Butchier and sir Walter Hungerforde and diverse other knights and esquires in whom he had cast no small suspicion. While he was thus ordering his affairs, tidings came that the Earl of Richemond was passed Severne and come to Shrewsbury without any detriment or encombreaunce. At which message he was sore moved and broiled with melancholy and dolour, and cried out, asking vengeance of them that contrary to their oath and promise had fraudulently deceived him. For which cause he began to have diffidence in other, in so much that he determined himself out of hand the same day to occur and resist his adversaries. And in all hast sent out explorators to view and espy what way his enemies kept and passed. They diligently doing their duty, shortly after returned, declaring to the king that the Earl was encamped at the town of Lichfelde. When he had perfect knowledge where the Earl with his army was sojourning, he having continual repair of his subjects to him, began in contynently without delay to marshal and collocate in order his battles (like a valiant captain and polletique leader) and first he made his battles to set forward four and four in a rank, marching toward that way where his enemies as was to him reported intended to pass. In the middle part of the army he appointed the traffic and carriage apperteigning to the army. Then he (environed with his satellytes and yeomen of the crown (with a frowning countenance and truculente aspect mounted on a great white courser, followed with his footmen, the wings of horsemen coasting and ranging on every side: And keeping this array, he with great pomp entered the town of Leicester after the son set. The Earl of Rychmonde raised his camp and departed from lichfield to the town of Tomwoorth thereto near adjoining, and in the mid way passing, there saluted him Sir Walter Hungerforde and Sir Thomas Burchier knights and diverse other which yielded and submitted theim selfes to his pleasure. For they being advertised that king Rycharde had them in suspicion and gealosye, a little beyond stony stratforde left and forsook prcuely their captain Robert Brakenbury, and by nocturnal wandering, and in manner by unknown paths and uncertain ways searching, at the last came to the earl Henry. diverse other noble personages which inwardly hated king Richard worse than a toad or a serpent, likewise resorted to him with all their power and strength. There happened in this progression to the Earl of Richmond a strange chance worthy to be noted: for albeit that he was a man of hau●e and valiant courage, and that his army increased, and daily more & more he waxed puissant & stronger, yet he was not a little afeard because he in no wise could be assured of his father in-law Thomas Lord Stanley, which for fear of the destruction of the Lord strange his son (as you have heard) as yet inclined to neither party. For if he had go to the Earl, and that notefied to king Richard, his son had shortly been executed. Wherefore sith the Earls fear sprang not of nothing, he accompaignyed with twenty light horsemen lyngered in his journey as a man disconsolate, musing and imagining what was best to be done. And the more to aggravate his melancholy pensiveness, it was showed him that king Rycharde was at hand with a strong power and a populous army. While he thus pensive dragged behind his host, the whole army came before the town of Tomwoorth, and when he for the deep darkness could not perceive the steps of them that passed on before, and had wandered hither and thither, seeking after his compaygnie and yet not once hearing any noise or whispering of them, he dyverted to a very little village being about iii miles from his army, taking great thought and much fearing lest he should be espied, and so trapped by king Rychardes' skoute watch. There he tarried all night, not once aventuring to ask or demand a question of any creature, he being no more amazed with the jeopardy and peril that was passed, then with this present chance, sore feared that it should be a prognostication or prodigal sign of some infortunate plague afterward to succeed. As he was not merry being absent from his company, likewise his army much marveled and no less mourned for his sudden and intempestious absence.  
The next morning early in the dawning of the day he returned, and by the conduit of good fortune espied and came to his army, excusing himself, not to have go out of his way by ignorance, but for a policy devised for the nonce he went from his camp to receau● some glad message from ecrteyne of his privy friends and secret allies. This excuse made, he privily departed again from his host to the town of Aderstone, where the lord Stanley and sir William his brother with their bands were abiding. There the Earl came first to his fatherinlawe in a little close, where he saluted him and Sir William his brother, and after diverse congratulationss and many friendly embracynges, each rejoiced of the state of other, and suddenly were surprised with great joy, comfort and hope of fortunate success in all their affairs and doings. Afterwards they consulted together how to give battle to king Richard if he would abide, whom they knew not to be far of with an huge army. In the evening of the same day sir John Savage, Sir Bryan Sanforde, Sir Simon Digby and many other leaving king Richard, turned and came to the part of the earl of Richmond with an elect company of men. Which refusal of king Richard's part by men of such experience, did augment and increase both the good hope and the puissance of the earl of Richmond.  
In the mean season king Richard (which was appointed now to finish his last labour by the very divine justice and providence of God, which called him to condign punishment for his scelerate merits and myscheveous deserts) marshed to a place meet for two battles to encounter by a village called Bosworth, not far from Leycester▪ and there he pitched his field, refreshed his soldiers and took his rest. The fame went that he had the same night a dreadful & a terrible dream, 
The dream of king Richard the iii  for it seemed to him being a sleep that he saw diverse images like terrible devils which pulled and haled him, not suffering him to take any quiet or rest. The which strange vision not so suddenly struck his heart with a sudden fear but it stuffed his head and troubled his mind with many dreadful and busy Imaginations.  
For incontinent after, his heart being almost damped, he pronosticated before the doubtful chance of the battle to come, not using the alacrite and mirth of mind and of countenance as he was accustomed to do before he came toward the battle. And lest that it might be suspected that he was abashed for fear of his enemies, and for that cause looked so piteously, he recited and declared to his familiar friends in the morening his wonderful vision and terrible dream. But I think this was no dream, but a punction and prick of his sinful conscience, for the conscience is so much more charged and aggravate as the offence is greater & more heinous in degree, which prick of conscience although it strike not all way, yet at the last day of extreme life it is wont to show and represent to us our faults and offences and the pains and punishments which hand over our heads for the committing of the same, to th'intent that at the instant we for our deserts being penitent & repentant may be compelled lamenting & bewaling our sins like forsakers of this world, jocund to depart out of this miserable life. Now to return again to our purpose, the next day after▪ king Richard being furnished with men & all habiliments of war, bringing all his men out of there camp into the plain, ordered his forward in a marvelous length, in which he appointed both horsemen & footmen to th'intent to emprynte in the hearts of them that looked a far of, a sudden terror & deadly fear, for the great multitude of the armed soldiers: & in the fore Frount he placed the archers like a strong fortified trench or bulwark: over this battle was captain John duke of Norfolk with whom was Thomas earl of Surrey his son. After this long vantgard followed king Richard him self, with a strong compaigny of chosen & approved men of war having horsemen for wings on both the sides of his battle.  
After that th'earl of Richmond was departed from the communication of his friends as you have hard before, he began to be of a better stomach & of a more valiant courage, & with all diligens pitchid his field just by the camp of his enemies, & there he lodgid the night. In the morning ●e time he caused his men to put on there armour & apparel themselves ready to fight & give battle, & sent to the lord Stanley (which was now come with his band in a place indifferently between both the arms) requiring him with his men to approach near to his army & to help to set the soldiers in array, he an sweared that th'earl should set his own men in a good order of battle while he would array his compaigny & come to him in time convenient. Which answer made otherwise then th'earl thought or would have ruoged, considering the opportunity of the time & the wait of the business, & although he was there with all, a little vexed, began somewhat to hung the head, yet he without any time delaying compelled by necessity, after this manner instructed & ordered his men. He made his forward somewhat single and slender▪ according to the small number of his people In the Frowt he placed the archers, of whom he made captain John earl of Oxford: to the right wing of the battle he appointed, sir Gylbert Talbot to be the leader: to the left wing he assigned sir John Savage, & he with the aid of the lord Stanley accompanied with th'earl of Penbroke having a good company of horsemen and a small number of footmen: For all his hole number exceeded not u thousaide men beside the power of the Stanleys', whereof iii thousand were in the field under the standard of sir William Stanley: The kings number was double as much & more. 
The oration of king Richard the iii  When both these armies were thus ordered & all men ready to set forward king Richard called his Chevetains together & to them said. Most faithful & assured fellows, most trusty & well-beloved friends and elected captains, by whose wisdom & policy, I have obtained the crown & type of this famous realm & noble region: by whose puissance & valiantness I have enjoyed & possessed thestate royal & dignity of y●same, maugre the ill will & seditious attempts of all my cancarde enemies & insidius adversaries, by whose prudent & politic counsel I have so governed my realm, people & subjects, that I have omitted nothing appertainig to the office of a just prince, nor you have pretermitted nothing belonging to the duty of wise & sage counsellors. So that I may say & truly affirm, that your approved fidelity & tried constancy, maketh me to believe firmly & think, that I am an undoubted king & an indubitate prince. And although in the adeption & obtaining of the Garland, I being seduced & provoked by sinister counsel and diabolical temptation did commit a facynerous and detestable act. Yet I have with straight penance and salt teryes (as I trust) expiated and clearly purged the same offence, which abominable crime I require you of friendship as clearly to forget, as I daily do remember to deplore and lament the same. If you will now diligently call to remembrance in what case and perplexity we now stand, and in what doubtful peril we be now intricked? I doubt not but you in heart will think and with mouth confess, that if ever amity and faith prevailed between prince and subjects or between subject and subject: or if ever bond of allegians obliged the vassal to love and serve his natural sovereign lord, or if any obligation of duty bound any prince to aid and defend his subjects? All these loves, bonds and duties of necessity are this day to be experimented, showed and put in experience. For if wise men say true, there his some policy in getting, but much more in keeping. The one being but fortune's chance, and the other high wit and policy, for which cause, I with you: and you with me, must needs this day take labour and pain to keep and defend with force, that pre-eminence & possession which by your prudent devices I have gotten and obtained. I doubt not but you know, how the devil continual enemy to human nature, disturber of concord and sour of sedition, hath entered into the heart of an unknown welshman, (whose father I never knew nor him personally saw) exciting him to aspire and covet our realm, crown and dignity, and thereof clearly to deprive and spoil us and our posterity: y● see farther how a company of traitors, thieves, outlaws and ronneagates of our own nation be aiders & partakers of his feat and enterprise, ready at hand to overcome and oppress us: You see also, what a number of beggarly Britons & faint hearted Frenchmen be with him arrived to destroy us our wife's and children. Which Imminent mischiefs & apparent inconveniences, if we will withstand & refel, we must live together like brethren, fight together like lions, & fear not to die together like men. And observing and keeping this rule and precept, believe me, the fearful hare never fled faster before the greedy greyhound, nor the sylye lark before the sparowhauke, nor the simple sheep before the ravenous wolf, than your proud bragging adversaries astoned & amazed with that only sight of your manly visages, will flee, run & skyr out of the field. For if you consider and wisely ponder allthings in your mind, you shall perceive that we have manifest causes, and apparent tokens of triumph and victory. And to begin with the earl of Richmond Captain of this rebellion, he is a Welsh mylkesoppe, a man of small courage and of less experience in martial acts and feats of war, brought up by my brother means and mine like a captive in a close cage in the court of France's duke of Britain, and never saw army, nor was exercised in martial affairs, by reason whereof he neither can nor is able on his own wit or experience to guide or rule an host. For in the wit and policy of the captain, consisteth the chief adeption of the victory and overture of the enemies. secondarily fear not and put a way all doubts, for when the traitors & runagates of our realm, shall see us with banner displayed come against them, remembering there o'th' promise & fidelity made unto us, as to there sovereign lord & anointed king, they shall be so pricked & stimulate in the bottom of there scrupulous consciences that they for very remorse & dread of y● divine plague will ethe● shamefully fly, or humbly submit themselves to out grace and mercy. And as for the Frenshmen & Brytons▪ there valiantness is such, that our noble progenitors & your valiant parents, have them oftener vanquished & overcome in one month, than they in the beginning imagened possible to compass & finish in a hole year. What will you make of them, bragger's without audacity drunkards without discretion, ribalds without reason, cowards without resisting & in conclusion the most effeminate & lascivious people, that ever showed themselves in Frunt of battle, ten times more courageous to fly & escape then once to assault the breast of our strong & populous army. Wherefore, considering all these avauntages, expel out of your thoughts all doubts & avoid out of your minds all fear, & like valiant champions advance forth your standards, & assay whither your enemies can decide & try the title of battle by dent of sword, advance (I say again) forward my captains, in whom lacketh neither policy wisdom nor puissance. Every one give but one sure stripe, & surely the journey is ours. What prevaileth a handful to a hole realm? desiring you for the love that you bear to me, & the affection that you have to your native and natural country, & to the safeguard of your prince & yourself, that you will this day take to you your accustomed courage, & courageous spirits for the defence & safeguard of us all. And as for me, I assure you, this day I will triumph by glorious victory, or suffer death for immortal fame. For they be ma●h●●eed & out of the palace of fame disgraded dying without renown, which do not as much prefer & exaltey ● perpetual honour of their native country, as their own mortal & transitory life. Now sent George to borrow, let us set forward, & remember well that I am he which shall with high advancements, reward & prefer the valiant & hardy champions, & punish and torment the shameful cowards & dreadful dastards. This exhortation encouraged all such as faroured him, but such as were present more for dread then love, kissed than openly, whom they in wardely hated other swore outwardly to take part with such, whose death they secretly compassed and inwardly imagined, other promised to invade the kings enemies, which fled and fought with fyrce courage against the king: other stood still & looked on, intending to take part with the victors and overcomers: So was his people to him unsure and unfaithful at his end▪ as he was to his nephews untrue and unnatural in his beginning.  
When th'earl of Richmond knew by his forriders that the king was so near embattled, he road about his army, from rank to rank, from wing so wing, giving comfortable words to all men, and that finyshed (being armed at all pieces saving his helmet) mounted on a little hill so that all his people might see and behold him perfectly to there great rejoicing: For he was a man of no great stature, but so form and decorated with all gifts and lyniamentes of nature that he seemed more an angelical creature than a terrestrial parsonage, his countenance and aspect was cheerful and courageous, his hear yellow like the burnished gold, his eyes grey shining and quick, prompt and ready in answering, but of such sobriety that it could never be judged whither he were more dull than quick in speaking (such was his temperance.) And when he had over looked his army over every side, he paused a while, and after with a loud voice and bold spirit spoke to his compaignions' these or like words following.  
If ever GOD gave victory to men fighting in a just quarrel? 
The oration of king Henry the vii  or if he ever aided such as made war for the wealth and tuition of their own natural and nutritive country? or if he ever succoured them which adventured there lives for the relief of innocentes, suppressing of malefactores and apparent offenders? Not doubt my fellows and friends, but he of his bountiful goodness will this day fiend us unchangeable victory and a luckey journey over our proud enemies, and arrogant adversaries: for if you remember and consider the very cause of our just quarrel, you shall apparently perceive the same to be true, Godly, and virtuous. In the which I doubt not but GOD will rather aid us (ye and fight for us) then see us vanquished and profligate by such as neither fear him nor his laws, nor yet regard justice or honesty. Our cause is so just that no enterprise can be of more virtue, both by the laws divine and civil, for what can be a more honest, goodly, or Godly quarrel then to fight against a Capitayne, being an homicide and mutderer of his own blood and progeny? An extreme destroyer of his nobility, and to his and our country and the poor subjects of the same, a deadly mall a fiery brand and a burden untolerable? beyde him, consider who be of his band and company, such as by murder and untruth committed against there own kin and lineage, ye against their Prince and sovereign Lord have disherited me and you and wrongfully detain and usurp over lawful patrimony and lineal inheritance. For he that calleth himself king, keepeth from me the Crown and regiment of this noble realm and country contrary to all justice and equity. Likewise, his mates and friends occupy your lands cut down your woods and destroy your manners, letting your wives and children range a broad for their living: which persons for their penance and punishment I doubt not but GOD of his goodness will either deliver into our hands as a great gain and booty, or 'cause them being grieved and compuncted with the prick of their corrupt consciences cowardly to fly and not abide the battle: beside this I assure you that there be yonder in that great battle, men brought thither for fear and not for love, soldiers by force compelled and not with good will assembled: persons which desire rather the destruction then salvation of their master and captain: And finally a multitude: whereof the most part will be our friends and the least part our enemies. For truly I doubt which is greater the malice of the soldiers toward there captain, or the fear of him conceived of his people: for surely this rule is infallible, that as ill men daily covet to destroy the good, so God appointeth the good to confound the ill, and of all worldly goods the greatest is, to suppress tyrants, and relieve innocences, whereof the one is ever as much hated as that other is beloved. If this be true (as clerks preach) who will spare yonder tyrant Richard duke of Gloucester untrewely calling himself king, considering that he hath violated, and broken both the law of God & man, what virtue is in him which was the confusion of his brother and murderer of his nephews? what mercy is in him that sleythe his trusty friends aswell as his extreme enemies? Who can have confidence in him which putteth diffidens in all men? If you have not red, I have hard of clerks say, that Tarquyne the proud for the vice of the body lost the kingdom of Rome, and the name of Tarquyne banished the city for ever: yet was not his fault so detestable as the fact of cruel Nero, which s●ew his own mother and opened her entrails to be hold the place of his conception. Behold yonder Richard which is both Tarquin and Nero: You a tyrant more than Nero, for he hath not only murdered his nephew being his king and sovereign lord, bastarded his noble brethren and defamed the womb of his virtuous and womanly mother, but also compassed all the means and ways that he could invent how to stuprate and carnally know his own niece under the pretence of a cloaked matrimony, which lady I have sworn and promised to take to my make and wife as you all know and believe. If this cause be not just, and this quarrel Godly, let God the giver of victory judge and determine. We have (thanks be given to Christ) escaped the secret treasons in Britain, and avoided the subtle snares of our fraudulent enemies there, passed the troublous sees in good and quiet safeguard, & with out resistance have penetrate the ample region and large country of Wales, and are now come to the place which we so much desired, for long we have sought the furious boar, and now we have found him. Wherefore, let us not fear to enter in to the toil where we may surely slay him, for God knoweth that we have lived in the vales of misery, tossing our ships in dangerous storms: let us not now dread to set up our sails in fair wether having with us both him and good fortune. If we had come to conquer Wales and had achieved it, our praise had been great, and our gain more? but if we win this battle the hole rich realm of England with the lords and rulers of the same shall be ours, the profit shall be ours and the honour shall be ours. Therefore labour for your gain and sweat for your right: while we were in Britain we had small livings and little plenty of wealth or welfare, now is the time come to get abundance of riches and copy of profit which is the reward of your service and merit of your pain. And this remember with yourselves, that before us be our enemies, and on either side of us be such as I neither surely trust, nor greatly believe, backward we cannot fly: So that here we stand like sheep in a fold circumcepted and compassed between our enemies and our doubtful friends. Therefore let all fear be set a side and like sworn brethren let us join in one, for this day shallbe th'end of our travail and the gain of our labour either by honourable death or famous victory: And as I trust, the battle shall not be so sour as the profit shallbe sweet. Remember the victory is not gotten with the multitude of men, but with the courages of hearts and valiantness of minds. The smaller that our number is, the more glory is to us if we vanquish, if we be overcome, yet no laud is to be attributed, to the victors, considering that ten men fought against one: and if we die so glorious a death in so good a quarrel, neither freting tin, nor cancarding oblivion shall be able to obfuscate or race out of the book of fame either our names or our Godly attempt. And this one thing I assure you, that in so just and good a cause, and so notable a quarrel, you shall find me this day, rather a dead carrion upon the cooled ground▪ then a free prisoner on a carpett in a lady's chamber. Let us therefore fight like invincible giants, & set on our enemies like untimerous Tigers & banish all fear like ramping lions. And now advance torward true men against traitors pitiful persons against murderers, true inheritors against usurpers, the skorges of God against tyrants, display my banner with a good courage, march forth like strong & robustious champions, & begin the battle like hardy conquerors, the battle is at hand, & the victory approacheth, & if we shamefully recoil or cowardly fly, we and all our sequel be destroyed & dishonoured for ever. This is the day of gain, & this is the time of loss, get this day victory & be conquerors, & lose this days battle & be villains & therefore in the name of god & saint George let every man coragiosly advance forth his standard.  
These cheerful words he set forth with such gesture of his body and smiling countenance, as though all ready he had vanquished his enemies and gotten the spoil.  
He had scantly finished his saying, 
The battle between king Richard and king Henry the vii  but the one army espied the other, lord how hastily the soldiers ●uckled their healmes, how quickly the archers bent their bows and frushed their feathers, how readily the byllmen shaken there bills and proved there staves, ready to approach & join when the terrible trumpet should sound the bloody blast to victory or death. Between both armies there was a great marrysse which th'earl of Richemond left on his right hand, for this intent that it should be on that side a defence for his part, and in so doing he had the son at his back and in the faces of his enemies. When king Richard saw the earls company was passed the marresse, he commanded with all haste to set upon them, than the trumpets blue & the soldiers shouted and the kings archers courageously let fly there arrows, the earls bowmen stood not still but paid them home again. The terrible shot once passed, the armies joined, & came to hand strokes, where nother sword nor bill was spared, at which encounter the lord Stanley joined with th'earl. The earl of Oxford in the mean season fearing jest while his company was fighting, they should be compassed & circumvented with the multitude of his enemies, gave commandment in every rank that no man should be so hardy as go above ten foot from the standard, which commanndement once known, they knit themselves together, & ceased a little from fighting: the adversaries suddenly abashed at the matter, and mistrusting some fraud or deceit, began also to pause and left striking, and not against the wills of many which had liefer have had the king destroyed then saved, and therefore they fought very faintly or stood stil. th'earl of Oxford bringing all his bend together on the one part, set on his enemies freshly, again, the adversaries perceiving that, placed their men slender and thine before and thick and broad behind, beginning again hardly the battle. While the two forwards thus mortally fought, each intending to vanquish & convince the other, King Richard was admonished by his explorators and espials, that th'earl of Richmond accompanied with a small number of men of arms was not far of, & as he approached and marched toward him, he perfitly knew his parsonage by certain demonstrations & tokens which he had learned and known of other. And being inflamed with ire and vexed with outrageous malice, he put his spurs to his horse & road out of the side of the range of his battle, leaving the avantgardes fighting, & like a hungry lion ran with spear in rest toward him. th'earl of Richmonde perceived well the king furiusly coming toward him, and by cause the hole hope of his wealth and purpose was to be determined by battle, he gladly proffered to encounter with him body to body and man to man. King Richard set on so sharply at the first Brount that he overthrew th'earls standard, and slew Sir William Brandon his standard bearer (which was father to sir Charles Brandon by king Henry the viii created duke of Suffolk) and matched hand to hand with sir John Cheinye, a man of great force & strength which would have resisted him, & the said John was by him manfully overthrown, and so he making open passage by dent of sword as he went forward, th'earl of Richmond with stood his violence and kept him at the swords point without advantage longer than his compaignions' other though or judged, which being almost in despair of victory, were suddenly recomforted by Sir William Stanley, which came to succours with iii thousand tall men, at which very instant king Richard's men were driven back and fled, and he himself manfully fighting in the middle of his enemies was slain and brought to his death as he worthily had deserved.  
In the mean season th'earl of Oxford with the aid of the Lord Stanley, after no long fight discomfited the forward of king Richard, whereof a great number were slain in the chase and flight, but the greatest number which (compelled by fear of the king and not of there mere voluntary motion) came to the field, gave never a stroke, and having no harm nor damage safely departed, which came not thither in hope to see the king prospero and prevail, but to here that he should be shamefully confounded and brought to ruin.  
In this battle died few above the number of a thousand persons: And of the nobility were slain John Duke of Norfolk, which was warned by divers to refrain from the field, in so much that the night before he should set forward toward the king, one wrote on his gate. 
jack of Norfolk be not to bold  
For Dykon thy master is bought and sold.  Yet all this notwithstanding he regarded more his oath, his honour and promise made to king Richard, like a gentleman and a faithful subject to his prince absented not himself from his master, but as he faithfully lived under him, so he manfully died with him to his great fame and laud. There were slain beside him water lord Ferrer of Chartley, Sir Richard Ratclyffe, and Robert Brakenburie Leutenaunt of the Tower and not many gentlemen more. Sir William Catesbey learned in the laws of the realm, and one of the chief counsellors to the late king, with divers other were▪ two. days after beheaded at Leycester. Amongst them that ran away were Sir France's Uicou●t lovell and Humphrey Stafforde and Thomas Stafford his brother which took sanctuary in saint Ihones at Gloucester. Of captives and prisoners there was a great number, for after the death of king Rycharde was known and published, every man in manner unarming himself and casting a way his habiliments of war, meekly submitted themselves to the obeisance and rule of th'earl of Richemond: of the which the more part had gladly so done in the beginning if they might have conveniently escaped from king Richard's espials, which having as clear eyes as lynx and as open ears as Midas ranged and searched in every quarter. Amongst these was Henry the four earl of Northumberlande, which whither it was by the commandment of king Rycharde putting diffidens in him, or he did it for the love & favour that he bore unto the Earl, stood still with a great company & intermitted not in the battle, which was incontinently received in to favour and made of the counsel. But Thomas Haward earl of Surrey which submitted himself there, was not taken to grace by cause his father was chief counsellor & he greatly familiar with king Richard, but committed to the Tower of London, where he long remained & in conclusion delivered, & for his truth and fidelity after promoted to high honours offices & dignities. On th'earl of Richmond's part were slain●scace one hundred persons, amongst whom the principal was Sir William Brandon his standard bearer.  
This battle was fought at Bosworth in Leycester shire the xxii day of August in the year of our redemption a. M. CCCC.lxxxvi. the hole conflict endured little above two hours. King Richard as the fame went might have escaped and gotten safeguard by flying. For when they which were next about his person saw and perceived at the first joining of the battle the soldiers faintly and nothing courageously to set on their enemies, and not only that, but also that some with drew themselves privily out of the press and departed. They began to suspect fraud and to smell treason, and not only exhorted but determinately advised him to save himself by flight: and when the loss of the battle was imminent and apparent, they brought to him a swift and a light horse to convey him away. He which was not ignorant of the grudge & ill will that the common people bore toward him, casting away all hope of fortunate success & happy chance to come, answered (as men say) that on that day he would make an end of all battles or else there finish his life. Such a great audacity & such a s●owte stomach reigned in his body, for surely he knew y● to be the day in the which it should be decided & determined whither he should peaceably obtain & enjoy his kingdom during his life, or else utterly for go & be deprived of the same, with which to much hardiness he being overcome hastily closed his helmett, and entered fiercely in to the hard battle, to th'intent to obtain that day a quiet reign & regiment or else to finish there his unquiet life & unfortunate governance. And so this miser at the same very point had like chance & fortune, as happeneth to such which in place of right justice & honesty following there sensual appetite, love, use, and embrace, mischief, tyranny, and unthriftiness. surely these be examples of more vehemency than man's tongue can express, to fear and astunne such evil persons as will not live one hour vacant from doing and exercising cruelty mischief or outrageous living.  
When th'earl had thus obteigned victory and slain his mortal enemy, he kneeled down and rendered to almighie God his hearty thanks with devout & Godly orisons, beseeching his goodness to send him grace to advance & defend the catholic faith & to maintain justice & concord amongst his subjects & people, by God now to his governance committed & assigned: Which prayer finished, he replenished with incomparable gladness, ascended up to the top of a little mountain, where he not only praised & lawd his valiant soldiers, but also gave unto them his hearty thanks, with promise of condign recompen●e for their fidelity & valiant facts, willing & commanding all the hurt & wounded persons to be cured, and the dead carcases to be delivered to the sepulture. Then the people rejoiced & clapped hands crying up to heaven, king Henry, king Henry. When the lord Stanley saw the good will and gratuite of the people he took the crown of king Richard which was found amongst the spoil in the field, and set it on th'earls head, as though he had been elected king by the voice of the people as in ancient times passed in divers realms it hath been accustomed, and this was the first sign and token of his good luck and felicity. I must put you here in remembrance how that king Richard putting some diffidence in the lord Stanley, which had with him as an hostage, the lord strange his eldest son, which lord Stanley as you have heard before joined not at the first with his son in laws army, for fear that king Rycharde would have slain the Lord Strange his heir. When king Rycharde was come to Boswoorth, he sent a purseuaunt to the lord Stanley, commanding him to advance forward with his company and to come to his presence, which thing if he refused to do, he swore by Christ's passion that he would strike of his sons head before he dined. The lord Stanley answered the pursuivant that if the king did so, he had more sons a live, and as to come to him he was not then so determined: when king Richard hard this answer he commanded the lord Strange incontinent to be beheaded, which was at that very same season when both the armies had sight each of other. The counsaillers of king Rycharde pondering the time and the cause, knowing also the Lord Strange to be innocent of his father's offence, persuaded the king that it was now time to fight and not time to execution, advising him to keep the Lord Strange as a prisoner till the battle were ended, and then at Leyser his pleasure might be accomplished. So as God would king Rycharde enfrynged his holy oath, and the Lord was delivered to the keepers of the kings tents to be kept as a prisoner, which when the field was done and their master slain and proclamation made to know where the child was, they, submitted themselves as prisoners to the Lord Strange, and he gently received them and brought them to the new proclaimed king, where of him and of his Father he was received with great joy and gladness. After this the hole camp removed with bag and baggage and the same night in the evening king Henry with great Pomp came to the town of Leycester. Where aswell for the refreshing of his people and soldiers as for preparing all things necessary for his journey toward London, he rested and reposed himself two days. In the mean season the dead corpse of king Rycharde was as shamefully carried to the town of Leycester, as he gorgeously the day before with pomp and pride departed out of the same town. For his body was naked and despoiled to the skin, and nothing left above him not so much as a clout to cover his prive members, and was trussed behind a pursuivant of arms called blanch senglier or white boar, like a hog or a calf, the head and arms hanging on the one side of the horse, and the legs on the other side, and all by sprinkled with mire and blood, was brought to the grey friars church within the town, and there lay like a miserable spectacle: but surely considering his mischievous acts and Facinorous doings, men may worthily wonder at such a caitiff, and in the said church he was with no less funeral pomp, and solemnity interred, than he would to be done at the bearing of his innocent nephiwes whom he caused cruelly to be murdered and unnaturally to be quelled.  
When his death was known, few lamented, & many rejoiced, the proud bragging white bore (which was his badge) was violently razed and plucked down from every sign and place where it might be espied, so ill was his life that men wished the memory of him to be buried with his carrion corpse: He reigned ii years ii months and one day.  
As he was small and little of stature so was he of body grraiely deformed, the one shoulder higher than the other, 
The description of king Richard the iii  his face small but his countenance was cruel, and such, that a man at the first aspect would judge it to savour and smell of malice, fraud, and deceit: when he stood musing he would bite and chaw busily his neither lip, as who said, that his fierce nature in his cruel body always cha●ed, stirred and was ever unquiet: beside that, the dagger that he wore he would when he studied with his hand pluck up and down in the sheathe to the mids, never drawing it fully out, his wit was pregnant, quick and ready, wily to fain and apt to dissimule, he had a proud mind and an arrogant stomach, the which accompaignied him to his death, which he rather desiring to suffer by dent of sword, then being forsaken and destitute of his untrue compaignions', would by coward flight preserve and save his uncertain life: Which by malice, sickness or condign punishment might chance shortly after to come to confusion.  
Thus ended this prince his mortal life with infamy and dishonour, which never preferred fame or honesty before ambition tyranny and mischief. And if he had continued still protector and suffered his nephews to have lived and reigned, no doubt but the realm had prospered and he much praised and beloved as he is now abhorred and vilipended, but to God which knew his interior cogitations at the hour of his death I remit the punishment of his offences committed in his life.    

The politic governance of King Henry the vii  
Considering now that I have sufficiently declared what mischief king Richard the third wrought with in this realm after the death of his noble brother king Edward the fourth: and how the nobility of his kingdom maligned and conspired against him, and abandoned and left him in manner desolate at the day of his most need & tribulation: Also how miserable he ended his life at the town of Boswoorth, and how unreverently he was interred at the town of Leicestre which I doubt not but is sufficiently declared unto you. And now only resteth to show you what happened after his fall and confusion to him, that both vanquished & deprived him from his princely power & royal dignity.  
When king Henry had not only obtained this triumphant battle at the plain of Boswoorth against his malicious enemy king Richard, but also by the glorious victory gatt the diadem and possession of thestate royal and princely pre-eminence of this famous Empire and renowned kingdom. He having both the ingenious forecast of the subtle serpent, and also fearing the burning fire like an infant that is a little synged with a small slame: and farther vigilantly foreseeing & prudently providing for doubts that might accidentally ensue: devised, studied and compassed to extirpate and eradicate all interior seditions & apparent presumptions which might move any tumultuous rout or seditious conjuration against him within his realm in time to come. And to obsist the first likely mischief he sent before his departure from Leycestre Sir Robert wylloghby knight to the manner of Sheryhutton in the county of York, for Edward plantagenet earl of Warwick son and heirs to George duke of Clarence then being of the age of xu years, whom king Richard had kept there as a prisoner during the time of his usurped reign. And surely the king was not afeard without a cause, for he much mistrusted lest by this young man, some duill disposed and envious persons of his glory and advancement might invent some new occasion of renewing of battle against him, which being even from his infancy with many encumbrances and troubles vexed & endangered, desired nothing more heartily than now to live in quietness, peace and tranquillity. Sir Robert willoghby according to his commission received of the constable of the castle the Earl Edward, and him conveyed to London, where the youngeling borne to perpetual calamity was incontinent in the tower o● London put under safe & sure custody. There was beside him in the same Castle of Sheryhutton the lady Elizabeth eldest daughter to king Edward, whom king Richard foolishly phantasiing and develyshly doting did intend to marry as you before have heard, but the damosel dy● not alonely disagree and repudiate that matrimony, but abhorred and detested greatly his abhommable desire. At which most importunate and detestable concupiscence the common people of the realm so much grudged and maligned that they did not only attribute the faute & crime to the king, but much more culpate & blame his privy counsellors which did not descent, but consent to so pernicious a counsel & so shameful a conclusion: But God of his only goodness preserved the christian mind of that virtuous & immaculate virgin, & from that flagitions & facinorous act, did graciously protect and de●ende: The which lady not long after accompanied with a great number aswell of noblemen as honourable matrons was with good speed conveyed to London and brought to her mother.  
In the mean season the king removed forward by journeys toward London and even as he passed, the rustical people on every side of the ways assembled in great numbers & with great joy clapped their hands & shouted, crying, king Henry, king Henry. But when he approached ●ere the city the Mayor, the Senate & the magistrates of the same being all clothed in violet met him at Shordiche, & not only saluted and welcomed him with ove voice in general, but every person perticul●●ly pressed and advanced himself, gladly to touch and kiss that victorious hands which had overcome so monstrous & cruel a tyrant, giving lands & praisings to almighty God, and rendering immortal thanks to him, by whose mean & industry the comen wealth of the realm was preserved from final deslruction & perpetual calamity, and the aucthores of the mischief sublated & plucked away. And with great pomp & triumph he road through the city to the cathedral church of S. Paul where he offered his iii standards. In the one was the image of S. George, in the second was a read fiery dragon beaten upon white and green sarsenet, the third was of yellow tartern●, in the which was painted a done ●owe. After his prayers said & Te deum song, he departed to the bishops palace & there sojourned a season, during which time, plays, pastimes & pleasures were showed in every part of the city. And to th'intent that their good mind toward God should not be put in oblivion, they caused general processions solemnly to be celebrated to render and yield to God their creator & redeemer their hearty and humble thanks which had delivered them from miserable captivity & restored them to liberty and freedom. Beside this, they that favoured and loved the king were inwardly joyous to see & perceive that their adversaries and back friends were all ready or like to be suppeditate & overthrown.  
When these solempnities & grati●ications were done & passed: according as other kings had been accustomed, he congregated together the sage counsellors of his realm, in which counsel like a prince of just faith and true of promise, detesting all intestine & cyvel hostilite, appointed a day to join in matrimony the lady Elizabeth heir of the house of York, with his noble parsonage heir to the line of Lancastre: which thing not only rejoiced and comforted the hearts of the noble and gentlemen of the realm, but also gained the favour & good minds of all the comen people, much extolling and praising the kings constant fidelity and his polletique device, thinking surely that the day was now come that the seed of tumultuous factions & the fountain of civil dissension should be stopped, evacuate and clearly extinguished.  
After this, he with great pomp was conveyed to Westmynster, and there the thirty day of Octobre was with all ceremonies accustomed, anointed & crowned king by the whole assent aswell of the commons as of the nobility, & was named king Henry the vij of that name, which was in the year of our redemption. M. cccc.lxxxvi. frederic the three then being Emperor of Almaigne, Maximilian his son then being newly elected king of Romans, Charles the eight reigning over the French nation, & james the iii ruling the realm of Scotland. Which kingdom he obtained & enjoyed as a thing by God elected & provided, and by his especial favour & gracious aspect compassed and achieved. In so much that men commonly report that vii C.xcvii. years passed, it was by a heavenly voice revealed to Cadwallader last king of Brytons that his stock and progeny should reign in this land and bear dominion again: Whereupon most men were persuaded in their own opinion that by this heavenly voice he was provided & ordained long before to enjoy and obtain this kingdom, Which thing king Henry the vi did also show before as you have heard declared. Wherefore he being by right and just title of temporal inheritance, & by provision of divine purveyance thus crowned and proclaimed king: First of all using the antic example of the Athenienses, which is to pardon and put out of memory all crimes and offences before time against him or his laws perpetrated or committed, he called his high court of parliament at Westmynster the vii day of Novembre for thestablishing of all things aswell concerning the preservation and maintenance of his royal person, as the administration of justice and preferment of the common wealth of this realm and dominion, in thewhich he caused to be proclaimed that all men were pardoned, acquitted & clearly discharged of all offences, pains of death and executions, and should be restored to their lands and movable goods which would submit themselves to his clemency and by oath be obliged truly to serve and obey him as their sovereign lord, & who would be obstinate & refuse to return to his part, should be accepted and taken as a public enemy to him and his country. By reason of which proclamation, a great number that came out of diverse sanctuaries and privileged places obtained grace, forgetting clearly the diversity of factions & voice of partaking. After this he began to remember his especial friends & fautors, of whom, some he advanced to honour & dignity, & some he enriched with possessions & goods, every man according to his desert & merit. And to begin, jasper his uncle earl of Pembroke, he created duke of Bedforde, Thomas lord Stanley he ꝓmoted to be earl of Derby, & the lord Chandew of Briteine his especial friend he made earl of Bath, Sir Eyles Dawbeney was made lord Dawbeney, sir Robert Willoughby was made lord Brook which be in their degree barons and peers of the realm. And Edward stafford eldest son to Henry late duke of Buckyngham, he restored to to his name, dignity and possessions, which king Richard did cofiscate and attainted. Beside this, in this parliament was this notable act assented to and concluded as followeth.  
To the pleasure of almighty God, wealth prosperity & surety of this realm of England, and to the singular comfort of all the kings subjects of the same, in avoiding all ambiguyties & question●: Be it ordained established and enacted by this present parliament, that the inheritance of the crown of this realm of England and also of France with all the pr●hemynēce and dignity royal to the same apperteigning and all other signiories to the king belonging beyond the sea with the appurtenaunces thereto in any wise dew or apperteigning, shall rest, remain and abide in the most royal person of our now sovereign lord king Henry the vii and in the heirs of his body lawfully coming, perpetually with the grace of God so to endure, and in none other.  
And beside this act all attainders of this king, enacted by king Edward & king Richard were adnichilated, and the record of the same adjudged to be defaced & put out of memory, and all persons attainted for his cause & occasion, were restored to their goods, lands & possessions. And in conclusion, diverse of the acts made in the time of king Edward and king Richard were annulled & revoked, & other more expedient for the utility of the comen wealth were subrogated and concluded. When all things necessary were discreetly ordered and the parliament for the time dissolved, the king thought it not necessary to put in oblivion his friends and hostages being beyond the sea, wherefore with all diligent 〈◊〉 he redeemed the Marquis Dorcet & sir John Bourch●er whom he had left as pledges at Paris for money there before borrowed. And sent also into Flaunders for John Morton bishop of Ely.  
These acts performed, he established in his house a grave counsel of wise and politic men, by whose judgement, order & determination the people might be governed according to justice and equity, and that all causes might be finished and ended there, without great bearing or expense in long ●ute. And for hearing & decyding these causes justly and speedily he swore of his counsel diverse noble and discrete persons which for their policy, wit & singular gravity, were highly esteemed and renowned, whose names follow, jasper duke of Bedfoorde, John earl of Oxenford, Thomas Stanley earl of Derby, John bishop of Ely, Sir William Stanley lord Chamberleyn of his household, Sir Robert Willoughby, lord Brooke, lord Stuard of his household, Gyles lord Dawbeney, John lord Dynham after made treasurer of England, Sir Reignold Brey, Sir John Cheiney, Sir Richard Guyldforde, Sir Richard Tunstall, Sir Richard Egecombe, Sir Thomas Lovel, Sir Edward Pownynges, Sir John Risley, with diverse other wise men, which as the time required he called to his counsel and service now one and now another.  
Although by this election of wise and grave counsellors all things seemed to be brought to a good & perfect conclusion, yet there lacked a wrist to the harp to set all the strings in a monacorde and tune which was the matrimony to be fineshed between the king and the lady Elizabeth daughter to king Edward, which like a good prince according to his oath and promise, he did both solempnise and consummate in brief time after, that is to say on the xviii day of january. By reason of which marriage peace was thought to descend out of heaven into England, considering that the lines of Lancastre & York, being both noble famylies' equivalent in riches, fame and honour, were now brought into one knot and connexed together, of whose two bodies one heir might succeed, which after their time should peaceable rule and enjoy the whole monarchy and realm of England.  
These things thus passed, albeit that apparently all things seemed to be reduced to a good point and set in a sure stay: King Henry being made wise and expert with troubles and mischiefs before past, remembered that it was wisdom to fear & provide for the crafty wiles and lurking traps of his secret enemies, remembering all men for the most part imbrued & exercised in planting of division and sowing dissension, can not lightly leave their pestiferous appetite & seditious occupation. Wherefore, for the safeguard and preservation of his own body, he constituted & ordained a certain number aswell of good archers as of diverse other persons being hardy, strong and of agility to give daily attendance on his person, whom he named Yeomen of his guard, 
The first Yeomen of the guard.  which precedent men thought that he learned of the French king when he was in France: For men remember not any king of England before that time which used such a furniture of daily soldiers. Yet forasmuch as to avoid and eschew all doubtful dangers and perils unlooked for, little availeth ourward war, except there be a sure stay, and a steadfast backstande at home, aswell for the safeguard & security, as for the good governance of such as be left behind: He therefore summoned again his great court of parliament, whereto he would that there should be elected the most prudent & gravous persons of every county, city, port and borogh, and in especial such as he in all his dangers, calamities, miseries and tumultuous affairs, used, trusted and favoured, as parttakers, counsellors, and compaignious both of his woe and adversity, and also of his triumph & glorious victory, whose minds and studies he perfectly knew to be fixed and set in the poletique regunent and prudent governance of the public wealth of his realm and dominion. Not forgetting, but having in fresh memory that he for that cause principally was so sore desired, and instantly called of the English nation his natural countrymen: Esteeming it as a chief and principal part of his ductie to see his realm both adorned and decored with good and profitable laws and statutes, and also to flourish in virtuous operations and good and civil manners, which should be an ●ccasyon to 'cause all men to hope that all thing would continually amend, from evil to good, from good to better, and from better to the best. This sure foundation king Henry laid at the beginning of his reign, intending thereon continually to build.  
In this same year a new kind of sickness came suddenly through the whole region even after the first entering of the king into this Isle, which was so sore, so painful & sharp that the like was never hard of, to any man's remembrance before that time: 
The Sweeting sycones.  For suddenly a deadly & burning sweat invaded their bodies & vexed their blood with a most ardent heat, infested the stomach & the head grievously: by the tormenting and vexation of which sickness, men were so sore handled & so peynfully pangued that if they were laid in their bed, being not able to suffer the importunate heat, they cast away the sheets & all the clotheses lying on the bed. If they were in their apparel and vestures, they would put of all their garments even to their shirts. Other were so dry that they drank the cold water to quench their importune heat & insatiable thirst. Other that could or at the lest would abide the heat & styntche (for in deed the sweat had a great and a strong savour) caused clotheses to be laid upon them asmuch as they could bear, to drive out the sweat if it might be. All in manner assoon as the sweat took them, or within a short space after, yielded up their ghost. So that of all them that sickened there was not one amongst an hundredth that escaped: In somuch, that beside the great number which deceased within the city of London, two Mayres successively died of the same disease within eight days and uj Aldermen. And when any person had fully and completely sweated, xxiii●. house's (for so long did the strength of this plague hold them) he should be then clearly delivered of his disease: Yet not so clean rid of it, but that he might shortly relapse and fall again into the same evil pit, yea again & twice again as many one in deed did, which after the third time died of the same. At the length by study of Physicians & experience of the people, driven thereunto by dreadful necessity, there was a remedy invented: For they that survived, considering thextremity of the pain in them that diseased, devised by things mere contrariaunt, to resist and withstand the furious rage of that burning furnace, by lukewarm drink temperate heat, & measurable clotheses. For such persons as relapsed again into the flame after the first deliverance, observed diligently & marked such things as did them case and comfort at their first vexation, & using the same for a remedy & medicine of their pain, adding ever somewhat thereto that was sanatyve & wholesome. So that if any person ever after fell sick again, he observing the regiment that amongst the people was devised could shortly help himself, & easily temper and avoid the strength and malice of the sweat. So that after the great loss of many men, they learned a present & a speedy remedy for the same disease and malady, thewhiche is this: If a man on the day time were plagued with the sweat, than he should straight lie down with all his clotheses and garments and lie still the whole xxiiii hours. If in the night he were taken, than he should not rise out of his bed for the space of xxiiii hours, & so cast the clotheses that he might in no wise provoke the sweat, but so lie temperately that he water might distill ●ute softly of the own accord, & to abstain from all meat if he might so long sustain and suffer hungres and to take no more drink neither hot nor cold, then will moderately quentche and delay his thrustye appetite. And in this his amending, one point diligently above all other is to be observed and attended, that he never put his hand or foot out of the bed to refresh or cool himself, thewhich to do is no less pain then short death. So you may plainly see what remedy was by the daily experience excogitated and invented for this strange and unknown disease, thewhich at that time vexed and grieved only the realm of England in every town & village as it did diverse times after. But lu year after, it sailed into Flaunders and after into Germany, where it destroyed people innumerable for lack of knowledge of the English experience. This contagious & evil plague chanced in the first year of king Henry's reign as a token and a plain sign (if to the vain iudgem●t of the people which commonly comen more fantastically then wisely, any faith or credit is to be had, given or attributed) that king Henry should have a hard and sore beginning, but more truly if vain snperstition can set forth any truth, it pretended & signified that king Henry to the extreme point and end of his natural life should never have his spirit and mind quiet, considering that now in the very beginning of his new obtained reign, he was (as yo● shall shortly hear) with sedition and commotion of his people, troubled, vexed and unquiet, and it was in manner a manifest proof that hereafter he should live in small rest and great mistrust of such rebellious and seditious conspiracies. These were the fantastical judgements of the unlettered persons which I overpass, and return to my purpose.  
When all things by the king were appeased at London & that he had set & appointed all his affairs in good order and sure state, as he with himself conjectured▪ he thought it best to make a peregrination & take his progress into that other quarters of his realm, that he might weed, extirpate and purdge the minds of men spotted & contaminate with the contagious smoke of dissension, & privy factions, & especially the county of York which were privy faut●ures and comforters of the contrary part, and not without a cause. For king Richard more loved, more esteemed & regarded the northern men than any subjects within his whole realm, which thing to king Henry was not unknown. Wherefore he the more studied to keep than in due obeisance & faithful obsequy, whom he knew of long custom to have borne their hearts & favourable minds to his adversaries: therefore in the prime time of the year he took his journey towards York, & because the feast of Ester approached, he diverted to the city of Lyncoln, where he tarried during the solemnity of that high feast: & making there his abode, he was certified that the lord Lovel & Homfrey stafforde were departed out of sanctuary in Colchestre: but to what place or whether, no man as yet could tell. For which cause the king little regarding the tale went forth his appointed journey to York. And assoon as he was there received & settled, it was bruited, and openly showed to the king himself that France's lord Lovel was at hand with a strong and mighty power of men, and would with all diligence invade the city: also that the forenamed Homfrey Stafforde & Thomas his brother wered in worcettre shire and there had raised a great band of rude and rustical people, & had cast lots what part should assault the gates, what men should scale the walls of the city of Worcestre, & who should keep the passages for letting of rescues and aiders.  
At the first hearing of this, the king esteemed it for vain & uncertain, and therefore was with it but little moved: but after that he was certified by the letters of credence sent from his friends, that all was true that was by the comen voice spoken and published, he was afflicted with no small fear. And surely not without a cause, for he wisely considered that he had neither a competent army ready prepared, nor harness nor weapons for them that were present. And also he was now in such a doubtful place, where he neither might nor could conveniently gather an host together, considering that in the same city, the memory of king Richard his mortal enemy was yet recent and lively & not all forgotten of his friends, but because the matter required diligent celery●ie, lest that by long tarrying the power of his adversaries by daily aids might be increased and multiplied, he commanded the duke of Bedforde with iii thousand men not strongly armed to do a great entrepryce (for their breast plates for the most part were made of tanned leather) to encounter & set upon them with all haste and diligence, and made him privy what he himself intended to do. After this, the king congregated together an host in every place where he might retain them. The duke setting forward after the fashion of an eager & fierce captain came nigh to the tents and camp of his enemies where he consulted and communycated his mind with certain captains & sage soldiers of his company, by what way he might train & allure them to peace, without battle or bloodshedding. After which deliberation and advisement had, it was decreed that the Heralds should proclaim openly, that all such should have grace and pardon that would cast down their weapons and harness, and as faithful subjects submit themselves to their natural scuereigne lord. Thewhich proclamation availed & much profited: For the lord Lovel, either for some fear or diffidence that he had in his people and soldiers, or fearing himself on his own behalf, fled previly in a night from his company and left them without a head▪ as a flock of sheep without a shepherd, which departure when it was to his army disclosed, they put of their armure and came directly to the duke, every man humbly submitting himself and desiring pardon for their offences, wholly trusting in the kings mercy & favourable goodness. So by this politic wisdom & ingenious means of the good duke, this great rage and fierce rout of sturdy and valiant traitors which was prepared against the king, and were like to have been the ●●aughter of many a man, were pacified & repressed and brought to good conformytie and obedient subjection. And the lord Lovel cheveteyne and chief leader of this tumult & rebellion, fearing more peril and danger, then desiring renown or fame of chivalry, never tarrying the doubtful chance of battle, fled in all post haste into Lancashire, and there for a certain space loitered and lurked with sir Thomas Broughton knight, which in those quarters bore great swing, and was there in great authority. Homfrey Stafford also hearing of this mischance happened to the lord Lovel, in a great dolour and agony, and for fear, in like manner fled and took sanctuary in a village called Culnaham, two miles from Abyndon. But because the sanctuary was not a sufficient defence (as it was proved before the justices of the kings bench) for traitors, he was taken by force from that place, & brought to the tower, and from thence conveyed to Tyburn and there put to execution: but his younger brother Thomas, that was with him, was pardoned & remitted because he was thought not to have done it of his own will and malicious mind, but thorough the evil counsel and mischeveous persuasion of his Eldre brother.  
After that the king had thus by policy of his counsel appeased and repressed this tumultuous sedition which greatly vexed & unquyeted his spirits, and had reduced to reason and conformity the rude and babbling people of the north parties, and in especial thinhabitauntes of the county of York, he returned to London, & shortly after that to Wynchestre, where queen Elizabeth his wife was delivered of a fair prince named Arthur at his baptism. 
The birth of prince Arthur  Of which name englishmen no more rejoiced then outward nations & foreign princes trymbled and quaked, so much was that name to all nations terrible & formidable: And from Wynchestre he returned back again to London.  
In this mean time, of a small matter and the same altogether being false & feigned, there was an open path & a apparent high weigh made for a greater inconueniency to ensue. The which matter for the subtle iuggeling & crafty conveyance of the same, no less deceitful than ligier de main in the hand of a iuggeler, was to be esteemed amongst all wise men at the first a very bold & over presumpteons an act to be attemped: but the time well weighed & considered it was not so monstreous that it were worthy great wondering & admiration, considering that many persons of late, either borne in the womb of continual dissension, or nourished with the milk, or sucking the paps of civil sedition, could not live well in rest, & less forbear their usual custom of moving strife & daily debate. But they sometime sitting at home compassing & imagining hurt & damage toward such as they in their hearts disdained, sometime remembering that by the liberty & privilege of war, 
A Proverb.  all is fish that cometh to the net, ever deliting in spoiling, robbing & reving, vehemently thirsting for the destruction & loss of such as they would be revenged of, willing to live without law in time of peace & war, wishing the world never to be at a better stay. And as persons only dedicated & given to mischief & scelerous inventions, either for hatred, evil will or malice of them that they favoured not, or for some emolument, profit and commodity of such that they thought to set up & advance, were by fraud, covin & crafty collusion prove & ready to disquiet every day the king & his whole realm, thinking the heaven had to much peace & quietness, & hell to little trouble and vexation. And there was furtherers & setters on, none lacking, in so much that twenty persons would sooner prick them forward with a sharp spur, than one pluck them back with a dull snaffle. Among the which monsters & limbs of the devil, there was one sir Richard Symond priest, a man of a base & obscure family, which from his birth delighted in fraud and crafty conveying, & yet was he well learned, but not so well learned as wily, nor so wily as ungracious. Which sir Richard Symond had elected a scholar called Lambert Symenell, one of a gentle nature and pregnant wit to be the organ & conduit by whom he would convey his false feigned enterprise and attempt. The devil chief master of mischief put in the wicked mind and venomous brain of this most pernicious disloyal and traitorous person, to commence, feign & devise how he might make his child and scolar Lambert to be the right inheritor to the crown of England, & so thereof to make him king & to promote himself to the chief archbishopric or some high potestate w●in the realm. The chief foundation of his occasion was (by thewhich he was the more bold) that the fame went & many men surely supposed king Edward's children not to be dead, but to be fled secretly into some strange place & there to be living, and that Edward earl of Warwick son & heir to the duke of Clarence, either was or should be put to death shortly. These rumors although they were frivolous & vain & with out all likelihood of verity or truth, animated & encouraged this priest much, to think and judge the time to be come that this Lambert might assume & take upon him the person & name of one of king Edward the fourthes' children, and to claim and make title both to the realm and kingdom, having sure knowledge that neither friendship should want nor aid should lack: and considering that cankered hatred rooted and founded upon facinorous factions & seditious divisions be so perdurable and in manner everlasting that they can never be clearly extirpate or digged out of their rotten hearts, but that they will with hand & foot, tooth and nail further if they can their pretenced entreprice. And this poor priest brought into this foolish paradise through his own fantastical imagination, informed & taught the child diligently at Oxenford where he went to school, both instructing him with princely behaviour, civil manner & fruitful literature, declaring to him of what high parentage and of what noble progeny he was lyncally descended, thus persuading and teaching him his lesson clerckly and craftily, for his purpose, that the people hearing the child thus rehearsing his stock so sagely, might the rather give credit to his deceitful pretence & false coloured invention: soon after the rumour was blown abroad that Edward the young earl of Warwick was broken out of prison. And when sir Symond heard of this, he now intending thereby to bring his muented purpose to a conclusion, changed the child's name of baptism & called him Edward after the name of the young Earl of Warwick, the which were both of one years & of one stature, & then he with his pupille sailed into Ireland, there opening his mind, & declaring his mattre to certain of the Irish nobility, whom he knew by true fame & report to bear but little favour to king Henry nor his partakers, & having oath and promise of aid to him sworn & made, he showed them that he had saved and preserved the duke of Clarence son from death, & had for very good will brought him into that country & region where he knew that both king Edward and all his stock were favoured & loved above all other. This matter was believed strait of the nobility which so showed & published this feigned fable and imagined iuggeling from one to another till at the last it was accounted to be as true as the Gospel without any controversy, ambigiutie or question. In so much that the lord Thomas Gerardyne chancellor of all the country defrauded by his illusion under the colour of plain truth received him into his castle and with honour & reverence him entreteyned as one that descended from the high progeny of the sangue royal, and began much to aid & help him. First calling together all his friends & lovers & such other as were of band or affinity, declaring first to them the coming of this child, & after affirming that the crown and sceptre of the realm of right appertained to this young prince as sole heir male left of the line of Richard duke of York: Exhorting and desiring them both for the child's sake and his awn, as he was true inheritor to the crown, to help and assist him to obtain the garland and possession of the same by his grandfather to him lineally descended. And so after communicating the same matter with other of the nobility, every man promised according to his power, aid of money, men and munitions. By this means the same was shortly bruited throughout all Ireland, and every man was willing to take his part and submit themselves to him, calling him of all hands king. So that new they of this sect thus compassed and sorted, thought to have in other places their companions and furtherers of their malicious purpose & most pestiferous faction, and strait forth they sent to England certain privy messengers to desire them, whom they knew to have been true and faithful trendes to King Richard, now to continued in their accustomed love and faithful friendship toward his nephew and to help the child with treasure & substance as far as they conveniently might. And that his power might be the stronger to overcome his enemies & to obtain his pretenced purpose, he and his confederates sent messengers into Flaunders to the lady Margaret sister to king Edward and late wife to Charles the duke of Bourgoyne to further his purpose with all her power and help. This duke Charles having no children by this lady Margaret, left one sole daughter named Mary behind him, begotten of his first wife's daughter to the duke of Burbone, which was married to Maximilian lonne to Frederick the Emperor, on which wife he had engendered two children, the one Philip, and the other Margaret. The which two children after the death of the lady Mary their mother, this lady Margaret late wife to duke Charles so entirely beloved, so tenderly brought up, and so motherly nourished beside the daily pain that she took in ordering their affairs and business for the maintenance of their honour and preferment of their profit that she both for her motherly love toward the young children, & also for the good administration of justice intheir countries, was highly reputed and esteemed & bore great authority & swing through all Flaunders and the low countries thereto adjacent. This lady Margaret, although she knew the family and stock of the house of York to be in manner destroyed & utterly defaced by her brother king Richard, yet not being satiate nor content with the long hatred & continual malice of her parents which subucrted and overthrew almost the progeny and lineage of king Henry the vi and the house of Lancaster, nor yet remembering the new affinity & strong alliance that was lately concluded, by thewhiche the heirs of both the houses and progenies were united & comoyned together in lawful matrimony, like one forgetting both God & charity, inflamed with malice & diabolical instinction, invented & practised all mischiefs, displeasures and damages that she could devise against the king of England. And farther in her fury and frantyke mood (according to the saying of the wise man there is no malice equivalent nor above the malice of a woman) she wrought all the ways possible how to suck his blood and compass his destruction as the principal head of her adverse part & contrary faction, as though he should be a dew sacrifice or an host immolated for the mutual murder & ●●amefull homicide committed and perpetrated by her brother and progeny. So vehement so full of poison and so strong is the power of civil dissension and privy hearted, that sometime it will avert and withdraw the wisest and most sapient men from goodness, honesty & their bounden allegiance. Therefore this lady knowing of this tumultuous sect and conspiracy, prepared and suddenly devised against king Henry (although she knew it to be but a feigned & painted mattre & not worth two straws) yet (having such an occasion to work her malice upon) she promised gladly to the messengers not only to maintain, aid, further and succour their purposed intent with money and substance, but with all the labour & pain that she might, to encourage, stomach and entice many other to be aiders, assisters & partakers to the same conspiracy, and shortly to join with the cheveteines of thesaide enterprise.  
When king Henry was certified of these doings by messengers sent into England, no marvel although he was none other wise than he had occasion, sore vexed & moved, considering that by the disc●ate and fraud of such a dongehyll knave and vile borne villeyne, so great a sedition should be excited and stirred against him: Nevertheless, he like a circumspect, ingenious and prudent prince, well considering and politicly forcing, imagined that if this entreprice came to pass, that the final end would be the bloody dart of mortal war, & if they should join and combat in open battle, in the which for the most part, the large camp of all mischief is commonly opened and showed, many innocent men on both parts should perish and come to ruin and confusion without desert or offence. For which reason, before all things he determined to attempt and prove if that he might without any battle or stroke stricken (th'end whereof is ever ambiguous and doubtful) pacefye and reduce these rebels to rule, reason, & dew subjection, before that this evil newly planted weed should stray and wander over the good herbs of his whole realm. Therefore he called his whole counsel together at the Chartrehouse beside his royal manner called Richemonde, and there consulted how to pacify this sudden rage secretly begun, without any more disturbance or open trouble: which motion of all men was thought meet, necessary & profitable to be assayed and prosecuted with celerite and effect. And that before any other thing were attempted and begun, that a general pardon should be published to all offenders that were content to receive the same & after would be true, loving & obedient to the king their sovereign lord according to their bounden duty and allegiance: Thinking that if that pardon were any longer space procrastened or prolonged, that in the mean season (as the proverb saith, tarrying draweth and ieopardeth peril) Sir Thomas Broughton knight which had hid and kept the lord Lou●ll from the king a great season, and was at hand with diverse of his friends, in so troubleous & perilous a time utterly dispeiring of pardon and remission, and as men without hope of any grace setting all on vi and vii should suddenly move a new insurrection against him, & unquiet him in some place where he had left lest resistance. For although they were thought to have been conferates and jurates of this new conspiracy, yet, because there was no sure proof nor apparent argument thereof, it was supposed to be most profitable for that time present, to extend no manner of extremyt●e nor cruelty against them by any colour or pretence, partly that by such lenity and gentle sufferance, the rebellious power should not augment and increase, and partly that if hereafter they should be found to draw back, and negligent in doing their due duty and allegiance, that then by this politic provision they should be rewarded with punishment accordingly as they had deserved, and according to the comen saying, such bread as they bake, such must they eat: Whereupon the king gave a general pardon throughout all England (without exception of any offence) yea even to them that had committed high treason against his majesty and royal person. Furthermore, after long consultation had and all things maturely decided, it was thought by the whole senate for the time then present most necessary and convenient to avoid that erroneous rumour, rumbling and blasting abroad, that the son of the duke of Clarence was in England, and that he personally should be showed abroad in the city and other public places whereby the untrue opinion falsy affirming that he was in Ireland might be amongst the commynaltye repressed, put down, and accounted as a comment and vain imagined fable.  
In this solemn counsel dyucrse and many things of the realm were there debated and concluded: and amongst other, it was determined that the lady Elizabeth wife to king Edward the four should lose and forfeit all her Lands and possessions, because she had vountarily submitted herself and her daughters wholly to the hands of king Richard, contrary to the promise made to the lords and nobles of this realm in the beginning of the conspiracy imagined against king Richa●d, which at her desire and request left all that they had in England and fled to king Henry into Briteyne, and there received a corporal oath of him to marry her eldest daughter, which offer she abode not by, but made it frustrate and void, through whose double doings it had like to have succeeded, that neither the marriage could take place▪ nor yet the noble men which at her request took king Henry's part, might not return again without jeopardy of life, but live still in perpetual banishment and miserable exile. This was a grievous offence and a heinous crime: howbeyt the sequel thereof well digested, it was thought by some man that she deserved not by equity of justice so great a loss and so great a punishment: For surely she did not so great hurt or hindrance to king Henry and his confederates by her reconciliation to king Richard, but ten times more she proffyted them and advanced their cause. For her submission made to him, he heglecting Gods laws, ●onest order and Christian religion, presuming to accumulate mischief upon mischief, desired of her the marriage of her daughter his natural niece, which thing he would not have thought likely to have obtained: The queen and her daughters still for fear of him continuing in sanctuary. Which unlawful desire (considering for that intent he had●yd his wife out of the world) provoked the Ire of God and the sword of vengeance against him, whereby his final ruin and fatal fall shortly after ensued and succeeded to his miserable confusion, and to the exaltation of King Henry and advancement of his whole company.  
Hereby a man may perceive that wicked and malign persons be not brought to ruin by the hand of a temporal judge, but by the will of God led and thereto appointed, as men that make haste to approach and to come to that end that they have deserved. By this folly and inconstancy of the queen, she incurred the hatred and displeasure of many men, and for th●t cause lived after in the Abbey of Barmandsey beside Southwark a wretched and a miserable life, where not many years after she deseassed and is buried with her husband at Wyndsore. Such are all worldly chances, now in prosperity and abundance, mutable and changeable and full of inconstancy: and in adversity often change from evil to good and so to better, to the intent that they that be in wealth and flow in the abundance of all things, shall not think theim selfes in surety to tarry still in that degree and state: and that they that be in misery and calamity shall not despair nor mistrust God, but live in hope, that a better day of comfort and gain will once apere and come. And yet although fortune ruleth many things at her will and pleasure, yet one work that this queen hath made cannot be forgotten nor put in oblivion. At what time that king Edward her husband reigned, she founded and erected a notable College in the university of Cambridge for the finding of Schloers desirous of good literature and learning, and endued it with sufficient possessions for the long maintenance of the same, which at this day is called the queens College, a name surely meet for such a place, wherein Scholars diligently studying in all doctrine and sciences, prove excellent clerks and come to great honours.  
When all things in this counsel were seriously concluded and agreed to the kings mind, he returned to the city of London, giving in commandment that the next sunday ensuing, Edward the young Earl of Warwick to be brought from the Tower through the most public and usual s●retes of London, to the cathedral church of saint Paul. This young gentleman (as he was commanded) showing himself openly to every body in the procession time, tarried there the high mass, having communication openly with many noble men, and with them in especially that were suspected and thought to have been partakers of the commotion against the king, to this purpose and effect, that they might perceive the fond Iryshemen, for a vain shadow and untrue tyccyon unadvisedly to excytate and move war against him and his realm, without any just cause or lawful occasion. howbeit to evil disposed persons or brainless men, this medicine nothing availed nor proffyted. For the earl of Lyncolne son to John de Lapoole duke of Suffolk, and Elizabeth sister to king Edward the fourth, thinking it not meet to neglect and omit so open an occasion of new trouble & mischief offered and exhibited, determined to uphold, fortefye, & bolster the enterprise of the Irishmen, lest that they might be seduced, and caused to deniest & leave of their incepted enterprise, and attempted purpose: And doubtless the man being of great wit and intelligence, and of no small judgement, but half infected with the venomous skibbe of the late civil battle, could not with a quiet mind suffer king Henry being principal head of the contrary faction to reigle in quiet, but consulting with sir Thomas Broughton, and certain other of his trusty friends, purposed to sail into Flaunders to his aunt the lady Margaret duchess of Bourgoyne late wife to duke Charl●s, trusting by her help to make a puissant army of men, and to join with the compaignyous of the new raised sedition. Therefore, after that the king had dissolved the Parliament, which then was holden: he fled secretly into Flaunders to the lady Margarete, where France's lord Lovel landed certain days before. And there they being altogether, every man according to his mind reasoned, argued, and debated what was best to do. After long communication had, this final conclusion was agreed upon, that the earl of Lyncolne and the lord Lovel should go to Ireland, and there attend upon her countrefeacte nephew, and to honour him as a king, and with the power of the Irishmen to bring him to England, and sending for all their friends, should without delay give battle to king Henry: So that if their doings had good and prosperous success than the foresaid Lambert (mysnamed the Earl) should by the consent of the counsel be deposed, and Edward the true Earl of Warwyke to be delivered out of prison, and after by the authority and aid of his friends of the nobility, should be published, proclaimed, and anointed king.  
But king Henry thinking his nobles to be well appeased with the sight of Edward the very son of the duke of Clarence, nothing mistrusting any man to be so foolish to muent, feign▪ or countrefeate any thing more of him, or any so mad or undiscrete (especially of his realm) as to believe that Lambert was very Edward, only minding the suppressing of the Flagicius Irishmen, studied how to subdue and repress their bold entreprice and seditious conjuration. And hearing suddenly that he Earl of Lyncolne with other were fled & go to his adversaries being therewith suddenly moved: thought even with strong hand and martial power▪ to overcome his enemies and evil willers, whose maliciousness he could by no counsel nor policy eschew nor avoid: And being thus determined, he commanded certain of his captains to prepare an host of men out of every part of his realm, and them to bring and conduit into one place assigned, that when his adversaries should come forward, he might with his populous multitude & great power suddenly set on them, & so overcome and vanquish them altogether. And mistrusting that other would follow the Earl of Lyncoln into Flaunders, he caused the East parts, and all the borders thereabouts to be diligently kept, that none other might escape or give them succour. And coming to the town of saint Edmondes bury, he was certified that the lord Thomas Marquis of Dorcet was coming to excuse & purge himself before him, for certain things that he was suspected to have done lightly when he was in France. To whom the king did sand the Earl of Oxenford to intercept him riding on his journey and to convey him to the Tower of London, to try his truth and prove his patience. For if he were his friend as he was in deed, he should not be miscontented to suffer so little a reproach & rebuke for his prince's pleasure. If he were not his friend, there to tarry in safety that he might do no damage nor hurt to him. And from thence the king went forth to Norwiche, & tarrying there Christmas day, departed after to Walsyngham, and coming there into the church of our lady, prayed devoutly and made supplications to almighty God, that by his divine power and through the intercession of our lady, he might eschew the snares & privy workings of his enemies, and preserve himself and his country from the imminent danger, and to reduce again the streiing sheep to their right fold and true shepherd, that be amiss: his orisons finished, from thence by Cambridge he returned shortly to London.  
In this mean time the Earl of Lyncolne and the lord Lovel, had gotten by the aid of the lady Margaret, about two thousand Almanyes, with Matyne Sword a noble man in Germany, and in martial feats very expert, to be their cheuet●yne, and so sailing into Ireland. And at the city of Dyvelyn, caused young Lambert to be proclaimed and named king of England, after the most solemn fashion, as though he were there of the very heir of blood royal lineally borne and descended. And so with a great multitude of beggarly Irishmen, almost all naked and unarmed saving skeins and mantles, of whom the lord Thomas Gerardine was capiteyne and conductor, they sailed into England with this new found king, and landed for a purpose at the pile of Fowdrey within little of Lancastre, trusting there to be aided with money by Sir Thomas Broughthon one of the chief compaignious of this unhappy conspiracy.  
The king not sleeping his matters, but mistrusting and smelling the storm that followed, before the enemies arrived, he dispatched certain horsemen throughout all the west parts of the realm, chiefly to attend the coming and arrival of his enemies, secondarily to wait for such espials as came out of Ireland, & them to apprehended & compel to show & declare the secrets of their enemies. When he had gathered all his host together, over thewhich, the duke of Bedforde & the earl of Oxenford, were chief capiteynes, he went to Coventry, where he being, his light horsemen according to their duty returned & certified him that the earl of Lyncoln was landed at Lancastre with his new king. Thewhich when the king understood was so, he consulted with his nobility and counsellors to know if it were for the best to encounter with them out of hand, or let them drag awhile, for this mattre both required counsel and also celerite. After they had laid their heads together and well debated the matter, it was determined that they should set upon them without any further delay, lest that their power by long sufferance & delaying of time might be augmented & greatly multiplied. And so after such advisement taken, he removed to Nottyngham, and there by a little wood called Bowers he pitched his field: to whom shortly after came the lord George Talbot Earl of Shrewsbury, the lord Strange, Sir John Cheyny valiant captains, with many other noble and expert men of war, For the king had commanded and given in charge before, that all persons of the counties adjoining that were able & of strength to carry weapon should be ready in an hours warning, in case that any need should require. Therefore picked fellows and hardy personages and such as were like men, were chosen in all the ha●●e, and of this sort a great army was coacted and gathered together: So the kings army was wonderfully increased, & from time to time greatly augmented.  
In this space, the earl of Lyncoln being entered into Yorkshire, passed softly on his journey without the spoiling or hurting of any man, trusting thereby to have some company of people resort unto him: but after that he perceived few or none to follow him, and that it was to no purpose to return back, considering his enemies were all ready to set upon him, he determined firmly to try the fortune of battle, remembering that he chance of Mars doth stand ever upon vi or vii & that king Henry not ii years before with a small power of men vanquished king Richard & all his mighty army. And hereupon putting a sure confidence upon his company, directed his way from York to Newarke upon Trent▪ to th'intent that there he (as he trusted) augmenting his compaigny might set upon the king, whom he knew to be but ii days journey from him. Albeit, before he came there, king Henry was in his bosom and knew every hour what the Earl did, came the night before that he fought, to Newarke, and there approached near his enemies sooner than they looked for him, and there tarrying a little went iii miles further and pitched his field & lodged there that night. The earl of Lyncolne certified of his coming, was nothing afeard, but kept still on his journey▪ and at a little village called Stoke nigh to the king and his army planted his camp. The next day following, the king divided his whole number into three battles, and after in good array approached nigh to the town of Stoke, where was an equal and plain place for both parties to darreigne the battle.  
When the place was appointed and ordained to try the vttermo●● by stroke of battle, 
The 〈◊〉 of S●oke.  the earl set forth his army, and giving a token to his company, set upon his adversaries with a manly courage, desiring his soldiers that day to remember his honour, and their own lives. And so both the armies joined and fought earnestly and sharply, in so much that the Almanyes being tried and expert men in wars and martial feats, were in all things, aswell in stengthe as policy equal and equivalent with the Englishmen: but as for Martyne Sword their chief captain and leader, not many of the englishmen, both for valiant courage of a stout stomach and strength and agilyte of body was to be compared or resembled with his manhood. Of the otherside, the Iryshemen, although they fought hardly and stuck to it valiantly, yet because they were after the manner of their country almost naked, without harness or armure, they were stricken down and slain like dull and brute beasts whose deaths and destructions was a great discouraging and abash●ment to the residue of the company. Thus they fought for a space to sore and so eagerly of both parts, that no man could well judge to whom the victory was like to incline: But at length, the kings ●orward being full of people and well fortified with wings, which only both began and continued the fight, set upon the adversaries with such a force and violence, that first they oppressed and killed such captains one by one as resisted their might and puissance, and after that put all the other to fearful flight, thewhiche were either apprehended as captives and prisoners in their flight running away, or else slain and brought to confusion in a small moment. But when this battle was finished and fought out to the extremity, than it well appeared what high prows, what manly stomachs, what courageous hearts and what valiant courage was in the kings adversaries. For there their chief capiteynes the Earl of Lyncolne and the lord Lovel, Sir Thomas Broughton, 
Martin Sword ●layne.  Martin sword & the lord Gerardyne capiteyne of the Irishmen were slain and found dead. howbeit, some affirm that the lord Lovel took his horse & would have fled over Trent, but he was not able to recover the fartherside for the highness of the bank and so was drowned in the river. There were killed at that battle with their five capiteynes before rehearsed of that party about four thousand: Of the kings part there were not half of them which fougthe in the forward and gave the onset slain or hurt: Then was Lambert the youngling which was falsely reported to be the duke's son of Clarence, and his master sir Richard Symond priest both taken, but neither of them put to death, because that Lambert was but an innocent poor soul, a very child, and was not of age to do any such entreprice of his own device, and the other was a priest, which yet to th'intent he might remember that the stone often times falleth on the head of him that casteth it into the air, & that many a man maketh a rod for his awn tail when he intendeth it for another, this priest for penance was committed to perpetual prison & miserable captivity. But this Lambert in conclusion was made the kings falconer, after that he had been a turn brooch and executed such vile offices in the kings kitchen & suyllarye for a space. And thus was all the high entrepryce that lady Margaret had devised & set forth at this time, turned to nought and brought to none effect, & to an evil conclusion. Of which chance, when she was advertised & informed in the country of Flaunders, she was very sorry at the heart & much lamented and deplored, that her imagined purpose sorted to such an infortunate end & effect, incontinently devising, practising and imagining some great and more difficile enterprise, by thewhich she might vex and perturb yet once again the king of England and his whole region: Which purpose, even as she invented it, so she set it forward as shallbe showed hereafter plainly.  
After that king Henry had thus assuaged and appeased these matters being of so great a moment and weight, with no great motion, tumult or trouble, & had not only escaped and defaced the apparent and ymminent peril with a small conflict▪ and no great dangerous brunt or jeopardy▪ but also repressed & suppeditate the civil dissension and interior strife, in manner as he would have wished it, he might think himself at one time clean rid & delivered from two evils together, both from fear present & also that was to come. For certainly when he pondered & diligently considered his adversaries (whose puissance he both in number and force, far did surmount and precel) at the very point so fiercely to join and to bid him battle, he much suspected & no less mistrusted that they had some privy fautoures and secret councelers (the which when time and place should require or expostulate) would with their strength, aid, succour and assist them against him and his puissance. But when he perceived and saw the host of his enemies manifestly vanquished and put to flight, he commanded that no man should kill or slay the Earl of Lyncolne, but that he should be brought to him alive, to th'intent that he might show & bewray both the fountain and original beginning, and also the confederates, aiders and comforters of his late practised seditious conspiracy. But the fame is, that the soldiers would not so do, fearing lest peradventure the saving of his only life (as it should have been in deed) the life of many other should have been lost, or at the lest in jeopardy. This battle was fought on a saturday being the. xv●. day of juyn the year of our lord thousand four hundredth lxxxix and toward th'end of the second year of the reign of this king: In the which year also Thomas Burchier Archebishopp of Cauntourbury died, into whose room John Morton late bishop of Ely, a man of equal learning, virtue and policy with his predecessors, whom Alexander of that name the vi bishop of Room created Cardinal, and the king preferred him to th'office of the high chancellor of England: Now to return to my purpose.  
After this victory obtained, & after the king had gathered and collected the prays and spoils of the Field together, and buried them that there were slain, he removed to Lyncolne, and there reposed himself three days, and c●used every day one procession to be celebrated, to render humble thanks to almighty God, for his triumphant victory and overthrow of his enemies. Then did he execution of such rebels and traitors as were taken in the field, either at the battle, or in the chase. And shortly after he went into Yorkeshyre, and there costed the country overthwart, searching by exploratours and privy enquyries, where his adversaries gathered their army against him, intending earnestly to weed out, and purge his land of all seditious seed, and double hearted fruit if it were possible: and such as were found culpable in any one point, were committed to prison, and other mulcted by fine or extinct by death.  

¶ The third year.  
IN the midst of August entering into the three year of his troublous reign, he by journeying arrived at New●astell upon Tyne, a very propre town situate on the hither part of Northumberland, where he tarried the remnant of the summer, and being there, sent in Ambassade into Scotland to king james the third king of Scots, Richard Fox which not long before was made bishop of Excettre, and with him sir Richard Edgecombe knight controller of his house. The summarye of their commission was to conclude a truce for a time, or a long league and an amity. For king Henry esteemed it both honourable and profitable if he might have pertyght peace and assured amity with princes adjoining and his next neighbours. And before all other with king james of Scotland, to th'intent that his subjects having knowledge of the amity and despairing utterly to have any refuge, comfort or succour of the Scots, or other their neighbours circumuosyn & adjoining contrary to their old usage, trust and expectation, might the beltre be continued in the faith, duty & loyalty towards their prince and sovereign lord. The Ambassadors when they were come into Scotland to the king, were of him both gently entreteined & after the most loving fashion received & fully hard. To whom at the first he showed his good heart, his true mind, tendrez●le, and fraternal affection, that the himself continually bore, and yet did intend to show towards king Henry, although his subjects were of a contrary mind and opinion, plainly protesting & declaring to them his vasselles to be both by nature and wilful disposition, diverse and contrary ever to the English nature and English nation: thinking surely that they for the most part, would never consent & long agreed with the Englishmen, according to their old vaffrous variety: wherefore lest the he should offend or ministre cause of occasion to them (as in deed all men were not his friends in Scotland at that time) he desired the ambassadors to consent with truce & abstinence of war for s●uen years, not only in open audience, but on his honour he promys●●●●mely in secret communication (as secret as a concession made to a priest) that he for his part would keep continual peace with the king of England during their lives, but apparently he promised that or these vii years should be passed and fully fyneshed that he would re●ue again the truce for other vii year, so that king Henry & he should be and live in peace, concord, and most assured amity, during their natural lives. And this did king james conclude with king Henry, because that he knew himself, his acts, yea and his name to be had in such despite and hatred of the more part of his disloyal people, that nothing (whatsoever he did) was esteemed, regarded, well spoken of or had in any price: Such was the malicious hartburning of the Scots against their natural lord. The ambassadors perceiving the hearty mind and faithful benevolence of this king towards their master king Henry, accepted and assented to his offer, and ratefyed the same: And returning home showed the king all the matter in order as it was pro●oned, assented and concluded. With which tidings, he perccaving the king of Scots good mind towards him, and apparently perceiving that as that tempestuous and stormy season required, it was not to his small commodity and profit, rejoiced marvelously that his Ambassade came to so good an effect: and shortly after recoiled back again from Newcastle to York, and so toward his city of London. And in the way being at Leycestre, diverse Ambassadors sent from Charles the French king came to his presence, which declared and showed to him that their king Charles had recovered many Towns, Cities and garrysons which before that time were possessed and holden of Maximilian king of Romans and Archeduke of Austryce, and that he now moved battle against France's duke of Briteyne, because he kept, aided and succoured in his territory and dominion diverse noble princes and high personages of the realm of France, which were treytoures and rebels against him, his realm and signory, of thewhich the chief leader was Lewes duke of orleans: And therefore he desired him for the old friendship and familiarity practised between them▪ that he would either aid, assist and help him, or else stand neuter between both parties, neither helping nor hurting any of both parts, like a cipher in algorithm that is joined to no figure but only occupieth a place.  
King Henry well remembering that although he had found much friendship at the French kings hand in his necessity and that by him partly and his he obtained his kingdom, yet forasmuch as he espied upon what unsure ground this quarrel was begun against the Brytones, with this message was not well contented nor yet pleased. For he which saw as far in the French kings breast as his Physician did in his urine, knew perfectly that he had neither occasion by any just title to invade the duchy of Briteyne, nor yet any displeasure ministered to him, by reason whereof he might justly have any shadow to make a quarrel to the duke of Briteyne, but only to delate, amplify and propagate farther his authority, dominion and possession. For the French king and his counsel knew well that duke Frances was an impotent man, lytargious, sore diseased and well stricken in age, and had never any heir male to inherit and possede his duchy, wherefore they determined by some means easily to compass that the duchy of Bryteyne should briefly come under their liure and subjection, and so without ground, without cause or reasonable demonstration, uncompelled, he intymated and made open war against the duke and Brytanicall nation. King Henry perceiving that this new attempted enterprise nothing sounded to his profit or emolument, calling to mind and considering that if the Duchy of Briteyne and the people of the same which had been ever friendly & loving to Thenglishe nation, and was always for their entrecourse to his realm both necessary and profitable, should come under the thraldom & subjection of the French king that damage more than poffite were likely to ensue and follow, determined with himself to aid and take part with the duke, perceiving well that all his affairs was now in peril and set in a broil and hazard. The occasion that moved him thereunto was, the kindling of the paternal love and tender affection which the duke ever showed him, sith his first arrival and entering into Briteyne, and his fidelity to him alway apparently showed during the time of his there abiding and residence. On the other part, when he remembered the great benefit that he had accepted and received at the French kings hand by his bountiful and princely liberality, thought it both necessary, honest and consonant to reason to forget the ungrate offence against the duke of Briteyne committed and perpetrated, and to persuade and advise the French king to desyste from vexing or invading the duke of Briteyne, lest any scruple or spark of ingratitude might insurge or kindle between them two. This matter was so doubtful and so full of ambyguities that the king in long consultation left no question nor doubt unasked nor undiscussed, and yet no answer nor no conclusion could satisfy or please his doubtful mind and gentle heart, loath to offend any of them, of whom he had received either benefit or friendship: But in conclusion, he fell to this full determation, that y● battle should needs succeed and follow, than he of very duty was bound and obliged not to deny nor to forsake the duke of Briteyne, to whom he was so much beholding but to aid, assist & comfort him with all his power, and openly to keep from him all wrongs and injuries, and to defend & resist all his adversaries & enemies. Yet in the mean season, lest he should of the other part make his high friend his extreme enemy, his answer was to the Ambassadors that he would take travail & study both to his great pain & cost, that between the French king their sovereign lord & the duke of Briteyne, both being his indifferent friends, some gentle pacification or amicable accord might be concluded and accepted. And so assoon as the kings Ambassadors were dimyssed, he sent on message Christopher Urswike to Charles the French king: First to gratulate in his behalf the victory that he had obtained upon Maximilian king of Romans. secondarily and after to declare what tumult and insurrection was here in England, and how by mere force and manhood he had vanquished and repressed the rebels and traitors, and either destroyed or brought to subjection, the whole rablemnt and number. Thirdly, offering him sefle as a mean and intercessor of peace and amity between the French king Charles and the duke of Briteyne: giving him farther in charge that if he should perceive the French king to give open ear to his request and to incline to his desire, that then he should without delay resort to the duke of Briteyne and desire him to be contented at his desire to endeavour himself to an honourable peace and concord, rather than to war and dubyous dissension, which peace with God's grace he little doubted, the duke being willing shortly to compass and bring to conclusion. While Christopher Urswicke was traveling in this commission, king Henry returned with great triumph to his city and chamber of London, having the victory and overhand of his enemies and rebellious adversaries, whereof the citizens were very glad & rejoiced heartily, considering that such damages, such oppression, such peril and loss as they thought to have sustained, was by the death of such disturbers of peace & tranquillity, as the king had late overcome, clean taken away, avoided & suppressed. Also the king himself trusting faithfully that all the brands of mischief kindled before against him, was by this victory utterly extinguished & brought to ashes, could not but be merry & rejoice. For which cause, he showed himself both lowly & courteous towards all, rewarding & promoting most bountifully & liberally all such persons, which not only did hazard their goods, their possessions, livings and substance, but also their lives and bodies in his defence and quarrel. And not long after, he delivered lord Thomas Marques Dorset out of the Tower of London, accepting him to his high favour and old familiarity, because his truth and fidelity had been tried and proved by sundry & diverse arguments and assays, In which pastime, the king for the perfect love and sincere affection that he bar●●● his queen and wife lady Elizabeth, caused her to be crowned and anointed queen on saint Fatherynes' day in Novembre withal solemnity to such a high esate & degree apperteigning. In the mean season Christopher Urswike was come to the French king lying at Tholouse, & of him after the most loving and friendly fashion that could be, received and entreteined. And affone as he had showed and declared his message, the French king showed himself outwardly, although inwardly he otherwise intended to be therewith contended and that very well pleased that the king of England should be the mean of peace and Arbiter indifferent between the duke and him. This answer made, the English Ambassador took his journey straight thence as he was commanded into Briteyne, and showed the duke upon his Master's behalf all things given him in charge and commission: But the duke (because himself had been long sick and thereby his memory and wit was decayed and appaired) he appointed to hear the message with other of his counsellors, Lewes duke of Orleance which was fled thither out of France. When this duke had heard the Ambassadors declare their message, perceiving that it touched a peace which he thought sounded neither to his profit nor pleasure, wherefore he being somewhat tyckeled with the message answered and said, that it was more me●e & convenient that king Henry (considering and remembering the great kindness & humanity that he had received at the duke's hand) should with all the power and strength he might, help the duke of Briteyne being by the Frenchemen invaded with iron▪ fire and blood, then to attempt or procure any fryvelous or vain composition or concord. Yea and although he had neither received nor remembered any benefit done to him by the duke, yet should he consider that the country of Briteyne was in manner a bullwerck and a strong wall for the Englishmen in defence of the frenchmen, the which if it should come into the hands of the French nation, than were his continual enemies next to the gate of his realm, which thing he would not suffer if he remembered the Proverb that saith, when thy neighbours house is a fire, thy staff standeth next the door. Thus much was the duke of orleans being of the French blood, an enemy to his natural country, because that he being next of the blood royal to the crown of France, was repulsed from the chief estate and governance of the realm, and the kings sister put in highest authority, during the minorite of the king, he abandoned his own native country, and having only refuge in the duchy of britain for his own safeguard, profit and emolument, spoke these words that he declared and opened. For well he knew, that king Henry was not thereof all ignorant, that it was neither profitable nor commodious ●or the realm of England, to have the duchy of Briteyne possessed of the Gaul●s, considering the sea costs of both the countries, to lie directelye one against the other. Then returned this Christopher again into France, and there tarried certain days, declaring to king Charles what answer was made to him by the Briteynes, & shortly after returned into England again. While these things were thus in doing, the French king besieged with a great puissance the strong city of Nauntes in Briteyne. And the more gredyer that he was of his purpose, & the more hast he made for gaining his pray, so much the more did he exhort the king of England with letters, writings and blandymentes, by sundry and divers messengers, for to treat and conclude a peace, unity & concord betwixt the duke of Briteine and him, fearing lest when he had almost won his race, king Henry would put him beside his saddle, whom he did half suspect to be a back friend of his, and prove and ready to take the Brytones part.  
Wherefore he sent in Ambassade Bernarde a Scotte borne, called the lord Daubeney, in all the haste to king Henry, to desire him in any wise to make some end whatsoever it were, of this war and controversy. And thereupon the king being desirous of the same, which had rather all things might be ended by peace rather than by dint of sword, lest that he should be driven to take part with the Brytons against the French nation, elected among all other iii orators. The first was John saint Abbot of Abyndon, John lily borne in Luke, the bishop of Rome's collector, doctor of law, and Richard Edgecombe knight, both for age and prudent fagacitie, fatherly, a wise & a grave parsonage, which for renewing of the old amity, were commanded first to go to repair to the French king, and after that to the duke of Briteyne, to whom he gave a long commission with sufficient instructions. But or ever these Ambassadors proceeded over their journey, John Lily fell sick on the gout, so that he was not able to travail in so long a journey, and so weighty a business, for whom was elected and chosen Christopher Urswike▪ and so they iii sailed into France (as they were commanded) and when they had communed a space with the French king, concerning the form of the peace & concord to be concluded, Richard Egecombe, and Christopher Urswike, departed straight to the duke of Briteine, thinking ye and nothing doubting, but they there should knit up the knot, and final conclusion of their Ambassade, according to their own request and desire, but all their hope was vain, and turned to a vanity. For the duke, upon great deliberation, consiantly repudiated and refused every condition by them offered or demanded. Which things, when they succeeded not according to their expectation, the Ambassadors deposing and relinquisshing all hope and esperance of any peace or concord to sort to any good effect or purpose, recoiled back to the French king again, detrauded and spoiled of their intent and purpose, and there to him declared what was their answer and final resolution, and yet making there abode in France, they intimated to the king of England by their letters all their acts and exploit. But, or their letters came to the kings hands, lyr Edward, lord Wooduile uncle to the Queen, a valiant Capitayne, and a bold Champion, either abhorring ease and idleness, or inflamed with ardent love and affection toward the duke of Britain, desired very earnestly of king Henry, that if it were his will and pleasure, that he with a convenient number of good men of war would transport himself into Briteine, for the aid and defence of duke Frances, the kings assured and proved friend. And lest it should sow or kindle any dissension or ingratitude between the French king and him, he said that he would steal privily over, and without any licence or passport, as though no man should think or doubt but he were fled, & abandoned the realm without any fraud or male engine. But the king, which had a firm confidence, that peace should be made by the polletique provision and wise mention of his elected Ambassadors, would in nowise give the bridle to his hot, hasty and wild desire, but straightly prohibited him to attempt any such strategeme or enterprise, thinking that it ●●ode not with his honour to offend the French king, to whom he would show as much amity and humanity as he might, for such a matter that could neither greatly profit the Brytonnes, nor yet 'cause him to surcease of his appointed invasion and pretenced enterprise. Yet this lord Wooduise having plain repulse and denial of the king, could not thus rest, determined to work his business secretly without any knowledge of the king, and went straight into the Isle of wight, whereof he was made ruler and captain, and there gathered together a c●ewe of tall & hardy personages, to the number of four C. and with prosperous wind and wether arrived in Briteyne, and joined himself with the Brytons against the French power and nation. The rumour of this doing was son blown into the court of France, which made the Ambassadors of England not smally abashed, which knowing perfectly the French hearts to be prove and ready at all times to revenge and do ●outrage to such as displeased them, were suddenly afraid lest the common people could not withoolde their hands from quer●ling or fraiing. Albeit the law of armen, and the truth itself did defend and preserve them from injury. But whiles the orators were in this perplexite and fear o● danger, and whiles the Frenchmen suspected this fact to be done by a caudle of king Henry, there came other new messengers from him to the French king to purdge himself to his friend of the suspected ingratitude certifying him and declaring (by most evident tokens & appar●● arguments) that the lord Wooduile without his knowledge or consent, was sailed over into Britain with so small a number of men, which small handful, neither it becomed a prince to send or set forward, neither yet could do to the britains any great aid or succour: To the which message and excuse, albeit the French king adhibited but small credence, yet, he some what mitigate of his anger and furious agony, dissimuled the matter (according to the French nature) with a flattering countenance. So the Ambassadors renewing a leagueand amity between their king and him for xii months, returned into England again, and showed the king all such things that they had either heard or seen there. The king of England well perceived by the report of his newly returned orators, taht the French king wrought all his facts by subtle craft and cloaked collusion, treating and mocioning peace and concord, when he desired nothing so much as discord and war, and that purpose he advanced and set forward with sail & ower, to the uttermost point of his ability. Wherefore king Henry being assured of all the French kings acts and cogitations, determined now with all celerite to set forth out of hand all such things as here before had concluded, concerning the war of Britain, as you have heard. Wherefore he called his high court of Parliament, and there first consulted with the peers and commonalty of his realm, for the aiding of the duke of Britain. Then for the maintenance of the wars, divers sums of money were granted and given, beside certain decrees & acts made for the utility of the common wealth. And assoon as the Parliament was ended he caused mustres to be had in certain places of his realm, and soldiers meet for the war to be put in a readiness. Yet lest peradventure he might seem willingly to break the amity, which was between the French king and him, he sent divers notable Ambassadors into France, to certify the French king, that of late he had kept a solemn Parliament, in the which it was condescended and agreed by the lords temporal and spiritual, and knights of cowties, and magistrates of cities, and boroughs of his realm not only considering the relief, comfort, and aid that he had received at the duke's hand, both for the safeguard of his life, and for the recovering of his inheritance and kingdom, but also remembering that britain of ancient time was subject & vassal to the realm of England, which country also hath been friendly, and aiders to the English nation when it was vexed, both with foreign powers and domestical sedition, to aid, comfort and assist the British nation with all their strength, might and ability against all their enemies, friendly admonishing him that he should either desist from his war in britain newly incepted, or else not be grieved if he did agree (as reason would) to the minds, judgement and determination of the princes and prelate's of his realm, assuring him in the word of a king, that his army should only descend in the duchy of Britain, not to invade or make war in the French kings realm or territories, but only to defend the duchy of Britain, and to profligate and expel all the intrudors & invasours of the French nation, which miustly occupied and muaded the Brytannicall titles and signories. With these commandments the English Ambassadors departed, and declared to the French king all the mind and will of their king and sovereign lord. Which message he dissimuled as little to regard as the biting of a flee, as though the Englishmen in the battle, which he knew to be at hand, could do no enterprise (as it happened in deed) either necessary to be feared, or worthy to be remembered. The cause of his so saying was this, he knowing that his army was puissant and strong in Britain, and that the britains had but a few Englishmen with the lord Wooduile, of whom he passed little, and seeing that England had not yet sent any army thither for the duke's succour, judged surely that his army would do some gyeat exploit (as they did in deed) before either the duke should be purveyed or any aid ministered. And as he imagened so it followed, for the Frenchmen so sore oppressed the country of Britain, and brent and destroyed cities, and besieged the town of Fongeres, so that the duke of Britain was encouraged by the duke of orleans, and other rebels of the French king, manfully to fight and give battle to the French army. And so the xxv day of july they set forward, & came to a town which the Frenchmen had gotten, called saint Aulbyne. The Frenchmen were not ignorant of their coming, but put theim selfes in a readiness. Of which army was Captains, The lord Lewes of Tre●oyle, vyscount of Thonars a Gascoyn, Adryan lord of Mountfalcoysse. On the Brytones part were cheveteynes, Lewes' duke of orleans, and the prince of Orange, which because they and other of the frenchmen were all on horseback, were mistrusted of the Brytones, lest they would at their most need fly.  
Wherefore they descended on foot, and the duke and the prince put themselves in the battle of the Almains: The Marshal of Rieux was appointed to the vanguard. The middle ward was delivered to the lord Dalebret, and the rearward to the lord Chateaw Bryand, and to make the frenchmen believe that they had a great number of Englishmen (notwithstanding there were but four hundredth with the lord Wooduile) they apparelled a thousand and seven hundred Brytons in coats with read crosses after the English fashion. When both the armies were approaching to the other, the ordinance shot so terribly and with such a violence, that it sore damaged and encumbered both the parties. When the shot was finished, both the vantgardes joined together with such a force that it was marvel to behold. The Englishmen shot so fast, that the Frenchmen in the forward, were fain to recoil to the battle where their horsemen were. The rearward of the French men, seeing this first disconsiture began to fly, but the Captains retired their men together again, & the horsemen set fiercely on the Britain's, and slew the most part of the footmen. When the forward of the Brytones perceived that their horsemen nor the Almains came not forward they provided for themselves & fled, some here, and some there, where they thought to have refuge or succour. So that in conclusion the Frenchmen obtained the victory, & slew all such as wore read crosses, supposing them all to be Englishmen. In this conflict were slain almost all the Englishmen, & six. M. Brytones, Amongst whom were sound dead the lord Wooduile, & the lord james Galeas borne in Napels. And of the Brytones there were slain the lord of Leon, the lord Mountsort, the lord Pontlabbe & many noble & notable persons of the British nation. Of the French nation were slain xii C. persons. The prince of Orange, & the duke of orleans were taken prisoners, which duke (although he were next heir apparent to the crown of France) should have lost his head, if lady jane his wife which was sister to Charles the French king, had not obtained pardon & remission of his trespass & offence. Howbeit he was long after kept prisoner in the great tour at Bourges in Berry. This infortunate meeting chanced to the britains on a monday, being the xxvii day of july, in the year of our redemption. M. cccc.lxxxviii, & in the iii year of king Henry the vii  
When these news were brought into England, the king vigilantly foreseeing what was like to chance, thought it necessary to accelerate the mattre before concluded, wherefore with all speed he sent Robert Lord broke Sir John Cheyny, sir John Middelton, sir Ralph Hilton, sir Richard Corbet, sir Thomas Leighton, sir Richard Laton and sir Edmond Cornwall, all lusty and courageous captains with viii. M. men well armed, and warlike furnished to aid and assist the Brytones against the frenchmen. These iolymen of war had such prosperous wind, that they arrived in Britain even as they would wish or desire. And after that they had recreated their spirits, and refreshed themselves a little after their labour and journey, they putting themselves in good order of battle, marshed forward toward their enemies, and not far from them encamped themselves. But when the Frenchmen knew of their landing, whom they knew by no small experience (and especially so long as they were fresh and lusty) to be in manner invincible. And so at the beginning they were all blank, & for fear kept themselves craftily and polletikly within their camp. And after that, they sent forth a small company of light horsemen, the which to weary and faygate the stout stomachs and haute courages of the English army▪ made in divers places of the army, skirmishes, outeryes & alarms. So for a certain space they used this kind of daliing with the Englishmen, but ever the loss turned to the Frenchmen, & they bore the worse away, by reason of the archers that so sore galled them and their horses with arrows, that their bragging incursions were soon left and done. But behold the mutation of this world, while this war was thus set forward, France's duke of Britain departed out of this life, so that the Englishmen were in a doubtful labyrinth, and a great ambiguyte. For the chief rulers of the britains, being some of them corrupted with money, and some stirred with desire of division and controversy, fell into division among themselves, so that they seemed not to tenore the defence and protection of their natural country, but rather minded the destruction and vttre confusion of the same. Which division the Englishmen perceiving, and also considering that it was in the midst of winter, in the which time it is not wholesome for men to lie in the frosty and moist fields, were compelled in manner by necessity within .v. months that they went forward, to return back again in to England.  
After this Charles the french king having thus the upper hand of the Brytones, perceiving that Maximilian king of Romans laboured to have in marriage, Anne sole heir to France's duke of Britain for her younger sister was late dead, which he thought was neither for his profit nor advantage, concluded a peace with the Brytones. By which treaty he had the lady delivered into his possession, & after her deliverance, he refusing and repudiating the marriage of the lady Margaret, daughter to the foresaid king of Romans, espoused the lady Anne duchess of britain, by which means the duchy of Britain was annexed to the crown of France, as here after shall appear when it took effect, which was not two years after.   

¶ The iiii year.  
Now to the money laid out, as concerning the sumpteousnes of this battle. It was decreed by the iii estates (as you have heard) in England before that any soldiers were sent into Britain, that for the expense of that war, every man should be taxed and assessed at the some of his substance, and should pay the tenth penny of his goods, for the maintenance of the war in britain. Which money the most part of them that dwelled about the Bishopric of Durham & Yorkshire, refused utterly to pay, either thinking themselves overcharged with the greatness of the same, and therewith grieved, or excited and procured through the evil counsel and seditious pervasion of certain persons, which privily conspired against the king, to put him to new trouble and business. Therefore such as were by the kings commandment made collectors and gatherers of the sum taxed, after that they could not get the money, according to the extractes to them by the commissioners delivered, made their complaint privily to Henry the iiii, Earl of Northumberland, chief ruler of the Northeparties. And he immediately upon the knowledge thereof, signefied the kings grace by his letters, that the people greatly grudged and murmured, making open Proclamation that they have been charged of late years with innumerable incommodities and oppressions, without any default or desert, and that now there was a huge some required of them, which neither they were able to satesfie so great a demand, nor yet would once consent to pay any one penny of the said sum required. The king commanded the earl in any wise by distress or otherwise according to his discretion, to exact the money of the people, and by compulsion to enforce such to payment as whyned most at it, least that it might appear that the decrees, acts and statutes, made and confirmed by him and his high court of Parliament, should by his rude and rustical people be infringed, despised and vilepended. The rude rash and unadvised people, hearing this answer of the king, by and by, violently set upon the earl by the procurement of a simple fellow called John of Chambre, whom the earl entreated with fair words to come to reason, but they laying to his charge that he was the chief author & principal causer of this tax and tribute paying, both him and divers of his household servants, furiously and shamefully murdered & killed. divers affirm that the Northenmen bore against this earl continual grudge, sith the death of king Richard, whom they entirely loved and highly favoured, which secret serpent caused their fury to wade farther than reason could retract or restrain. Although this offence were great and heinous, yet there succeeded after a more mischief and a greater inconvenience. For incontinent the Northenmen to cloak the homicide and manslaughter, by a violence put on their armure and assembled in ●●ockes, and elected to them a captain called sir John Egremonde knight, a person no less seditious than faccious and desirous of trouble, and ordered themselves like men of war, and passing by the countries, they published and declared that they would bid battle to the king, only for the tuition and defence of their common liberty and freedom, which he would pluck, and by his extreme power take & bereave from them. But when their cause should be decided with blows & handstrokes, their fury was assuaged & refrigerate, their hearts were in their heels, & their stomachs as could as any stone, & every one wished that this tumult were retracted & quenched which was now all ready not smoking but inflamed: And in conclusion, every man tan away, some this way, & some that way, as men amazed when they lack counsel, skatered & dispersed in divers places. When every man was returned, the mattre was ended as they imagened, but while they diligently laboured to save their lives by flight, they sought their own destruction. For the most part of them were punished by death or by imprysoment for the same offence. For the king hearing of this tumultuous business, sent forth Thomas earl of Surrey, whom not long after he had delivered out of the tour, & received to his grace & especial favour (as he was both for his wit & fidelite well worthy) with a competent crew of men into the North parts, which skirmished with a certain company & discomfited them, & took a live John a chamber the first beginner of this rebellion. The king himself road after the earl into Yorkshire, of whose coming the slaves & sturdy rebels were so abashed & afraid, that they fled more & less, which afterward were apprel, ended & grievously punished, according to their demerits & deserving. Yet the king of his magnificent mind, personed the innocent & rural people, & plagued & executed the inventors of the mischief, & the furtherers of the same. For John a chamber was hanged at York, upon a gibbet set upon a square pair of gallows, like an archetraytoure, & his complices & lewd disciples were hanged on the lower gallows round about their master, to the terrible example of all other. But sir John Egremond, whom these seditious persons preferred to be their capitain, fled into Flaunders to the lady Margaret duchess of Butgoyne, which ever envied the prosperity of king Henry.  
When this foolish enterprise was thus quenched, the king gave commission & charge to sir Richard Tunstall knight, a man of great wit, policy & discretion, to gather and receive the subsidy to him dew of the people, and he himself returned shortly to London, leaving the earl of Surrey to rule the Northpartes, perceiving well the Englishmen, not so much to grudge at the payment of the tax or tribute, as they did groan at the excessive and importable some upon them assessed, remembering the old proverb, love me little and love me long. And this was the year of our Lord. M. cccc.xc. and the fourth year of this kings reign.  
Before this time, Maximiliaen king of Romans, which as you have heard in the time of king Edward the four had contrary to the mind and will of the French king espoused lady Marie, daughter & heir to Lewes the French king, and by her had issue, a son called Philip, and Margaret which was affied to Charles the vii French king and by him repudiate and forsaken, was sore offended & greatly grieved with the flemings, but most of all with the Eauntoys and Brugians, for keeping from him perforce his son & heir duke Philip, which neither by gentle request nor cruel menace would deliver the son to his natural father and lawful parent. Wherefore the king Maximiliaen assembled a company of Almains & Ouerlanders (for he did not greatly put his confidence in the Brabanders nor Hollanders) and made sharp war on the flemings, in the which he little prevailed. For the flemings sent to the French king for aid & succour, which being glad of that request, s●nt Philip de Crevecure lord Desquerdes, commonly called the lord cords into the confines of Flaunders with a great army of men, to aid and secure the flemings, trusting by that means to obtain both the possession of the young enfaunt duke Philip, and the whole country of Flaunders. Wherefore Maximilian intending to allure the flemings from the Frenchmen, began first to practise with them of Bruges, of which town the gravous men, soon condescended and astipulat to reason, requiring him to come to their town, and sent to him with their request, the Scult called Peter Longoll with divers other, to advertise him that at his coming thither, he should find him conformable to his will, pleasure and request. Upon trust whereof he entered into the town finally accompanied, and came before the town, thinking that the lords and senate would joyously have received and welcomed him. But the whole turned clean contrary, for the light witted persons, to whom peace was treason, and concord venomous poison, taking this occasion to them offered, cried to harness. When they, which had brought the king into the town, saw the tumult of the people, and that no man came to their relief, they left their lord post alone, and fled into corners. The warden of the smiths was the chief of the rout, which bade the king to take patience a while, and he should have a gentle enprysonement, and so conveyed him to the house of John Grosse, judge of the audience. Then the Almains were all banished, the town and the lords of Gaunt were sent for, which tarried not long. When they had the pray that they espected, first divers citizens which they thought favourable to Maximiliaen they beheaded. Matthew Spert, one of his chief counsellors and trusty friends, was sent to Gaunt, and there put to death. james Dudenezell, & james of here ii wise burgesses, notwithstanding that all the priests and religious of the town made intercession for them, were at Bruges executed. Then John Capenoll a busy merchant, would in all ha●●e have ridden to induct the French king as their sovereign lord, to wh●me the moest part would in nowise a stipulate nor consent nor yet intended to disheneryt the young duke Philippe of his grandfathers inheritance.  
When execution was done of the wise and sad counsellors, the new made ●●lers caused their prince king Maximilian to be brought to the town house, and there they laid to his charge, that he had not observed the treaty, which they of Gaunt and Bruges had concluded with the French king. secondarily, they alleged that he put high Almains in offices and great authority, which without their assent would have changed and enhanced their coin and money to their great prejudice and detrument. Many other ridiculous articles they laid to him, which the cares of every honest creature knowing the duty of the subject to his prince, would abhor and floccipend, to the which he so wisely and boldly answered, that in part he assuaged their malice, and mitigated their rage. In so much that he was more gentler entreated than he was before. For if his answer had been to the displeas●unt, or 〈◊〉 he had menaced them but one word, I think in their fury they would have dispatched him out of his lyie and land. The Gauntoys would have delivered him to the French king, but the Brugians would not assent. They of Gaunt desired to have him in their custody in Gaunt, but the citizens of Bruges utterly denied his delivery. Wherefore the Eauntoyes in great displeasure departed. After whose departure the Brugians were content to set him at liberty, so that he and divers obeys nobility should swear on the holy Sacrament, not only to re●●t, pardon and forgive all offences perpetrated and committed by them of Flaunders, but also should swear and promise, neither to ●●me●bre nor revenge the same. This oath he swore in the great Church of Bruges, and the lord of Raues●on called Philip Mounseur, and the lord of Beners and divers other swore the same, adding thereunto, that if he did attempt any thing contrary to his oath and promise, than they swore to t●ke part with the good towns of Flaunders against him and his adherentes. And upon this promise he was delivered, & frankly set at liberty.  
But Frederick the Emperor could not forget the reproach & despite that was showed to him in his son, and the great injury & wrong that was done to his son partly to his dishonour, scourged Flaunders with sharp war and mortal afflictions (Maximilian lying in quiet and nothing attempting) but Philip Mounseur, lord of Ra●●●●ton, the which took his oath with king Maximilian, to show that the war was renovate without his knowledge and assent, forsook Maximilian his lord, and took the towns of Ypere, and Sluse, with both the Castles of the same haven, which he manned and viteyled, and kept two years against the power of Maximilian, till he rendered them to sir Edward Pownynges sent thither by the king of England, as you shall hereafter well perceive. Beside this, the foresaid Philip not only exacted and stirred the Gauntoys, Brugians and other towns of Flaunders, to rebel against their sovereign lord, but also sent to the lord cords, to aid him to conquer such towns of Flaunders, as were not of their opinion and confederacy. This lord cords, which untruly revolted from duke Charles of Burgoyne, being his bringer up and chief preferrer to Lewes the French king (as you have heard before) was glad of this, and so sent to the aid of the flemings viii M Frenchmen, willing them to take and conquer such towns, as were in the way between France and Bruges, or Caleys and Bruges. The Captains following his device, besieged a little walled town, called Dipenew, to whom came four M. flemings with victual and artillery, sent from Philip Mounseur. They laid siege on the northside of the town in a marish ground then being dry, and so deeply dyched their camp, and so highly trenched it, on which trench they laid their ordinance, that it was in manner impossible to enter into their camp, or to do them any displeasure or damage. The king of England was daily advertised of these doings, which nothing less desired then to have the Euglish pale and territory environed with French fortresses. For he perceived well that if the Frenchemen gate Dipenewe, they would afterward assail Newport and Gravelling, and consequently, what with force and what with corruption of rewards, their purpose was to have the possession of duke Philip and all Flaunders, which should not be to the profit of him nor his subjects. Wherefore this .v. year, suddenly with great expedition he sent over to the lord Dawbeney to Caleys, the lord Morley with a Crew of valiant archers and soldiers, to the number of a. M. men, with privy instructions what they should do.  
When they were landed, they published and said that they came to defend the English pale, if the frenchmen or flemings would attempt any masteries there: But their enterprise was all otherwise. For on a Tuesdaye at the shutting of the gates at night, the lord Dawbeney chefetayne of the army, the lord Morley, Sir james Tyrrell, capitain of Guysnes, Sir Henry Willoughby, Sir Gylbert Talbot, sir Homfrey Talbot, Martial of Caleys, and divers other knights and esquires, and other of the garrison of Hams, Guysnes and Caleys, to the numbered of two. M. men or there about, issued privily out of Caleys, and passed the water of Gravelling in the morning be times, and left there for a stolen and to keep the passage, sir Homfrey▪ Talbot with vi score archers, and came to Newporte, where they found the sovereign of Flaunders with vi HUNDRED Almains, and there they commoned and paused that night.  
On the next day as they came secretly toward Dipinew (se the chance) at a place of execution, near the high way was a Gauntoys (which was come out of the army for a spy, and apprehended by them of Dipenew) led to hanging, which amongst the Englishmen knew sir james Tyrrell, and called to him for comfort and succour, promising him that if he would save his life, he would guide them where they should entre on the Gauntoys, to their honour and advantage, and he would be the first assaylaunt of all the company. When his promise was regarded, after request made to the Borough masters and captains of the town, he was pardoned but not delivered. The next day in the morning, after they had ordered their army, their guide conveyed them out at the Southgate of the town by a high bank set with willows, so that the Gauntoysses could not well espy them, and so secretly came to the end of the camp of their enemies and there paused. The lord Daubeney commanded all men to send their horses & wagons back, but the lord Morley said he would ride till he came to handstrokes (but he was deceived) so they passed on till they came to a low bank and no deep dyche, where their ordinance lay, and there the archers shoot altogether every man an arrow, and so fell prostrate to the ground, their enemies discharged their ordinance all at once, and overshot them The archers roase and shot again, and bet them from their ordinance. The Almains leapt over the dyche with their morishe pikes, the Englishmen in the forefront waded the dyche, and were helped up by the Almains, and set on their enemies, and slew and took many prisoners. The other Englishmen hasted by the causey to enter in at the Northgate of the camp, where the lrod Morley being on horsoacke in a rich coat was slain with a gone. When his death was known, every man killed his prisoner, and flew all such as did withstand them to the number of viii M. men, in somuch that of ii M. that came out of Bruges (as the Flemysh chronicle reporteth) there came not home an hundred. There were slain in the said place two chief Captains, George Peccanet, and Anthony Nyewnhome. On the English part was slain the lord Morley, and not an hundred more. The Englishmen took their ordinance and sent it to Newport with all their spoil and great horses. And by the way, hearing certain Frenchmen to be at Ostend, they made thetherward, but the Frenchmen fled, and so they burned part of the town, and came again to Newport, where the lord Dawbeney left all the Englishmen that were hurt or wounded, and carried with him the dead corpus of the lord Morley, and buried it honourably at Caleys. This field was profitable to the Englishmen, for they that went forth in cloth, came home in silk, and they that went out on foot, came home on great horses, such is the chance of victory.  
The lord cords, being at Yper with twenty M. men, was sore discontent with this overthrow, wherefore he thinking to be revenged, came and besieged the town of Newport strongly (the which captain, Monseur de Merwede, before captain of Dipenew, and all the gentlemen of Westflaunders, and the three principal cities of Flaunders, viteyled the French host so well that all things was to good cheap) they without shot at the walls, and broke them in many places, and they within sore grieved them without with their artillery. But the Englishmen that were hurt at Dixmewe field before, and might either stand or draw a bow, never came from the walls. One day the Frenchmen gave a great assault to a Tower, and perforce entered it, and set up the banner of the lord cords: but as God would, during the time of the assault there arrived from Caleys, a Bark with lxxx fresh English archers, which came straight to the Tower. The women of the town, perceiving the Englishmen come, cried with lamentable and loud voices, help Englishmen, help Englishmen, shoot Englishmen, shoot Englishmen, so that, what with the help of such as before were wounded and hurt men, and of the courageous hearts of the new come Archers, and the stout stomachs and diligency of the women, which as fast as the Englishmen struck down the enemies, the women were ready to cut their throats, they wan again the Tower, and slew the Frenchmen, & rend the banner of the lord cords, and set up the penon of saint George. Then the Frenchmen, supposing a great aid of Englishmen, to have been come to the town by sea, left the assault. And the night following the covetous lord cords (which so sore longed for Caleys, that he would commonly say that he would gladly lie vii years in hell, so that Caleys were in the possession of the Frenchmen) broke up his siege and shamefully returned to Hesding. And the Englishmen glad of this victory returned again to Caleys.  
This year also, the realm of Scotland suffered an infeccious & mortal plague, because the name of james the third king of Scots was so odious, so hated and disdained of the whole nobility of the realm of Scotland, chief because they perceived that he set more by vile borne vileyns and light persons, then by the princes and nobles of his realm, as I have declared to you in the history of king Edward the four which mischief and ungrate discommodity, after they had tolerated and patiently suffered no small time to their great grudge & displeasure. They now thought it most expedient for their purpose & welfare, even by force of arms to recover their pristinate liberty and ancient freedom. Therefore making privily a conjuration and conspiracy together against their prince and sovereign lord, compassed his death and destruction. Yet that it might not be thought that they did intend the destruction of their native country, they made the kings son named after his father james, prince of Rothsay (a child borne to goodness and virtue) their Capitayne, in manner against his will, openly protesting, that they purposed the confusion, affliction and deposing of an evil king and wretched prince, and not the subversion & destruction of their country: by which crafty ymagened invention they might either cloak or propulse from them all suspicion, of their purposed untruth and shameful disloyalty. Whereof the king being credibly informed, was pensive, sorry, careful, vexed and sore formented in his mind for this cause in especial, that he should have civil dissension with his own subjects and native country men, ye & against his own son being made Capyteyne of that untrue and perverse company, whom next to himself he loved, favoured and honoured, imagining with himself that this commotion sounded to none other effect but that the head should fight and strive with the other members and parts of the natural body: and yet on the other side, not to resist shortly their new incepted entreprice might easily encourage & inflame the malicious hearts of his domestical enemies with more boldness & audacity to attempt farther mischief & inconvenience. Therefore to th'intent to make a plaster for both these sores to be healed: first to appease and assuage the fury and rumour of the people, being this in a rage, he prepared an army of men. After that he sent Ambassadors to his son and the nobility assembled with him, for a love, peace, concord, quiet●nes and unity to be concluded amongst them. Also he sent letters to the king of England and the French king, requiring them that they would vouchsafe with their good and Godly counsel, help & assay to mitigate and assuage this furious enormity of his rude and savage people, which was incepted and begun through the persuasion and procurement of certain pernicious and seditious persons. And besides this, he wrote to the bishop of Rome Innocent for the same matter, in the which he earnestly obtested, desired & prayed him that he would of his goodness, faith & charity send some one legate to these rebels of his nobility to charge and command, that they setting aside all war and hostilite, embrace quietness, rest and unity.  
This miserable decrepit and aged king, thinking that both delaiing and continuance of time, and also the entreating and hearty prayers of his friends and allies would quench and mollify their inordinate wildness and furious rage, and persuade them to sobriety and good conformite, had rather with these, and other semblable medicines remedy this young springing sore, than he would have it experimented, and tried with civil battle and intestine destruction▪ which he thought to be a thing both ungodly, unnatural and execrable. For all this, no medicine, no counsel, no wholesome precepts could appease or pacify the angry minds and raging wits of the Scottish nobility, so much were they addicted and bend too this folly and unreasonable madness. In so much, as to the messengers sent from him to them being their sovereign lord, they made this unreasonable and unhonest answer, that is: if he would resign the title of his crown & realm and depose himself of his royal dignity, than they would comen with him of a peace, or else their ears were stopped from hearing of any entreaty or persuasion. Thesame answer brought the Ambassador of England and France to their princes, which sore lamented and deplored the perverse fortune and mischance of their friend the Scottish king, as though they had been partakers of his affliction: But Adrian the bishop of Rome's legate, of whom we will speak more hereafter came to late, and as who should say, a day after the fair.  
When nothing could move or pierce these stony hearts or frosty minds of the nobility of Scotland: In conclusion they met together in a pitched feclde, where after great slaughter of many men, the poor silly king fled into a Mill for succour, whether he was followed and prosecuted, and there shamefully murdered, and unreverently, (not like a prince or a crowned king) left stark naked like a stinking carrion. Then the princes of Scotland being saciat and filled with the blood and slaughter of their sovereign lord and king (thinking that they had well revenged the old displeasures to them done and committed by king james the third) set up in the throne and estate royal, the prince his son, and named him james the four of that name.  
Before this time, as you have heard, Innocent bishop of Rome had sent in legacy Adryan of Castilia, a man of hetouria, borne in the town of Cornere, called in the old time Newcastel, which should have go to Scotland, too have pacified by his authority and commandment this troublesome business, moved and stirred between the king and his subjects. Yet this man, although he made many great journeys, when he came to England, was informed of the king, to whom he had certain commandments and messages to say from the romish Bishop, that he came to late for too accomplish the commission of his legacy, asserteyning him that the Scottish king was dead, gently advising him, that he should not move one foot ferther but tarry still in England, wehre he was not passed two days, but that he was plainly certified by the Bishops of Scotland of the kings death. This Adryan tarried certain months after this in England and was made much of, and highly commended and lawd too the king by John Morton bishop of Caunterbury, which for the good learning, virtue, & humanity, that he saw and perceived to be in him showed to him all points of humanity and friendship, that a friend might do to a friend. And upon his commendation, the king thinking this man worthy to be looked upon, and meet to do the king pleasure, much phantasied and more favoured this legate Adryan, in somuch as he was Orator and solicited his cause, both to Innocent and also to Alexander the sixth, Bishops of Rome. And after this, for his diligent service, he so loved and favoured him that he made him Bishop of Herford, and shortly after, that resigned & given over, he promoted him to the Bishopric of Welles and Bath. And not long after this Adryan was returned with these honours to Rome, where he was promoted successively by all the degrees of spiritual dignities into the College and society of Cardinals. For Innocent first made him his collector in England, and also one of vii Prothonotaries. After this Alexander the vi had him as one of his privy counsel, and promoted him to the degree of a Cardinal: But who is that I pray you that will marvel at this, which aswell may be given to fools and dyzerdes as to wise and well learned men? There is another praise of this Adrian, and the same in manner eternal: The man was of profound learning and knowledge, not vulgar, but strange, new and difficile, and in especial he was a man or a ripe judgement in electing and choosing concinnate terms, and apt and eloquent words, which first of our time, after that golden world of Tully, moved men with his writing to imitate and foloe the most approbate, and allowed authors that were of eloquencte, and taught the trade and phrase to speak fine, pure, fresh and clean latin, so that by his example and document, eloquence flourisheth at this hour in all places of Christendom, wherefore after my judgement he is not worthy to be put in oblivion: but now to my purpose.   

The vi. year.  
THe british affairs in the mean season, because that all discord was not pacified and appeased, began again now to flow out and to trouble, and set all things in a new broil and business. For Maximilian king of Romans being without a wife, before this time, made ●uite to France's duke of Briteyne, to have in marriage the lady Anne his daughter, to the which request the duke gently condescended.  
And one, which by proxy wooed for him: too the intent that the lady should perform that she promised on her faith and honour, he used a new invention and trick, after this manner: When the lady did take her chamber, the night after the affiance, she was laid naked in the bridebed, in the presence of diverse noble matrons and Princes, called thither as witnesses. The procurator or Deputy for the husband which represented his person, was laid in the place of her husband, and put one of his legs into she bed up to the hard knee, in the sight and company of many noble personages, as who said that the virgin had been carnally known, and so the matrimovy perfighte and consummate, and they two as man & wife. But this fond new found ceremony was little regarded and less esteemed, of him that only studied and watched, how to surrept and steal this turtle out of her mewe and lodging. For Charles the French king (as no man can blame him) was desirous and greedy too be coupled in marriage, with so great an inheritor, and reputing the marriage made with Maximilian, to be of no validite and effect, the more busily and incessantly he made sharp war, & skourged the Brytonnes, to th'intent he might both have the lady and her dominions also at his will and pleasure. But he imagined that the king of England would cast a trump in his way, and be an impediment to his purpose by sending into Britain a new army of Englishmen, for he had intelligence by his privy fautors.  
King Henry and Ferdinando king of spain, were fully decreed to aid, assist and defend the duchess and duchy of Briteyn, in all jeopardies and adventures, to th'intent that they against their will and affection should not be by force compelled, to submit themselves to the subjection and ponderous yoke of the French king. For the which cause, these two princes were joined in a league and confederacy to resist and propulse this manifest wrong and apparent injury. Wherefore he sent in all post hast the lord Frances of Luxenborough, Charles Marignane, and Robert Gagime, ministre of the bone homes of the trinity, to king Henry for a peace to be confirmed & had, which when they came before the kings presence, were accepted and entreteyned after the best manner. And when they were demanded of th'effect of their legation, their request was that king Charles, as chief and supreme lord over the signory & duchy of Briteyne, might without any spot of ingratitude to be imagined or conceived by king Henry, lawfully order and dispose at his will and pleasure the marriage of lady Anne of Briteyne, as his ward & orphan, without any let and disturbance of the king of England, or any of his allies and confederates. King Henry thereto would not condescend, but still harped on this string, that the virgin, which was lawfully combined in matrimony with Maximilian king of Romans, should not be compelled against her will and promise (being contrary to all law, right and equity) too take any other person then him to her spouse and husband, for that it was clearly repugnant to all verity and law, both of God and man. So when they had lingered the time, and consumed many days in vain arguments and superfluous reasons, without any of their rquestes obtained: after long debating and consultation, they were resolved on this point, lest it should be thought that all their legation had been in vain and brought to no efficacy or purpose, a form of a league and amity should be drawn with conditions, clauses and covenants. And for the farther furtherance of that purpose, it was thought necessary and expedient that the king of England should send Ambassadors to the French king, which in his name and by his authority might briefly conclude and finish the league and treaty that was in communication incepted and begun. Whereupon king Henry dismissed the French Ambassadors laden with ample & large rewards into their country, and dispatched and sent straight after them by his commission and authority, Thomas earl of Ormond, and Thomas Goldeston, prior of Christ's church in Cauntourbury his Orators and Ambassadors, to Charles the French king, instructing them fully of all things that we would have either moved or determined.  
In this mean space, Alexander bishop of Rome the vi of that name which succeeded after Innocent, a man full of diligence and of wit pregnant, sent Lionel bishop of Concord legate, to the French king for certain matters, and among other things, gave him in charge to conclude a peace and vinitie between king Charles and king Henry. When he had declared his message to the French king fully, and had easily obtained all things that he required, than he began to move unto the French king and his nobles, with a long and prolix exhortation to make and conclude a perpetual peace, between him and the king of England. And when he perceived the frenchmen to make no great denial to his request, he determined to attempt and move king Henry to concent and agreed too the same desire and petition: and took his journey towards England, and at Caleys he encountered the Ambassadors, both of England and of France, which received him into the town of Caleys, with many ceremonies and great reverence. Where after they had communed the matter a certain space, as concerning their affairs and business, they departed toward the French king, & the Bishop was transported into England. The king honourably received & gently entret●yned this Orator Lionel, and gave good ear to his ●uculent & eloquent oration, wherein he persuaded him with many flattering and glozing words, to enter into a league and amity with king Charles of France, and the French nation. To the which request the king made answer that he would be glad and joyous, if it might be compassed and brought about, after long trouble and pernicious dissension to live in peace and mutual amity with all christemmen. Bishop Lyonel perceiving the kings mind and intent, recoiled again to France with all speed and diligence (and as it was meet and decent for the bishop of Concord) he determined to extirpate and drive out of the kings memory all old reconynges and injuries done to him heretofore, and plant if it might be, in his heart and mind, the very goodly and gracious greyne of concord and unity.  
The English Ambassadors, then being with the French king purposed and setforth articles and conclusions of peace. The Frenchmen prudently made answer, so that on both parties the matter was politicly and artificially proponed and oppugned. The English Ambassadors, to th'intent that they might assent and obtain of few things, which they much desired, required & demanded many great and diverse things. The Frenchmen on the other side, minding to assent to no one demand at th'end, did deny & repudiate all Thenglishmen desires, and conditions, and were sore angry and moved with their great requests and high demands. And in the mean season, trusting more to their coffers then to their chivalry, as the manner of their country is, for to obtain their purpose▪ they spare not to disburse and launch out treasure, gifts and rewards innumerable, which is the very cause that they conquer more with crowns of gold, then with spear and shield, or dint of sword in battle. So that shortly after the French king, sent to the noble men of Briteyn great & many rewards, soliciting▪ exhorting and praying them all to become his subjects and vassals. And in especial he alured and enticed with most flatrering words and trapping terms, the lady Anne by such honourable matrons and ladies, as had the governance and education of her to confirm herself true to him in due obedience and love, and not disdain to be coupled in such a noble marriage, with so high and mighty a prince, as king Charles was. And lest peradventure the damosel fearing the rigour of the Ecclesiastical laws would not consent too him for offending her conscience and infringing her promise: To avoid that scruple, he caused diverse to inculcate and put in her head & tittle in her ear, that the marriage made with Maximilian was of no strength and less efficacy, considering that it was concluded and made without the consent, agreement and will of him, which is the chief lord and aught to have the governance over her as his ward, & the whole duchy of Briteyne, assuring her that she was deluded, and that the marriage with Maximilian was never consummate nor perfect. And this was the very cause that no sure concord or peace could be concluded & agreed between these two Princes. And where as the French king had long kept with him the lady Margaret, daughter to Maximilian and her solemnly espoused at Amboys, he said that that marriage might be lawfully dissolved again, because the lady was of that age, that she could neither be given nor yet taken in marriage, for which cause he might lawfully repudiate and honestly put her from him.  
By this craft and persuasion they led and enticed the fair maiden, suspecting none evil, and brought her to this point, that in conclusion, she being proclaimed by divers, Princes of Briteyne, subornate and corrupted with meed contrary to their duty and allegiance, was content to condissende and agreed to that the Frenchmen demanded, & not only to submit herself to the French king, but also to take him to her make and husband, by the reason whereof the war might cease, which with violency and impression of the same, had infested and afflicted all her whole country. To this marriage agreed all the nobility of Briteyne, which held of the French part, thinking it verily for the advancement of the common weal and their ease, because to trust to the power of Maximilian, which vas of no puissance, they thought it vain and of no efficacy. And when the French king had composed and ordered his matters of this fashion, privily with the lady Anne, he accelerated the marriage with all the expedition and diligence that was possible: So that the English Ambassadors returned again to their country, and nothing done or agreed upon their matter.  
King Henry, still patiently forbearing and suffering till such time that he perceived more plainly what way the world went: and understanding before the return of his Ambassadors, that the Frenchmen meaned none other but plain guile, fraud and deceit, determined no more with peaceable legations, but with open war to finish and determine all controversies and displeasures between him and the French king. Wherefore he summoned his court of Parliament, and there declared first the cause why he was justly provoked to make war against the French king: And after desired them of their benevolent aid of men and money for the maintenance of the same. The cause of this battle, every man did allow and approbate, and to the setting forth of the same, promised their industry, labour and all that they could make. The king commending them for their true and loving hearts, too th'intent he might not aggraute the common people, with paying of great taxes and sums of money, whom his mind was ever to keep in favour, would first exact money by a little & a little of the benevolent mind of the rich sort, and this kind of exaction was first excogitated by king Edward the four as it appeareth before in his story. Therefore he consulted with his friends, 
〈…〉  to invent how to gather together a great sum of money, and published abroad that by their open gifts he would measure and search their benevolent hearts & loving minds toward him, so that he that gave most should be judged to be most loving friend, and he that gave little, to be esteemed according to his gift: By this a man may apparently perceive as it were for a great common wealth, that, that thing that is once practised for the utility of a prince, and brought too a precedent by matter of record, may be turned to the great prejudice of the people, if rulers in authority will so adjudge and determine it. So by this means the king gathered innumerable sums of money, with some grudge of the people for the extremity showed by the commissioners in diverse places.  
You have heard before how Philip Mounsure, lord of Raveston by the aid of Bruges & Gaunt had taken the town & ii castles of Sluys and was become adversary to Maximilian, by reason of the iii chief cities of Flaunders: Now ye shall understand that he did not only so fortify as well with munitions as men, both the town and ii Castles, but also got into the haven diverse ships and barks, & by this means he spoiled and took prisoners all nations, passing either by sea or by land to the mart at Antwerp, or into Brabant, Zeeland or Friesland and was ever plentifully viteyled out of France and Pycardy, to the great damage of the Englishmen, which were spoiled daily and taken prisoners: Which thing Maximilian king of Romans could not well remedy, nor the king of England without great cost and loss of men. For to it behoved an army, both by sea and land, for when he was set for by land, he fled to the sea: And when he was chased on the sea, he sought refuge in his two strong Towers, and ever he had succours from Bruges and Gaunt. Now was here a little town two mile from Bruges, toward the sea call Dam, which was a bulwark to Bruges, and a hedspring to Sluys. The king of Romans did oftentimes attempt the apprehending of this town, to the intent that the Brugians should have no recourse to the haven of Sluys, nor the Sluysians should have no succour out of the town of Bruges. But there were slain a great number of gentlemen of Germany, for they within made no sign of defence, till all their enemies were in their danger, and so slew and confuted them. There was a great duke in Almaigne, called duke Albert of the upper Saxony, a great friend to the king of Romans, which made himself Neuter, and never intermitted with the affairs of Flaunders, a man of no less policy then valiant hardiness. This duke required of the lords of Bruges, that he might enter peaceably into their town, according to his estate with a certain numbered of men of arms to communicate with them diverse matters of great weight and no small importance, and sent before his carriages and harbingers to make provision. The estates of Bruges little doubted to admit so small a numbered into so populous a company, ye though the numbered were duplicate, and especially, because they hard say that he would lodge in the town all night, wherefore no man thought of that crafty stratagem that he had invented. His elected and warlike company entered into the city in good order, and he followed, they that went before inquired after inns and lodgings as though they would repose themselves there all night, and so went forth still in order asking for lodging, till they came to the gate that goeth directly toward the foresaid town of Dam, distant from Bruges a Flemysh mile, which is called the bulwark of Bruges. The Captains and inhabitants of the town of Dam, suspecting no harm to come out of Bruges, thinking that their friends knowing some sudden chance coming to have sent to them aid and succours, and so nothing mistrusting, did let them entre, and take the town of Dam, and so that town, which could not be won by force of arms, was by a sleight & policy attrapped and surprised to the great detriment and displeasure of the town of Bruges, for now had they no recourse to the sea, which stop so continuing, no doubt, but the town of Bruges must needs fall in ruin and utter exterminion.  
When duke Albert of Saxony had gotten Dam, he certified the king of England the he would besiege Sluyse by land, if it pleased his majesty to ministre any aid by the sea. King Henry which was wise, & forcasting in all his affairs, remembering that Sluyse was the den of thieves to them that traverse the seas toward the East parties, incontinent dispatched sir Edward Powninges, (a valiant knight & hardy capitain) with xii ships well furnished with bold soldiers & strong artillery. Which sir Edward sailed into the haven, & kept Philip mounsure from starting by the sea. The duke of Saxon besieged the one castle, lying in a church over against it, & the Englishmen assaulted the less castle daily, & issued out of the ships at the and although they stood in the water to the knees, yet they never gave their enemies one day to repose or play by the space of twenty days, and every day slew some of their adversaries, and on the English part were slain. Uerte brother to the Earl of Oxford & fifty more.  
The lord Philip of Ravestone, had made a bridge of boats between both the Castles, by the which one might secure the other, Which bridge the Englishmen in a night set on fire. Then, he perceiving that he must needs lose his castles by force, & that the flemings could not aid him, yielded the castles to sir Edward Powninges, and the town to the duke of Saxony, upon certain conditions. When the duke and the English captain met in the town, there was between them great salutations, and sir Edward kept the Castles a while, of whom the Almains demanded stipend and salary, because that the duke had nothing to pay. Then these two captains so handled them of Bruges that they were content not only, to submit themselves to the lord Maximilian, but also to pay & dispatch the Almains. And so sir Edward Pownynges tarried there a long space, and returned to the king before Boleyne. And so they, which by reasonable order, would not be governed: by unreasonable conditions were brought to conformyte and order.  
The vi day of April this present year, the king commanded all the nobility of his realm, to assemble at the Cathedral church of saint Paul in London, where after Te deum solemnly song, the Cardinal of Caunterbury, standing on the steps before the queer door, declared to the people, how the famous city of Granado, which many years had been possessed of the Moors or Mawritane nation, being infideles & unchristened people, and now of late besieged by a great time by Donfernando and Elisabeth his wife, king and queen of Spain, Arragon and Castille. And thesayde infideles, by reason of this siege brought to great penury and misery, for lack of viteile and necessary viand, perceiving that all succours were clearly estopped and propulsed from them, and so brought into utter despair of aid or comfort: after long consultation had amongst them, determined to render themselves and their city, to thesayde king, upon diverse covenants and conditions, and thereupon sent to him diverse Senators of the city, fully instructed of their mind and purpose. The king of Spain and his counsel, considering and sagely pondering that winter approached and was at hand, and that the Christian host had long lain in the fields in sore tempests and grievous storms (which they gladly suffered for Christ's sake, in whose cause and quarrel they made that present war) remembering also that the city was of such riches, fame and estimation, that it contained an hundred and fifty thousand houses of name, beside other small houses and cottages, and that it was replenished with people innumerable, and furnished with lxx thousand good fighting men. And finally, perceiving that he might enjoy now the possession of the same, without assault or effusion of Christian blood, by the advise of his counsel, he accepted, accorded and agreed to their offres the xxv of November, in the year of Christ's incarnation. M. cccc.xci. then being the day of saint Katheryn. By the which composition, the royal city of Granado, with all the holds and fortresses of the realm, and the Towers and Castles of Alpussarare was rendered into the hands of thesayde king of Speygne, & that the king of Granado should become subject and vassal to the king of Speygne, and to relinquish and forsake the usurped name of a king for ever. And that all men of war should frankly depart out of the city, and none there to remain, but artificers and merchants, and all these things to be done before the xxv day of january, but the time was anticipate, for the Moors on the first day of januarij, sent vi C. notable personages out of the city with their children for hostages into the camp of the king of Spain, to th'intent that he should put no diffidence nor mistrust in the citizens, but that he might peaceably and quietly with his people entre into the city, and take possession or the same. The which hostages were distributed and lodged in the tents and pavilions of the Spanish army.  
The third day of january, the lord of Gutterins Cardenes, great Master and governor of Lion, of the order of saint james, departed from the army, nobly and triumphantly accompanied with five hundred horsemen, and three thousand footmen, toward the city. And as he approached near to the suburbs, there issued out diverse noble and valiant Captains of the Moors, making to him humble obeisance, and conducting him to a palace, adjoining to the city, called the palace of Anaxaras, and from thence conveyed him to the palace royal of the same city called Alhambra, whereof he took quiet and peacesable possession, to the behove of the king of Speigne, whom the Moors promised and confessed to take and obey, as to their king and sovereign. And in sign and token that they thought in their hearts, that which they promised by mouth, they prostrated and humbled themselves before thesayde great Master, and with dolorous lamentation and salt tears, delivered to him the keys of thesayd palace. When he had the keys, & was also possessed of that strong and magnificent place, he first of all dispatched the house of all the Moors and pagans, and appointed a garrison of valiant and noble christians to keep and defend the same. And the same day caused a mass solemnly too be celebrated in a place of the same palace called Melchita, which done and finished, he took possession of all the fortresses. Towers and holds too thesayd city and town of Granado, belonging or appertaining. And then he caused to be elevated and exalted upon the highest tower of the palace (where it might best be seen) the sign & token of the cross, whereon Christ for us sinners suffered his bitter passion. At the reysing whereof, were present an archbishop, and three Bishops and other prelate's, which devoutly sang this anthem: Ocrux, ave spes unica. Thesayde cross was iii times devoutly elevate, and at every exaltation, the Moors being within the city, roared, howled and cried, prosterning themselves grovelling on the ground, making dolorous 'noys and pitiful outcries. The army encamped without the city, saying these things, humbled themselves meekly before the cross, rendering too almighty God their most humble and hearty thanks. The king of Spain, being mounted on horsoacke, perceiving the erection of the cross, descended from his Jennet, and kneeled down on the bore ground, and rendered to God, laud, honour and praising for that noble and triumphant victory. And after that the cross was thus set upon the high Tower, the banner of saint james and the kings banners were pitched and fixed upon the turrets and pinnacles of the city: A Herald standing in the top of the high Tower, proclaimed and published these words following.  
saint james, saint james, saint james, Castil, Castil, Castil, Granado, Granado, Granado: By high and mighty power, lord Ferdinando and Elizabeth, king and queen of Spain, have won from the Infideles and Moors, the city and realm of Granado, through the help of our lord God and the most glorious virgin his mother, and the virtuous apostle saint james, and the holy Father Innocent the viii togethers with the aid & succours of the great prelate's, knights and other gentlemen borne, & commons of their realms & countries.  
When the Herald had finished, the artillery sounded, the minstrels blewe, the people applauded and clapped their hands for gladness, that the earth seemed to tremble and quake underneath them. After this joy ended, there issued out of the city in manner of procession vii hundred, and more Christians, aswell men as women and children, which had been there prisoners and lived in bonds, servitude and miserable capt●●●re, where of the most part were naked, wounded and in manner famished for hunger. To whom the king of his great liberality gave both apparel, vyand and money. These poor prisoners coming out of the city sang this Psalm. Benedictus dominus deus Israel, Quia visitavit & fecit redem prionem plebis sue. Blessed be the lord God of Israel, which hath visited and redeemed his people, and so singing forth the whole Psalm, went to the church of saint Faith, which the king Ferdinando had caused to be most sumpteously edified during the time of the siege, being distant from Granado two or three mile. And as this poor procession passed by the host, one espied his son, and another saw his brother, and the son perceived the father, and the father found the daughter, which were now delivered out of miserable servitude and bondage. But they could not refrain nor bridle themselves from distilling of tears and sobbing, saying their parents and kinsfolk restored to liberty and freedom. And when these people had said their Orisons in the church of saint Faith, & were come to the army, they kneeling before the king kissed his foot, crying with one voice, God grant to the king of Speygne everlasting life.  
The next day after the lord Euerus de Mendosa, earl of Tediglie was by the king made capitain of the house royal, & principal Tower of the city of Granado, called Alhambra, having to him appointed and assigned one thousand men of arms, and two thousand footmen. Unto the which Earl, the great Master delivered the keys of the said palace and Tower, and other ports and fortresses. On Saturdaye the viii day of january, in the year of our Lord. M. cccc.xcii. Ferdinand king of Speyne & Granado, the queen & their eldest son done John prince of Speyne, the lord Peter of Mendosa, archbishop of Toleto, the patriarch of Alexandry, the Cardinal of Speyne, the lord Peter Prince of Lion, duke of Gaditan, the Marquis of Uillena and Moya. The earl of Capre, the earl of Uinenna of Cifnentes, and many other Earls, Barones' and nobles, whereof some were Englishmen, whose names I have not, wih ten thousand horsemen, and fifty thousand footmen, with great triumph and royalty entered into the city of Granado, and thereof took real possession and season, and caused mass to be song in a great place called Meschita, where he caused a solemn church to be builded in the honour of God and his mother. When Mass was ended, the king and queen repaired to the palace royal of Alhambra, the which was wonderful, both in quantity and sumptuous building, which house was adorned with rich Arras and Tapestry in every chamber. The Earl of Tendiglie captain of the palace, feasted the king and Queen, and all the nobility at his own costs and charges. So the king of Speygne there remained till the country was reduced too a good confromytye and order, and diverse Castles and fortresses were made for the safeguard and tuytion of the realm. And because this victory obtained, was to the glory of God, and to the public wealth of all Christianite, thesayde Cardinal of Caunterbury▪ declared to▪ the people that the king had sent him and the other nobles thither that day, not only to notefye and declare to them the verity of the fact, but also to exhort them to give laudes and praisings to almighty God, for delivering so goodly a city, so plentiful a country, & so notable a region out of the hades of his enemies & persecutors of his faith & religion. Which declaration ended the archbishop with the clergy, the nobles with the commonalty in most devout manner went in general procession, rendering to God for this great acheved enterprise, glory, honour & most reverent & hearty thanks.  
About this season, Maximilian king of Romans having the upper hand of the flemings, by aid of the king of England (as you have heard before) intended to revenge himself of the French king, for that he had repudiate his daughter lady Margaret, & sent her home to him, intending as he thought to take to his wife the lady Anne of Briteyn. But because he was not of sufficient ability of himself to sustain & furnish the war, he determined to desire king Henry to take part with him. Whereupon he sent james Contibald ambassador, a man of great gravity to exhort and require the king of England, to enter his company and society in arms, faithfully promising on his honour that he would in semblable matters of his, take part with x, M. men at the lest, for the space of ii years whensoever he should require him. And because it is his chance to try the fortune of battle and to intimate the war, he promised to certify king Henry vi months before that he would invade or occupy the territory of his enemies. And by this message, Maximilian greatly inflamed and set a fire king Henry's heart to bear with him. And as he was minded before this time as you have hard before, to aid and assist the Britons in the extremity of their peril, he now reckoned the time to be come, that he must collect an army to help them now at a pinch in their most peril and danger, to th'intent to restore again the british nation to their ancient liberty, and to expulse the French nation, which thrusted for the blood, death and destruction of the poor Brytones, clearly out of that duchy and country. And he was the more ardently thereunto encouraged, because he perceived Maximilian himself so earnestly set and bend toward that enterprise, and therefore he made this answer to james the Ambassador, that he would be ashamed to be found slack or unprovided at any time of Maximilian his fellow & companion in arms. And so these matters well brought to effect on both parties, the king dismissed the ambassador from his presence.   

The vii year.  
IN this very season Charles the French king, received lady Anne as his pupille into his hands, & with great solemnity her espoused, having with her for her dower the whole country of Briteyne. And so by this mean the Brytones become subject to the French king. Maximilian being certified of this, fell into a great rage and agony, for that he was not content with the forsaking and refusing of his daughter lady Margaret, but also had taken & ravished away from him his assured wife lady Anne duchess of Britain. And calling upon God for vengeance & punishment for such an heinous & execrable fact, cried out & railed on him, wishing him a thousand deaths. Yet after that he was pacified, and came to himself again, and had gathered his wits together, he thought it was most expedient to vindicate and revenge his honour and dignity so manifestly touched, with the dint of sword. And being in this mind, sent certain Ambassadors to king Henry with his letters, desiring him with all diligence to prepare an army, and he himself would do likewise, to invade the French kings realms with fire, sword and blood.  
King Henry hearing of this, and putting no diffidence in the promise of Maximilian, whom he knew to have a deadly hatred and long grudge against the French king, caused a muster to be made in all the parts of his realm, and put his men of war in a readiness armed & weaponed according to their feats: beside this he rygged, manned and vyteiled his navy ready to set forward every hour, and sent curryers' into every shire to accelerate, and hast the soldiers to the sea side.  
After the message was declared, there came without any delai an huge army of men, aswell of the low sort and commonalty as other noble men, harnyssed and armed to battle, partly glad to help their prince and to do him service, and partly to buckle with the Frenchmen, with whom the Englishmen very willingly desire to cope and fight in open battle. And immediately, as monition was given, every man with his band of soldiers repaired to London.  
After that, all this army was arrayed and even ready to set forward whereof were chieftains and leaders. jasper duke of Bedford, & John earl of Oxford beside other, the king sent Christopher Urswike his aulmoner, and sir John Ryseley knight to Maximilian, to certify him that the king was all in a readiness, and would shortly arrive in the continent land, assoon as he were advertised that Maximilian and his men, were ready and prepared to join with him. The Ambassadors sailed into Flaunders, and after their message done, they sent ii letters in all haste to king Henry, the which not only sore unquiet & vexed him, but also caused him to take more thought, care and study on him than he did before: for they declared that no prince could be more unprovided or more destitute of men and armure, no more lacking all things, apperteigning to war, than was Maximilian, and that he lay lurking in a corner, sore sick of the flux of the purse, so that he had neither men, horses, munitions, armure nor money, nevertheless his mind & will was good, if his power and hability had been correspondent & therefore there was no trust to be put in his aid or puissance. Their letters both appalled, and made sorrowful the king of England, which like a prudent prince did well consider & ponder, that it were both jeopardous and costly, for him alone to enterprise so great a war. And on that other part, if he should desist and leave of his pretenced purpose, all men might call him coward and recreant prince. Beside this, he thought that his own nation would not take his tarrying at home in good nor favourable part, considering the sith they had given so large money for the preparation of all things necessary and convenient for the same, they might conceive in their heads & imagine, that under colour & pretence of a dissimuled war, he had exacted of them notable sums of money, & now the treasure was once paid, then the war was done, & his coffers well enriched, & the commons enpoverisshed. So that at this time he doubted & cast perils on every side & part, & beside this, he was not a little sorry that Maximilian author of this war did absent himself, & defraud him of his society & assistance. And while he studied & mused what counsel he should best take in such a doubtful and sudden case, he like a grave prince, remembering the saying of the wiseman, work by counsel & thou shalt not repent thee, assembled together all his lords and other of his private counsel, by whose minds it was concluded and determined, that he should manfully and courageously persever and proceed in this broached and begun enterprise, recording well with themselves, and affirming plainly that all chivalry and marsial prowesses, the more difficile and heard that it is to attain to, the more renowned is the glory, and the fame more immortal of the vanquisher and obteyner. Therefore by this counsel of his friends and senate, he made Proclamation that every man should set forward into France, and yet not opening how judasly Maximilian had deceived him, lest that they knowing the whole fact, should not be so courageous to go toward that battle and proceed forward on their journey. And therefore to provide and force all perils and dangers that might accidentally ensue, he so strengthened, multiplied and augmented his army in such numbered before he took ship, that he with his own power might discourage and overcome the whole puissance of his adversaries.  
When he had thus gathered and assembled his army, he sailed to Caleys the vi day of October, & there encamped himself, tarrying there a certain space to see his men harnessed & apparelled, that neither weapon nor any engine necessary for his journey should be neglected. At which place all the army had knowledge by the Ambassadors, which were newly returned out of Flaunders (for they did not know of it before) that Maximilian could make no preparation for lack of money, & therefore there was no succour to be expected at his hand. At the which report, the Englishmen were nothing abashed nor dismayed, trusting so much to their own puissance & company: but yet they marveled and wondered greatly that heard it related, that Maximilian receiving such great villainy not long before at the hand of king Charles, was not present to prick them forward, to cry & call, to move and excite the Englishmen, ye and if he had had vi hundred bodies to put them all in hazard, rather than to leave the Englishmen, now setting upon his daily enemies & deadly adversaries. Albeit Maximilian lacked no heart & good will to be revenged, yet he lacked substance to continue war, for he could neither have money nor men of the drunken Flemings, nor yet of the craking Brabanders, so ungrate people were they to their sovereign lord  
In the mean season, although the French king was as well with courage replenished as with men furnished meet to try a battle, yet all this notwithstanding he made semblance, as though he desired nothing more than peace, being not ignorant that peace to be obtained was of no small valour & price, & yet he determined to make more expense in getting of peace, then in setting forth of war and hostilitee, and regarded so much the less the treasure too be dispensed for the acquyring of unity and concord, for asmuch as he was afraid that he being diligent to resist the invasion of the Englishmen, that the Britons whereof the most part bore the yoke of his subjection contrary to their hearts and minds, would suddenly rebel and set themselves at liberty, and pluck out their heads out of his colour, and set up another duke & governor. And at the same very time he was invited and desired of Lewes Sforcia duke of milan, to war against Ferdinand king of Napels, at whose desire he was priest and joyous, thinking that he had that occasion sent to him from God, for the which he long before thristed & sore wished. The which kingdom he pretended to be dew to him by succession, and intended long before to acquire and conquer it by force of arms, as his very right and inheritance. For when Rene duke of Angeou last king of Scicile, departed without any heir male of his wife lawfully begotten, he did adopt to his heir of all his realms & dominions, Lewes the xi father to the iii king Charles, to th'intent that he should deliver queen Margaret his daughter, out of the hands of king Edward the iii as you have well before perceived, wrongfully and without cause disheneriting his cousin, Godson, and heir, Rene duke of Lorraine & Bar. For the which cause he did the more busily procure & labour for the amity, favour & friendship of his neighbours round about him, that when all things were appeased & set in good slay at home he might the better employ his whole force & puissance on his war in Italy. Wherefore being much desirous to have all things pacified & set in a perfit concord and securitee, he sent Philip Creueceur lord cords his chief counsellor and diligent officer to entreat, move and persuade the king of England to be reconciled & made again as a new friend to the French king. He not forgetting his message, sent letters to king Henry before he passed the sea, & arrived in the farm land, by the which he notefied to him, that he of his bound duty & observance, which he aught to the king his master, & to the profit of his realm, would take pain to invent & excogitate some mean & way, that his highness & king Charles his master being dissevered in amity, & made extreme enemies, only for the the cause of Maximilian newly elected king of Romans, should be reducted & brought again into their pristyne estate & consuete familiarity, doubting not to bring his ship to the port desired, if it might stand with his pleasure to send some of his counsellors to the confines & borders of the English pale, adjoining to France, there to here what reasonable offres should be demonstrated and proffered: which conditions of peace should be so reasonable and so ample that he doubted not, but that he might with his great honour break up his camp, and retire his army back again into his own signory and dominion.  
The king of England, maturely considering that Britain was clearly lost▪ and in manner irrecuperable, being now adjoined too the crown of France by marriage, which duchy his whole mind was to defend, protect and confirm, and that Maximilian what for lack of money, and what for mistrust that he had in his own subjects, lay still like a dormouse nothing doing, perceiving also that it should be both to his people profitable, and to him great honour to determine this great war without loss or bloodshed, appointed for commissioners the bishop of Exeter, & Gyles lord Dawbeney to pass the seas to Caleys, to comen with the lord cords of articles of peace to be agreed upon and concluded.  
When the commissioners were once met, they so ingeniously and effecteously proceeded in their great affairs, that they agreed that an amity and peace should be assented to and concluded, so that the conditions of the league should be equal, indifferent and acceptable to both parts as after shallbe declared.  
While the commissioners were thus consulting on the marches of France, the king of England as you have heard, was arrived at Caleys, where he prepared all things necessary for such a journey. And from thence he removed in four battles, 
Boleyn besieged.  near to the town of Boleyne, and there pitched his tents before the town, in a place propice and convenient and determined to give a great assault to the town. In the which fortress was such a garrison of Warlike soldiers, that valiantly defended the town, and the same so replenished with artillery and municious of war, that the loss of the Englishmen assaulting the town, should be greater damage to the realm of England, than the conquering and gaining of the same should be emolument or profit. Howbeit the kings daily shot, razed & defaced the walls of thesaide town: but when every man was priest and ready to give the assault, a sudden rumour roase in the army, that a peace was by the commissioners taken and concluded, which brute as it was pleasant and mellifluous to the Frenchmen, so it was to the English nation bitter, sour & dolorous because they were priest and ready at all times to set on their enemies, and refused never to attempt any enterprise, which might seem either to be for their laud or profit: they were in great fumes, angry and evil content, railing and murmuring amongst themselves, that the occasion of so glorious a victory to them manifestly offered, was by certain conditions to no man, nor yet to the king commodious or profitable, refused, put by and shamefully slacked: But above all other, diverse lords and captains, encouraged with desire of fame & honour, trusting in this journey to have won their spurs, which for to set themselves and their band the more gorgeously forward had mutuate, and borrowed diverse and sundry sums of money, and for the repayment of the same, had mortgaged and impignorate their lands & possessions, sore grudged and lamented this sudden peace, and return of them unthought of, and spoke largely against the kings doings, saying and affirming, that he as a man fearing and dreading the force and puissance of his enemies, had concluded an inconvenient peace without cause or reason: But the king as a wise man and most prudent prince to assuage the indignation and pacify the murmur of the people, declared what damage and detriment, what loss & perdition of many noble Captains and strong soldiers must of necessity happen and ensue at the assault of a town, and especially when it is so well fortified with men and municious, as the town of Boleyn at that present time was: protesting farther, that he might be justly accused & condemned of iniquity & untruth, except he did prefer the safeguard of their lives, before his own wealth, health and advantage.  
When he had thus prudently consolate and appeased the minds of his men of war, he returned back again with his whole army, to the town of Caleys, where he began to smell certain secret smoke, which was like to turn to a great flame, without it were well watched and polletiquely seen to. For by the crafty invention and devilish imagination of that pesteferus serpent lady Margaret, duchess of Burgoyne, a new idol was set up in Flaunders, and called Richard Plantagenet, second son to king Edward the four as though he had been resulcitate from death to life, which sudden news more stack and fretted in his stomach, than the battle which now was, set late forward & more pain he had (not without great jeopardy of himself) to appeach & quench this new sprung conspiracy, then in making peace with the French king his enemy. And so he was content to accept and receive (and not to offer and give) the honest conditions of peace of his enemy proffered and oblated, except he would at one time make war, both at home in his own country, and also in foreign and extern nations. Wherefore king Henry forcing all these things before (and not without great counsel) concluded with the French king, to th'intent that he being delivered of all outward enuytie might the more quickly provide for the civil and domestical commotions, which he perceived well to be budding out. The conclusion of the peace was thus, that the peace should continued both their lives, and that the French king should pay to king Henry a certain sum of money in hand, according as the commissioners should appoint for his charges sustained in his journey:  
Which (as the king certified the Mayor of London by his letters the ix day of Novembre) amounted to the sum of vii C.xlv. M. ducats, which is in sterling money i C.lxxxvi. M.ii C.l. l, and also should yearly for a certain space pay or cause to be paid for the money that the king of England had sent and exspended in the tuytion & aid of the Britons xxv M. crowns, which yearly tribute, the French king afterward vexed and troubled with the wars of Italy, ye rely satisfied, contented and paid, even to the time of his son king Henry the viii to th'intent to pay the whole duty and tribute, and for the further conservation and stablishing of the league & amity between both the realms.  
Shortly after that king Henry had tarried a convenient space, he transfreted and arrived at Dover, and so came to his manner of Grenewiche. And this was the year of our lord a. M. CCCC.xciii. and the vii year of his troubleous reign. Also in this sojourning and besieging of Boleyne (which we spoke of before) there was few or none killed, saving only John Savage knight, which going privily out of his pavilion with sir John Riseley, road about the walls to view and see their strength, was suddenly intercepted and taken of his enemies.  
And he being inflamed with ire, although he were captive, of his high courage disdained to be taken of such vileynes, defended his life to the uttermost and was manfully (I will not say wilfully) slain and oppressed, albeit sir John Riseley fled from them & escaped their danger.  
When king Henry was returned into England, he first of all things elected into the society of saint George, vulgarly called the order of the garter, Alphonse duke of Calabres son, according to his desire which Alphonse was son and heir to Ferdinand king of Napels, & after king of the same realm, till he was overcome by king Charles. And after, the king sent Christopher Ursewike, Ambassador with the gartier, collar, mantel, and other habiliamentes appertaining to the companions of thesayde noble order. Which ambassador arriving at Napels, delivered to the duke the whole habit, with all the ceremonies and dew circumstances thereunto belonging. Which duke very reverently received it, and with more reverence revested himself with the same in a solemn presence, thinking that by this apparel and investiture, he was made a friend and compaygnion in order with the king of England, whose friendship obtained, he feared nothing the assaults or invasions of his enemies. And this was the cause that he desired so much to be compaygnion of that noble order, firmly believing that the king of England sovereign of that order, should be aider and maintainer of him against the French king, whom he knew would pass the mountains and make war on him. But this custom of assistance in orders was, either never begun, or before clearly abholished: For in our time there have been many noble men of Italy, compaignions' as well of the golden Flese in Burgoyne, as of the order of saint Mighel in France, that have been banished and profligate from their natural country, and yet have not been aided by the sovereign nor companions of the same order. For surely the statutes and ordinances of all thesayde orders doth not oblige and bind them to that case, but in certain points. After this the duke dismissed the Ambassador, rewarding him most princely.  
Shortly after this Charles, the French king concluded a league with Ferdinand king of Spain, and also being entreated and solicited with the orators of diverse princes, which persuaded and mollefied the stony heart of a frozen prince, caused him to come to communication and treaty with Maximilian king of Romans, and to conclude a peace with him for a season, to the intent that he might without disturbance of his neighbours adjoining, prosperously & safely make war on Ferdynand king of Napels, & on all Italy, as he before had minded and excogitated.  
And so Charles, being furnished with men, of arms, horsemen, footmen, navy, and aid of some Italians, passed through Italy by Rome and without any great labour wan the city of Napels. When he had obtained his victory: in his return being assailed with the Uenicians at the town of Fornovoe, he had a great dangerous victory. And so like a conqueror, with great triumph returned into his realm and country. After him Lewes the xii being king, when he found opportunity and saw the gap open, invaded the Italians again, & recovered again the realm of Napels, which Frederyck the son of king Alphonse, not long before had gotten from the French nation: & after that he subdued and conquered the whole duchy of Millayn. Albei●●●ot long after (fortune turning her wheel) he lost both the kingdom of Napels, and the fair city and duchy of milan both together. And so the Frenchmen warring upon the Italians had no better success in their conquests, than their parents and predecessors heretofore have been accustomed. For undoubtedly, as many places as they vexed and sacked with murder and spoiling, so many or more in conclusion they did ennoble and decorate with their blood and slaughter. Which small recompense little profited and less relieved, such as before were rob and spoiled of all their goods, substance and riches.  
After this the spaniards arrived in Italy, and their putting too flight the frenchmen, obtained the possession of the realms of Napels and Scicile, the which they possess and enjoy at this hour. And at length a certain nation of Germany, called the Swytsers, called to be partakers of the spoil of Italy, wan certain towns there, which they possess and enjoy at this present time.  
In this war and tumultuous business in Italy, which was the most terrible and sorest plague, that any man can remember of that nation, there was no person, no place, no private house, no noble family, no captain or prince, but he was oppressed either with the heaps of the dead carcases, or with the blood of his friends or subjects, or else suffered some affliction Injury or detriment. And in some wise at one time or another, every man did taste and suffer all the mischiefs that appertained to the victory gotten by their enemies. The which defacing & blotting of the beauty of that country, sometime called the queen of the earth, and flower of the world, chanced not of her own self or her own cause or desert, but the Italians her own sucking children opened the gap, and made the way of her destruction. For at that time thus it chanced, that when the potentates and signories of Italy perceived, that all thing under them succeeded, even as they would desire and wish, to their great exultation and rejoicing: by reason whereof they sat still at home like sloggardes (as women be accustomed to do) scolding and brawling, exercising and practising privy displeasure and malice, not again their enemies as they were accustomed, but among themselves one against another, casting out of memory & drowning their ancient renown, glory and honour with desire of rule and appetite to be revenged, and so destroyed the common weal, and subverted the old monuments and acts of their forefathers and predecessors. And because some of them, thinking themselves, not of force and puissance sufficient enough to bring their purpose to effect, and to revenge their quarrel, they enticed, stirred and procured with gifts, rewards and promises, strangers and foreign nations to their aid and assistance. The other saying them so desirous to have their help, partly moved with their gifts, partly with desire of rule, spoils & prays, gathered together a great company and entered into Italy, and there destroyed, spoiled and possessed the better part of it. And so the Italians, as men out of their wit, where as they thought one to noye & hurt another with hateful warring, they destroyed their native country, being of nature enclosed and mu●yte with high hills, and the main sea round about, and opened the way to strangers to their utter ignominy and final destruction, which they might have kept out of all danger, if they had been their own friends, and loved their own wealth and commodity. Therefore I may say: O progeny, aswell wicked as ungodly, hath discord and dissension pleased the so much that thou wouldst utterly extinguish and confound the glory and honour or thy native country? And in conclusion, thou thyself art come to the deepest pit of wretchedness, because that thou perceiving the ruin that thou hast caused and procured, thou art more repentant for the beginning of it▪ than glad to desist and leave it, and so according to thy desert, thou hast thy penance and guerdon. The grand captain and beginner of this mischief was Sforcia, which at that time ruled at ●ys will the duchy of milan under duke John Galeas his nephew: but for a truth this Lewes ruled all, and the duke did nothing. Wherefore Alphons duke of Calabre, and after king of Napels, grudging that this duke John his son in law, should be defrauded of his superiority and dominion, threatened sore this Lewes Sforcia. Where he fearing to be put from his authority, solicited and by great entreaty procured Charles the French king▪ to invade the realm of Napels.  
By reason of which procurement, Alphonse duke of Calabre, which succeeded his father Ferdinand in the kingdom of Napels (which also as you have heard, was made knight ●f the garter) was first deprived of his kingdom by thesaide king Charles, and shortly after of his life. But Lewes Sforce had no long joy after the death of his enemy, for he was betrayed and taken by the Swytzers, which warred under king Lewes the twelfth, then being French king, and carried into France, where he in the Castle of Loathes miserably finished his life, according to the saying of the Gospel, woe be too him by whom a slander beginneth. This mischief began at that time when Charles came thither, and continueth yet, which is the year of our Lord. M.D.xliii. for an example to other, the strangers invited to a prosperous country be loath to depart from the sweet savour once thereof tasted.  
This year was borne at Grenewiche lord Henry, second son to the king, which was created duke of York, and after prince of Wales, and in conclusion succeeded his father in crown and dignity. Now let us return to the new found son of king Edward, conjured by men's policies from death to life.  
And first to declare his lineage and beginning, you must understand that the duchess of Burgoyne so nourished and brought up in the seditious and scelerate factions of false contrivers & founders of discord could never cease nor be in quiet (like a viper that is ready to burst with superfluity of poison) except he should infest and unquiet the king of England, for no desert or displeasure by him to her committed, but only because he was propagate and descended of the house of Lancastre, ever being adverse & enemy to her line & lineage. For which only cause she compassed, ymagened and invented how to cast a scorpion in his bosom, and to infect his whole realm with a pesliferous discord. To th'intent that he being vanquished and brought to confusion, both the boiling heat of her malicious heart might be fully saciated with his innocent blood, and also advance and prefer some darling of her faction to his Empire, rule and dignity. And principally remembering taht the earl of Lyncoln, which was by her set forth and all his company had small fortune & worse success in their progression and enterprise, contrary to her hope and expectation, she like a dog reverting to her old vomit, began to devise & spin a new web, like a spider that daily weaveth when his call is torn. And as the devil provideth venomous sauce to corrupt banquets, so for her purpose she espied a certain young man, of visage beautiful, of countenance demure, of wit subtle crafty and pregnant, called Peter Warbeck. And for his dastard cowardness of the Englishmen, in derision called Perkyn Warbeck, according to the duche phrase, which change the name of Peter to Perkyn, to yongelinges of no strength nor courage for their timorous hearts and pusillanimitee: Which young man traveling many countries, could speak English and many other languages, & for his baseness of stock and birth was known of none almost, and only for the gain of his living from his childhood was of necessity, compelled to seek and frequent diverse realms and regions. Therefore the duchess thinking to have gotten God by the foot, when she had the devil by the tail, & adjudging this young man to be a meet organ to convey her purpose, and one not unlike to be the duke of York, son to her brother king Edward, which was called Richard, kept him a certain space with her privily, and him with such diligence instructed, both of the secrets and common affairs of the realm of England, & of the lineage, dissent and order of the house of York, that he like a good scholar not forgetting his lesson could tell all that was taught him promptly without any difficulty or sign of any subornation: and besides, he kept such a princely countenance, and so countrefeare a ma●●stie royal, that all men in manner did firmly believe that he was extracted of the noble house and family of the dukes of York. For surely it was a gift given to that noble progeny as of nature in the root plated that all the sequel of that line and stock did study and devise how to be equivalent in honour and fame with their forefathers and noble predecessors.  
When this diabolical duchess had framed her cloth meet for the market, and imagined that all things was ready and prepared for the con●usion of king Henry, suddenly she was informed that thesayde king of England prepared a puissant army against Charles the French king. Then she considering the opportunity of the time, as who would s●ye, a time wished and a day desired to achieve and bring too pass her 〈◊〉 malicious and cancarde muentions, which always nothing less minded than peace and tranquillity, and nothing more desired than dissension civil war and destruction of king Henry. Wherefore she sent Perkyn Werbeck, her new invented mammet first into Portyngall, and so craftily into the realm of Ireland, to th'intent that he being both witty and wily might move, inveigle and provoke the rude and rustical Irishenation (being more of nature inclined to rebellion then to reasonable order) to a new conflict and a seditious commotion. This worshipful Perkyn, arriving in Ireland, whether it were more by his crafty wit, or by the malicious and beastly exhortation of the salvage Irish governors, within short space entered so far into their favours, and so seriously persuaded and alured them to his purpose, that the greatest lords and princes of the country, adhibited such faith and credit to his words, as that thing had been true indeed, which he untruly with false demonstrations setfoorth and divulged. And as though he had been the very son of king Edward, they honoured, exalted and applauded him with all reverence and dew honour, promising to him aid, comfort and assistance of all things to the feat of war, necessary and appertaining.  
In the mean ●eason these news were related to Charles the French king, then being in displeasure with king Henry, which without delay sent for Perkyn into Ireland, to the intent to send him against like king of England, which was invading France (as you before have heard) This Fleming Perkyn was not a little joyful of this message, thinking by this only request to be exalted into heaven, when he was called to the familiarity and acquaintance of kings and princes: & so with all diligence sailed into France, with a very small navy, not so small as smally furnished. And coming to the kings presence was of him royally accepted, and after a princely fashion entreteyned, & had a guard to him assigned, whereof was governor the lord Congreshal. And to him at Paris resorted sir George Nevell bastard, Sir John Tayler, Roland Robynson and an hundred English rebels. But after that a peace, as before is said was appointed and concluded betwixt him and the king of England, thesayde king Charles dismissed the young man, and would no l●nger keep him. But some men say which were there attending on him, that he fearing that king Charles, would deliver him to the king of England, beguiled the lord Congreshall, and fled away from Paris by night. But whether he departed without the French kings consent or disassent, he deceived in his expectation, and in manner in despair, returned again to the lady Margaret his first foolish foundation.  
The duchess thinking every hour from his departure a whole year, until such time she heard from him, and effecteously desiring to know which way lady Fortune turned her wheel, hearing him to be repudiate and abjected out of the French court, was in a great agony and much amazed and more appalled: But when she was ascertained of his arrival in Flaunders, she no less revived, than he that hath in stead of the sword of execution, a pardon and restoration of his life and degree to him delivered and showed. And at his coming to her presence, she received him with such gladness, with such rejoicing and such comfort (as in deed she could dissemble alone above all other) as though she had never seen nor known him before, or as he were newly cropen out of his mother's lap again, that what in trust to prefer him to the pre-eminence by her ymagened, and what for the hope that she had to destroy king Henry, she fell into such an unmeasurable joy, that she had almost lost her wit and senses. And that this her gladness might be notified and made apparent to every man, she first rejoiced of her nephews health and welfare: And secondarily she much thrusted and sore longed, not once, but diverse and sundry times in open audience, and in solemn presence to hear him declare and show by what means he was preserved from death and destruction, and in what countries he had wandered and sought friendship: And finally, by what chance of fortune he came to her court and presence. To the intent that by the open declaration of these feigned fantasies, the people might be persuaded to give credit and belief, that he was the true begotten son of her brother king Edward. And after this she assigned him a guard of thirty persons in Murrey and blue, and highly honoured him as a great estate and called him the white Rose, prince of England.  
By reason whereof, the nobility of Flaunders were to him diligent, & with dew reverence did him all the pleasure that lay in their power or offices. And to be short, the more that this poetical and feigned invention was shadowed with the pretence of sincere verity, the more faith and undubitate credence, was adhibited to it. In so much that many one thought him to be preserved, only by the will and mighty power of almighty God, and to be conveyed at the first danger by some faithful friend of king Edward his father into some strange country, and so escaped the violent tyranny of his uncle king Richard, which undubitately hereafter should recover his father's possessions & kingdom. The fame & bruyte of this juggled miracle was almost in one moment blown over all the country of Flaunders, & the territories thereabouts. But in England it was blazed in every place sooner than a man could think or devise it: In which country more than in other places it was received for an infallible verity & most sure truth, & that not only of the common people, but also of diverse noble & worshipful men, of no small estimation, which swore & affirmed it to be true, and no comment or fable fantastically ymagened. After this dewlgation that Richard son to king Edward was yet living, & had in great honour amongst the Flemminges, there began sedition to springe on every side, none otherwise then in the pleasant time of vere, trees are wont to bud or blossom. For not only they that were in sanctuaryes, for great & heinous offences by them committed, but also many other that were fallen in debt, and doubting to be brought to captivity & bondage, assembled together in a company, and were passed over the sea into Flaunders to their coūtre●cate Richard son to king Edward, otherwise named Perkyn Warbeke. After this many of the noble men conspired together some through rashness & temerity induced thereunto, some being so earnestly persuaded in their awn conceit, as though they knew perfightly that this Perkyn was the undubitate son of king Edward the four solicited, stirred & alured to their opinion all such as were friends & fau●oures of the house of York. Other through indignation, envy & aua●●●e, ever grudging & thinking they were not condignly rewarded for their pains and parts taken in the kings behalf and quarrel. Other whom it grieved and vexed too see the world stand still in one stay, and all men to live in peace and tranquillity, desirous of some change, ran hedlinge into that fury, madness and seditious coniuracion.  
This rumour and vain fable of this twice borne duke Richard, divided all England and brew the realm into Partakynges & several factions, so that the minds of all men were vexed either with hope of gain and preferment, or with fear of loss and confusion. For no man was quiet in his own mind, but his brains & senses daily laboured & bet about this great & weighty matter, every man according to their intelligence, pondering & weighing in equal balance, the incommodity & danger that might hereof ensue, and the gain & commodity that by the same might be obtained & gotten. Albeit the king, & his counsel & other his faithful friends, not a little marvelled that any person (being in his right wit) could induce in his mind or find in his heart falsely to think and fraudulentlye too ymagen, such a pernicious fable and fiction, being not only strange and marvelous, but also prodigious and unnatural, to teyne a dead man to be renated and newly borne again. By the which open fallax and untrue surmise setfoorth and palliated with the vesture and garment of a professed verity.  
Many of the noble men (as he well then perceived) took and reputed it, which was foolishly and maliciously setfoorth to unquiet & perturb him and his realm, to be a thing true, just and unfeigned. So that he then saw as far as lynce with his bright eyes, that this new invented comment and poetical painted fable, would make some broil and discord in his realm. Except it were manifestly published and openly declared to be a feigned fable, a seditious fraud and a crafty imagened mischief. Other persons, to whom war, sedition, and strife, were as pleasant as delicate vyand or Epicures living, were very joyous of these news, and believing no fraud nor deceit to be hid or cloaked under this golden tale. But whatsoever the fame was and the voice that ran abroad, that they reputed, sincere, true, and as an open plain thing, thinking that to redound both to their advantage, commodity and high preferment and honour, which thing did greatly animate and encourage them to set up the sails, and lanchefoorth the power of their pernicious and detestable entreprice. And because the matter was weighty and required great aid and assistance. Therefore they determined to send messengers to the lady Margaret, to know when Richard dnke of York might come conveniently into England to th'intent that they being thereof certified might be in a readiness to help and succour him at his first arrival.   

The viii year.  
SO by the common consent and agreement of the conjured confederates, sir Robert Clifford knight, & William Barley were sent into Flaunders, which enucleated to the duchess all the secret intents and privy counsels of the friends and fautoures of the new found duke. The duchess this message did gladly accept and lovingly embrace, and of their tidings was not a little joyous, easily by her persuasion inducing to their heads, that all things that were spoken of duke Rycharde were true & unfeigned. And afterward brought them to the sight of Perkyn, the which countrefeated the countenance and the manner and fashion of Richard duke of York, praising his virtues & qualities, with the which he was endued above the moan. Thesayde sir Robert Clifford, when he had seen & w●l advised the young man, believed surely that he was extracted of the blood royal, and the very son of king Edward the four & thereof he wrote a letter of credit & confidence into England to his company & fellows of his conspiracy, & to put them out of all doubt he affirmed that he knew him to be king Edward's son by his face & other lyniamentes of his body. And when these letters came to England, the ●heuetaynes of this business, to the intent to stir the people to some new commotion and tumult, and to set forth some cause of mattre apparent, caused it openly to be divulged and published, that it was true and not feigned that was spoken & said abroad of the duke of York: but it was done by such a secret craft, that no man could tell who was the author and founder of that rumour.  
When the king perceived that this vain fable was not vanished out of the mad brains of the comen people, he thought it expedient both for the safeguard of himself and also of his country, whose hurts were joined and mixed together, to provide some remedy to repress this Immynent mischance, not a little suspecting, that some conspiracy had been concluded and agreed, because that sir Robert ●lyfforde had late fled privily into Flaunders. Wherefore he sent certain knights that were chosen and picked men of war, with a bond of sou●dioures into every part to keep the shores & the sea costs surely, that no man might pass over into any foreign land obey and the sea nor repass into this realm without search, or passport or save conduit by him given, and all straights▪ passages & by paths were kept & searched, so that no man unapprehended could pass to the sea coast, nor make any conventicle or assemble without he were espied and taken. And so th'intent that many men, being both of England & other places for very malice by this new invention inflamed and indurate, should no farther run in their freneticall madness, he secretly sent wise espials to all the cities of the Gaul Belgic or low country within the Archedukes' dominion, and the confines of the same, to search & pryeou●e of what progeny this misnamed richard was dissended and propagate, promising highly too reward and thank such persons, which would manifest and open the secret doubts and devices of the same matter: and beside this he wrote to his trusty friends to do the same. So they sailing into France, divided and severed themselves every man into a lymyte and province. And when certain of them repaired to the town of Turnay, they were there certified by the testimony of many honest persons, that this feigned duke came but of a low stock, and of a base parentage, & was named there Peter Warbeck. And so shortly after the kings inquisitoures returned into England, reporting to the king what they had known and heard: Of which thing the king was also more plainly certified by his trusty and faithful friends, both by letters and trusty messengers.  
Whereupon seeing that now the fraud was openly and abundantly manifested & espied, he determined to have it published & declared with all diligent celerite, both in the realm of England & also in all parts beyond the sea, in the provinces of foreign princes and strange potentates. And for the same cause he sent to Philip archduke of Burgoyn and to his counsayl●ers (because that he was not yet of mature age, apt and convenient to take the regiment of his countries and signories) Sir Edward Pownynges a valiant knight, and sir William Warram doctor of the laws, a man of great modesty, learning and gravity, that they should openly to them declare, that the young man, being with the lady Margaret was descended of a bsse and obscure parentage, and that he had falsely and untruly usurped the name of Richard duke of Yroke, which long before was murdered with his brother Edward in the Tower o● London, by the commandment of king Richard their uncle, as many men living can testify. And to think and say otherwise then this that apertly is known, it were the highest point and degree of madness, for asmuch as it is probable by an invincible reason and an argument infallible, that king Rycharde their natural uncle, in dispatching and destroying prince Edward the eldest son of king Edward his brother, was in no surety of his realm or usurped dominion, if he had permitted Richard the younger son to live and continue: For than might he as next heir to his brother have lawfully and by just title claimed the sceptre and diadem royal, which was his fathers, and after divoluted to his elder brother. And therefore they should desire the archduke and the princes of his counsel, that it would please them to give no credit, nor themselves suffer any more to be blinded or seduced with such mere impostures and crafty illusions being full of untruth and apparent falsehood, nor yet to aid or assist such a crafty merchant, which had falsely feigned his name and stock, and in especially against him, which in few years passed, had succoured and relieved Maximilian their lord being sore oppressed and almost overcome both with the extort power and puissance of the French king, also with the civil discord and intestine rebellion of his own subjects and vassals. With these commandments the Ambassadors nailed into Flaunders, and there gently received and lovingly entertained of the archduke Philip and his counsel, And after that they were commanded to declare the intent of their legation, doctor William Warram priest, made before them a pleasant and a luculent oration, showing therein discreetly the mind intent and desire of the king his master: And in the later end of his oration, he a little rebuked the lady Margaret and it her of the thumbs, saying that she now in her old age, within few years had produced and brought forth two detestable monsters, that is to say Lambert (of whom rehearsal was made before) and the other Perkyn Warbeck, And being conceived of these two great babes, was not of them delivered in eight or nine months as nature doth require and as all other women commonly do, but in the hundredth and lxxx. months, she brought them forth out of her womb: for both these at the lest were fittene years of age before that she would be brought in bed of them, and show them openly.  
And when they were newly crept out of her womb, they were no infants, nor sucking children, but lusty yongelinges, and of age sufficient to bid battle to kings. Although these taunts and jests did anger and trouble the lady Margaret, yet Perkyn was more vexed and encumbered with the things declared in this oration, and in especial because his fraud and false feigned iuggelinge was brought to light & opened: yet the duchess being therewith more incensed then quenched, nothing refreigning her old malice and cankered hatred, but intending to cast hot Sulphur to the new kindled fire, determined clearly to arm and fetforward pretty Perkyn against the king of Engeland with spear and shield, might and main.  
When the Ambassadors had done their message, and the Archedukes' counsel had long debated whether Perkyn were the true son of king Edward the fourth, they answered the Ambassadors: That to the intent to have the love and favour of the king of Engelande assuredly after that time, the archduke nor they would neither aid nor assist Perkyn nor his complices in any cause or quarrel.  
Yet notwithstanding, if the lady Margaret persisting and continuing in her rooted malice towards the king, would be to him aiding and helping, it was not in their power to let or withstand it, for because she in the lands assigned to her for her dower, might frankly and freely do and order all things at her own will and pleasure without contradiction of any other governor.   

The ix year.  
WHen this answer was given to them, they returned again into England. After that, king Henry looking circumspectly to his matters, purposed to pacify the storms and blasts that he perceived to be growing, rather by policy and counsel, then by dubious war & manslaughter, if his nobility would thereunto condescend. For he well considered that of one business riseth another, and of one small sparkle cometh a great flame. And therefore strait he sent forth certain espials into Flaunders, which should seigne themselves to have fled unto the duke of York, and by that means search forth and investigate, the whole intent of their conjuration, and after what way they intended to proceed in the same. Other were sent also to allect and entice sir Robert Clyfford, and William Barley to return into England, promising to them frank and free pardon, of all offences, and crimes committed, and promotions, and rewards, for obeying to the kings request. These exploratours so travailed in their affairs and business that they brought to pass all things to their master's desire. For first they had perfect knowledge of the names of certain conspirators against the king. After they persuaded sir Robert Clifford to leave of that foolish opinion, which had no sure ground nor foundation to stay itself upon. Albeit William Barley could not be deduced from his begun enterprise, but that he would go forward headlong with the same, which tarried not long in that devilish opinion. For within two years after this, he repenting him of his folly, being reclaimed, and having pardon given him of the king, repaired home to his native country, detesting high & his foolish blindness. When the espials had sped their purpose, one after another stolen away privily from the feigned duke, and returned into England, bringing with them the names of certain, which were chief of that conspiracy. Other tarried still behind to accompany sir Robert Clifforde, when he returned again into England, whose tarrying marvelously debilitated and appalled the courages, & hearts, of the coniuratours. For they perceived daily that their enterprise more and more feynted, and that they were by a little & little damnified and hurted. And yet they saw no man whom they might perfectly put diffidence in, or yet once mistrust.  
When the king had knowledge of the chief Captains of this tumult by the overture of his espies, which were returned, he caused them all to be apprehended and brought to London before his presence. Of the which the chief were John Ratclyffe lord Fitzwater, sir Symonde Mounforde, sir Thomas Twhaytz knights, William Dawbeney, Robert Ratclyffe, Thomas Cressenor, and Thomas Astwood. Also certain priests and religious men, as sir William Richeforde doctor of devinitee, and sir Thomas poins, both freers of saint Dominic'S order, doctor William Sutton▪ sir William Worsely dean of Paul's, and Robert layborne and sir Richard Lessey. Other that were guilty of the same crime, hearing that many of their company were taken, fled and took sanctuary. And the other that were taken were condemned all of treason, of the which there was headed sir Symond Mounforde, sir Robert Ratclyffe, & William Dawbeney, as aucthoures and chief Captains of this business. The other were pardoned, and the Priests also for their order sake that they had taken, but few of them lived long after. Also sir John Ratclyfe, lord Fitzwater was pardoned of his life, but after that he came to Caleys, and there laid in hold, he was beheaded, because he corrupted the keepers with many promises to have escaped out of the same, intending as was thought to have go to Perkyn.  
King Henry of England, partly grieved with the king of Romans for breaking his promise, when he should have associated him in his journey against the French king, and partly displeased, with the Flemmynges, but principally with the lady Margaret, for keeping and setting forward Perkyn Warbeck, not only banished all Flemmyshe wares, and merchandises, out of his realm and dominions, but also restrained all English merchants, from their repair and traffic, into any of the lands & territories, of the king of Romans, or the archduke his son, causing the mart of merchandises and commodities of this realm to be kept at his town of Caleys. 
The mart 〈…〉  Wherefore the said king and his son banished out of their lands and signiories all English clotheses, yarn, tin, lead and other commodities upon great forfeitures and penalities. The restraint made by the king sore grieved and hindered the merchants, being adventurers: For they by force of this commandment had no occupying to bear their charges and support their continuance and credit. And yet one thing sore nipped their hearts, for the Easterlynges which were at liberty, brought into the realm such wares as they were wont and accustomed to do, and so served their customers through out the whole realm: By reason whereof the masters being destitute of sale and commutation, neither retained so many covenant servants and apprentices as they before were accustomed, & in especial, Mercers, Haberdasshe●s and Clothewoorkers, nor yet gave to their servants so great stipend and salary, as before that restreynte they used to do.  
For which cause thesayde servants intending to work their malice on the Easterlynges, the Tuesdaye before sayn●t Edward's day came to the Styl●ard in London, 
〈◊〉 made upon the Easterlings.  and began to rifle and spoil such chambers and warehouses as they could get into: So that the Easterlynges had much a do to withstand and repulse them out of their gates. And when their gates were fermed and closed, the multitude rushed and beat at the gates with clubs and levers to have entered, but the Easterlynges by the help of Carpenters and Smiths, which came to their aid by water out of the borough of Southwark had so strongly shored and fortified themselves that they could not prevail. The Mayor of London hearing of this riot, assembled the magistrates and officers of the city together, and so being furnished both with men and weapon, set forward toward the Stylyard. Assoon as the coming of the Mayre was intymate and known to the riotous persons, they fled away like a flock of sheep: howbeit he apprehended diverse of the malefactors and committed them too several prisons. And upon the inquiry before the kings commissioners, there were found guilty above lxxx servants and apprentices (and not one householder) which were confederate together to make this attempt and sworn in no wise to discover or reveal the same: Whereof, some that were the cheveteynes and beginners of this mischievous riot, were sent to the Tower, and there long continued. But in conclusion, because none of their Masters were invented culpable of this naughty act, the king of his goodness remitted their offence, and restored them to their liberty.   

¶ The ten year.  
Shortly after, sir Robert Clyfford, partly trusting on the kings promise, & partly mistrusting the thing, because he knew that diverse that were accused to be partakers of that faction and conspiracy were put in execution: & therefore perceiving that their could not be a more pernicious nor more desperate begun thing then that devilish enterprise, returned suddenly again into England. The king being certified before of his coming, went straight to the Tower of London the morrow after the day of Epiphany, and there tarried till such time that sir Robert Clyfford was there presented to his person, which thing he used under this pretence, that if sir Robert Clifforde had accused any of the nobility to be partakers of this ungracious fraternity & diabolical comuration, that then every such person might be called thither without suspection of any evil, & there straight to be attached and cast in hold.  
But before I go any farther I will show the opinion that at that time ran in many men's heads of this knights going into Flaunders. Some men held this opinion, that king Henry for a policy did send him as a spy to Flaunders, or else he would not have so soon received him into his grace and favour again: Nevertheless this is not like to be true by diverse reasons and apparent arguments, first, after that attempt begun by sir Robert, he was in no small danger himself, and by that was not a little noted, & his fame blemished, but also his friends were suspected and had in a gealosy. secondarily he was not after that in so great favour, nor so esteemed with the king as he had been in times past, because he was blotted & marked with that crime & offence. And therefore he bearing his favour to the house of York intending in the beginning to administer displeasure to king Henry, sailed to the lady Margaret, being seduced & brought in belief that Perkyn was the very son of king Edward. But to my purpose, when sir Robert came to the presence of the king, he kneeling on his knees most humbly, beseeched him of grace and pardon, which he shortly obtained. And after that being required of the manner and order of the comuration, and what was done in Flaunders, he opened every point to his knowledge, and after disclosed the names, aswell of the aiders and fautoures as of the inceptors and begynners'. Amongst whom he accused sir William Stanley, whom the king made his chief chamberlain, and one of his privy counsel. When he had so said, the king was greatly dismayed and grieved, that he should be partaker in that grievous offence, considering first that he had the governance of his chamber, and the charge and comptrolment of all such as were next to his body, and also calling to remembrance the manifold gratuities, which he had received at his hand, but in especial not forgetting that benefit above all other, that only by his aid and succour, he had vanquished and overthrown his mortal enemy king Rycharde. Wherefore, at the beginning he could in no wise be induced nor persuaded to believe that he was such a privy conspiratoure or malicious offender, but when the crime was openly proved and probably affirmed, than the king caused him to be restrained from his liberty in his own chamber within the quadrate tower. And there appointed him by his privy counsel to be examined. In which examination he nothing denied, but wisely and seriously did astipulate and agreed to all things laid to his charge, if he were in any of them culpable or blame worthy.  
The report is, that this was his offence. When communication was had between him, and this sir Robert Clifforde, as concerning Perkyn which falsely usurped the name of king Edward's son, sir William Stanley said and affirmed there, that he would never fight nor bear armure against the young man, if he knew of a truth that he was the indubitate son of king Edward the four This point argueth and proveth him at that time, being moved with melancholy, to bear no great good will to king Henry, whereof suspicion first grew, and after this ensued the accusation of sir Robert Clyfforde.  
Then the king doubting what to do with him, did consult & breathe with himself of this sudden chance. For he feared least that his brother lord Thomas Stanley, in whom he had found great friendship, would take this mattre grievously. And if he should remit that fault, or abusing his lenyte and mercy, would be the more bolder to offend and treaspace more highly. Albeit at the last, severity took place, and mercy was put back, and so he was arraigned at Westmynster, and adjudged to die, and according to that judgement was brought to the tower hill the xvi day of February, and there had his head ●●rykē of. What was the occasion and cause why the sincere and faithful mind that sir William always before bore to king Henry, was turned into cancarde hatred and despite, and why the especial favour that the king bore toward him was transmuted into disdain and displeasure, dyversemen allege diverse causes, affirming that when king Henry (what other mutual benefits the one had received of the other, I will now pretermyt and overpass) in that battle, in the which he bereft king richard both of his life and his kingdom, being associate and accompanied but with a small numbered, and circumvented by king Richard's army, & in great jeopardy of his life, this sir William being, sent from the lord Standley his brother with a good company of strong and hardy men (which lord Stanley was near the field with a great army) came suddenly and fortunately to the succours of king Henry, and saved him from destruction, and overthrew king Richard as before you have heard. Surely this was a benefit above all benefits to be remembered, by the which king Henry was not only preserved alive, but also obtained the crown & kingdom, which great benefit, after the kingdom once obtained, he did neither forget nor yet left unrewarded. For the lord Thomas Stanley he invested with the sword of the county of Derby & beside other great gifts & offices given to William Stanley, he made him his chief chamberleyn. This sir William, although he were in great favour with the king, & had in great and high estimation, more remembering the benefit done to the king, than the rewards and gratuitees of his liberality received, thinking that the vessel of oil, (according to the Gospel) would overflow the brims, & as some say, desiring to be earl of Chestre & thereof denied, began to grudge & disdain the king his high friend: and one thing encouraged him much, which was the riches & treasure of king Richard, which he only possessed at the conflict of Boswoorth: By reason of which abundance of riches & great power of people, he set nought by the king his sovereign lord & Mastre. When the king perceived that his stomach began to canker & wax rusty, he was with him not a little displeased, and so when both their hearts were inflamed with melancholy, both lost the fruit of their long contmued amity & favour. And so it often chanceth, that when men do not consider nor yet regard the great benefits to them exhibited, they render again hatred for liberality, and for bread given, they yield again a scorpion. Now to return to the matter.  
At this time the king thought it best, ye & very necessary, not only to take heed about him, but also to use some sharp punishment and correction of the offences of his subjects, to th'intent that the late begun sedition might the sooner be repressed, & for this cause specially that some persons void of all honest fear & reverent dread, had taken such courage & audacity to them, that they feared not to speak evil of their king & sovereign lord, with most spiteful & contumelious words, as though they neither feared nor would obey him, or his precepts & commandments, expecting daily and hourly the arrival & landing of the feigned Richard duke of York, now lately risen from death to life. But when knowledge of the slanderous and opprobrious words were brought to the kings ears, he caused diverse persons to suffer condign punishment for their heinous offences, whereby their complices well perceiving that their entreprice had no prosperous success nor took any good effect, & especially such as temerariously began to make masteries and farther seeing what preparation was made and provided against their tumultuous commotion & frantic enterprise, they of their own swing pacefied themselves, and began to turn to their king and natural liege lord.   

The xi year.  
AFter the death of sir William Stanley, Gyles lord Dabeney, a man of Great fidelity and circumspection was elected and made the kings chief chamberlain. When the king had thus polletiquely wedded out the evil & corrupt hearts of his English subjects, and had pacified & brought all his realm to a monacorde and a quiet life. Then he perceived that it was necessary also to purge & cleanse his realm of Ireland to th'intent that the venomous seed sown & planted ii years passed amongst the wild & la●age Irish persons by Perkyn Warbeck might be clean cradicated & plucked up. Wherefore he sent sir Henry Deane late Abbot of Langtonye, a man of great wit and diligence (whom he made chancellor of the Is●e) and sir Edward Pownynges knight, with an army of men into Ireland, to search & purge all such towns & places where Perkyn was received, relieved or favoured. And if they espied any of his affinity or faction, than he would they should be punished with all extremity to the terrible example of all other that would incline too that unfortunate part. And first, after their arrival into Ireland, they called in the kings name the nobility of that country to a counsel, where they being assembled all together, the chancellor with a gentle exhortation required them first to persist in due obedience and fidelity towards their king, and to aid his captain sir Edward Pownynges with their might, power & strength against such rebels which either through blindness and folly, or else through desire and appetide to do evil, lusteyned and aided Perkyn with harness, men or money. Every man promised openly to help with all their power and might: But they promised not so quickly, but they performed it as slowly, for few or none either aided or assisted him, as who would say, that they loved the English nation more with their outward countenance, then in their inward hearts & minds. But when they heard that sir Edward Pownynges was come to persecute all such as were fautoures and friends to Perkyn Warbeck, there was no man, although he were but a little contamynate with that seditious infection, but he fled out of hand into woods and marises for the defence and safeguard of themselves, there consulting together, after the manner of their country, in what places they might best lie in wait to infest and skyrmyshe with the Englishmen, or else if need should so require to fight with them hand to hand.  
In Ireland there be two kind of men, one soft, gentle, civil & courteous: And to these people, as to the most richest and best nurtured persons doth many merchant men of the countries adjoining, daily resort, frequent, contract, bargain, and make merchandise. But because the most resort thither is of the English nation, the Irish men follow & countrefeate their civil manners & honest conditions. And by reason of the common trade and entrecourse between them, they have learned the English tongue, & can both speak & understand it. And all this kind of people is under the subjection & dominion of the king of England. The other kind is clean contrary from this, for they be wild, rustical, foolish, fierce, & for their unmannerly behaviour & rude fassions, are called wild● & savage Irishmen. And these men have many governors & sevetall rulers, which keep continual battle, and daily war amongst themselves. for the which cause they be more fierce, more bold & hardy than the other Irishmen, and they be very desirous of new things & strange sights and gasynges, & after robbery, theft & rapine, in nothing so much delighting as with tumultuous sedition & continual strife. And to these wild coaltes Perkyn showed himself first, easily persuading them to believe that he was the same very person whom he falsely feigned and countrefeated.  
Wherefore Sir Edward pownynges according to his commission, intending to punish such as have been aiders and advancers of Perkyns foolish enterprise, with his whole army, marched forward against this wild Irishmen, because that all other being culpable of that offence fled and resorted to them for succour and defence, to th'intent that they both together might be able to resist & defy their enemies. But when he saw that his purpose succeeded not as he wished it, both because the irish lords sent him no succour according to their promises, and also considering that his number was not sufficient to set on the wild people being dispersed amongst woods, mounteyns and marshes, was of necessity, compelled to recoil and return, fretting and vexed in his stomach, because he suspected the gerald earl of Kyldare being then the kings deputy, was the cause & occasion that he had no succours nor aid sent to him, and so he was informed of such as bore to the earl no good william. And therefore suddenly he caused the earl to be apprehended, and as a prisoner brought him in his company into England: Where, when he was examined and certain matters of treason laid to his charge, he avoided them all, and clearly (such was his wit and innocency) quit himself and laid the burden in other men's necks:  
Whom the king dismissed and sent him into Ireland again, there to be his deputy and Lieutenant as he was before. The king like a polletique prince had many great and weighty considerations which refrained him from using of any severity or extremity against this earl, contrary to the minds and wills of his malicious adversaries. One was the great authority and swing that he bore amongst the Irish nation: Also the condition and state of the time, wherein he favoured some sedition to be in brewing: And chiefly of all the assured hope and affiance that he conceived in him.  
So that now the king being out of all fear of battle, did take his progress into Lancasshire the xxv day of juyn, there to recreate his spirits and solace himself with his mother the Lady Margarete wife to the Earl of Derby, which then lay at lathome in that country. While these things were thus done in England, Perkyn warbeck then being in Flaunders, although he had taken great care and sorrow for that his crafty conveyance was espied and openly known, and also that king Henry had afflicted and punished diverse of his confederates and alyes, and thereby in despair of all the aid and secure that was to him promised and appointed: Yet he determined not to leave the hope and trust that he had conceived in his mad head to obtain the crown and realm of England, and so gathering a great army of valiant Capiteyns of all nations, some banqueroutes, some false english sanctuary men, some thieves, robbers and vagabonds, which leaving their bodily labour desiring only to live of robbery and rapine, came to be his servants and soldiers. And so being furnished with this rabblement of knaves, took such ships as his friends had provided for him, and departed out of Flaunders, intending to arrive in England wheresoever the wind brought him. And by chance of fortune he was driven upon the kentish coast, where because the see was calmed, he cast his anchors and there made his abode, and sent certain of his retinue to the land to signify to all the country that he was so furnished of all things meet and convenient for his entreprice, that there was no doubt but the victory would incline to his part. And by this means to make exploration and inquiry whether the Kentishmen would take his part and follow him as their captain, which before times was not timorous nor afraid of their own mind in troubleous seasons to move war against their princes. The Kentyshmen hearing that this feigned duke was come, and had heard that he was but a painted image, doubting a space what to do, whether to help him or to resist his power, at the last remembering what evil chances their forefathers had, and how small a profit such as have rebelled have gained, thought it neither expedient nor profitable for them to aid & assist him that came rather to spoil, destroy & waste the country, then to conquer it for their wealth & commodity. And this they firmly conjectured because he had none other with him but Alienes and strange people, which would take & account every church town, chapel, house & every private man as a pray and a lucre, and not as their native country. Wherefore they fearing the sequel, determined st●ll to abide true to their king and prince, & to fall upon such as were new come to land out of their ships. Andwhile they were assembling of themselves together, other should by fair promises & friendly words allure & call unto them the great number out of the ships, and so give them battle. And so using this guile and imposture, they promised all to follow him and to fight under his banner: Howbeit the prolonging of time drove Perkyn into a suspicion, which well remembered that a commonalty is not accustomed sagely to consult, but suddenly & temerariously to run headlong ever into rebellion & new flirred commotion. Wherefore Perkyn determined not once to set foot out of his ship till he saw all thing sure without any scruple or ambiguity. And although he minded not to take land himself, yet he permitted certain of his soldiers to go on land, which persons being a pretty way from their ships, were suddenly circumvented & compassed by the Kentyshmen, & at one stroke vanquished and driven back to their ships, & there were taken prisoners an hundred and lx persons, whereof .v. were named capticins Mountfonrde, Corbet, white belt, quyntine or otherwise Genyn. Which rebels were brought by sir John Pechy shreve of kent, to London railed in ropes like horses drawing in a cart. And after upon their arraynement, confessed their offence, and were executed, some at London, & other in the towns adjoining to the see coast. Wherefore Perkyn failing of his purpose fled back into Flaunders and there tarried, consulting with his friends until such time as he had better prepared for things to come more prudently than he had done before time.  
In this very season departed to God Cicile Duchess of York, mother to king Edward the forth and king Richard at her castle of Barkamstede, a woman of small stature, but of much honour and high parentage, and was buried by her husband in the college of Fodringey.  
The king being advertised that his enemies had made entrance into his realm, left of his progress & purposed to return to London again, but being certified the next day after of the lucky speed & fortunate chance continued and went forth of his progress, sending to them sir Richard Gylforde, both to praise the ●idelite & manhood of the people, and also to render to them his most hearty thanks for their good service to him done, with faithful promise not to forget them hereafter in their suits, requests & petitions. Also that they might not have any success hereafter into those parts, the king commanded the watches to be kept all along the see coasts, and bekons to be erected according to the ancient usage and custom of the country.  
Peter and his capiteins taking council together in Flaundres, were of one assent resolved to this point, that there was nothing more surer to them, then to proceed quickly with all celerite in their incepted entreprice. And when they perceived that there was neither people town nor country in England that would associate them in their fantastical frenzy which nothing was mitigated, lest that by protracting of time and long space king Henry might fortify & munite all dangerous places, and passages with soldiers & men of war, which thing they heard say that he neither forgot nor forslowed, & beside that he was not a little afeard that his long tarrying should appal & discomfort his privy friends within the realm of England. Wherefore he gathered together his ungracious company, & determined first to sail into Ireland, there to augment his number. And from thence if it were possible to sail into the west parts of England. And if there were any let or obstacle in that place, than he determined to sail straight into Scotland, knowing the seldom or never is perfect concord & amity between the Scots & the English nation. When this gentle council was dissolved, & wind and wether served, he set up his sails, & having a prosperous gale after his fantasy, sailed into Ireland, where he reposed himself a space. And remembering that the hope of victory consisted not whole in the irish nation, which being naked men without harness or armure were not able to combat with the Englishmen wherefore when the wind served him he departed from Corffe and arrived in Scotland, and coming to the kings presence, with great solemnity, framed his tale after the form and fashion following.  
I think it is not unknown to you, most noble king and puissant prince, into what ruin the stock, house and family of Edward the forth of that name king of England, is now of late brought to and fallen in, either by God's permission or by divine punishment, whose undubitate son (if you know not all ready) I am, & by the power of almighty God, preserved a●yue to this hour from the mighty hand of a tyrant. For my father king Edward when he died, appointed his brother Richard duke of Gloucester to be our governor, protector & defender, whom the more that he loved & studied to advance and promote, the better he thought that he would love, favour, and tender his children. But alas my infortunate chance I may say, how hath his trust be turned into treason? and his hope turned to hindreaunce? All men know and I feel. Our uncle was not the tutor and preserver of our stock and lineage, but the confounder and destroyer of our blood and progeny.  
For that tyrant blinded and glutted with the cupidity of ruling and sovereignty commanded Edward my brother and me to be slain and dispatched out of this mortal life. Whereupon that person, to whom the weighty and cruel charge was committed and given to oppress & destroy us poor innocent enfantes and gilteles babes, the more that he abhorred this heinous and bocherly offence the more he feared to commit it. And so wavering in mind & dubious what to do, at the length, willing in part to satiate the bloody thrust of the unnatural tyrant, and in part to abstain from so facinorous and detestable homicide, destroyed my brother and preserved me, like the good Priest josada which saved little joas when all the children of the blood, royal were commanded by Athalia the queen to be slain and utterly destroyed. And farther, to th'intent that my life might be in a surety, he appointed one to convey me into some strange country, where when I was furthest of and had most need of comfort he forsook me suddenly (I think he was so appointed to do) and left me desolate alone without friend or knowledge of any relief or refuge. And so king Richard did obtain the crown as a pray mischeveously gotten by the dispatching away of my brother and me. So that I thus escaping, by reason of my tender infancy, for gate almost myself and knew not well what I was, but after long wandering from country to country, and from city to city, I perceived and learned a little & little what was my ●state and degree, and so in conclusion came to mine own anute the lady Margaret lying in Flaundres, which was sometime married to Charles duke of Bourgoyne, which as joyfully received and welcomed me as if I had come out of hell into heaven, as the only type and garland of her noble stirpe and lineage, but forasmuch as she being only dowager of the duchy of Bourgoine, and having nothing but her dower proper unto herself, was not of power to help me with men & munimentes of war as she would gladly have done for the recovery of my father's realm & rightful inheritance, I therefore am driven to seek farther aid and succour. And therefore by her council and advertisement, with this small handful of men of war and soldiers, I am repaired to your presence for succours, of whom (as the public fame is spread over the whole world) there was never man by wrong or injury profligated or driven out of his country, region or inheritance, or by extort power and tyranny kept out of the same (as I myself from mine infancy have been) whose request was frustrate and repulsed at your hand. Therefore by the maieitie of your realm and country I desire, and heartily with prayer as I can, I beseech and exhort you to help and relieve me now in my extreme necessity. And if it chance me by your aid and secure to recover and possede my father's realm & dignity, not only I, but all the kings of our lineage which hereafter shall obtain the same, shallbe so much obliged and bound unto you, that they must needs think that doing to you all the pleasure and benefits that they can, yet with all the thanks that can be given, your great kindness can never be equivalently recompensed.  
When he had thus said, the king bade him be of good comfort, and promised him that whatsoever he were, it should never repent him of his coming to him. And after this the king assembled his council together, and demanded of every man severally, what they said, of these things which perkyn had both enucleated and required, or whether they would take any farther deliberation to advise theim selfes what to do in so great and weighty a matter. They that were of greatest experience and of the mysest sort did prove by many apparent arguments that his sayings were but dreams and fantesies and of no force or truth and therefore they thought it not convenient to encumber theim selfes with any lengre consultation. Another sort, which was not very great, neither of wit nor experience, but greater in number, esteemed this matter very profitable to the common wealth, considering it ministered to them occasion to make war in England. And although they had knowledge what good success Perkyn had enjoyed in all his former attempts, yet they esteemed that now all things should succeed according to their expectation, if his cause (although it were as light as a feather) were assumed and taken in hand to be defended, considering that when the war was once intimate and begun, and if perkyn did prevail, he would deny nothing convenient to his friends and helpers. Or else at the lest they doubted not but king Henry would make to them large and ample offers & conditions of peace, rather than king james should take part with his adversary and mortal enemy.  
When this council was given by the more number, it was well accepted, and the Skottishe king, whether he were blinded by error, or else did dissimule the matter, began to have Perkyn in great honour, and caused him openly to be called duke of York. Also, that this might be more apparent to the people that he was so in deed, he caused lady Katheryn daughter to Alexandre earl of Huntley, his nigh kinsman & of a high lineage in Scotland, to be espoused to him. And this affinity he caused to be made for this end & purpose, partly that he might extenuate the evil will & malice which was like to succeed of this matter, for that it might be notoriously blasted and known abroad that he had peace & amity with the king of England, & partly lest he might be accused of to much light credence it Perkin were found & proved to be another man than he was reported.  
When all things were prepared, ordered and apoyncted for the war. This Perkyn swelling with joy that he after his own fantasy had made the Scots to be his partakers. And to th'intent that they should put no diffidence in the sequel of his entreprice, & to encourage them the more he pronounced surely that he should have great succour & aid of his friends in England sent even from the farthest part thereof assoon as ever the trumpet of war was blown. The Scots although they had but little confidence & less trust in his words, yet putting their hope more in the gain of spoil then in the gaining of the victory by battle, armed theim selfes in all y● hast & marched toward the confines and borders of 〈◊〉. Albeit the Scottish king minding not to be to rash, mystru●●● that the Englishmen knowing Perkyn to be arrived in Scotland had 〈◊〉 some army for the defence of the frontiers, sent out certain light horsemen to espy & search if the husbandmen of the country were assembled 〈◊〉 armure to defend their enemies. The horsemen ranging over the fields & plains belonging to their enemies, seeing all things quiet, returned to their king and certified him that now was the time most apt & cō●●●●ent to invade the realm & set on the English nation. Then the Scott●●● king marching toward England with all his puissance, first proclaimed openly that all such should only be pardoned that would take part and submit theim selfes to Richard duke of York, and fight in his cause and quarrel. And to th'intent to appal and danute the hearts of the poor commons, so that for very fear they should be enforced and 〈◊〉 to submit theim selfes to this new found mammet, they 〈◊〉 so ●●uell and deadly war, that not like men, whose nature is to 〈◊〉 with the slaughter of men, and to be merciful to the impotent and sick persons, brent towns, spoiled houses and killed men and children, and allected with the sweetness of spoil & prays, wasted all the country of Northumberland, and had go forth farther, but that they perceived no aid or succour to come out of England to attend upon this new duke. And the soldiers being fully laden with blood and spoil, refused to go one foot farther at that time, & the country roase on every part, which made the king suspect some army to approach. Wherefore he determined rather to return with his assured gain, then to tarry the nuncupative dukes unsure and uncertain victory, and so he rec●led again into Scotland.  
It is a world to remember in this place of a certain kind of ridiculous mercy and foolish compassion, by the which Perkyn was so sore moved that it seemed him to regard nothing more than the commodity of another man. For wile the Scottish king thus vexed & harried the poor inhabitants on the borders of Northumberland, so that nothing was heard but toring, weeping and lamenting. This new muented duke being returned into Scotland, even like himself, which wrought all thing with fraud and deceit, perceiving that no concourse nor resort of Englishmen showed theim selfes in open appearance to minister to him aid or succour, and fearing not a little that the box of his crafty dealing, & bag of his secret countrefeating should be elucydate & set in an open glass by reason whereof he should be floccipended and had in contempt & disdeyg●●e of the Scottish people, as though he had been thereunto provoked by a natural inclination and paternal pity (to th'intent to hide and palliate his subtle subornation) cried out openly, O, my stony & heard frozen heart which art not once moved nor yet afflicted with the loss and slaughter of so many of thine own natural subjects & vassals. And at that glorious sighing, he beseeched the Scottish king that from thence forth he would not afflict and p●age his people, nor deform and deface his natural realm and country with such terrible fire, flame and havoc. As who would say, that he being overcome with the perfect love of his native region, began now to have compassion and to lament the cruel destruction of the same. The Scottish king which began to perceive which way the wind blewe answer him again, Sir me thinketh you take much pain, and very much imagen how to preserve the realm of another prince which is not yours (but I think you would gladly have it) but my mind giveth me that you be as far from the obteygning the same, as you be near the soil and aspect of the country considering that you call England your land and realm, and thinhabitants thereof your people and subjects, and yet not one man, neither gentle man nor yeoman will once show himself to aid or assist you in the war begun for your cause & in your name within your realm to the which you be both (as you say) inheritor, and by your people accereited and vocated unto. And so the king reproved the lightness of this young fond foundeling, and every day more and more neglected and less phantesied and gave credit to him, nothing well and wisely that neither his words, with his deeds, not the sequel of facts with his promises were neither agreeable nor consonant.  
The nobles inhabiting in the north parts hearing the clamour of the comen people, and perceiving that they fled to avoid the cruelty of the Scots, were suddenly abashed and fortified their holds and manned their fortresses ready to defend their enemies, laying embushementes in the ways, where they imagened that there enemies would resort. And without delay certified the king of the Scots invasion & entreprice. The king was not a little abashed at this sudden chance, & pricked also with his awn domestical business, not alonely fearing his outward enemies but also his own nobles & natural subjects lest any of them would step from him to the other part, and put him to farther trouble & vexation. Wherefore, assoon as he heard these news, considering the matter to be 〈◊〉 no small importance and meet to be vigilantly foreseen, with all diligence prepared opportune remedies to resist and withstand the first brunt of so great a sourge newly begun. But the sudden retreyte of the Scots again assuaged all the English men's swift accelerations and speedy provisions: For when they were once laden with prays and spoils, they returned home again or thenglishmen could assemble together.   

¶ The xii year.  
WHen the king was truly certified that the Scotishe king was returned, he giving praise to his captains and other inhabiting on the bordures of his realm, which had duly and truly served him at that time, did desist and leave of for to occur and repugn the malicious invasions of the Scottish king. And yet fearing lest his enemies should be encouraged and indated with this great gain of spoils and prays, he determined by ●ent of sword and mortal war to revenge and reform the manifest injury and apparent wrong to him by king james and his people done and committed. Wherefore he assembling his court of parliament, declared the cause of the instant war, and what remedy he himself had invented and devised, persuading with many strong arguments and reasons invincible, that it should be for the profit and utility of the public and common wealth to prosecute and follow the war by his mortal enemies begun and attempted. To this opinion all his nobility (which were no less offended with this proud brag of the Scottish nation than he himself) did willingly agreed & gladly assent. And to the maintenance of the war and toward the charges of the same, a certain subsidy and tax of money was with one assent by the whole parliament liberally & freely given & granted: Which payment although it was but easy and small, yet many of the common people which ever abhor such taxes and exactions, grudged sore to pay thes●me.  
At this parliament also and convocation, there was certain laws, a●ts and statutes confirmed & made, as were thought most necessary and expedient for the public weal of the realm. And thus the king dissolving his court of parliament, prepared for war out of hand. In this mean season the king of Scots not sleeping his matters because he perceived well that the Englishmen would shortly revenge their loss and harm, with no less diligence gathered an host & puissant army, that either he might withstand and resist the English power invading his realm & country, or else of fresh entre upon the bordres: and going forth, spoil, rob and make havoc again. And so these two valiant princes minded nothing less the one to hurt and prejudice the other, But the king of England sore pricked and wounded with the injury to him committed, was so sore moved against the scottish king, that he would not procrastinate nor defer one hour till he were revenged. And so prepared a puissant and vigorious army to invade Scotland, and thereof ordained for chevetayne Gyles lord Dawbeney his chief chamberlain, a man of no less wit than policy & of no less policy than hardiness.  
When the lord Dawbeney had his army assembled together and was in his journey forward into Scotland, he suddenly was stayed and revoked again, by reason of a new sedition and tumult begun within the realm of England for the subsidy which was granted at the last parliament for the defence of the Scots with all diligence and celeritee, which of the most part was truly satisfied and paid. But the cornish men inhabiting the lest part of the realm, and the same sterile and without all fecunditee, complained and grudged greatly affirming that they were not able to pay such a great some as was of them demanded. And so, what with anger, and what with sorrow, forgetting their due obeisance, began temerariously to speak of the king himself. And after leaving the matter, lamenting, yelling & crying maliciously, said, that the kings counsel was the cause of this polling and shaving. And so being in this rage menaced to death the aucthoures (as they imagened) of this mischief and sorrow, whom they threatened shortly to dispatch out of this world. And so being in aroare ii of the same affinity, the one called Thomas Flamocke gentleman, learned in the laws of the realm, and the other Mighell joseph a smith, men of high courages & stout stomachs, took upon them to be captains of this ungracious flock and seditious company. And although they perceived their company to be accensed & inflamed with fury & malice enough, yet to augment & increase their madness, they cast oil & pitch into a fire & ceased not to provoke & prick them forward like frantic persons to more mischief crying out openly & pronouncing that it was shame (for a small commotion made of the Scots, which was assuaged & ended in a moment (for they thought poor foolish and ignorant fools, the all things was ended and assuaged when it was even at the hottest & most fervent) they should be exacted and polled, and such great exactions laid upon their necks, and especially on the Cornyshmen, which they affirmed to be but poor men, and being in a sterile & unfruitful country gate their living hardly by mining and digging tin and metal out of the ground both day and night labouring and turmoiling. And therefore they had rather die and suffer extreme punishment, then live in such calamity and wretchedness. And they laid the fault and cause of this exaction to John Morton archbishop of Cauntourbury, and Sir Reignold Breye, because they were chief of the kings privy, counsel. Such rewards have they that be in great authority with kings & princes. For if any thing succeed well according to the mind & pleasure of the communalty that is ever referred & gratified to the king or governor. But contrariwise, if any thing be done, either by chaune or by council that soundeth not well in their ears, or is contrary to their opinion or fantasy, they will say it straight to the council saying that they have persuaded him to do this & that. Therefore if all men would well remember and diligently pondre in their minds what is the reward and guerdon, few would labour & affectcously desire to mount so high, or aspire to that place of dignity. But now to the mattre.  
These capiteynes exhorted the common people to put on harness, & not to be afeard to follow them in this quarrel, promising them that they should do no damage to any creature, but only to see punishment and correction done to such persons which were the authors & causers that the people were molested and vexed with such unreasonable exactions and demands. And if they perceived any person (as they espied many in deed) which did impugn and reprove their mad, unreasonable and seditious council, affirming that it was the highest point of madness for a man to put his life in hazard for that thing, which he aught meekly and humbly to require and desire of his prince and sovereign lord, than they called them dastards fools, & cowards, & taunted & rebuked them with most shameful reproaches & contumelious inu●ccions. So these unhappy capiteynes nothing more desired then to bring their flock & themselves to small perdition & utter confusion. With these brags & motions a great part of the people were elevate and encouraged and condescended to do as the capiteynes & the most multitude would agreed and appoint. Then the capiteynes preysinge much the hardiness of the people, when all things were prepared meet for their unfortunate journey, set forward with their army, & came to Tawnton, where they show the provost of peryn which was one of the commissioners of the subsidy, & from thence came to wells, & so intending to go to London where the king then so iourn.  
When the king was advertised by his collectors, and officers of all these doings, and attempts, he was marvelously astoned, & especially because at that one time he was enuyrored with double war, both extern and intestyne. And because peril did depend on both, he was in great doubt which of both he should most regard. And as he was musing of this mattre, he was ascertained that ●ames Twichet lord Awdeley and diverse other of the nobility were associate with the Cornishemens, and were in great haste and no good speed marching toward London. The king pe●ceauyng the civil war to approach & draw nearer & nearer, almost to his very gates, determined with all his whole power to resist and repress the same. And after that tumult appeased & suppeditate he would with all expedition set upon Scotland. Wherefore he revoked again the lord Dawbeney which as you have heard was with a puissant army going into Scotland, whose army he increased and multiplied with many picked and fresh warryers', that he might the better, and with less labour overcome these rebels. Also mistrusting that the Scots might now (having good opportunity saying him troubled with this civil discord) invade the realm again, and so spoil, rob, violate and destroy the borderers, he appointed the lord Thomas hayward Earl of Surrey, a puissant and polletyke capyteyne (which was taken prisoner at the overthrow of king Rycharde as you have heard, and after set at liberty, and within two years next after was made high treasurer of England after the death of John Lord Dynham) to gather abonde of men in the county palantine of Durham, and they with the aid and help of the inhabitants adjoining and the borderers, to drive out and expel the Scots from of the borders if they should fortune again to invade, until such time that the Cornyshemen being subdued and pacified (which he thought easy to be done) he might send to them the foresaid lord Dawbeney again with all his power & army. When the nobles of the realm heard of this tumultuous business & terrible commotion, they came to London every man with as many men of war as they could put in aredines to aid the king if need should be: In the which company, there was the earl of Essex, the lord Mongey with diverse other.  
At this time and season, Charles the French king returning from the wars that he had at Napels, sent ambassadors to inform the king of the prosperous success and victory that he had obtained in italy, and gave to them in charge to desire of the king of England nothing so much as the continuance of his amity and favour toward their master and sovereign lord. For the French king sore desired to continue in perfect peace & amity with the king of England. And not without a cause, for he had so vexed and cumbered himself and his people with such Italian snares & crafty engines, out of the which at this day being the year of your lord a thousand .v. C.xliiii. his successors cannot clean be rid, and delivered.  
When the king was informed that king Charles orators were come to Calys, he sent certain of his nobility, honourably to receive them, & so to convey them to Dover, & there for a polleey to make their abode till the rebellion were extinct and suppressed, and not one word thereof to be sounded in the ears of the Ambassadors: Which commandment was circumspectly kept and observed.  
And now the Cornyshmen departing from Welles (where they received their chief capiteyne, james lord Audeleigh) went to Salisbury, & from thence to Winchester, and so to kent, where they looked for help, but they were deceived in their expectation. For the earl of Kent, George lord of Burgemy, John brook lord Cobham, Sir Edward pownynges, Sir Richard Guldeforde, Sir Thomas Burchier, John Peche, William Scott & a great number of people were not only priest and ready to defend the country from all mischief and destruction, but also bend and determined to fight and combat with such as would not be obedient to their natural sovereign lord, and to his laws and precepts. Also the kentish men themselves, partly remembering that other commotions have been to their damage and great hindreaunce, and partly being under the defence of their nobility, as under the Earl and other, would not so much as come near to the rebels, nor yet either make countenance or once speak to any of them, to th'intent that the king should in no wise conceive any point of untruth or treason in the poorest of them. Which thing so appalled and dismayed the hearts and courages of many of the brute and rural Cornyshmen (which saying themselves deceived and defrauded of their chief hope and succours, and fearing the evil chance that might happen to them) that they to save theim selfes fled privily in the night from their own company and compaignions'. The captains of the rebels perceiving they could have no aid of the Kentysh people, putting their only hope to their own power and fortitude (for surely they were men of great strength, & of no less force then valiant courage) brought them to Black haveth four miles from London, and there in a plain upon the top of an hill they ordered their battles, either ready to fight with the king if he would assail them, or else to assault and beat the city of London: For they thought verily that the king was so afraid of their puissance, that he minded nothing less than to encounter with their army. And therefore being inflamed with arrogancy, nothing mistrusting, but firmly believing that the victory was sure in their hands, they determined to enter into the city of London and to assault the tower, wherein the king (as they thought) had privily enclosed himself. But king Henry wrought clean contrary to their mind and expectation, for he never thought to give them battle till he had them far from their domestical habitations and native region, so that they should be out of all hope of aid and comfort.  
And when they were with their long and tedious journey wearied and tired, and that their fury were somewhat assuaged and fell to repentance of their mad commotion and frantic progression, 
●lack heath 〈◊〉.  than he would in some place convenient for his purpose, cirumvent & environ them to his advantage and their destruction as he did in deed afterward. In the mean season there was great fear through the city & cries were made, every man to harness, to harness, some ran to the gates, other mounted on the walls, so that no part was undefended, and continual watch was kept by the magistrates of the city lest the rebels being poor and needy would dissende from their camp and invade the city and spoil, and rob the riches and substance of the merchants. But the king delivered and purged their hearts out of this fear, for after that he perceived that the Cornyshmen were all the day ready to fight and 〈◊〉 upon the hill, he sent straight John Earl of Oxford, Henry Bur●●●●● Earl of Essex. Edmond de la Poole earl of Suffolk, and sir Ryes app Thomas, and Sir Homfrey Stanley noble warryers' with a great company of archers and horsemen to environ the hill on the right side & on the left, to th'intent the all hywayes being stopped & forclosed, all hope of flight should be taken from them: And incontinent, he being as well encouraged with manly stomach & desire to fight as furnished with a populous army & copy of artillery, set forward out of the city & encamped himself in saint George's field, where he the friday at night then lodged.  
On the saturday in the morning, he sent the Lord Dawbeney with a great company to set on them early in the morning, which first gate the bridge at Detforde Strande which was manfully defended by certain archers of the rebels, whose arrows as is reported were in length a full yard. While the earls set on them on every side, the lord Dawbeney came into the field with his company, & without long fighting the Cornyshmen were overcome, but first they took the lord Dawbeney prisoner, & whether it were for fear or for hope of favour, they let him go at libre●y without any hurt or detriment. There were slain of the rebels whicht fought & resisted ii thousand men & more & taken prisoners an infinite number, & amongst them the black smith & chief capiteins which shortly after were put to death. This Mighell joseph, surnamed the black smith one of the capiteins of this dung hill & draff sacked ruffians, was of such stout stomach & haute courage, that at the same time that he was drawn on the herdle toward his death, he said (as men do report) that for this mischievous and facinorous act, he should have a name perpetual and a fame permanent and immortal. So (you may perceive) that desire and ambitious cupidite of vain glory and fame, inflameth, and encourageth aswell poor and mean persons, as the hearts of great lords and puissant princes to travail & aspire to the same. Some affirm that the king appointed to fight with the rebels on the Monday, and anticipating the time by policy set on them upon the Saturday before, being unprovided and in no array of battle, and so by that policy obtained the field and victory.  
When this battle was ended, the king wanted but iii C. of all his company that were slain at that present conflict. Also the capiteynes apprehended & taken he pardoned, saving the chief capiteynes & first authors of that mischief, to whom he would neither show mercy nor levity. For he caused the lord Audeleigh to be drawn from Newgate to the Tower hill in a cote of his own arms painted upon paper, reversed and all to torn, & there to be beheaded the xxviii day of juyn. And Thomas Flamock and Myghell joseph he commanded after the fashion of treytours to be drawn, hanged and quartered, & their quarters to be pitched on stakes & set up in diverse places of cornwall, that their sore punishments and terrible executions for their treytorous attempts and foolish hardy entreprices, might be a warning for other hereafter to abstain from committing like crime & offence. But because he was certified that their country men being at home in cornwall were by this scourge little mollefied or quieted, & were ready to move again and begin new commotions and conspiracies, if any ungracious or evil minded person would either move or prick them forward, he turned his purpose and caused them to be set up in London and other places, lest that by such means he should wrap himself in more trouble at that time when he went about with all his wit and council to repress and assuage all domestical and civil sedition, to th'intent that he might the more seriously and intentifely set forward a puissant army against the bragging and unfeithful Scots, being content at that tune, that fortune had so smiled on his side.   

¶ The xiii year.  
WHile this business was thus handled in England, the king of Scots being certified of it by his espials, and that there was none army raised in England either to withstand his power or destroy his country, and hearing also that king Henry and his nobles were vexed and sore troubled with the commotion of the Cornyshemen, and in a civil discord and d●ssencion amongst theim selfes: Wherefore he thought 〈◊〉 necessary to anticipate the war before hand. For well he knew that assoon as king Henry had subdued and overturned his adversaries, that he would with his whole puissance invade his realm and dominions: And therefore he invaded the frontiers of the realm of England wasting the country, burning the towns and murdering the people, sparing neither place nor person. And while his light horsemen were riding to forage and destroy the bishopric of Dutham and there burned all about, he with another company went about to expugn and assault the castle of Norham standing on the river of Twede, which divideth England and Scotland. The bishop of Durham which at that time was Richard Fox, had well furnished it both with men and munitions, vigilantly foreseeing and imagining that the Scottish king (assoon as he knew that there was civil discord and unnatural war moved within the realm of England,) would with all his power invade and harrythe borders and countries adjoining to his land, This Richard Fox was before called bishop of Excetter, and for his singular virtues and great gravity was after that made bishop of Bath and Welles, and last of all promoted and exalted to the bishopric of Durham.  
The bishop from time to time advertised the king of all things that there chanced (which then was at London) and sent in all pos● hast to the Earl of Surrey to come to rescue, which was then in Yorkshire and had collected a great army and a warlike company. When the earl heard of these news he perceiving that all things were not void of reopardy, made no long ta●iyng but with all diligence marched forward and after him followed other noble men out of all quarters of the north, every one bringing as many as they could gather for the defence of their natural country and region. Amongst whom the chief rulers and leaders were these whose names ensue▪ 

Ralph earl of Westmoreland.  
Thomas lord Dacres.  
Ralph lord Nevell.  
George lord Strange.  
Richard lord Latyner.  
George lord Lumley.  
John lord Scrope.  
Henry lord Clifford.  
George lord Ogle.  
William lord Conyers.  
Thomas lord Darcy.   

Of knights.  
Thomas Baron of Hylton.  
Sir William Percy.  
Sir William Boulmer.  
Sir William Gascoigne.  
Sir Ralph Bygod.  
Sir Ralph Bowes.  
Sir Thomas a Parr.  
Sir Ralph Elerker.  
Sir John Constable.  
Sir John Ratclyffe.  
Sir John Savell.  
Sir Thomas Strangueys.   with many other well proved and warlike men, which although in degree they were not peregall with these great lords and knights, yet in manhood and pollecyes of war and valiant courage, they were to them in all feats equivalent. The number was little less than twenty thousand men, beside the navy, whereof the lord Brooke was admiral.  
When the Scots had diverse days assaulted and beaten the Castle of Norham, to the no little detriment and damage thereof, and could make no batrye to enter into the same, they determined of their own mind to raise their siege and return, and that so much the sooner because they heard say that the Earl of Surrey was within ii days journey of them with a great puissance. Wherefore king jamy thought it to small purpose to tarry any longer in besieging the castle, rcysed his siege and returned into his own realm: When the Earl knew of the kings return, he followed after with all hast possible, trusting surely to overtake him and to give him battle.  
When the earl was entered Scotland, he prostrated and defaced the castle of Cawdrestenes. The tower of Hetenhall, The tower of Edington, The tower of Fulden: and he sent Norrey king at arms to the capiteine of Hayton Castle, which was one of the strongest places between Berwyke and Edynborough, to deliver him the castle, which he denied to do, affirming that he was sure of speedy succours and swift aid. The earl perceiving the denial, laid his ordinance to the castle, and continually bet it from two of the clock till .v. at night, in such wise that they within rendered up, the fortress, their lives only saved. And when the earl had received the Scots, he with his miners razed and overthrew the castle to the plain ground. The Scottish king was within a mile of the siege, and both knew it and saw the smoke and yet would not once set a foot forward to save or rescue his castle. And while the Earl lay at Hayton, the king of Scots sent to him Marchemount & another herald, desiring him at his election either to fight with whole puissance against puissance, or else they ii to fight person to person and hand to hand, requiring that if the victory should fall to the Scottish king, that then the earl should deliver for his ransom the town of Berwyke, with the Fyshegarthes' of the same. The earl joyously, like a courageous capiteyne received this message and made answer, that he was ready in the plain field to abide the battle with his whole army, praying him to come forward with his puissance, and after that he thanked him heartily of the honour that he offered him, for surely he thought himself much honoured that so noble a prince would vouchefave to admit so poor an earl to fight with him body to body, asserteining him ferther, that the town of Berwyke was the king his masters & not his the which he neither aught nor would say to pledge nor gagewithout the king's assent, but he would put his body in pledge which was more precious to him then all the towns of the world, promising on his honour that if he took the king prisoner in the singular combat, that he would release to him all his part of his fine and ransom, and if it chanced the king to vanquish & apprehend him, he would pay gladly such a ransom as was meet & convenient for the degree of an earl. And when he had rewarded & dismissed the heralds, he set his army in a readiness abiding the coming of the king of Scots and so stood all day. But the scottish king not regarding his offres, nor performing his great cracks & boasts, being afraid to cope with the English nation, shamefully & suddenly fled in the night season with all his power & company. When the earl knew that the king was recoiled, & had been in Scotland vi or vii days being daily and nightly vexed with continual wind & unmeasurable teyne, could not 'cause his people to continue in that tempestuous unfertile & barren region, with good advise retreated again with his whole army to the town of Berwyke, & there dispersed his army every man into his country, tarrying there himself till he knew the pleasure of the king in furthering or protracting the wars of Scotland: But in the mean season one Peter Hyalas, a man of no less learning then prudent wit and pregnant policy, was sent Ambassador from Ferdinand king of Speyne unto the king of Scots to move & entreat a peace and an unity to be had between him & the king of England. For of king Ferdinand and Elyzabeth his wife (to which women none other was comparable in her time) there was nothing more desired nor wished then by the conjunction of marriage between Arthure prince of Wales heir apparent to king Henry, & lady Katheryn the daughter of king Ferdynand and queen Elizabeth a new affinity & alliance might be knit and begun between the realm of England and country of Speine. And also he favoured somewhat the king of Scots, for which cause he offered himself as a mean and mediator of a peace between both the princes, their territoires and dominions.  
This Peter Hyalas solicited and moved by all honest means & devyces king james to assent to a unity & concord, and when with long soliciting he conceived some good hope to grow in his weighty business, he wrote unto the king of England, that it would please him to sand one of his nobility or council to be associate with him in concluding with the scottish king. The king of England which ever (so it were not to his dishonour, hurt or detriment) was not only a lover of peace, but also a nourisher and a furtherer of amity and quietness, & specially at this time when he was vexed with the civil sedition of his own propre sheep and flock, committed the charge of this weighty matter to Richard Fox Bishop of Durham, which lay on Th'english borders in his castle of Norham. The bishop according to the kings appointment went honourably into Scotland, where he and Peter Hyalas at the town of jedwoorth reasoned with the Scottish commissioners as concerning this peace to be had. Six hundred conditions were purposed on the one part and the other, but after long protracting of time & much debating and arguing, not one was accepted nor allowed, And one thing above all other dashed the whole treaty: For king Henry instantly required to have Perkyn Warbeck the fountain and chief cause of all this tumult and unquietness the perturber of him and his whole realm: But the king of Scots firmly denied to consent to any article that might sound to his reproach or dishonour. And also he now began to smell and savour the juggling & false countrefeating of his new gest Perkyn Warbeck. Yet because that Perkyn was allied to him by the holy sacrament of matrimony, he thought it both unhonest, unreasonable & unnatural to betrey his ally & deliver him to death & confusion. Wherefore when they had reasoned the matter & diverse other urgent & weighty causes by diverse days of meeting, & that for the contrariety of opinions, no farm peace could be concluded. In stead of peace, a truce was concluded for certain years upon condition that james king of Scots should convey Perkyn Warbeck out of his realm, signiories and dominions.  
While these things were reasoned & at the last concluded in the confines of England & Scotland, king Henry caused the ambassadors of the French king, to be brought to his presence, & he them received with all benignity which as ●t is showed before were stopped at Dover of their journey until such time that the insurrection of the Cornish men were suppressed and extinguished. And with like entreteinement he embraced at the very season the lord of Camphire and other Orators of Philip archduke of Ostrich & duke of Burgoyne, coming to him for the conclusion & continuance of an amity & to have the English merchants to resort to their country again, which from thence before were prohibited & forbidden. Which request being very agreeable to the quietness & tranquilitee of his realm, & especially at the time, he did favourably grant & benignly assent unto. And so being confederate & allied by treaty & league with all his neighbour's marching on every side of his realms & regions, he gratefied with 〈◊〉 most hearty thanks king Ferdinand & the queen his wife, for that they were the mediators, organs & instruments by the which the truce was concluded between the Scottish king and him, and rewarded Peter the ambassador most liberally and bountefully.  
So the Englishmen resorted again into the Archedukes' dominions and were received into Andwarp with general procession, 
The English merchants 〈◊〉 into Andw●rp with general pro●●ssion.  so glad was the town of thei● returning, which was by their absence sore hindered and impoverished at the time that this unity and concord was made, which was the year of our lord a thousand four C. lxxxxviii. & the xiii year of king Henry's reign.  
james the king of Scots saying that he now perc●aued how he was by Perkyn manifestly deluded, according as he had faithfully promised, so he now duly performed it. For he calling to his presence theforsayde Perkyn Warbeck, declaring to him what benefits & commodities he had received of his princely liberality & gentleness, gently requiring him to depart out of the realm into some other country where he might make his abode more surely and more quietly, until such time as fortune would provide a more prosperous wind to set forward the sails of his purpose & desire, declaring unto him that he compelled in manner by necessity had concluded a league & concord with the king of England, & by the treaty, the refuge that he should have had of him and his country was not only to him prohibited and forbidden, but also it was agreed & condescended that neither the king of Scots, nor any by his procurement or in his name should make war on the king of England, which war he gladly took in hand for Perkins sake, having sure confidence & perfect trust to have been aided and assisted with Perkyns friends in England. But when he perceived that all was in vain & that all his words were but wind, he exhorted him not to be displeased to depart, lest his carrying might be to him a detriment and a breaking of the treaty between him & king Henry lately concluded, wherefore with many fair words he desired him to depart. This Perkyn knowing the kings pleasure was very sore amazed, seeing there was no help to be looked for hereafter in Scotland. Albeit remembering the great benefits which he had received heretofore of the scottish king, which he thought himself never able to requite and deserve, that he might not seem to him ingrate or not willing to follow his desire, he was content at his intercession to depart. And shortly after sailed into Ireland with his wife & family, there determining with himself either to sail into Flaunders to the duchess of Burgoyne, or to join and take part with the Cornyshmen. But how so ever it was, while he lay in Ireland doubting what to do, he had intelligence by certain messengers that the Cornyshmen for all their discomfiture and plague not to be appeased, but sore to grudge and murmur against king Henry, and that they were prove and ready to renew the war again the king and the prince: Where he not intending to forsake so fair an occasion so manifestly offered, he having with him four small ships & not above vi score men, sailed into cornwall and there landed in the month of September and came to a town called Bodman, and there did so solicit, provoke and stir the mutable & wa●eryng people, what with fair words and large promises that he gathered to him above three thousand persons which immediately called him their capiteyne, and said that they would take his part and follow him to the death, and in all things obey his precepts and commandments.  
Then Perkyn was well encouraged and made proclamations in the name of king Richard the four as son to king Edward that last died. And by the advise of his iii counsellors. John Heron mercer a bankrupt, Richard Scelton a tailor and John Asteley a Skrevener, men of more dishonesty then of honest estimation, determined first of all to assault and beat all walled and strong towns and fortresses, and them to receive into his possession and seignyorie for his farther securitee and defence: And that entreprice achieved, than he would augment his host and march forward against all persons that durst once offer theim selfes to withstand him.  
When he and his imprudent counsel were fully resolved on this point and conclusion, they in good order went straight to Excetrer, which was the next city that he could approach to, and besieged it, and because he lacked ordinance to make a battrye to raze & deface the walls he studied all the ways possible how to break and infringe the gates, and what with casting of stones, heaving with iron bars & kyndeling of fire under the gates, he omitted nothing that could be devised for the furtherance of his ungracious purpose. The citizens perceiving their town to be ●nuyronned with enemies and like to be inflamed, began at the first to be sore abashed, and let certain messengers by cords down over the wall which should certify the king of all their necessity & trouble. But after that, taking to them lusty hearts and manly courages they determined to repulse fire by fire, & caused faggots to be brought to the inward part of the ports and posterns and set them all on fire, to th'intent that the fire being inflamed on both the sides of the gates, might aswell exclude their enemies from entering, as include the citizens from ronning or flying out, and that they in the mean season might make trenches and rampayres to defend their enemies in stead of gates and bulwarks Thus all the doings and attempts of the rebellious people had evil success in their first entreprice: And thus by fire the city was preserved from flame and burning. Then Perkyn being of very necessity compelled to leave the gates, assaulted the town in diverse weak and unfortefied places, and set up laders, attempting to climb over the walls and to take the city, thinking surely to compel the citizens either by fear or lack of succour to render theim selfes and yield the town. But the citizens nothing so minded, so courageously like valaunt champions defended the walls, that they slew above ii C. of his seditious soldiers at this assault.  
Assoon as the messengers of Excetter came to the kings presence and showed their instructions, he hasted with his host toward Excetter with as much haste as the gravity of the cause did require & expostulate. And sent the lord Daw●eney with light horsemen before to certify all men of his coming at hand▪ But in the mean season lord Edward Corteney ●rle of deuou●hire & lord William his son, a man of great force & valiantness, accompanied with Sir Edmond Carewe, sir Thomas Trenchard, sir William Courteney, sir Thomas Fulforde, sir John Halewel, sir John Croker, Water Courteney, Peter Egecombe, William Sentuaure, with all speed came into the city of Excetter and holp the citizens, and at the last assault the Earl was hurt in the arm with an arrow, and so were many of his company, but very few slain.  
When Perkyn with his lewd capiteyns saw that the city of Excetter was so well fortified both with men and munitions, and of them in manner impregnable, fearing the sequel of this matter, departed from Excetter with his lousy army to the next great town called Tawnton, and there the twenty day of September he mustered his men as though he were ready to fight, but his number was sore minished. For when the ●ore and needy people saw the great defence which was made at Excetter, & that no men of honour nor yet of honesty drew to him, contrary to the promise and assurance made by him and his councelers to them at the beginning, they with drew theim selfes by sundry secret compaignyes from him, in providing their own safeguard. Which thing when Perkyn perceived, he put small trust and less confidence in the remnant of his army, as afterward did appear, because the most part of his soldiers were harnessed on the right arm and naked all the body, and never exercised in war nor martial feats but only with the spade and shovel.  
When the king heard he was go to Tawnton, he hastened after him with all speed. Thither came to the king Edward duke of Buckyngham, a young prince of a great courage and of a singular good wit, and him followed a great company of noble men, knights & esquires, prepared and ready with all things necessary for the field and battle. Amongst which number was sir Alexander Baynam, Sir Mawrice Berkeley, Sir Robert Tame, Sir John Guise, Sir Robert Poyntz, sir Henry Uernon, Sir John Mortimer, Sir Thomas Tremayle, Sir Edward Sutton, Sir Amise Pawlett, Sir John Byckenel, Sir John Sapcotes, Sir Hugh Lutterell, Sir Frances Cheyney and many other knights, esquires and valiant personages. When the king approached near to the town of Tawnton, whether the would not de●erre and put of the battle, or whether he doubting the turn of fortunes wheel, sent before him Robert lord Brooke lord steward of his house, Gyles lord Dawbeney his chief chamberlain, and Sir Rice app Thomas, to set on his enemies and begin the battle, & he with his power followed, to th'intent that when the armies cooped & joined together, he either should with new succours refresh his own army or else set on the back of his enemies or they could espy him. Albey● the king had no great need to use such policy if he had known what sequel had ensued. For assoon as Perkyn was informed that his enemies were ready to give him battle, he that nothing less minded then to fight in open field with the kings puissance, dissimuled all the day time with his company▪ as though nothing could make him afeard, & about midnight being accompanied with lx horsemen departed from Tawnton in post to a sanctuary town beside Southampton called Beaud●ley, & there he & John Heron & other registered theim selfes as persons privileged. But whether Perkyn did this for fear, lest his men should forsake him, or for the cowardness of his own timorous courage, it is as much uncertain, as it is probable & sure that the king took by his flight great commodity & quietness, by reason that he was not enforced to fight with the Cornysh men, whose hartiss and courages were so increased & inflamed by deadly desperation that they earnestly determined & were steadfastly bend either to win victory & overcome their enemies or ●lles not one of them all to live any day or hour longer  
When king Henry knew that Perkyn was fled & departed he sent after him the lord Dawbeney with .v. C. horsemen toward the see side to intercept him before he should come there. But Perkin whom the matter touched at the quick, made such haste with the swiftness of his horse & sharpness of his spurs that he was so far passed on his way before, that no person could tell tidings of him, before he registered and disclosed himself in the sanctuary. But his chief Capiteines which fled, could not so craftily escape, for the most part of them were apprehended, & as capitues and wretches, miserably presented to the king. When the residue of the common people could neither see Perkyn nor yet the standards nor guyd●homes of their capiteynes, not knowing where he was become, doubting whether he were fraudulently slain or fearfully fled, witted not what council to ask or what way was most surest to follow & take. But when they were asserteined of his most shameful flight, every person oppressed with this common mischief, common fear, and common peril, casting away their armure, submitted theim selfes to the king, holding up their hands in asking mercy, offering & promising him, faith, loyalty and obeisance. To whom the king of most gentle heart and levytee, not only granted pardon but received them to his favour. And so the king b●ynge a conqueror without manslaughter or effusion christian of blood road triumphantly into the city of Excetter, and there not only lauded & praised the cytezens of Excetter, but also rendered to them his most hearty thanks, aswell for their duty done as for their valiantness. And there also he afflicted and put in execusyon diverse Cornishmen which were the aucthoures and stirrers up of this new insurrection and false conspiracy.  
The horsemen that were sent, without any stop or obstacle in short space came to saint Mighelles mount, & there (as chance was) found lady Katheryn Gorden wife to Perkyn and brought her straight like a bondwoman & captive to the king. And the king wondering at her beauty and amiable countenance thought her a pray more meet for the chief captain than for the mean soldiers, began then a little to fantasy her person and sent her incontinently accompanied with a goodly sort of sad ●atrones and gentlewomen (because she was but a young woman) to London to the queen as a true and undoubted token of his triumph & victory. And while he reposed himself at Excetter, he judged that he had nothing won, nor yet plucked up by the root of this seditious rebellion, except he could get into his possession the chief h●d and type of this pestiferous faction and business. Wherefore he environed the sanctuary which Perkyn was in, round about with ii companies of light horsemen, well witted and vigelant persons, to th'intent to bereave and pluck from Perkyn all hope of flight and escaping away. And after that, he attempted this young foundeling by trusty and polletique messengers, if he having pardon and remission of all mischievous and heinous offences by him done against the king and his realm, would gladly submit himself to the king and be to him faithful true and obedient. Perkyn being now destitute of all hope, failing of his dwelling place, and lacking comfort, aid and refuge considering that he was now brought to the very point and prick of extremytee that he witted not whether nor how to fly into any country for succour, and also he was in utter despair to have hereafter any prosperous chance or fortunate success in his enterprise, because he had so often attempted and so many times had been defoiled and vanquished, wherefore he having his pardon to him offered, and trusting to the open promise of men, of his own will frankly and freely departed out of sanctuary and committed himself to the kings pleasure, & of by this means this great heat was quenched and appeased.  
Then was the king very glad that this war was ended, and took his journey immediately toward London, not without a great concourse of people meeting him out of every quarter to see this Perkyn as he were a Monster, because he being an alien of no abilitee by his poor parents (although it was other wise talked and dissimuled) durst once invade so noble a realm, and it to infect with such lies and losings, and chief of all that he by his crafty subornations had persuaded diverse aswell noble as ignoble (not without the confusion and undoing of many of them) to believe and say that he was the same very person that he feigned and painted himself to be. But when the king was come to London, he appointed certain keepers to attend on him which should not (the breadth of a nail) go from his person, to th'intent that he might neither convey himself out of the land, nor fly any whether, nor yet provoked and procured by other should be able to so we again no new sedition nor seditious tumult within his realm & countries.  
When these tidings came to the lady Margarete in Flaunders that Perkin her dear darling had no good luck but loss, both of his entreprice and her great studious furtherance, and was brought into captivity, she was not well pleased with them, but wept and lamented his unlucky speed, and cursed her infortunate chance.  
When these things were brought to pass according to the kings mind, he did not forget that there was no more a delectable and pleasant thing, nor a larger rain of mischief given to the vulgar people, then to have a sure hope and trust that they may offend without any punishment or correction: Wherefore to th'intent hereafter to observe his people in a dew obeisance & filial subjection, he shortly caused inquyries to be made of diverse offences. Whereupon diverse persons aswell in so merset shire as devonshire were accused and presented that they had aided both with men & money the Cornysh treytours, not only after their discomfiture in returning homeward, but also in their marching forward intending to make battle against the king being their sovereign & liege lord. All which offenders he determined to plague & scourge according to the quantity of their crime & offence with great fines & sore assesmentes. And therefore he committed this charge to Thomas lord Dar●y, to Amis Paulet knight and Robert Sherborne Deane of Paul's after bishop of Chechester.  
These commissioners like a whirlwind tossed & pierced the coffers & substance of althe inhabitants of both the countries, to th'intent that no person being imbrued or spotted with y● ink of the abominable crime, should escape the pain which he worthly had deserved: but they were gentle & remiss to a great number, & specially to such as offended by cohertion & fear, rather than of malicious heart or ●●uio●s mind. Yet were they to none so favourable but they were thought for their defaults worthy of some punishment, so that equity therein was very well and justly executed.   

¶ The xiiii year.  
IN this year a sudden chance, ye a thing of no moment nor worthy to be regarded had almost so kindled again the old displeasure and grudge between king Henry & king james of S●etlād, that they could scace keep their hands & bridle their courages from war & fighting. The first motion of this displeasure was thus: Certain young men of the Scots came armed unto Norhan castle & beheld it wondrous circumspectly▪ as though they had been desirous to know what was done there within: But when the keepers of the castle could not perceive any hos●ilitee or damage towards him or his, & seeing them depart of their own accord determined it not convenient to mo●e any question to them nor once to stir out. But when they came again the next day & viewed it likewise, the keepers of thesaide castle suspecting some fraud to lurk in their looking, demanded of them what was their intent, & why they viewed and advised so the castle. The Scots even like theim selfes, answered them proudly and rustically with many disdeynfull words. Insomuch that after their blustering and blowing answers made, Thenglishmen being vexed and moved there with all, replied to them with hard & manly strokes, and after many a sore blow given and taken on both parts, & diverse Scots wounded & some slain, the Scots oppressed with the multitude of Th'english people, fled as fast as their horses would carry them. When they came home and certified the king of the same, he was therewith sore moved & & angry, and swore by sweet saint Ninyan that there was nothing to him more inconstant and unsteadfast than the observing of the league by the king of England, and sent word there of to king Henry in all haste by Marchemount his herald.  
The king of England which nothing more embraced and desired then quiet tranquilitee and perfect love and amity with all princes being his neighbours and borderers, to th'intent that he might live in his later days in an honest and quiet life after so many labours and vexations even from his infancy drawn and exercised in, made him answer that it was not done through his default, neither by his council nor knowledge, but rather by the temerarious folly of the keepers of the castle, requiring him for that cause not to think the league infringed, promising in the word of a king to enquyer of the truth and who were the malefactors. And if the offence were found to be begun on the party of the keepers of the castle, he assured him that they should for no meed or favour escape pain & punishment. This answer although it were more than reasonable, could not mitigate or assuage the the Scots anger and outrageousnes, for the which cause, richard bishop of Durham, which was more heavy than all other because that this discord was renewed again between these two princes by occasion of castle keepers, he therefore thought it best first to assuage and cool the furious rage of the Skottyshe king, and wrote many letters to him, requiring him of peace and unity. The king perceiving both the good will and constant gravity of the bishop, appeased his fury and answered gently to the bishop's letters by writing again to him, saying that because he had many secret and privy things in his mind which he would communicate only with him touching the cause now in variance, he therefore required him to take pain to come into his country, trusting that he should think his labour well bestowed. The bishop was very glad and sent word to the king his master, of king james desire, who esteemed the request and cause both just and reasonable, and therefore willed him to accomplish the Scottish kings honest desire.  
When he came into Scotland, he was received with all humanity that could be thought of the king himself at an Abbey called Mellrose. And there, after that the king for a countenance had complained much of the cruelty and slaughter that was used towards his men late at Norham, he ●asely remitted the offence and pardoned it, and began secretly to comen without any witnesses or arbitters near hand with the bishop alone. And first declared to him what old & ●uste causes have moved him before this, to seek al●aūce & amity with king Henry, which now he desired much more to have confirmed & corroborated for the farther maintenance of love and increase of friendship, which thing he doubted not, but should sort to a fortunate effect and good conclusion, if the king of England would vouchsafe to give to him in matrimony his first begotten daughter the lady Margaret, upon which point he determined not long agone to send his Ambassadors into England, which thing he would the sooner do if he knew this bishop's mind & intent ready to further his loving purpose. The bishop answered but few words, saving that when he were returned to the king his master, he would do the best in the matter that lay in his power. Which words animated much the king, & put him in good hope to send his orators to the king of England to sue for thesaide matrimony to be concluded.  
When the bishop had taken his leave, & was come to the king▪ he declared to him in order all the communication between king james & him. This request pleased the king very much, to whom peace was ever a sovereygn cordial, and determined surely to minister occasion of war to no man, nor would have any prince to provoke him to the same.  
Now began the fatal day of the death of Perkyn Warbeck, & Edward earl of Warwick to approach: For after this fact done & committed, one fierce & strong wave devoured & swallowed both their lives not long asunder, as you shall hear by the cōtinuaci● of this story. Perkyn, whether it grieved him to be kept inward, or else that he was instigated & enticed by some of his old friends to stir more coals, & begin some new seditious faction, or at the lest, because he would wilfully waste & cast away himself, studied how to escape & fly away, having perfect hope that he should find occasion to bring all things well to pass, if he could convey himself once out of the Englishmen'S hands. And although he were not ignorant, that he neither could do nor imagine any thing but the king would both hear of it and know it: Yet he seduced with hope of evasion and skaping, which was the chief comfort of his captivity, had liefer put all things in a proof & hazard, rather than longer to tolerate and suffer the present calamity and daily misery. And so deceiving his keepers took him to his heels, by the which he brought himself into a straighter custody and prison, and wrapped himself into tortures and punishments: For when he came to the sea coasts, and had go but a little forward on his journey, when the rumour of his flight was spread abroad, every byway and lane was set abroad with the kings guard, which had the custody of his body. Wherefore he being sore abashed wtthe clamour of them that searched and made inquyrie for him, & being in manner destitute of wit & counsel, altered of necessity from his pretenced journey, & came to the house of Bethlem, called the priory of Shene beside Rychemond in Southrey, & committed him sel●e to the prior of the monastery, requiring him for Godssake to ask and desire his life and pardon of the kings majesty. The prior, which for his virtuous qualities was had in great estimation, moved with the calamity and infortunate state of this man, came to the king & showed him of this Perkyn, whose pardon he humbly craved, & frankly obtained it. Incontinent after this, Perkyn was brought to the court again to Westmynster with many a curse and reproach, and was one day set fettered in a pair of stocks, before the door of Westmynster hall, and there stood an whole day, not without innumerable reproaches mocks & skorninge. And the next day was carried through London, & set upon a like scaffold in Cheap by the standard, with like gins and stocks as he occupied the day before, and there stood all day and read openly his own confession written with his own hand, the very copy whereof hereafter ensueth.  
First it is to be known, that I was borne in the town of Turney in Flaunders, & my father's name is John Os●eck, which said John Osbeck was comptroller of thesayde town of Turney, & my mother's name is Katheryn de Faro. And one of my grauntsires upon my father's side was named Diryck Osbeck which died, after whose death my grauntmother was married unto the withinnamed Peter flame, that was receiver of the forenamed town of Turney, & Deane of the boatmen the towe upon the water or river, called Leschelde. And my grauntsire upon my mother's side was Peter de Faro, which had in his keeping the keys of the gate of saint Ihons' within the same town of Turney. Also I had an uncle called master John Stalyn, dwelling in the parish of saint Pyas within the same town, which had married my father's sister, whose name was jone or jane, with whom I dwelled a certain season. And afterward I was led by my mother to Andwerp for to learn Flemmishe, in a house of a cousin of mine, an officier of the said town, called John Stien beck, with whom I was the space of half a year. And after that I returned again to Tourney, by reason of the wars that were in Flaunders. And within a year following I was sent with a merchant of the said town of Turney named Berlo, and his Master's name Alexander, to the mart of Andwarpe where I fell sick, which sickness continued upon five months.  
And thesayde Barlo set me to board in a skynners' house that dwelled beside the house of the English nation. And by him I was from thence carried to barrow mart, and I lodged at the sign of the old man, where I abode the space of two months. And after this the said Barlo set me with a merchant of Middelboroughe too service, for to learn the language, whose name was John Strewe, with whom I dwelled from Christmas till Easter, and then I went into Portyngale, in the company of Sir Edward Bramptones' wife, in a ship which was called the queens ship. And when I was come thither, than I was put in service to a knight that dwelled in Lushborne, which was called Peter Ua●z de cogna, with whom I I dwelled an whole year, which said knight had but one eye. And because I desired to see other countries, I took licence of him, & then I put myself in service with a Bryton, called Pregent Meno, the which brought me with him into Ireland, and when we were there arrived in the town of Cork, they of the town, because I was arrayed with some clotheses of silk of my said masters, came unto me & threped upon me that I should be the duke of Clarence son that was before time at Develyn. And forasmuch as I denied it, there was brought unto me the holy evangelist & the Cross by the Mayre of the town, which was called John le Wellen, & there in the presence of him & other I took mine oath as the truth was, that I was not the foresaid duke's son, nor none of his blood. And after this came unto me an Englisheman, whose name was Stephen Poytron, with one John water, & laid to me in swearing great oaths that they knew well that I was king Rychardes' bastard son: To whom I answered with like oaths that I was not. And then they advised me not to be a feared, but that I should take it upon me boldly, and if I would so do, they would aid & assist me with all their power against the king of England, & not only they, but they were assured well that the earls of Desmond & Kyldare should do the same. For they forced not what party they took, so that they might be revenged upon the king of England, & so against my will made me to learn English, & taught me what I should do & say. And after this they called me duke of York, second son of king Edward the four because king Rychardes' bastard son was in the hands of the king of England. And upon this the said John water, Stephyn Poytron, John Tyler, Hubert Burghe with many other, as the foresaid Earls, entered into this false quarrel. And within short time after, the French king sent an Ambassador into Ireland, whose name was loyte Lucas, & master Stephyn Fryan, to advertise me to come into France. And thence I went into France, & from thence into Flaunders, & from Flaunders into Ireland, & from Ireland into Scotland, and so into England.  
When night of the same day, which was the xu day of June was come (partly because the king had pardoned him his life, & partly because he should no more run away, and put the king in doubt of any mistrust or misfortune to come) he was committed to the Tower of London, where his wickedness boiling so hot within his cancarde stomach would not suffer him to escape the punishment & vengeance of God, but shortly after was most justly and worthily put to death, as hereafter shallbe showed.   

The xv. year.  
EDward Plantagenet earl of Warwick, of whom ye have heard before, being kept in the Tower almost from his tender age, that is to say, from his first year of the king to this xv. year, out of all company of men & sight of beasts, in so much that he could not decern a Goose from a Capon. And where as he by comen reason & open appearance, could not by his own doings seek his death & destruction, yet by the drift & offence of another man, he was brought to his end & confusion. For a freer Augustyn on the border of Suffolk called Patrick, to th'intent to bring this earl into dis●ayn & hatred, had a certain skoler called Ralph Wiltord, whom he greatly favoured, & in whose head he ever distilled & enfused this foolish & fantastical conceit, that if he would follow his counsel & advise, he would easily convey him to the kingdom of England. The skoler like a good disciple, did not deny to follow his master's discipline & counsel, but more & more desired & put his master in remembrance to perform & accomplish with all speed, the thing which of his awn liberality, he before had to him both promised & assured, saying, what Mecock or dastard is so sore afeard of transgressing the law, or timorous of punishment, the which for to obtain a kingdom will not attempt to do, & suffer all things that be possible to be assayed & tasted? So that when they between themselves secretly had taken a crafty deliberation & counseled of their enterprise, & had devised in their foolish wits, how it should be brought to pass, they went both together in to Kent (which country in ancient time hath not been dull in setting forth of new fantastical fantasies) and there began this young mammet to tell privily to many that he was the very earl of Warwick, and lately gotten out of the Tower, by the help of this freer Patrick. To the which sayings when the freer perceived hope to be given, he declared it openly in the pulpit, and desired all men of help.  
But the head of this sedition was summer topped, that it could have no time to spring any higher, the Master and the skoler being both apprehended and cast into prison, and attainted. Of the which two, the skoler was hanged on Shrovetuesdaye, at saint Thomas waterynges, and the freer was condemned to perpetual prison and captivity. For at that time here in England, so much reverence was attributed to the holy orders, that to a priest, although he had committed high treason against his sovereign lord and to all other, offenders in murder, rape or theft, which had received any of the iii higher holy orders, the life was given, and the punishment of death released. The chief cause of this favour was this, because bishops of a long time and season did not take knowledge, nor intermit themselves with the search and punishment of such heinous and detestable offences, by reason whereof they did not disgrade and deprive from the holy orders such malefactors and wicked persons, which without that ceremony, by the canonical law could not be put to death. Furthermore, what should a man say, it was also used that he that could but only read (ye although he understood not what he red) how heinous or detestable a crime so ever he had committed (treason only except) should likewise as affines and alyes to the holy orders be saved, and committed to the bishops prison.  
And to th'intent that if they should escape, and be again taken, committing like offence, that their lives should be no more to them pardoned, it was ordained that murderers should be brent on the brawn of the left hand with an hot Iron signed with this letter M, and thieves in the same place with this letter T, So that if they, which were once signed with any of these marks or tokens did reiterate like crime & offence again. should suffer the pains & punishments, which they had both merited and deserved. Which devise was enacted & established in the Parliament kept in the ii year of this kings reign, & taken as I conjecture of the French nation, which are wont, if they take any such offender, to cut of one of his ears, as a sure token & mark hereafter of his evil doing. And the charge of keeping such offenders, that be only imprisoned by their offences, because it soundeth to spiritual religion is committed to the bishops & rulers of the spirituality, with a penalitee set upon them if any such prisoner do afterward escape. The which act & privilege did nourish & increase abundantly the 〈◊〉 & swarm of thieves & murderers, for after the time there were an hundred ways practised & invented how at one time or another, to deliver or convey than out of prison and captivity, by making their purgation (by what sleight & means they care not) of such offences as before they were convinced and found guilty, if no man be present to say exceptions to the same. For if the party offended and hurt be absent at the day of the purgation making, the thief or murderer truly found guilty from the beginning, shall be both excused & set at liberty. And oftentimes the sooner, because the bishop would not lose so great a sum as an hundred pound, for the escape of a poor knave, scant worth a dandyprat: But now to return to our matter again.  
Perkyn (of whom rehearsal was made before) being now in hold, could not leave with the destruction of himself, and confusion of other that had associate themselves with him, but begun now to study which wai to fly & escape. For he by false persuasions and liberal promises, corrupted Strangweyes, Blewet, Astwood and long Rogier his keepers, being servants to sir John Dygby lieutenant. In so much that they (as it was at their araynment openly proved) intended to have slain thesayde Master, and to have set Perkyn and the earl of Warwyke at large, which earl was by them made privy of this enterprise, & thereunto (as all natural creatures love liberty) to his destruction assented,  
But this crafty device and subtle imagination, being opened and disclosed, sorted to none effect, and so he being repulsed and put back from all hope and good luck with all his complices and confederates, and John Awater, sometime Mayor of Corffe in Ireland, one of his founders, and his son, were the sixten day of Novembre arreyned and condemned at Westmynster. And on the three & twenty day of the same month, Perkyn and John Awater were drawn to Tyburn, and there Perkyn standing on a little scaffold, red his confession, which before you have heard, and took it on his death to be true, and so he and John Awater asked the king forgiveness and died patiently. 
〈…〉  This was the reward of the pernicius Alye and comment of Perkyn Warbeck, which as in his life with false persuasions and untrue surmises had brought many noble personages to death and utter perdition so at his death he brought with him other of the same sort to their not undeserved punishment. And amongst other Edward earl of Warwick, which as the fame went, consented to break prison, and to depart out of the realm with Perkyn (which in prisoners is high treason) was the xxi day of thesayde month arraigned at Westmynster before the earl of Oxford, then high Constable of England, of thesaide ●reason▪ which whether it were by the enticement of other or of his own free-will (many men doubt, because of his innocency) confessed the fact and submitted himself to the kings mercy. And upon his confession he had his judgement▪ and according thereunto, the xxviii day of Novembre. M. cccc.xcix. was brought to the scaffold on the Tower hill, and there beheaded. The fame after his death sprang abroad, that Ferdinand king of Spain would never make full conclusion of the matrimony to be had between prince Arthur and the lady Katheryn his daughter, nor send her into England aslonge as this earl lived. For he imagened that as long as any earl of Warwick lived, that England should never be cleansed or purged of civil war and privy sedition, so much was the name of Warwyke in other regions, had in fear and gealousy.  
The next year after there was a great plague, 
A great death  whereof men died in many places very sore, but specially and most of all in the city of London, where died in that year thirty thousand. Also in this year was burned a place of the kings called the manner of Shene Situate, & lying nigh the Thamies side, which he after builded again sumpteously & co●●ly▪ and changed the name of Shene, and called it Rychemond, because his father and he were earls of Richemonde. The king perceiving this plague and contagious disease, rather to increase then diserease, whether it was to avoid the occasion of the sickness, or to allure the archduke Philip of Burgoyne to comen with him, he personally took his ship at Dover, in the beginning of May, and sailed to Caleys, to th'intent to provide and see the watches, which have been accustomed to be diligently kept and maintained against the incursions of his adversaries, & there he made polletique ordinances & strait laws. While the king lay thus at Caleys, the archduke Philip sent to him diverse notable personages, not alonely to gratify and welcome him into those parts, but also to declare that thesayde archduke offered to repair personally to his presence, with such a numbered as the king should appoint, so that it were within no walled town or fortress. For he had before diverse tynnes made denial to the French king to enter into any of his walled towns, & if he should as he gladly would come to the town of Caleys, it might be a precedent to the French king to desire like meeting, what chance thereof might fall, every man could not judge. The king gently entreteyned the Ambassadors, but more thankfully accepted the Archedukes offer, and so appointed the place at saint Peter's church without Caleys. Upon the Tuesday in Pentecost week, the archduke came thither with a convenient company. The king and the queen with many a lusty lord and lady road thither to welcome him. And when the king approached, the duke at his lightning offered to hold his styrope, which the king in no wise would suffer to be done. When the king was dissended from his horse he and the archduke embraced each other with most princely familiarity, and then the queen and all the nobles saluted him. What banqueting, what mirth and what pass time there was I pass over. But to conclude, there was communication of marriages, treating of farther corroboration of leagues, requests of tolls in Flaunders to be minished, with many other things, touching thenterprise & traffic of both their realms. And when all things were set in an order, the two princes lovingly, took their leave and departed, the king to Caleys, and the archduke to saint Omers.  
After this departing, the French king Lewes the xii sent to visit the king, the lord Gronthouse governor of Picardy, and the lord Merneiliers, bailie of Amyas, which declared to the king the getting of milan, and taking of the duke, which lords were highly feasted and with great rewards departed.   

¶ The xvi year.  
soon after when this plague was slaked, the king returned again to England, about the end of june: And being come into England, soon after there came to him one Gasper Pous a Spaniard (both for learning and good behaviour very excellent) sent from Alexander bishop of Rome, 
A year of jubilee.  which should show the Englishmen the right way to heaven. Therefore that year was called the year of jubilee, which was the year of our Lord a thousand five hundred. And to th'intent that the people of far countries might be cased of their labour and travail in coming thither, the charitable father sent his legates into every country to distribute the heavenly grace (as he called it) to all Christian people, which either letted by war, enemies, infirmity, weakness or tediousness of the long journey, were not able to perform their journey to the holy city of Rome. But this benevolent liberlitie was not frank & freely given: For the holy bishop Alexander, with helping and looking to the health of men's souls, thought somewhat to do for his own private commodity and singular wealth, and therefore he limited and set a certain price of this his grace & pardon: & to th'end that the king should not hinder nor let his purpose, he offered part of this his gain unto the king. And that the people might the sooner minish their purses, and enrich his chests, he promised that he would in the beginning of the year make war in all the haste against the great turk. By this means and policy, this Alexander got, accumulated & heaped up a great sum of money, and yet no battle begun again the turk, which in the mean season had taken, conquered & destroyed many regions, cities and towns belonging to Christian men, but God amend all that is amiss.  
About this tune died iii Bishops in England, John Morton bishop of Caunterbury, Thomas Langton bishop of Winchester, & Thomas Rotheram bishop of York. After him succeeded Thomas savage bishop of London, in whose place succeeded doctor William Warham of whom we made mention before. And Henry dean bishop of Salisbury was made archbishop of Caunterbury. Also richard Fox bishop of Durham, was prefected to the bishopric of Winchestre. Also this year two notable marriages were concluded & agreed upon, but neither solempnised now, nor consummate as you shall here afterward. For king Henry granted his daughter lady Margaret to james the four king of Scots. And Ferdinand king of Spain gave his daughter lady Katheryn to Arthur prince of Wales, son & heir apparent to the king of England. And it is to be considered the king Henry did not join this affinity with the king of Scots without cause: For he desiring nothing more, then to pass over the remanant of his life in peace, rest and tranquilitee, ymagened in himself that by this conjunction & couplement of matrimony, no war or hostilitee hereafter should be attempted either against him or his dominions by the Scottish king or his nation, having sure trust that none other of his enemies or of his rebels should hereafter be received or maintained in the dominions and territories of his son in law. And amongst all other articles this was concluded and appointed, that no Englishmen should entre into Scotland, without letters commendatory of their own sovereign lord, or saveconduyte of his warden of the marches, and that prohibition was in like manner given to the Scots.   

The xvii year.  
YOu have heard before, how that the marriage was agreed between prince Arthur of England, & the lady Katherine of Spain, & how the king her father promised to send her with great honour into England: He now this year according to his promise conveyed her with a puissant navy toward England, where she arrived in the port of Plymmoth the second day of October, then being Saturday. When the king was certified of her arrival, incontinent he sent both for prince Arthur his son into Wales to repair to London, & sent diverse great lords and knights to convey her with triumph toward her spouse & husband. And upon the xii day of Novembre, she was conveyed from Lambeth through London with all triumph and honour that could be devised or ymagened, to the Bishops palace, by the cathedral church of s. Paul's. And because I will not be tedious to you, I pass over the wise devices, the prudent speeches, the costly works, the cunning portraitures practised and set forth in vii goodly beautiful pageants erected & set up in diverse places of the city. I leave also the goodly ballads, the sweet armony, the Musical instruments, which sounded with heavenvly 'noys on every side of the street. I omit farther, the costly apparel both of goldsmiths work and embraudery, the rich jewels, the massy chains, the s●● ring horses, the beautiful bards and the glittering trappers, both with bells and spangles of gold. I pretermit also the rich apparel of the princess, the strange fashion of the Spanish nation, the beauty of the English ladies, the goodly demeanour of of the young damosels, the amorous countenance of the lusty bachelors. I pass over also the fine engrayned clotheses, the costly furs of the citizens, standing on scaffolds, railed from Gracechurche to Paul's. What should I speak of the odoriferous skarlettes, the fine velvet, the pleasant, furs, the massy chains, which the Mayor of London with the senate sitting on horseback at the little conduit in Cheap, ware on their bodies, & about their necks. I will not molest you with rehearsing the rich arras, the costly tapestry, the fine clotheses both of gold & silver, the curious velvets, the beautiful satins, nor the pleasant silks, which did hang in every street where she passed, the wine that ran continually out of the conduits, the graveling and railing of the streets needeth not to be remembered.  
While this princes sojourned for her recreation in the Bishops palace of London, not without visitation of the king, the queen and the kings mother, there was erected in the body of saint Paul's church, a long bridge made of timber, extending from the West door of the church to the step at the entering into the quere, which was six foot from the ground. On thesayde bridge or staige, even directly before the consistory of the church was elevate a place like a mount, for eight persons to stand upon, compassed round about with steps to ascend and dissende, which was covered with fine red worsted, and in likewise were all the rails of thesayde staige. On the Northside of this mount was a place furnished for the king & queen, & such other as they appointed. On the Southside of the same mount stood the Mayor and the Magistrates of London. When all preparation was made, and all things set in an order. Upon the day of saint Erkenwalde, then being Sundaye, thesayde lady was led to the same mount, and there prince Arthur openly espoused her, both being clad in white, both lusty and amorous, he of the age of fifteen and more, and she of the age of xviii or there abouts: The king and the Queen, standing privily on their stayge. After the matrimony celebrated, the prince & his wife went up into the quere, & there heard a solemn mass song by the archbishop of Cauntourbury, associate with xix prelate's mitred. And after the mass finished, the bride was led homeward to to the Bishop's palace, by the duke of York, being then a goodly young prince & the legate of Spain. Next after followed the lady Cicile sister to the queen, supporting the train of the spouse. After whom followed above an. C. ladies & gentlewomen gorgeously appareyled & richly adorned. There was kept that day a sumptuous feast, and yet not so sumptuous as populous, nor yet so populous as delicate, nor so delicate as of all things abundant. For if I should rehearse to you the value of four cupboards that day showed & set forth beside the plate that was occupied, or declare the riches of the hangings, canapies or cloth of estate, or set forth the numbered of dishes served at the four courses & banquettes the deliver dancing and costly disguisings, I assure your that I should sooner fail than copy of mattre or abundance of honour. But every day endeth, and night ensueth, so when night was come, this lusty prince and his beautiful bride were brought and joined together in one bed naked, and there did that act, which to the performance & full consummation of matrimony was most requisite and expedient. In so much that his familiar servitors, which had then neither cause nor reward to lie or fain, declared openly that in the morning h● called for drink, which he before times was not accustomed to do.  
At which thing one of his chambrelaynes marveling, required the cause of his drought. To whom he answered merely saying, I have this night been in the midst of Spain, which is a hot region, & that journey maketh me so dry, and if thou hadst been under that hot climate, thou wouldst have been drier than I Then shortly after the king and the queen with the new wedded spouses went from Baynard's castle by water to Westmynster, on whom the Mayor & commonalty of London, in Barges garnished with standards, streamers and pennons of their device, gave their attendance. And there in the palace were such martial feats, such valiant jousts, such vygorus turneys, such fierce fight at the barreyers, and before that time was of no man had in remembrance. Of this royal triumph lord Edward duke of Buckyngham was chief chalengeour, and lord Thomas Grey Marquis dorcet was chief defendor which with their aids and compaygnions', bore theim selfes so valiantly that they obtained great laud and honour, both of the spaniards and of their countrymen.  
During the time of these jousts and triumph, were received into London an Earl, a Bishop, and diverse noble personages, sent from the king of Scots into England, for the conclusion of the marriage between the laqdy Margaret the kings daughter and him. Which Earl by porxie in the name of king james his master, affied & contracted the said fair lady. Which assurance was published at Paul's Cross, the day of the conversion of saint Paul, in rejoicing whereof Te deum was song, and great fierce made through the city of London. Which things as you have heard, being ●ully finished and accomplished the Ambassadors aswell of Spain as of Scotland, took their leave of the king, and not without great rewards departed into their countries and habitations.  
When the Ambassadors were departed, the king intending to advance the honour and reputation of the prince his son, furnished him with men and money largely, and sent him again into Wales, where he was before, to keep liberal hospitalitee, and to minister to the rude Welshmen indifferent justice. And lest by reason of lack of experience he might err, he appointed to him wise and expert counsellors, as sir Richard Poole his kinsman, which was his chief chamberlain, with whom were associate sir Henry Uernon, Sir Richard Croftes, Sir Davy Philip, Sir William Udale, Sir Thomas Englefelde, Sir Peter Newton knights. John Waleston, Henry Ma●yon, and doctor William Smyth, was Precedent of his counsel, and doctor Charles, both were with him associate, the one was afterward Bishop of Lyncoln, and the other Bishop of Herford. But as of one fountain cometh often both joy & sorrow, so I leave here to speak more of joy of this marriage, considering the chance that shortly after subsided.  
A few months before the marriage of prince Arthur, Edmonde Poole earl of Southfolfe, son to John duke of Southfolke, and lady Elizabeth sister to king Edward the four being stout and bold of courage, and of wit rash and hedy, was indited of homicide & murder, for slaying of a mean person in his rage and fury. And although the king pardoned him whom he might justly have condemned for that offence, yet because he was brought to the kings Bench bar and arrey●ed (which fact he reputed to be a great maim and blemish to his honour) took it seriously, and shortly after for this displeasure fled to slanders, without any licence or saveconduyte given him of the king, to the lady Margaret his awnt on the mother's side. Nevertheless, whether he was s●urred by his privy friends thereunto moved by the king, or whether he trusting on his unviolated truth feared no danger nor penalty, he returned again, and excused himself so to the king that he was thought to be guiltless and inculpable in any crime that could be objected to him, and therefore he was permitted too go frankly at his liberty and pleasure.  
But when this marriage of prince Arthyr was kept at London with great pomp and solemnity, and that all the nobility were set on pleasure and solace, and the King himself was principally given too joy and rejoicing. This Edmond▪ either for that he had been at great and excessive charges at the same triumph and solemnity, and by reason thereof sore charged with debt. Either solicited, alured and provoked by that old venomous serpent the duchess of Burgoyn, ever being the sour of Sedition and beginner of rebellion against the king of England▪ or else stimulate and pricked with envy, which could not patiently with open eyes see and behold king Henry, being o● the adverse line to his lineage, so long to reign in wealth and felicity, in conclusion with his brother Rycharde fled again into Flaunders. This sad chance (I think) happened among the great joys and solaces of king Henry, lest that he might not by overmuch gladness suddenly forget himself: Which displeasure at another time before to have chanced, it is manifest and well known to you.  
When the king understood certainly that this earl was departed and returned again, he was not a little vexed and unquiet, mistrusting that some new tumultuous business should be begun again, and chief therefore blamed himself of foolish folly that he had given him his pardon for his offence, lately committed. Although it was manifest enough that he did it for this purpose, that he might dissemble and wink at the matter so long until such time, he had some sure token and perfect knowledge of his conjuration, the which he perceived now to be ●urely attempted and begun, assoon as Edmonde de la pool earl of Suffolk was fled again into Flaunders. Sir Robert Curson, whom the king had promoted to the order of knighthood, & made captain of ●ammes castle, as valiant and a circumspect man, dissimuling himself to be one of that conspiracy went into Flaunders, doubtless to espy what was done there by the lady Margaret against king Henry. This opinion was settled in every man's head at the first broaching of the matter, and so yet contynu●th, grounding upon this principle, that he neither vexed nor molested with any point of displeasure or injury by his prince or any other fled to the kings enemies. And after all things were known, opened, pacefied and suppressed, he willyngely returned and was received into high favour with the king his master and sovereign lord. Howbeit, the king like a wily fox, knowing the faythfyll intent of this sir Robert, and intending to put him out of all gealousy and suspicion with the lady Margaret, and Edmond de la pool, caused thesayde earl and thesayde Sir Roberte Curson, & five persons more to be accursed at Paul's cross the first Sondaye of November, as enemies and rebels to him and his realm. But howsoever it chanced, whether it were for the easing of his heart, or for some privy policy, the king after the marriage of his son prince Arthyr, was so vigilant, so circumspect and so intentive, that he espied and tried out such as he knew, partly to be the mu●nters of mischief against him, and partly to bear no good will or sincere affection toward his person, that he could readily name and rehearse their names and surnames, whereof a great part were with in few days after apprehended and taken. And among them, lord William Courtney, son to Edward earl of Devonshire, a man of great nobility, estimation and virtue, which married lady Katherine, daughter to king Edward, lord William brother to Edmond, earl of Southfolke, Sir james Tyrrell, Sir John Wyndham. Both these Williams before rehearsed were rather taken of suspicion & jealousy, because they were near of blood to the coniurators, then for any proved offence or crime. Wherefore the lord William son to the earl of Devonshire, after the death of king Henry the vii was delivered and set abroad at liberty, by the noble and famous prince king Henry the viii. son to thesayd king, with whom after he was in great favour and estimation, but shortly after, when he began to exercise himself in marciali feats and warlike study, he syckened of a disease, called Plur●sis, of which malady, because it was strange and rare to the Physicians of England, he at the kings manor of Grenewiche desessed, leaving one son behind him, to continued his stirpe and family.  
The lord William, brother to Edmonde the earl of Southfolke had also greater favour showed in prison, than he had before. And sir james Tyrrell, and John Wyndham, because they w●re traitors, & so attainted the vi day of may, they were on the Tower hill beheaded. But when the earl of Southfolke heard that some of his friends were put to execution, and some other committed to perpetual prison and captivity, he was in a great agony and fear of himself. And so beig clearly desperate to have any fortunate success in his pretenced enterprise, wandered about all Germany and France for aid & succour, proving if he could find any aid or succour at their hands. But when he perceived no steadfast ground to catch anchor hold upon (to th'intent that in conclusion he might understand that a shameful death dew to a man for his offences and crimes cannot by man's help or man's reason, be either eschewed or diverted from him) he submitted himself under the obeisance and defence of Philip Archeduke of Austricke and Burgoyn, and earl of Flaunders. But Richard his brother being an expert and polletique man, so craftily conveyed, and so wisely ordered himself in this stormy tempest, that he was not attrapped either with net or snare.  
The king, not yet being out of doubt of all domestical sedition & civil discord, studied busily how to restrain and keep in a strait closure diverse malefactors, which being partakers of this conspiracy fled to sundry sanctuaries, tarrying there till a fair day came to advance foorthward their enterprise. Whereupon he devised to keep the gates of all sanctuaries and places privileged, shut and well locked, so that none should issue out from thence to perturb and unquiet him, his realm or people. And for that intent he both wrote and sent Ambassadors to Alexander, than bishop of Rome, desiring him by his authority to adjudge and decern all Englishmen being fled to sanctuary or other places for treason, as enemies to Christ's faith, and schismatics too Christian religion, and as comen perturbers of the quiet people, and captains and provokers of traitorous rufflinges, intrediting and prohibiting the refuge and privilege of sanctuary to all such persons as once had enjoyed the immunity and liberty of the same, and after had fled out, and eftsoons returned again. Which thing after that the Bishop had granted, it was greatly to the quietness and comfort of king Henry, and many through the fear of that reproach and ignomony, converted themselves to goodness and dew subjection of their prince: Other also that were in security, and out of all peril and danger, durst not hazard themselves for fear of galtroppes or slipping into the fire.  
When the king by his high policy had compassed and framed his affairs thus to his purpose, suddenly happened a lamentable chance and lachrimable loss to the king, queen and all the people. For that noble prince Arthur, the kings ●yrst begotten son, after that he had been married to the lady Katheryn his wife .v. months, departed out of this transitory life, in his castle of Ludlowe, and with a great funeral obsequy was buried in the cathedral church of Worcettre. After whose death the name of prince belonged to his brother duke of York, his brother disseasing without issue, & so without any creation ought to be called, except some cause apparent were the let and obstacle of the same. Howbeit, the said duke upon suspicion of his brother's wife to be with child, and that doubtfully thought by the expert and sage men of the princes counsel, was by a month and more delayed from his title, name and pre-eminence, in the which season the truth might to women easily apere. It is reported that this lady Katheryn thought and feared such dolorous chance to come: For when she had embraced her father, and taken her leave of her noble and prudent mother, & sailed towards England, she was continually so tossed and trumbled hither and thither with boisterous winds, that what for the rage of the water and contrarity of the winds, her ship was prohibited diverse times to approach the shore and take land.   

The xviii year.  
THe next year after queen Elizabeth, lying within the Tower of London, was brought a bed of a ●ayre daughter on Candelmas day, whcihe was there christened and named Katheryn, and the xi day of the same month, thesayde most virtuous princes and gracious queen there desessed, and was with all funeral pomp carried through the city of London to Westmynster and there intimulate, whose daughter also tarried but a small season after her mother.  
After the death of this noble princes which for her great virtue was commonly called good queen Elizabeth, departed sir Re●gnold Breye knight of the gartier, a very father of his country, a sage & a grave person and a fervent lover of justice. In so much that if any thing had been done against good law or equity, he would after an humble fashion pla●●y reprehend the king, and give him good advertisement how to reform that offence▪ and to be more circumspect in another like case. Of the same virtue and honest plainness was John Morton archbishop of Ca●̄terbury, which bishop died (as it is showed above) two years before. So these ii persons were ever cohibetors and refre●●ers of the kings wilful scope & unbridled liberty, where as the rude and ignorant people say and affirm, that the●e counsel infected & corrupted the kings clean and immaculate conscience, contrary to his princely disposition & natural inclination. Such is ever the error of the common people: but surely as long as the king would here and obey such as warned him of his office royal and kingly duty, he could in no wise err or swar●e aside. About this time also died Henry archbishop of Cauntourbury, whose room doctor William Warram bishop of London supplied. And to the bishoptick of London was elected William Barnes, after whose death succeeded richard Fitziames, a man of a good lineage & great learning & virtue. In which year the xviii day of February, the king at his palace of Westmynster, with all solemnity created his only son Henry prince of Wales, earl of Chestre. etc. which noble youngling succeeded his father, not only in the inheritance & regalite, but also was to him equypolent in honour, fame, learning & policy.  
Maximilian the Emperor, hearing that queen Elizabeth was deceased, sent into England a solemn Ambassade, of the which lord Ca●imire, Marquis of Brandenburg his cousin, accompanied with a bishop, an earl & a great number of gentlemen well appareyled, was principal ambassador, which were triumphantly received into London▪ & was lodged at Crosbyes' place. This Ambassade was sent for iii causes, one to visit & comfort the king, being sorrowful & sad for the death of so good a queen & spouse. The ii for the renovation of the old league and amity. The iii which was not apparent, was to move the king to marry the emperors daughter the lady Margaret, duchess dowager of Savoy. The first ii took effect, for the king upon Passion sunday road to Paul's in great triumph, the said Marquis ●iding on his lefthand. And there the bishop made to the king an excellent consolatory oration, concerning the death of the queen. And there also the king openly swore to keep the new renovate league & amity, during their ii lives. But the third request, whether the let was on the man's part or woman's side▪ never sorted to any effect or conclusion. And so these things done, the Ambassadors returned sumpteously and honourably rewarded.  
All this winter was preparation made for the conveyance of the lady Margaret, affied to the king of Scots into Scotland. And when all things were ready and priest, the king removed the last day of juyn from Rychemond, having in his company his said daughter, & came to Colyweston, where the countess or Rychemond his motherthen lay. And after certain days of solace ended, the king gave her his blessing with a fatherly exhortation, and committed the conveyance of her to the king her husbands presence, to the earl of Surrey: and the earl of Northumberland was appointed as warden of the marches to deliver her at the confines of both the marches. Thus this fair lady was conveyed with a great company of lords, ladies, knights, esquires and gentlemen, till she came to Berwicke, and from thence to a village called Lambreton kirk in Scotland, wherethe king with the flower of Scotland was ready to receive her, to whom the earl of Northumberland, according to his commission delivered her. The Scots that day, I assure you were not behind, but far above, both in apparel and rich jewels and massy chains: But above other the earl of Northumberland, what for the riches of his cote, being Goldsmiths' work, garnished with pearl and stone, and what for the costly apparel of his henxmen and galant trappers of their horses, besides iiii. hundred tall men, well horsed and apparelled in his coolers, that he was esteemed both of the Scots & Englishmen, more like a prince than a subject. Then was this lady conveyed to the town of Edenboroughe, and there the day after, king james the four in the presence of all his nobility espoused thesayde fair princes, and feasted the English lords, and showed to them justes and other pastimes, very honourably, after the fashion of his rude country. When all things were done and finished, according to their commission, the earl of Surrey with all the English lords and ladies returned into their country. giving more praise to the manhood, then to the good manner & nurture of Scotland.   

The xix year.  
IN this year the king kept his high court of Parliament, in the which diverse acts were concluded, which were thought necessary and expedient for the preservation of the public weal. And among other things, it was determined that thieves and murderers duly convicted by the law to die, should be burned in the hand, and committed to the bishops custody as I have before declared. After this, certain money was granted to the king, by the whole Parliament, and the goods of men outlawed were forfeited and confisqued. There was also called (as the manner is) a congregation of the clergy, to th'intent, that they with their treasure and money might advance and prefer the common wealth of the realm.  
Hitherto we have showed you rough and sharp battles, pernicious & seditious, strife, tumult, and the death of many noble & mean persons: Now therefore let us here rehearse, the contention of familiar things, the gnawing at the hearts, and the fretting of minds & vows, promises and requests made of diverse persons.  
King Henry, now drawing to age, and before this time, ever punched, stimulated and pricked with the scrupulous stings of domestical sedition and civil commotion, in so much that he more detested & abhorred intestine and private war, than death or any thing more terrible. Wherefore he determined so politicly to provide that all the causes of such unquietness and mischief to come, should be eradicate and extirped: which imagination and purpose he doubted not to compass and bring to effect. If he made low and abated the courage of his subjects and vassals, and especially of the richest sort, remembering the old proverb, that men through abundance of riches wax more insolent, hedstronge and robustius, and that nothing is more to men acceptable or desirous, than abundance of treasure and plenty of money, which people either for fear of lo●ynge, or hope of gaining of worldly riches▪ desire ever either peace or war. But to th'intent that men might not think nor report that he which is their king constituted of God to revenge all injuries to them done and committed, should oppress and wrongfully poll and exact money of his subjects, he devised with himself by what honest mean he might perform it. And thus devising with himself, it came into his head that the Englishmen did little pass upon the observation and keeping of penal laws or pecunial statutes, made and enacted for the preservation of the comen utility and wealth. And therefore, if inquisition were had of such penal statutes, there should be few noble men, merchants, farmers, husbandmen, grasyers' nor occupiers, but they should be found transgressors and violators of the same statutes. After that he had taken this counsel, he sought out the penal laws, and put them in execution, and they that were found offenders, were easily at the beginning fined and scourged. After that he appointed ii masters and surveyors of his forfeits, that one sir Richard Empson, and the other Edmond Dudley, both learned in the laws of the realm. And these two persons contended, which of them by most bringing in might most please and satisfy his master's desire and appetide. Wherefore in the beginning, they armed with a company of accusers (commonly called promoters) which brought to them the names of the offenders, esteemed and regarded so much the gain of money, that they clearly forgot and banished out of their remembrance their duty present, the peril that might ensue, and the thank and good will that they might have obtained, and yet they had warning of great and sage persons to close their hands from such uncharitable doings and cruel extremity, according to the Adage, the extremity of justice, is extreme injury.   

¶ The twenty year▪  
THe king, after that he had gotten a large and ample sum o● money, having pity of the people, which crier to ●od daily for an end of their pilfering, of his 〈◊〉 and gracious goodness towards his end thought it 〈◊〉, and thus determined, that these two extreme 〈◊〉 should be deprived of that office, and the money from whom it was unjustly ●●acted and extorted to be wholly restored and delivered again: ●hich being prevented with death, commanded it by his last will and testament to be duly and truly performed, but in the mean ●eason many men's co●●ers were emptied.   

The xxi. year▪  
IN this very season, and the year of our lord a. M.D. & vi Elizabeth queen of Cas●e●l, wife to Ferdinand king of Arragon died without any issue ma●e, by reason whereof th●heritaunce of castle (because that kingdoms be not partible) descended to lady jane her eldest daughter by 〈◊〉 Ferdinando, the which was married to Philip archduke of Ostrich and Burgoyne, and earl of Flaundres. Which kingdom he obtained by his wife, and had the possession of the same, and was named, reputed and taken as king of Castle and Lyon. Wherefore the ye●e following, about the vi day of january, having a great navy prepared, he sailed out of Flaunders with his wife toward Spain, but he had sailed no great way before that a vigorous tempest, by reason of contraryete of winds suddenly arose, the whole navy was tossed & chased with the waves, and sudden surges. In so much the wind having the mastery dispersed and separated the ships asondre into diverse places on the coast of England. The kings ship with two other vessels were blown by tempest on the West part of the realm to the port of Weymouth in Dorset shire. Then king Philip which was not expert▪ and had not frequented the seas before, being fatigate and unquiet both in mind and body, entering the ship boat to refresh and repose himself a little, came a land contrary to the mind of his counsel and captains, which foresaw and knew well that the same landing should be the occasion of longer tarrying there. When it was known that strange ships were arrived, there came thither a great number aswell o● noble men as of rural persons that dwelleth about that coast, to repulse and beat away him if he were their enemy. But when they perceived he was their friend and lover and driven thither by force of wether, Sir Thomas Trenchard knight, the chief of that company went to Philip king of Castle with all humanity and lowliness, invyting and desiring him (if he would so vouchesaufe) to visit his manner and mansion, which was even nigh at hand, trusting thereby to have great thanks of the king his master, if he could protract and 'cause him to tarry there, until such time as king Henry were certified of his arrival, to whom with all diligent celerite, he sent diverse posts too notify to his grace of king philip's landing. This rumour being farther blown abroad of this strange princes coming, in a short space there assembled together a great multitude of people all a long the sea coast. And among other there came first sir John Carew with a goodly band of picked men. Which sir John & sir Thomas Trenchard entreated the king of Castle, not to departed until such time as he had spoken with king Henry his loving and faithful friend and ally, assuring him that he would repair thither within ii or iii days at the most. King Philip excused himself by the necessity of his weighty enterprise & importunate cause, affirming that long tarrying in matters of gravity and dubious, aught to be excluded: wherefore he alleged that protracting of time might turn him to great prejudice, denying at the first to expect and tarry the coming of the king of England. But yet being persuaded by reason in himself, that he might be let and interrupted, if he would proffre once to go aboard too his ships again, at their gentle desire and loving contemplation, assented to their humble petition and request.  
When king Henry was informed of his landing, he was replenished with an exceeding gladness, partly for to renew the old familiarity and acquaintance, which they used at their last meeting, and partly for that he trusted that his landing in England should turn to his profit and commodity. Therefore first he wrote many and divers letters to sir John Carew, and sir Thomas Trenchard, willing and warning them withal kindness of humanity to entertain the king of castle, till he in person approached in some place meet and convenient ●or the entreviewing and entreteigning of so noble a parsonage. Beside this he sent the earl of Arundel with many lords and knights to accompany and attend upon him. Which earl, according to the kings letters received him with iii C. horses all by torch light to the great admiration of all the strangers.  
King Philip seeing no remedy, but that he must needs tarry & abide, would no longer gaze after king Henry's coming, but took his journey towards Wynsore Castle where the king lay. And five mile from Wynsore, the prince of Wales accompanied with five earls and diverse lords and knights, and other to the numbered of five hundred persons, most gorgeously apparelled and richly mounted, received him after the most honourablest fashion of entreteinment. And within half a mile of Wyndsore, the king accompanied with the duke of Buckyngham, and a great part of the nobility of his realm, saluted and welcomed him, and so conveyed him to the castle of Wynsore, where beside many triumphs and pastimes showed, he was made companion of the noble order of the Gartier. After him came to Wynsore his wife queen jane, sister to the princes dowager, late wife to prince Arthur. And after they two had concluded and renovate their old league, a●d made a perpetual peace and continual amity together: King Henry desired him to have Edmond de la pool e●le of Suffolk his rebel to be delivered into his hands and possession. To whom the king of Castle answered a while, that he was not within his rule or dominion, and therefore it lay not in his power to render or deliver him. Although he considered it to be a heinous & great offence to be the occasion & author of the death of his g●st, which came to him ●or succour, & was received under his protection and defence, yet when he perceived that neither excuse, nor yet reasonoble argument could be accepted or allowed of king He●ry (which promised faithfully of his own offer to pardon, Edmond de la pool, of all pains and execucions o● death) he promised and granted to do and accomplish all king Henry's desire & request: And so incont●ent caused thesayde Edmond secretly to be sent for. After this king Henry intending to protract the time till he might possess his pray, which he sore desired, conveyed the king of Castle unto the city o● London, that he might see the head city o● his realm, and there led him from Baynard's castle by Cheap to Barking, and so returned by Watling street again, during which time there was shot a wonderful peal of guns out of the Tower, into the which he would not ●ntre, because (as you have heard before) he had avowed not to ●ntre the fortress of any for●yn prince, in the which a garrison was maintained: And there tarrying a little space, returned back with him. Then ●rom London the king brought him to Richemond, where were many notable ●eates of arms proved both at the tilt and at the tourney and at the barriers.  
In the mean season, Edmond de la pool which ever feared & mis●ru●●ed, that the arriving in England of king Philip should be his 〈…〉 and final▪ destruction, perceiving well that there was no farther hope to be had in foreign princes and potentates, and trusting that 〈◊〉 his life to him once granted, that king Henry would briefly set him at his liberty and freedom's was in manner content to return again into his native country, casting in his mind farther, that if his hope and trust were defrauded and refelled yet at the last he was sure to end his li●e, and be buried in the country where he first entered into this variable world.  
When all parts and covenants between the kings of England and Castille were appointed, covenanted and agreed: King Philip took his leave of king Henry, rendering to him most hearty thanks for his high cheer and princely entreteynment. And being accompanied with diverse lords of England, came to the city of Excettre, and so to Fulmouth in cornwall, and there took his ship and sailed into Sp●yne▪ where he shortly being taken with a sudden disease, departed out of this transitory life, being then but xxx years of age. He had by his wife and queen jane vi children, two men children Charles and Ferdinand, and four daughters, Elinor, Isabel, Mary and Katherine. He was a man of stature convenient, of countenance amiable and lovely, 
The description of king Philip.  of body somewhat crass and corpulent, quick witted, bold and hardy stomached. This tempest that the king of Castle had, was wonderful strange to many men, because the violency of the wind had blown down an Eagle of brass, being set to show and manifest on which part the wind blue, from a pinnacle or spire of Paul's church. And in the falling, the same Egle broke, & battered another Eagle that was set up for a sign at a tavern door in Chepeside. And here upon, men that were studious of strange tokens and monstrous wonders▪ did take an opinion that the Emperor Maximilian, which at that time gave an Eagle in his arms, should have a great loss, which so happened in deed: For he lost his only begotten son Philip, newly called to the kingdom of Castle.  
Also, shortly after the departing of king Philip, the king of England began to suspect Sir George Nevell lord of Burgeyny, and sir Thomas Grene, of Grenes Norton knight, that they were con●edered fautors and partakers, in the beginning with Edmond de la pool, and so upon this suspicion, they were commanded to the Tower. But shortly after when they had been tried and purged of that suspicion and crime, he commanded them both to be set at liberty. But sir Thomas Grene fell sick before, and continued in the Tower in hope to be restored aswell to his health as he was to his liberty, and there died. The lord of Burgeyny for his modesty, wit and probity (because the king found him like himself) always true, faithful and constant, was of his sovereign lord more esteemed, favoured and regarded than he was before.   

¶ The xxii year.  
AFt●r this, the king having peace aswell with foreign princes▪ for the term of three years, as disburdened and purified of all domestical sedition, began to be diseased with a certain infirmity and weakness of body, which thrice in the year▪ but especially in the spring time sore vexed & tormented him. And because for the most part, the harm and evil that chanceth to the prince, is parted and communicate to his subjects and people, the old sweating whereof you heard before amongst the commons of the realm, came again. Howbeit by the reason of the remedy that was invented by the death of many a creature in the beginning, it did less hurt and displeasure to the people at this time than it did before. But now the third plague equal with the pestilence ensued by the working of the masters of the for●aytures by the king appointed as I showed you before.  
By whose means many a rich and wealthy person, by the exstremyte of the laws of the realm, were condemned and brought to misery.  
The mattre is as wonderful to be heard, as pitiful and miserable to be done, and yet it is called the law, where as it is rather perverse abuse and disordre of a law, polletiquely at the beginning invented to 'cause the people, the sooner to conform themselves to such as demand their right of them, but craftily practised to the utter confusion of many by untrue officers. For if a man put his adversary in suit before the judges, of which complaint or action he neither thinketh nor hath knowledge if he appear not at the last calling of the exigent, which is called in a shire where he never came (for how can he appear, if he be ignorant of the prosecution of the cause, and devil ii C. miles from that place) then doth he forfeit all his substance and movables, and his body to captivity as an enemy, and rebel to the laws of his country. And yet the prince shall enjoy the goods so confiscate▪ and the party compleynaunt or plaintiff that is wronged recovereth not one mite, and yet loseth both his pain and costs. And all such persons that be so condemned and adjudged, be called outlaws, that is deprived of all laws of the land to the which he was by the custom of the country inheritable. These out●aries, old recognizances of the peace and good aberig, escapes, riots and innumerable statutes penal, were put in execution and called upon by Empson and Dudley, so that every man, both of the spirituality and temporalty, having either land or substance, was called to this plucking banquet, according to the Psalmist saying▪ all declined and fell together, and no man although he were never to clear and guiltless, in conclusion durst adventure a trial, ●eynge the experience o● them that passed before. For these two 〈◊〉 wolves had such a guard of false perjured persons apperteig●ynge to them, which were by their commandment empanyeled on eu●ry quest, that the king was sure to win whosoever lost. Learned men in the law, when they were required of their advice▪ would say, to agreed is the best counsel that I can give you. By this vndewe●●anes, these covetous persons ●illed the kings coffers▪ and enriched themselves. And at this unreasonable and extort doing, noble men grudged, mean men kycked, poor men lamented preachers openly at Paul's cross and other places exclaimed, rebuked and detested, but yet they would never amend. Howbeit the good king in his last days conserved and pardoned his poor subjects of such uncharitable yokes and ponderous burdens as they were laden withal.  
In this season Alexander bishop of Rome departed out of this world, and for him was elected Frances borne Senes, nephiewe to Pius the second, and was called Pius the third whom king Henry had made a little before, proctor for his realm in the court of Rome. The king being glad of his high promotion and dignity, sent sir Eylbert Talbot knight, Richard Bear Abbot of Glalc●nbury, and doctor Robert Sherborne d●ane of Paul's, to declare to him what gladness ●ntred into the kings heart, when he heard tell of his high preferment and honour. But this bishop Pius did not espect and tarry the gratulations of these Ambassadors, for within a month a●ter that he was 〈◊〉 he rendered his debt to nature, having small pleasure of his promotion's. At this same time also died Gyles, lord Dawbeney, the kings chief chamberlain, whose office Charles bastard son of Henry la●● d●ke of Somerset occupied and enjoyed, a man of a good wit and great experience.   

The xxiii year.  
soon after, the king caused Guy Ubald duke of Urbyne to be elected, knight of the order of the gartier, a noble warrior, and in the Greek & Latyn tongues excellently learned. And this honour and high dignity, this duke desired instantly to have, that he might be equivalent in all degrees of honour and nobility with his father, duke Frederick a prince in his time of high renown and estimation, which was received & chosen into that order by king Edward the four And because it was noised that july the second, a januway borne, was after the death of Pius, elected to be bishop of Rome. The king entending to stop two gaps with one bush, sent sir Gylbert Talbot and the other two Ambassadors, principally to bishop july, and by them sent also to the duke of Urbyne, the whole habit and collar of the noble order of the gar●ier. When duke of Guy was revested with the habit, and had taken his oath, according to the statutes of the order: He sent sir Balthaser de Castellio knight a Mantuane borne, his Orator to king Henry, which was for him installed, according to the ordinances of that famous order.  
While these things were in doing, Lewes the French king mistrusting that he should never have man-child, married his eldest daughter lady claud to Frances de Ualoys, dolphin of Uyen and duke of Angulesme: Which lady was promised a little before to Charles the king of Castle. When king Henry knew of this, he thought best to marry his daughter lady Mary to this Charles king of castle, being almost both of one age, and therefore Ambassadors we●e sent to and ●ro, and at the last, the marriage was concluded and confirmed by the means of the bishop of Wynchester, chief ambassador for the king at C●l●ys, and so the lady Mary being of the age of ten years, was promised to king Charles. For conclusion of which marriage, the lord of Barow, and diverse great Ambassadors were sent into England from the Emperor Maximilian, which had great rewards and returned.   

¶ The xxiiii year.  
Now approached the end & term of the iii years of peace that I spoke of before, at which time king Henry thought his fatal day to be at hand: For his sickness increased daily more and more, so that he might easily perceive that death was not far of tarrying his pray: Therefore like a good prince, desiring to exhibit some gratuity to his people that he might be had in memory after his disease, granted of his great liberality a general pardon to all men, for all offences done, & perpetrate against his laws and statutes. But because murderers & thieves were not only offenders to him, but also to other, he excepted them & some other out of his pardon. He paid also the fees of all prisoners in the gales in and about London, abiding their only for that duty. He paid also the debts of all such persons as say in the counters of London, or Ludgate for xl ss & under, & some he relieved that were condemned in ten l.  
For this his goodness & pity showed to his people, being sore vexed with inquysitors, pollers & promoters, general procession was had daily in every city and parish to pray to almighty God, for the restoring of his health, with long continuance of the same. Nevertheless, he was so consumed with his long malady, that nature could no longer sustain his life, and so he departed out of this world, the xxii day of April in his palace of Rychemond, the which was the year of our lord. M.d.ix his corpse was conveyed with a funeral pomp to Westmynster, and there buried by the good queen his wife in a sumptuous and solemn chapel▪ which he not long before had caused to be builded: He reigned xxiii years and more than vii months, & lived lii. years. He had by his queen Elizabeth viii children four men and iiii. women children, of the which iii remained alive behind him. Henry prince of Wales, which after him succeeded, and was king lady Margaret queen of Scots, and lady Mary promised to Charles king of Castle. He was a man of body but lean and spare, albeit mighty and strong therewith, 
The description of king Henry the vii  of parsonage and stature, somewhat higher than the mean sort of men be, of a wonderful beauty and fair complexion, of countenance merry and smiling, especially in his communication, his eyes grey, his teeth single, and hear thin, of wit in all things quick and prompt, of a princely stomach and haute courage. In great perils, doubtful affairs, and matters of weighty importance▪ supernatural and in manner divine, for such things as he went about▪ he did them advisedly, and not without great deliberation and breathing, to th'intent that amongst all men, his wit & prudence might be noted and regarded and spoken of. For he was not ignorant that his acts and doings were specially noted and marked with the eyes of many a person, and therefore a prince ought as far●e to 〈◊〉 and surmount all mean personages in wisdom and poll●●y▪ as he precell●th other in ●state and dignity.  
For what man will give credit or regard to him, whom he hath proved to be light, wild and lastivious of conditions? Besides this, he was sober, moderate, honest, affable, courteous, bounteous, so much abhorring pride and arrogancy, that he was ever sharp and quick to them which were noted or spotted with the crime. And there was no man with him, being never so much in his favour, or having never so much authority, that either durst or could do any thing as his own phantasy did serve him, without the consent & agreement of other. What shall I say more? Although his mother were never so wise (as she was both witty and wise) yet her will was bridled, and her doings restrained. And this regiment he said he kept, to th'intent that he worthily might be called a king▪ whose office is to rule & not to be ruled of other. He was also in indifferent & sure justiciar▪ by the which one thing, he alured to him the hearts of many people, because they lived quietly & in rest out of all oppression & molestation of the nobility & rich persons. Also to this severity of his was joined & annexed a certain merciful pity, which he did often show to such as had offended, & by his laws were hindered & mersed: for such of his subjects as were fined or amerced by his justices to their great impoverishing, he at one time or another did help, relieve & set forward: whereby it appeared that he would have the same penalties for other offices & crimes revived & stirred up again, which was a plain argument that he did use his rigour only (as he said himself) to bring low & abate the high hearts & stout stomachs of the wild people, nourished & brought up in seditious factions & civil rebellions, & not for the greedy desire of riches or hunger of money, although such as were afflicted would cry out, & say that it was done more for the love & desire of gain & profit, then for any prudent, policy or politic provision.  
Surely, this good & modest prince did not devour & consume the substance & riches of his realm, for he by his high policy, marvelously enriched his realm & himself, & yet left his subjects in high wealth & prosperity. The proof whereof is manifestly apparent by the great abundance of gold & silver, yearly brought into this realm, both in plate, money & bullion by merchants passing & repassing out & into this realm with merchandise. To whom he himself of his own goodness lent money largely without any gain or profit, to th'intent that merchandise being of all crafts the chief art, & to all men, both most profitable & necessary, might be the more plentifuller used, haunted & employed in his realms & dominions. And so this king living all his time in the favour of fortune in high honour riches & glory, & for his noble acts & prudent policies, worthy to be registered in the book of fame▪ gave up his ghost at the last▪ which undoubtedly is ascended into the celestial mansion▪ where he hath the sure fruition of the Godhead & the joy that is prepared for such as shall sit on the right hand of our saviour, ever world without end.  
FINIS.    

¶ The triumphant reign of King Henry the. VIII.  
NOW, 
The. ●. year.  after the death of this noble Prince, Henry the . VIII. son to King Henry the . VII. began his reign the xxii day of April, in the year of our Lord .1509. and in the xviii year of his bodily age: Maximilian then being Emperor, and Lewes the xii reigning in France. And Fernando being the King of Arragon and Castille, and King james the fourth then ruling over the Scots: Whose style was Proclaimed by the blast of a Trumpet, in the city of London, the xxiii day of thesay month, with much gladness and rejoicing of the people.  
And the same day, he departed from his manor of Richemond to the tower of London, where he remained, closely and secret, with his counsel, till the funerals of his father, were finished and ended. Thesame day also, 
Empson and Dudley attached.  six Richard Empson knight, and Edmonde Dudley Esquire, great counsellors to the late king, were attached and brought to the Tower, not to the little rejoicing of many persons, which, by them were grieved, which: attachment was thought to be procured by malice of them, that with their authority, in the late kings days were offended, or else to shift the noise, of the strait execution of penal statu●●● in the late kings days, by punishment of those persons, and other ●●moters, for to satisfy and appease the people. Thesame day also wa● attached, the lord Henry Stafford, brother to the duke of Buckyngh● and sent to the Tower, the cause was not thought to be great, because he was so soon delivered, & the same year was created earl of Wiltshire. And the same day also, Doctor Ruthall was named bishop of Dures●●●.  
soon after were apprehended diverse, called promoters, belonging to Empson and Dudley▪ as Canby▪ Page, Smith, and diverse other, as Derbie, Wright, Sympson, and Stocton, of the which, the most part aware papers, and stood on the Pillory. How be it, the most craftiest knave of all, called John Baptist Brimald, escaped and came to Westminster, and there took Sanctuary.  
The xxv day of April was Proclaimed, 
A general Pardon.  that the kings grace ratified all the Pardons, granted by his father, and also pardoned all such persons, as was then in suit, for any offence, what soever it was, Treason, Murder, and ●●onie only except.  
After that all things necessary, for the interment and funeral pomp of the late king, were sumpteously prepared and done: the corpse of the said defunct, was brought out of his privy chamber, into the great chamber, where he rested three days, and every day had there Dirige & Mass song by a Prelate mitered: and from thence he was conveyed into the hall, where he was also three days, and had like service there, and so three days in the Chapel, and in every of these three places, was a hearse of wax, garnished with banners, and ix mourners giving there attendance, all the service time: and every day they offered, and every place changed with black cloth. Upon Wedinsdaie, the ix day of May, the corpse was put into a Chariot, covered with black cloth of gold drawn with .v. great Corsers, covered with black Velvet, garnished with cusshions of fine gold: and over the corpse, was an Image or a representation of the late king, laid on Cusshions of gold, and thesay image was apparelled, in the kings rich robes of estate, with a crown on the head, and ball and sceptre in the hands: and the chariot was garnished with banners, and Pencelles of th'arms of his dominions, titles and geanealogies. When the chariot was thusordered, the kings chapel, and a great number of Prelates, set forward praying: then followed all the kings servants, in black, then followed the Chariot: and after the Chariot ix mourners, and on every side were carried long torches and short, to the number of vi C. and in this order they came to saint George's field, from Richemond. There met with them, all the Priests and clerk, and religious men, within the city, and without (which went foremost, before the kings Chapel) the Mayor and his brethren, with many commoners, all clothed in black, met with the corpse at London Bridge, and so gave their attendance on the same, through the city: and in good order, the company passed through the city, whereof the streets on every side, were set with long Torches, and on the stalls stood young children, holding tapers, and so with great reverence, the Chariot was brought to the Cathedral Church of saint Paul, where the body was taken out, and carried into the Choir, and set under a goodly Hearse of wax, garnished with Banners, Pencelles, & Cusshions, where was sung a solemn Dirige, and a Mass, with a Sermon, made by the bishop of Rochester: during which time, the kings household and the mourners, reposed them in the bishops Paleis. The next day, the corpse in like order was removed, toward Westminster, sir Edward Haward, bearing the kings banner, on a courser trapped, in the arms of the defunct. In Westminster was a curious hearse, made of ix principals, full of lights, which, were lighted at the coming of the corpse, which, was taken out of the Chariot, by six Lords, and set under the Hearse, the Image or the representation, lying upon the Cusshyn on a large pall of gold. The hearse was double railed: within the first rails, sat the mourners, and within the second rail, stood knights 〈◊〉 banners of saints, and without the same, stood officers of arms. When the mourners were set, Gartier king at Arms, cried, for the soul of the noble prince king Henry the . VII. late king of this realm: then the choir began Placebo, and so song Dirige, which, being finished, the mourners departed into the Palace, where they had a void, and so reposed for that night.  
The next day, were three Masses solemnly song, by bishops, and at the last Mass was offered, the kings banner and courser, his coat of arms, his sword, his target, and his helm, and at th'end of Mass the mourners offered up, rich Paulles of cloth of gold and Baudekin, and when the choir sang, Libera me, the body was put into the earth, and then the lord Treasurer, lord Steward, lord Chamberlein, the Treasurer, and controller of the kings household, broke their staves and cast them into the grave. Then Gartier cried with a loud voice, Vive le Roy Henry le hu●esme, Roy Dangliter, & de France, sire Dirland. Then all the mourners, and all other that had given their attendance, on this funeral Obsequy, departed to the Palace, where they had a great and a sumptuous feast.  
Wonder it were to writ, of the lamentation that was made, for this Prince amongst his servants, and other of the wisest sort, and the joy that was made for his death, by such as were troubled, by ●igor of his law: yet the toward hope, which, in all points appeared, in the young king did both repair and comfort, the heavy hearts of them, which, had lost so wise and sage a prince: and also did put out of the minds of such, as were relieved by thesay kings death, all their old grudge and rancour, and confirmed their new joy, by the new grant of his pardon.  
When the funerals of this late king, were thus honourably finished, great preparation was made, for the coronation of this new king which was appointed on Midsummer day next ensuing: during which preparation, the king was moved, by some of his counsel, that it should be honourable▪ and profitable to his realm, 
The Kings marriage doubtful at the beginning.  to take to wife the lady Katherine, late wife to Prince Arthur his brother deceased, lest she having so great a dowry, might marry out of the realm, which, should be unprofitable to him: by reason of which motion, the king being young, and not understanding the law of God, espoused thesay lady Katherine, the third day of june, the which marriage, was dispensed with by Pope july, at the request of her father, king Farnando, contrary to the opinion of all the Cardinals of Rome, being divines. This marriage of the brother's wife, was much murmured against, in the beginning, and ever more and more, searched out by learning and scripture, so that at the last, by the determination, of the best universities of Christendom, it was adjudged detestable, and plain contrary to God's law, as you shall here, after twenty years.  
If I should declare, what pain, labour, and diligence, the Tailors, Embrouderers, and Gold Smiths took, both to make and devise garments, for Lords, Ladies, Knights, and Esquires, and also for decking, trapping, and adorning of Coursers, jenetes, and Palffreis, it were to long to rehersse, but for a surety, more rich, nor more strange nor more curious works, hath not been seen, then were prepared against this coronation.  
On the xxj day of this month of june, the king came from Grenewiche to the Tower, over London Bridge, and so by Grace Church, with whom, came many a well apparelled gentleman, but in especial the Duke of Buckyngham, which, had a gown all of goldsmiths work, very costly, and there the king rested, till Saterdaie next ensuing.  
friday the twenty and two day of june, every thing being in a ●eadines, for his Coronation: his grace with the Queen, being in the Tower of London, made there Knights of the Bath, to the number of twenty and four, with all the observances and Ceremonies, to the same belonging.  
And the morrow following, being Saterdaie, the xxiii day of the said month, his grace, with the Queen, departed from the Tower, through the city of London, against whose coming, the streets where his grace should pass, were hanged with tapistry, and cloth of Arras. And the great part, of the south side of Cheap, with cloth of gold, and some part of Cornhill also. And the streets railed and barred, on the one side, from over against Grace Church, unto Bredstreate, in Chepeside, where every occupation stood, in their liveries in order, beginning with base and mean occupations, and so ascending to the worshipful crafts: highest and lastly stood the Mayor, with the Aldermen. The goldsmiths stalls, unto the end of the Old Change, being replenished with Virgins in white, with branches of white Wax: the priests and clerks, in rich Copes▪ with Crosses and censers of silver, with censing his grace, and the Queen also, as they passed. The features of his body, his goodly parsonage, his amiable visage, princely countenance, with the noble qualities of his royal estate, to every man known, needeth no rehearsal, considering, that for lack of cunning, I cannot express the gifts of grace and of nature, that God hath endowed him with all: yet partly, to descrive his apparel, it is to be noted, his grace ware in his upperst apparel, a rob of Crimosyn Velvet, furred with Armyns, his jacket or cote of raised gold, the placard embrowdered with Diamonds Rubies, Emeralds, great Pearls, and other rich Stones, a great Bauderike about his neck, of great Balasses. The Trapper of his Horse▪ Damask gold, with a deep purfell of Armyns, his knights and Esquires for his body, in Crimosyn Velvet, and all the gentlemen, with other of his chapel, and all his officers, and household servants, were apparelled in Scarlet. The Barons of the five Ports, bore the Canaby, or cloth of estate: For to recite unto you, the great estates by name, the order of their going, the number of the lords Spiritual and temporal▪ Knights, Esquires, and Gentlemen, and of their costly and rich apparel, of several devices and fashions, who took up his horse best, or who was richest beseen, it would ask long time, and yet I should omit many things, and fail of the number, for they were very many: wherefore I pass over, but this I dare well say, there was no lack or scarcity of cloth of Tissue, cloth of Gold, cloth of Silver, broidery, or of Gold smiths works: but in more plenty and abundance, then hath been seen, or red of at any time before, and thereto many and a great number of chains of Gold, and Bauderikes, both massy and great. Also before the kings highness, road two gentle men▪ richly apparelled, and about their body's travers, they did bear two Robes, the one of the Duchy of Guyon, and the other for the Duchy of Normandy, with Hats on their heads, powdered with Armyns, for the estate of the same. next followed two persons of good estate, the one bearing his cloak, the other his hat, apparelled both in Gold Smiths work, and Broudery, their horses Trapped, in burned Silver, drawn over with cords of Grene silk and Gold, the edges and borders of their apparel, being fretted with Gold of Damask. After them came six Thomas Brandon, Master of the kings Horse, clothed in tissue, Broudered with Roses of fine Gold, and traverse his body, a great Bauderike of Gold, great and massy, his Horse trapped in Gold, leading by a rain of Silk, the kings spare Horse, trapped bard wise, with harness Broudered with Bullion Gold, curiously wrought by Gold Smiths. Then next followed, the nine children of honour, upon great coursers, apparelled on their bodies, in Blue Velvet, powdered with Flower Delices' of Gold, and chains of Gold Smiths work, every one of their horses, trapped with a trapper of the kings title, as of England, and France, Gascoigne, Guyan, Normandy, Angeow, Cornwall, Wa●es, Ireland, etc. wrought upon Ueluettes, with Embrouderie, and Gold Smiths work.  
Then next following in order, came the queens retinue, as Lords, Knights, Esquires, and gentle men in their degrees, well mounted, and richly apparelled in Tissues, cloth of Gold, of Silver, Tynsels, and velvets Embroudered, fresh and goodly to behold. The Queen then by name Katherine, sitting in her Litter, borne by two White Palfreys, the Litter covered, and richly apparelled, and the Palfreys Trapped in White cloth of gold, her person apparelled in white Satyn Embroidered, her heir hanging down to her back, of a very great length, bewtefull and goodly to behold, and on her head a coronal, set with many rich orient stones. Next after, six honourable personages on White Palfreys, all apparelled in Cloth of Gold, and then a Chariot covered, and the Ladies therein, all apparelled in Cloth of Gold. And another sort of Ladies, and then another Chariot, than the Ladies next the Chariot, and so in order, every after their degrees, in cloth of Gold, Cloth of Silver, Tynselles, and Velvet, with Embrouderies, every couplement of thesay Chariotes, and the draft harness, were powdered with Armins', mixed with cloth of Gold: and with much joy and honour, came to Westminster, where was high preparation made, aswell for thesay Coronation, as also for the solemn feast and justes, thereupon to be had and doen.  
The morrow following being sunday, and also Midsummer day, this noble prince with his Queen, at time convenient, under their Canabies' borne by the Barons of the five Ports, went from thesay Palace, to Westminster Abbey upon cloth, called vulgarly cloth of Ray, the which cloth was cut and spoiled, by the rude and common people, immediately after their repair into the Abbey, where, according to the sacred observance, and ancient custom, his grace with the Queen, were anointed and crowned, by the Archebusshop of Cantorbury, with other prelate's of the realm there present, and the nobility, with a great multitude of Commons of the same. It was demanded of the people, whether they would receive, obey, and take the same most noble Prince, for their king, who with great reverence, love, and desire, said and cried, ye ye. After the which solemnity, and Coronation finished, the lords spiritual and temporal, did to him homage, and returned to Westminster hall, with the queens grace, every one under their canabies, where, by the lord Martial, and his tipped staves, was made room▪ and every lord, and other noble men, according to their tenors, be●ore claimed and viewed, seen, and allowed by the lords, and other of his grace's counsel, entered into such room and office that day, to execute their services accordingly. The kings estate on the right hand, and the Queens on the left hand, the cobard of ix stages, their noble personages being set: first, at the bringing of the first course, the trumpets blew up. And in came the Duke of Buckyngham, mounted upon a great courser, richly trapped, and enbroudered, and the lord Steward, in likewise on an horse, trapped in cloth of Gold, ●idyng before the service, which was sumptuous, with many subtleties, strange devices, with several poses, and many dainty dishes. At the kings feet, under the table, were certain gentlemen. And in likewise with the queen, who there continued, during that long & royal feast. What should I speak or writ, of the sumptuous fine, and delicate meats, prepared for this high and honourable coronation, provided for aswell in the parties beyond the sea, as in many and ●ūdery places, within this realm, where God so abundantly hath sent such plenty and foison? Or of the honourable order of the services, the clean handling & breaking of meats, the ordering of the dishes, with the plentiful abundance. So that none of any estate being there, did lack, nor no honourable or worshipful person, went unfeasted. The second course being served: in at the haul door entered a knight, armed at all points▪ his bases rich tissue embroudered, a great plume & as sumptuous of Oistriche feathers on his helmet, sitting on a great courser▪ trapped in tissue, and embroudered with th'arms of England, and of France, and an herald of arms before him. And passing through the hall, presented himself with humble reverence, before the kings majesty, to whom, Garter king of heralds, cried and said with a loud voice, sir knight from whence come you, and what is your pretence? This knights name was sir Robert Dimmocke, Champion to the king, by tenure of his inheritance, who answered thesay king of Arms, in effect after this manner: Sir, the place that I come form, is not material, nor the cause of my repair hither, is not concerning any matter, of any place or country, but only this. And there with all, commanded his Herald to make an Oyes: then said the knight, to the king of arms, now shall ye here, the cause of my coming and pretence. Then he commanded his own Herald, by Proclamation to say: if there be any person, of what estate or degree: soever he be, that 〈◊〉 say or prove, that king Henry the eight, is not the rightful enheritor, and king of this realm, I sir William Dimmoke here his Champion, offer my glove, to fight in his quarrel with any person to thutterance, which Proclamation was made in sundry places of the hall: And at every time, his gaun●lette cast down, in the maintenance thereof. After which several proclamations done, and offers made, the said knight or champion, eftsoons repaired to the kings presence, demanding drink, to whom the kings grace sent a cup of gold, with wine, whereof after this knight had drunk▪ he demanded the cover of thesay cup, which, to him was also delivered: that done, he departed out of the hall, with thelaid cup & cover, as his own  
The manner of his tenure is this, that at the Coronation of the king, he shall go to the armoury, and there take the kings best harness, save one, the best and rich bases saving one, then of the plumes, or other things, for the garnishing of his crest or helm, and so to the stable▪ there taking the next courser or horse, to the best, with like trapper▪ and so ●urnished, to enter ut supra, and his office done, to have all these things, with the Cup of Gold and cover, to his own use.  
After the departure of thesay Champion, the King of Arms, with all the Heralds, and other officers of Arms made Pl●clamacions in several places of the hall, crying largesse. Briefly to pass over, this high and long solemnity, of this honourable Coronation and feast, more honourable then of the great Cesar, whom, many Historiographers, so high set out and magnified, if the Latins of England, were not promoted or advanced, to dignities and promotions, unless they first should (as other poor clerks, in the parties beyond the sea, exalt and set forth the ●estes & Chronicles, of their native countries, with high laud & praise and in some part more than truth, for small meed or reward do) put in writing, either in English or Latin tongue, the noble triumphs, chivalrous feats, valiant acts, victorious battles, & other noble jests of this realm, & in especial of our time & knowledge, of this most valiant and goodly prince, it should appear much more honourable, than any other stories: But promotion and benefices, put away labour and pain, albeit the great part of them will say, that the high Cure and charge is to edify the people, with the word of God, taking cure of the souls: there against I will not reply, but no displeasure▪ I perceive that they take as great cure, for the profit of their purses, with pleasure of hunting and hawking, besides other their pastimes, after they come to the best of their promotion, with small keeping of hospitality: as other which were their predecessors, and much worse, so that part of their pastimes spent in writing, and setting forth the jests, acts and deeds, of the nobility of England, with the manifold commodities of the same▪ should much ennoble the princes thereof, seeing by daily experience, bishops, Archebusshoppes, abbots, and other clerks, in the parties beyond the sea, aswell learned, as of high knowledge, and better lineage, and as virtuous as they, daily enforce theimselfes, to advance their Princes, their Realms, and native Countries, aswell in Latin, as in their vulgar tongue. But to return to th'end of this honourable feast, the tables avoided, the wafers were brought. Then Sir Stephen Ieny●s, that time Maior of London, whom, the king before he sat down to dinner, had dubbed knight, which, began the Earls Table that day, a rose from the place where he sat, to serve the King with hippocras, in a Cup of Gold, which Cup, after his grace had drunken thereof, was with the cover, given unto the said sir Stephen, like as other his predecessors, majors o● thesay city, were wont to have at the Coronation of the king. Then after the Surnap laid, and that the kings grace, b●the Queen had washed, every of them under their Clotheses of estate, the tables being avoided, went unto their cambers.  
For the more honour▪ and ennobling of this triumphant Coronation, there were prepared, both justes and tourneys, to be done in the Palace of Westminster, where, for the kings grace, and the Queen, was framed a fair house, covered with Tapissarie, and hanged with rich clotheses of Arrais, and in thesay Palace, was made a curious Fountain, and over it a Castle: on the top thereof, a great Crown Imperial, all the imbatelling with Roses, and Pomegranetes gilded: and under and about thesay Castle, a curious vine, the leaves and grapes thereof, gilded with fine Gold, the walls of the same Castle coloured, White and Grene losengis. And in every lozenge, either a Rose or a Pomegranet, or a sheaf of Arrows, or else. H. and. K. gilded with fine Gold with certain Arches or Turrettes gilded, to support the same Castle. And the targets of the arms, of the defendants, appointed for thesay justes▪ there upon sumpteously set. And out at several places, of the same Castle▪ aswell the day of the coronation, as at the said days of the justes & Tourney, out of the mouths of certain beasts, or gargels, did run read, white, & claret wine. Thenterprisers of these justes, was Thomas lord Haward, heir apparent to the earl of Surrey, sir Edward Haward Admiral, his brother, the lord Richard, brother to the Marquis Dorset▪ sir Edmond Haward, sir Thomas Knevet, & Charles Brandon esquire. The trumpets blew to the field, the fresh young galantes & noble men gorgeously apparelled, with curious devices, of cuts and of embrouderies, aswell in their coats, as in trappers for their horses, some of gold, some in silver, some in Tynsels, and diverse other in goldsmiths' work, goodly to behold, first entered the field, in taking up and turning their Horses, netly & freshly. Then followed a devise, (carried by strength of men, and other provision) framed like a Castle, or a Turret, wrought with fine cloth of Gold: the roppe whereof, was spread with Roses and Pomegranettes, hanging down on every side, of thesay devise, wherein was a Lady, bearing a shield of Crystal named Pallas. After whom, thesay Lord Haward, with his compaignions' followed, armed at all points, their Bases, and Bards, or Trappers, were of Grene Velvet, beaten with Roses, and Pomegranetes of Gold, broidered with fringes of Damask Gold. thesay devise or Turret, being brought before the king, the Lady Pallas, pre●ented thesay persons, whom, she named her scholars, to the kings highness, beseeching the same, to accept them as her scholars, who were desirous to serve him, to the increase of their honours, which said scholars, had about them on foot, to the number of an hundred persons, freshly apparelled, in Ueluettes of sundry colours, with Hose and bonnets, according to the same. And further, thesay Lady desired the king, that it might please his grace, that her said scholars, might be defendants to all comers which request was granted.  
Then came in an other bend of horse men, freshly and well apparelled in cloth of gold, in silver, in goldsmiths work, and brouderie, to the number of three score, with trappers accordingly to their garments, with great Bauderikes, Collars, and chains of Gold, about their necks, and traverse their bodies, every man with a coif of gold on his head, and a great plume of father's thereupon, some of one colour, and some of an other, entering before into the field, with Drums and mischiefs a great number, every man taking up his horse, in his best manner, aswell for their Ladies, as also for laud or praise to be given them. After whom, followed a good number of foot men, in Ueluettes, & other silks, cut and embroudered, with hose to the same accordingly, & bonnets and other furniture, after a fresh and lusty fashion. next to them came on horse back, eight persons, whose names were, sir John Pechy, Sir Edward Nevell, Sir Edward Guildeforde, Sir John Car, Sir William Parr, Sir Gyles Capell, Sir Griffith Dun, and Sir Roulande, Armed also at all points, with shields of their own arms, with rich Plumes, and other devices on their head pieces their Bases and Trappers of Tissue, cloth of Gold, Silver and velvet, and next before them, a gentle man on horseback, in a coat of Blue Velvet, embroudered with gold, and his horse Trapped in the same suit, with a spear of Gold on his thigh, and the same presented to the Queen: saying, that it was informed those knights of his company, how that Dame Pallas, had presented six of her scholars to the King, but whether they came to learn, or to teach feats of Arms, they knew not. And further declared, that his knights were come, to do feats of arms, for the love of Ladies, wherefore, he besought her grace, to licence those Knights to prove theim selfes, against Dame Pallas Scholars: and that in case, her Scholars broke more spears, on thesay knights, by the view of the judges, and the report of the Heralds, then the same knights should do on them, than thesay Scholars of Pallas knights, to have the spear of Gold for their prize. And if the knights broke more spears, than Dame Pallas Scholars, thesay knights to have the Crystal Shield. The which request to them granted, the justes began, where every man did acquit himself, well and valiantly, but who had the price of other, I know not, the night coming on, the justes ended.  
The next day approached, the foresaid defenders, Scholars to Pallas on Horseback, armed Cape a pie, the one side of their Bases, and Bards of their Horses white Velvet, embroudered with Roses of gold and other embrouderies, the other side Grene Velvet, embroudered with Pomegranetes of Gold, every one of them on his head piece, had an hear of flat Gold of Damask, presented theimselfes, before the king ready to Tourney.  
Then immediately on the other part came in, 
Diana's knights.  the forenamed eight knights ready armed, their Bases and Bards of their Horse, Grene Satin, embroudered with fresh devices, of Bramble branches, of fine Gold curiously wrought, powdered over all. And after them a great number of horns blown, by men appareled in Grene Cloth, with Caps and Hosen of like suit, as Forsters or keepers, and a Pagente made like a Park, paled with pales of White and Grene, wherein were certain Fallow Dear, and in the same Park curious Trees made by craft, with Bushes, Fernes, and other things in likewise wrought, goodly to behold. The which Park or devise, being brought before the Queen, had certain gates thereof opened, the Dear ran out thereof into the Palace, the grey hounds were let slip and killed the Dear: the which deer so killed, were presented to the Queen and the Ladies, by the foresaid knights. Crocheman, which the day before brought in the spear of gold, there declared, that the same knights were servants to Diana, and being in their pastime of hunting, news were brought unto them, that Dame Pallas knights, were come into those parties, to do deeds of arms: wherefore, they had left their hunting and chase, and repaired also thither, to encounter with the knights of Pallas, and so to fight with them, for the love of ladies to thutterance: saying, that if Pallas knights vanquished the other, or made them to leave the field, than they to have the dear killed, and the grey hounds that slew them. And in case Diana's knights, over came the other, they to have their sword, and none other thing more. Whereupon the Queen and Ladies, sent to the king to have his advise and pleasure in this behalf, his grace conceiving, that there was some grudge, and displeasure between them, thinking if such request were to them granted, some inconvenience might ensue, would not there unto agre, so that for the appeasing thereof, it was awarded that both parties, should tourney togethers, giving but a certain strokes, which done they departed: And so these justes broke up, and the prices given to every man after his deserts.  
This year the king pardoned the lord Henry, brother to the Duke of Buckyngham, being committed to the Tower▪ upon suspicion of treason laid unto him, but not proved, and soon after at the Parliament, created him Earl of Wylshire.  
Also this year, the king ordained fifty Gentle men to be spears, every of them to have an Archer, a Demi-lance, and a Custrell, and every Spear to have three great Horses, to be attendant on his person, of the which bend, the Earl of Essex was lieutenant, and sir John Pechie Captain, who endured but a while, the apparel and charges were so great, for there were none of them, but they and their Horses, were apparelled and trapped in Cloth of Gold, Silver, and Gold Smiths work, and their servants richly apparelled also.  
This year also, was a great Pestilence in the town of Caleis, and much people died, in so much that the king, at the request of his counsel of Caleis, considering the weakness of the town, sent thither Sir John Pechie, with three hundred men to tarry there, who continued there unto such time, that the plague was ceased, and new soldiers admitted, to such rooms as then were vacant, and then returned into England. Furthermore, this year the king summoned his Parliament, in the month of Novembre, which, began in the month of Ianuari● ensuing, whereof sir Thomas Inglefelde was chosen Speaker, in the which session amongs other things there enacted, it was ordained by authority of Parliament, that sir Thomas Empson knight, and Edmund Dudeley Esquire, late Counsellors to King Henry the seventh, should and were attainted of haut treason.  
Thesame year the plague was great, and reigned in diverse parts of the realm, the king kept his Christmas at Richemond. And the xii day of januarie, diverse gentlemen freshly apparelled, prepared themself to just, unknown to the kings grace, whereof, he being secretly informed, caused himself, and one of his privy chamber, called William Compton to be secretly armed, in the little Park of Richemond: and so came into the justes, unknown to all persons, and unlooked for: The king ran never openly before, and there were broken many staves, and great praise given to the two strangers, but specially to one, which was the king: howbeit, at a course by misfortune, sir Edward Nevell Esquire, brother to the Lord of Burgainie, did run against Master Cumpton, and hurt him sore, and was likely to die. One person there was, that knew the king, and cried, God save the king, with that, all the people were astonished, and then the king discovered himself, to the great comfort of all the people.  
The king sone after, came to Westminster with the Queen, and all their train: And on a time being there▪ his grace th'earls of Essex, Wiltshire, and other noble men, to the number of twelve, came suddenly in a morning, into the Queens Chambre, all apparelled in short coats, of kentish Kendal, with hodes on their heads, and hosen of the same, every one of them, his bow and arrows, and a sword and a bucklar, like out laws, or Robin Hodes men, whereof the Queen, the Ladies, and all other there, were abashed, aswell for the strange fight, as also for their sudden coming▪ and after certain dances, and pastime made, they departed. On Shrove Sunday the same year, 
A banquet.  the king prepared a goodly banquet, in the Parliament Chambre at Westmin●ter, for all the Ambassadors, which, than were here, out of diverse realm and countries The banquet being ready, the King leading the Queen, entered into the Chambre▪ then the Ladies, Ambassadors, and other noble men, followed in order. The King caused the Queen, to keep the estate, and then sat the Ambassadors and Ladies, as they were Marshaled by the king, who would not sit, but walked from place to place, making cheer to the Queen, and the strangers: Suddenly the king was go. And shortly after, his grace with the Earl of Essex, came in apparelled after Turkey fashion, in long robes of Bawdkin▪ powdered with gold, hats on their heads of Crimosyn Velvet, with great rolls of Gold, girded with two sword, called C●●●teries▪ hanging by great bawderikes of gold. Next▪ came the lord Henry earl of Wiltshire, and the lord Fitzwater▪ in two long gounes of yellow satin, travarsed with white satin, and in every bend of white, was a bend of crimosen satin after the fashion of Russia or Ruslande, with ●urred hats of grey on their heads▪ either of them having an hatchet in their hands, and boots with pikes turned up. And after them, came sir Edward Haward, than admiral, and with him sir Thomas Parr▪ in doblettes of Crimosin velvet, voided low on the back, and before to the cannell bone, lase on the breasts with chains of silver, and over that short cloaks of Crimosyn satyne, and on their heads hats after dancers fashion, with feasauntes' feathers in them: They were appareyled after the fashion of Prusia or Spruce. The torchebearers were appareyled in Crymosyn satyne and green▪ like Moreskoes, their faces black: And the king brought in a mommerye. After that the Queen▪ the lords▪ and ladies, such as would had played, the said mommers departed, and put of the same apparel, & soon after entered into the Chamber, in their usuel apparel. And so the king made great cheer to the Queen, Ladies and Ambassadors: The Supper or Banquet ended▪ and the tables avoided the king being in communication with the Ambassadors, the Queen with the ladies took their places in their degrees. Then began the dancing, and every man took much heed to them that danced. The king perceiving that, withdrew himself suddenly out of the place, with certain other persons appointed for that purpose. And within a little while after there came in a drum and a fi●e appareled in white Damask and green bonnets, & h●sen of the same sure, than certain gentlemen followed with torches, appareled in blue Damask purseled with Ames grey, fashioned like an Awbe, and on their heads hodes with robs and long tippettes to the same of blue Damask visard. Than after them came a certain number of gentlemen, whereof the king was one, appareled all in one sewte of short garments, little beneath the points, o● blue Velvet and Crymosyne with long ●●eues, all cut and lined with cloth of gold. And the utter part of the garments were powdered with cassels, & shefes of arrows of fine doket gold. The upper parts of their hosen of like sewte and fashion, the neither parts were of Scarlet, powdered with tymbrelles of fine gold, on their heads bonnets of Damask, silver flat woven in the stole, and thereupon wrought with gold, and rich feathers in them, all with visers. After them entered vi ladies, whereof two were appareyled in Crymosyn satyne and purple, enbrowdered with gold and by vynye●tes, ran ●●oure delices of gold, with maru●ylous rich & strange 〈◊〉 on their heads. Other two ladies in Crymosyne & purple▪ made like long slops enbroudered and fret with gold after antic fashion: and over that garment was a short garment of cloth of gold scant to the knee fashioned like a tabard all over, with small double rolls, ●ll o● flat gold o● Damask, fret with frysed gold, and on their heads skayus and wrappers of Damask gold with flat pipes, that strange it was to behold. The other two ladies were in kyrtels of Crymosyne and purpul satin, enbroudered with a vynet of Pomegraneltes of gold▪ all the garments cut compass wise, having but demi sleeves, and naked down from the elbows, and over their garments were vochettes of pleasantes, rolled with Crymsyne velvet, and set with letters of gold like characts, their heads rolled in pleasauntes and typpe●s like the Egipcians, enbroudered with gold. Their faces, necks, arms & hands, covered in fine pleasance black: Some call it Lumberdynes, which is marvelous thine, so that the same ladies seemed to be nyg●ost or black Moors. Of these foresaid vi ladies, the lady Mary, sister unto the king was one, the other I name not. After that the kings grace and the ladies had danced a certain time they departed every one to his lodging.  
In this year king Henry the vii his executors made restitution of great sums of money, to many persons taken against good conscience to the said kings use, by the forenamed Empson and Dudley.  
This year also came Ambassadors from the king of Arragon and Castille into this Realm, who were highly entertained and royally received, and repaired much to the Court. It happened on a day, that there were certain noble men made a wager to run at the ring, and parties were taken, and which party attained or took away the ring oftenest with a certain courses, should win the wager. Whereof, the kings grace hearing offered to be on the one party with vi companions: The Ambassadors hearing thereof, were much desirous to see fhies wager tried, and specially the Ambassadors of spain, who had never seen the king in harness. At the day appointed, the king was mounted on a godly Courser▪ trapped in purple velvet cut, the inner side whereof was wrought with flat gold of Damask in the stool, and the velvet on the other side cut in letters: So that the gold appeared as though it had been enbroudered with certain reasons or poises.  
And on the Velvet between the letters were fastyned, castles and shefes of arrows of doket gold, with a garment the ●●eues compassed over his harness, and his bases of the same work, with a great plume of feathers on his head peace, that came down to the arion of his saddle, and a great company of freshgentelmen, came in with his grace richly armed and decked, with many other right gorgeously appareyled, the trumpets before them, Goodly to behold, whereof many strangers, but specially the Spagniardes much rejoiced, for they had never seen the king before that time armed.  
On the other side came in an other bend of gentlemen, freshly appareyled, and pleasant to behold, all appareyled in cloth of gold, chequered with flat gold of Damask, and powdered with Roses: and so every man ran, but to conclude, the price was given unto the king. every man did run xii courses, the king did bear away the ring u times, and attained it iii: & these courses thus finished, the Spanish Ambassadors desired to have some of the badges or devices, which were on the kings trapper: his grace thereof knowing commanded Every of them to take thereof what it pleased them, who in effect took all or the more part: for in the beginning they thought they had been counterfeit, and not of gold.  
In this year from divers Realms and Countries came many Ambassadors, of France, Denemarke, Scotland, and other Realms, which were highly entertained.  

¶ The ii year.  
ON May day, than next following in the ii year of his reign, his grace being young, and willing not to be ●dell, rose in the morning very early to fetch May or green bows, himself fresh and richly appareyled, & clothed all his Knights, squires and Gentlemen in white Satyn, and all his guard and yeomen of the Crown in white sarsenet: And so went every man with his bow and arrows shooting to the wood, and so repaired again to the Court, every man with a green bough in his cap, and at his returning many hearing of his going a maying, were desirous to see him shoot, for at that time his grace shot as strong and as great a length as any of his guard. There came to his grace a certain man with bow and arrows, and desired his grace to take the ●uster of him, and to see him shoot, for at that time his grace was contented, the man put his one foot in his bosom, and so did shoot, and shoot a very good shoot, and well towards his mark, whereof not only his grace but all other greatly marveled. So the king gave him a reward for his so doing, which person afterwards of the people and of them in the court was called, ●ote in bosom.  
Thesame year in the feast of Pentecoste, holden at Grenewyche, that is to say the Thursday in the same w●ke, his grace with two other with him challenged all comers, to fight with them at the barriers with target & casting the spear of viii foot long, and that done his grace with the said two aids to fight every of them xii strokes with twohanded sword, with and against all comers, none except being a gentleman, where the king behaved himself so well, and delivered himself so valiantly by his hardy prows and great strength that the praise and laud was given to his grace, and his aids: notwithstanding that divers valiant and strong persons had assailed him and his aids.  
From thence the whole Court removed to Wyndesore, than beginning his progress, exercising himself daily in shooting, singing▪ dancing, wrestling, casting of the bar▪ playing at the recorders, flute, virginals, and in setting of songs▪ making of balettes, & did set ii goodly masses, every of them five parts, which were song oftentimes in his chapel, and afterwards in divers other places. And when he came to Okyng, there were kept both justes and Attorneys: the rest of this progress was spent in hunting, hawking, and shooting.  
The king being thus in his progress hard every day more and more complaints of Empson and Dudley, 
Empson and D●dl●y ●ehedded.  wherefore he sent writs to the Shyrifes of London, to put them in execution, and so the xvii day of August, they were both beheaded at the Tower hill, and their bodies buried and their heads.  
The said progress finished▪ his grace, the Queen, with all their whole train, in the month of October following, removed to Grenewyche.  
The king not minded to see young Gentlemen, unexpert in martial ●eates▪ caused a place to be prepared within the park of Grenewyche for the Queen and the ladies to stand and see the ●ighte with battle axes that should be done there, where the king himself armed, fought with one Gyot a gentleman of Almaigne, a tall man, and a good man of arms. And than after they had done, they marched always two and two togethers, and so did their feats and enterprises every man very well: Albeit, it happened the said Gyot to fight with sir Edward Haward, which Gyot was by him stricken to the ground.  
The morrow after this enterprise done, the king with the Queen came to the Tower of London. And to th'intent that there should no displeasure nor malice be borne by any of those Gentlemen, which fought with the axe against other. The king gave unto than a certain sum in gold, valued at .cc. mark, to make a banquet amongst themselves with all: The which banquet was made at the Fishmongers Halle in Teams street, where they all met to the number of xxiiii, all appareyled in one suit or livery, after Almain fashion, that is to say, their utter garments all of yellow Satyne, yellow hosen, yellow shoes girdles scaberdes, and bonnets with yellow feathers, their garments & hosen all cut and lined with white Satyn, and their scaberdes' wound a bought with satyne: After their banquet ended, they went by torch light to the Tower, presenting themselves before the king, who took pleasure to behold them.  
From thence, the viii day of November, his grace removed to Rychemond, and willed to be declared to all noble men and gentlemen, that his grace with two aids, that is to wit master Charles Brandon, & master Compton, during two days would answer all comers with spear at the Tilt one day, and at tourney with sword, the other.  
And to accomplish this enterprise the xiii day of November, his grace armed at all pieces with his two aids entered the field, their bases and trappers were of cloth of gold, set with red roses, ingreyled with gold o● brouderye: The counterpart came in freshly, appareyled every man after his devise. At these justes the king broke more staves than any other, and therefore had the price: At the Turney in likewise, the honour was his. The second night were divers strangers of Maximilian the emperors court, and Ambassadors of spain with y●●yng at supper: when they had supped, the king willed them to go into the queens chamber, who so did. And in the mean season, the king with xu other, apparelled in Almaigne jackettes of Crymosyne, & purple Satyne, with long quartered sleeves, with hosen of the same suit, their bonnets of white velvet, wrapped in flat gold of Damask, with visers and white plumes, came in with a mommery, and after a certain ●yme that they had played with the Queen and the strangers, they departed. Then suddenly entered vi mynstrels, richly apparelled, playing on their instruments, and then followed xiiii persons Gentlemen, all appareyled in yellow Satyne, cut like Almains, bearing torches.  
After them came vi disguised in white Satyne and green, enbroudered and set with letters and castles of fine gold in bullion, the garments were of strange fashion, with also strange cuts, every cut knit with points of ●yne gold and tassels of the same, their hosen cut and tied in likewise, their bonnets of cloth of silver, wound with gold. first of these vi was the king, the earl of Essex, Charles Brandon, sir Edward hayward, sir Thomas Knevet, & sir Henry Guylforde. Then part of the Gentlemen bearing torches departed▪ and shortly returned, after whom came in vi ladies, apparelled in garments of Crymosyn Satyn enbroudered and travessed with cloth of gold, cut in Pomegranettes and yokes, strynged after the fashion of spain. Then the said vi men danced with these vi ladies: and after that they had danced a season, the ladies took of the men's visa●s, whereby they were known: Whereof the Queen and the strangers much praised the king, & ended the pastime.  
It is to be noted that at this time the Queen was great with child, and shortly after this pastime, she took her chamber at Richemond, for the which cause the king kept his Christmas there. And on Newyeres day, the first day of january, the Queen was delivered of a Prince to the great gladness of the Realm, for the honour of whom, fierce were made, and divers vessels with wine, set for such as would take thereof in certain streets in London, and general processions thereupon to laud God. As touching the preparation of the Prince's Christening, I overpass, which was honourably done, whose godfathers at the fout were the archbishop of Caunterbury, and the earl of Surrey. Godmother the lady Katherine Countess of Devonshire, daughter to king Edward the fourth.  
Against the xii day or the day of the epiphany at night, before the banquet in the Hall at Richemond, was a pageaunt devised like a mountain, glistering by night, as though it had been all of gold and set with stones, on the top of the which mountain was a tree of gold, the branches and bows frysed with gold, spreading on every side over the mountain, with Roses and Pomegarnettes, the which mountain was with vices brought up towards the king, & out of the same came a lady, apparelled in cloth of gold, and the children of honour called the Henchemen, which were freshly disguised, and danced a Morris before the king. And that done, re-entered the mountain and then it was drawn back, and then was the wassaill or banquet brought in, and so broke up Christmas.  
Shortly after▪ and before the queens churching, the king road to Walsingham. The Queen being Churched or purified, the king and she removed from Rychemonde to Westmynster, where was preparation for a solemn justes in the honour of the Queen, the king being one, and with him three aids: his grace being called Cure lo●al, the lord William earl of Devonshire, called Bon volo●re, Sir Thomas Knevet named Bon espoir, Sir Edward Nevile, called Valiant desire, whose names were set upon a goodly table, and the table hanged in a tree, curiously wrought, and they were called Les quater Chiualers de la f●rrest saluigne, these four to run at the tilt against all comers, with other certain Articles comprised in the said table.  
A place in the Palace was prepared for the king, and also the Queen, richly hanged, the inner part with cloth of gold, and the utter with rich cloth of Arras. These justes began the xiii day of February. After that, that the Queen with her train of ladies had taken their places, into the palace was conveyed a pag●aūt of a great quantity, made like a forest with rocks, hills and dales, with divers sundry trees, flowers, hathornes, fer●e and grass, with six forsters, standing within the same forest, garnished in coats and hodes of green Velvet, by whom lay a great number of spears, all the trees, herbs, & flowers, of the same forest were made of green Velvet, green Damask, and silk of divers colours, Satyn and Sercenet. In the mids of this forest was a cas●ell standing, made of gold, and before the castle gate sat a gentleman freshly apparelled, making a garland of Roses for the price. This forest was drawn, as it were by strength of two great beasts, a Lion and an Ant●lop, the Lion flourished all over with Damask gold, The Antelope was wrought all over with silver of Damask, his beams or horns & tusks of gold: these beasts were led with certain men appareled like wild men, or woodhouses, their bodies, heads, faces, hands, and legs, covered with green Silk flosshed: On either of the said Antelope and Lion, sat a lady richly appareled, the beasts were tied to the pageant with great chains of gold, as horses be in the cart. When the pageant rested before the Queen, the forenamed forsters blew their horns, than the devise or pageant opened on all sides, and out issued the foresaid four knights, armed at all pieces, every of them a spear in his hand on horseback with great plumes on their heads, their basses and trappers of cloth of gold, every of them his name enbroudered on his base and trapper: on the other part with great noise, aswell of Trumpets as of Drums entered into the field, the earl of Essex, the lord Thomas hayward with many other clean armed, their trappers and basses all of Crymosyn Satyn enbroudered with branches of Pomegarnettes of gold, and posies with many a fresh Gentleman, riding before them, their footmen also well appareled: And so the justes began, and endured all that day.  
The morrow being the xiii day of February after dinner, at time convenient, the Queen with the ladies repaired to see the justes, the trumpets blew up, and in came many a noble man and Gentleman, richly appareled, taking up their horses, after whom followed certain lords appareled, they and their horses in cloth of gold and ●usset tynsell: Knights in cloth of gold and ●usset Velvet. And a great number of Gentlemen on foot, in russet satin and yellow, and yeomen in russet damask and yellow, all the neither part of every man's hosen Scarlet, and yellow caps. Then came the king under a Pavilion of cloth of gold, and purpul Velvet enbroudered, and powdered with H. and K. of fine gold, the compass of the Pavilion above, enbroudered richly, and valenced with flat gold, beaten in wire, with an Imperial crown in the top of fine gold, his bases and trapper of cloth of gold, fretted with damask gold, the trapper pendant to the tail. A crane and chafron of steel, in the frount of the chafrom was a goodly plume set full of musers or trembling spangles of gold. After followed his three aids, every of them under a Pavilion of Crymosyn damask & purple powdered with H. and K. of fine gold valenced and frynged with gold of damask: on the top of every Pavilion a great K. of gold smiths work, the number of the Gentlemen and yeomen attendant a foot, appareled in russet and yellow was. C.lxviii. Then next these Pavilions came xii children of honour, sitting every of them on a great courser, richly trapped and enbroudered in several devices and fashions, where lacked neither brouderie nor goldsmiths work, so that every child & horse in device and fashion was contrary to other, which was goodly to behold.  
Then on the counter part, entered sir Charles Brandon, first on horseback in a long rob of Russet satin, like a recluse or a religious person and his horse trapped in the same sewte, without drum or noise of mynstrelsye, putting a bill of petition to the Queen, the effect whereof was, that if it would please her to licence him to run in her presence, he would do it gladly, and if not, than he would depart as he came. After that his request was granted, than he put of his said habit, and was armed at all pieces, with rich bases & horse, also richly trapped, and so did run his horse to the tilt end, where divers men on foot appareled in Russet satin awaited on him: next after came in alone young Henry Guylford Esquire, himself and his horse in russet cloth of gold▪ and cloth of silver, closed in a device, or a pageant made like a castle or a Turret, wrought of Russet sercenet florence, wrought, and set out in gold with his word or posy, and all his men in Russet satin and white, with hosen to the same, and their bonnets of like colours, demanding also licence of the Queen to run, which to him granted took place at th'end of the tilt. Then came next the Marquis Dorset and sir Thomas Bulleyn, like two pilgrems from saint james, in ●aberdes of black Velvet, with palmers hats on their helmets, with long jacobs' staves in their hands, their horse trappers of black Velvet, their taberdes, hats, & trappers set with scaloppe schelles of fine gold, and strips of black Velvet, every s●rip set with a scalop shell, their servants all in black Satyn, with scalop shells of gold in their breasts. soon after came in the lord Henry of Buckyngham earl of Wylshire, himself and his horse appareled in cloth of silver, enbroudered with a posy, or his word, and arrows of gold in a posy, called La ma●son du refuge, made of Crymosyn damask, broudered with Roses and arrows of gold, on the tope a greyhonde of silver, bearing a tree of Pomegarnettes of gold, the branches thereof were so large that it over spread the pageant in all parts. Then entered sir Gyles Capell, sir Roulande with many other knights, richly armed and appareled. And thus began the justes, which was valiantly achieved by the king and his aids, amongs whom his grace attained the price. These justes finished, every man with drew, the king was disarmed, & at time convenient he and the Queen heard evensong, and that night all the Ambassadors supped with the king, & had a great banquet. After supper, his grace with the Queen, lords and ladies came into the white Hall, within the said palace, which was hanged richly, the Hall was sca●olded and ray●ed on all parts. There was an interlude of the gentlemen of his chapel before his grace, and divers fresh songs: that done, his grace called to him a great man, or a lord of Ireland called Odovell, whom in the presence of the said Ambassadors, he made knight: then the mynstrels began to play, the lords and ladies began to dance.  
And in the most of this pastime, when all persons were most attentyve to behold the dancing, the king was suddenly go unknown to the most part of the people there, whiles it were of the Queen & of certain other. Within a little while after his departing, the trumpets at th'end of the Hall began to blow. Then was there a device or a pageaunt upon wheels brought in, out of the which pageaunt issued out a gentleman richly appareled, that showed, how in a garden of pleasure there was an arbour of gold, wherein were lords and ladies, much desirous to show pleasure and pastime to the Queen and ladies, if they might be licensed so to do, who was answered by the Queen, how she and all other there were very desirous to see them and their pastime: then a great cloth of Arras that did hung before the same pageaunt was taken away, & the pageant brought more near, it was curiously made and pleasant to behold, it was solemn and rich, for every post or pillar thereof, was convered with frise gold, therein were trees of Hawthorn, Eglantynes, Rosiers, Uynes and other pleasant flowers of divers colours, with Gillofers and other herbs all made of Satyn, damask, silk, silver & gold, accordingly as the natural trees, herbs, or flowers aught to be. In which arbour were vi ladies, all appareled in white satin and green, set & enbroudered full of H. & K. of gold, knit together with laces of gold, of damask, & all their garments were replenished with glytteringe spangles guilt over, on their heads were bonnets all opened at the four quarters, overfrysed with flat gold of damask, the or●ellettes were of rolls, wreathed on lampas douck hollow, so that the gold showed thorough the lampas douck, the fassis of their head set full of new devised fashions: in this garden, also was the king and .v. with him appareiled in garments of purple satin, all of cuts with H. & K. every edge garnished with frysed gold, & every garment full of poysees, made of letters of fine gold in bullion as thick as they might be, & every person had his name in like letters of massy gold. The first Cuer loyal, The second Bone volure, in the iii Bone espoier, The four valiant desire, The fist Bone foy, The vi A moure loyal, their hosen, caps, & coats, were full of poises & H. & K. of fine gold in bullion, so that the ground could s●ace apere & yet was in every void place spangels of gold. Whentime was come, the said pageant was brought forth into presence, & then descended a lord & a lady by coples, & then the mynstrels, which were disguised also danced, and the lord & ladies danced, that it was a pleasure to behold.  
In the mean season the pagiaunt was conveyed to the end of the place, there to tarry till the dances were finished, and so to have received the lords and ladies again, but sodanly the rude people ran to the pageant, and rend, tare, and spoiled the pageant, so that the lord Stuard nor the head officers could not 'cause them to abstain, except they should have fought and drawn blood, and so was this pageant broken.  
After the king and his companions had danced, he appointed the ladies, gentlewomen and the Ambassadors to take the letters of their garments, in token of liberality, which thing the common people perceiving▪ ran to the king, and stripped him into his hosen and doublet, and all his compaignions' in likewise. Sir Thomas Knevet stood on a stage, and for all his defence he lost his apparel. The ladies likewise were spoiled, wherefore the kings guard came suddenly, and put the people back, or else as it was supposed more inconvenience had ensued. So the king with the queen & the ladies returned to his chamber, where they had a great banquet, and all these hurts were turned to laughing and game, and thought that, all that was taken away was but for honour, and largesse: and so this triumph ended with mirth and gladness. At this banquet, a shipeman of London caught certain letters which he sold to a goldsmith for iii l. xiiii. s.viii. .viii. d. by reason whereof, it appeared that the garments were of a great value.  
After this great joy came sorrowful chance, for the young Prince, which was borne upon Newyeres day last passed, upon the xxii day of February, being then the even of saint Mathy, departed this world at Rychemonde, and from thence was carried to Westmynster, and buried.  
The king like a wise Prince, took this dolorous chance wondrous wisely, and the more to comfort the Queen, he dissimuled the matter, and made no great mourning outwardly: but the Queen like a natural woman, made much lamentation, how be it, by the kings good persuasion and behaviour, her sorrow was mytigated, but not shortly. This year also in the month of February, came from king Ferdinando, the kings father in law, and king of Arragon and Castille certain Ambassadors, which made request to the king, on the behalf of the king their master, to have aid of the king of xu C. Archers, with valiant Captains to govern and conduit them: For his intent was to make war on the Moors, being Infideles and enemies to God's law. The king and his counsel hearing this request, thought it much honourable to aid a Christian Prince, and in especial his friend and father in law, against the Infideles enemies to Christ's law, wherefore the king gently granted them their request. When tidings were spread in the court of this journey against the infideles, the lord Thomas Darcye, knight of the order of the gartier, made humble suit to the king, to be captain general of that Crew or army. The king and his counsel for his great valiantness and approved wisdom granted his request: many lords & knights made suit to be in the same journey, but the king answered them, that he retained them still for other greater considerations and purposes. There were appointed to go with the said lord Darcie, lord Anthony Grey, brother to the Marquis Dorset, Henry Guyldeford, Weston, Broune, william Sidney, esquires of the kings house, sir Robert constable, sir Roger Haystynges, and sir Ralph Elderkare, and divers other gentlemen to be captains. The lord Darcie and all the other captains took their leave of the king, and went into their countries to provide for all things, meet and necessary for the voyage.  
The king this time was much enticed to play at tens and at dice, which appetite, certain crafty persons about him perceiving, brought in Frenchmen and lombards, to make wagers with him, & so he lost much money, but when he perceived their craft, he eschewed their company, and let them go. The king being lusty, young, & courageous, greatly delighted in feats of chivalry, in so much that he made a challenge of justes, against all comers to be proclaimed at his manor of Grenewyche, to be holden there the iii first days of May then next ensuing, which noble courage, all young persons highly praised, but the ancient fathers much doubted, considering the tender youth of the king, and divers chances of horses and a●●●re: in so much that it was openly spoken, that steel was not so strong, but it might be broken nor no horse could be so sure of foot, but he may fall: Yet for all these doubts, the lusty prince proceeded in his challenge.  
The first day of may the king accompanied with many lusty Bachelors, on great and well doing horses road to the wood to fetch May, where a man might have seen many a horse raised on high with galope, turn and stop, marvelous to behold: where he and iii other as sir Edward Haward, Charles Brandon, and Edward Nevel, which were challengers with the king, shifted themselves into coats of green Satyn, guarded with Crymosyn Velvet. On the other part the Earls of Essex, of Devonshire, the Marquis Dorset, the lord Haward, were all in Crymosyn Satyn, guarded with a pounced guard of green Velvet: and as they were returning on the Hill▪ meet with them a ship under sail: The master hailed the king and that noble company, & said that he was a Maryner, and was come from many a strange port, & came hither to see if any deeds of arms were to be done in the country, of the which he might make report thereof in other countries. An Herald demanded the name of his ship, he answered she is called Fame, and is laden with good Renown: Then said the Herald, if you will bring your ship into the bay of Hardiness, you must double the point of Ge●●●●nes, and there you shall see a company that will meddle with your merchandise. Then said the king, sithen Renown is their merchandise, let us buy it and we can: Then the ship shot a peel of Ennys, and sailed forth before the kings company, full of flags and banners, till it came to the tilt year●e. At after nun, the king & his three fellows entered into the field, their bards and bases of Crimosyn and blue Velvet, cut in quadrant cuts, embroudered full of Pomgranettes, and all the waiters, in silk of the same colour. The other party were in Crymsyn Satyn and green Velvet. Then began the trumpets to sound, and the horses to run that many a spear was braced, and many a great stripe given: and for a truth the king exceeded in number of staves all other, every day of the iii days. Wherefore on y● iii day, the Queen made a great banquet to the king, & all them that had jousted: & after the banquet done, she gave the chief price to the king, the ii to the Earl of Essex, the four to the earl of Devonshire, & the iii to the lord Marquis Dorset. Then the Heralds cried, my lords, for your noble feats in arms, God send you the love of your ladies the you most desire.   

¶ The iii year.  
THe king ever desirous to serve Mars, begun another justes the xv. day of the said month: the king & his bend were all in green silk▪ & the earl of Essex & his bend in blue, guarded with gold, & all the spears were painted of the same colours. There was good running & many a spear braced, but for all the sport every man feared, jest some ill chance might hap to the king, & fain would have had him a looker on, rather than a doer, & spoke thereof as much as they durst: but his courage was so noble that he would ever be at the one end.  
In this pass time, the lord Darcy & other appointed to the viage against the Moors of Barbaria (at the instance of Dompefernando rather to the Queen) made such diligence, that they and all their people were ready at Plymmouth by the mids of May, and there mustered their soldiers before the lord Broken, and other the kings commissioners. The said lord Darcie, as captain general ordained for his Provost Marshal, Henry Guylford Esquire, a lusty youngman, and well beloved of the king. Then, when the wind served to their purpose, and all the army were set aboard in their ships, which were vytaled and priest at all points, the Capitayne and other departed out of Plymmouth haven, the monday in the Rogation week with four ships Royal and the wind was so favourable to them, that the first day of june, being the even of the feast of Pentecost, he arrived at the port of Caleys in Southspayne, and immediately by the advice of his counsel, dispatched to the king of Arragon two Gentlemen, called John Barthelmew, and William Symonde, with letters to certify the king and his counsel of their arrival, and what pain they had taken to come to his country, in fulfilling the king their masters commandment. The messengers did so much that they came to the king, beside the city of civil, where he than lay, and declared to him how the lord Darcie by the king their masters appointment, was come thither with xvi C archers more, according to the said king of Arragon's request, and lay still at Caleys to know his pleasure. The king of Arragon answered them gently▪ that the lord Darcie and all other that were come from his most best beloved son were welcome▪ and heartily thanked them of their pains, and prayed the messengers to return to their captain showing him that the king in all haste would send his counsel to him, and so they departed from the king, and made report to the lord Darcie, which kept his ship in great estate, and would not land, but only suffered such as were sick and feeble, and few other to go a land.  
The Englishmen which went a land, fell to drinking of hot wines and were scace masters of theim selfes, some ran to the stews, some broke hedges, and spoiled orchards & vineyards, and orynges before they were ripe, and did many other outrageous deeds: wherefore the che●e of the town of Caleys, came to complain to the lord Darcie in his ship, which sent forth his Provost Marshal, which scacelie with pain refrained the yeomen archers, they were so hot and wilful, yet by commandment and policy, they were all brought on board on their ships.  
Saterdaye the viii day of june, the Bishop of & other of the kings counsel, arrived at Caleys, and there abode till wednesday, being the even of Corpus Christi, at which day the lord Capitayne took land, and was honourably received of the king of Arragon's counsel▪ and on the morrow highly fe●●ed at dinner and supper. And after supper, the bishop declared the king of Arragon's pleasure saying my lord Capitayne▪ the king my master in most humble wys● giveth you thanks for your great pains and travel, as mo●he as though he proceeded in this pretenced enterprise, but he with the advice of his counsel circumspectly, considering the surety of his own realms and dominions hath perfectie knowledge, that his adversary of France, prepareth to invade his countries in his absence: wherefore he intending not to leave his Realms, void of men and ships (which might be a great comfort to his enemies to invade) & therefore he hath taken an abstinence of war with the Moors till another time. Well saith the lord Darcie, sith it is fully concluded that we shall do no service to their master, we may not say against his determination, considering we were sent to him, but surely it is against my heart, which ever hath desired to fight against God's enemies, but with your conclusion, I and all mine must be content. You do as you should do, said the Bishop, and the king my master giveth like thanks to the king his son, and to you all, as though he had proceeded in his journey. And you shall have wages for all your soldiers: and if it shall please you to come to the court, you shall receive high thanks of the king, & such ●here as there can be made you. That is not my desire said the lord Darcie, for my men shall not say that I brought them out of their country, and now to do myself pleasure, leave them without an head, as men of men forsaken: nay nay my lord, the kings banquet is not my desire. So the lords departed for the night, & the next day in the morning was sent wages, to conduct th'army into England, with diverse gifts given to the lord Darcie, & other gentle men: Yet the notwithstanding, he was highly displeased, howbeit like a wise man he dissimuled the matter.  
Thesame day, being the xiiii day of june and friday, an English man desired of a maid, that had been at the Bakers to buy bread for her masters store and not to cell, to have a loaf for his money, she answered, that she had none to cell, he said he would have one, and followed her, and when she perceived that, she cried, a force a force, the towns men of Caleis, or Caleis males, suddenly rung their common bell, and all the town went to harness, and the few Englishmen that were on land went to their bows. The Spaniards cast darts, and sore annoyed and hurt the Englishmen: and they likewise hurt and slew diverse spaniards. Then the Captains of England for their part, and the lords of the Counsel for their part, took such pain, that the fray was seized, and but one Englisheman slain, and of the spaniards diverse slain.  
Then all English men were commanded to go aboard with their ships. The lords of Spain came to the lord Darcie, saying: Sir, we pray you, sith you know the kings pleasure and have your wages, that you with all your people will go with your ships away, for we perceive you own us some displeasure. Then he boldly answered saying, that he would all the world knew, that he was as able to condu●t his men homeward, as he was to bring them out of their country, without the king of Arragon's wages, (saving his honour) and as for the ●raie, it was against his will and without his knowledge: and so that night he and all his men, went aboard with their ships.  
When this journey was come to this point, Henry Guilforde, Weston, Browne, and William Sidney, young and lusty Esqutres, desired licence to see the Court of Spain, which was to them granted: and then they departed from Caleis, and came to the Court of the king of Arragon, where they were highly entertained, & he dubbed Henry Guildford, West●n, and Browne, knights, and gave to sir Henry Guilforde, a Canton of Granado, & to sir Weston, and Browne, and Eagle of Scicile on a chief to the augmentation of their arms: William Sidney, so excused himself, that he was not made knight, and when they had soiornied there a while, they took their leave of the king and queen, & so returned through France into England, where they demained themselves so, that they had the kings favour, notwithstanding it was thought contrary.  
During which season the lord Darcie, the xvii day of june made sail toward England, and arrived at Plimmouthe, and came to the king at Wyndsore, and in August thus ended this voyage.  
During the time that the Lord Darcie was in Spain, the Lady Margaret Duchess of Savoy, & daughter to Maximilian themperor, and governor of the countries of Flaunders, Brabant, Holland, Zelande and other the low countries appertaining to Charles the young prince of Castle, then being of tender age, sent in th'end of Maij to the king of England to have. xu.c. archers, to aid her against the duke of Geldres which sore troubled the countries aforesaid. The king tenderly regarding the request of so noble a lady, & also because there was a communication hanging at their time of marriage, to be had between the young Prince Charles, and the lady Marie his sister, most gently granted her request, and appointed sir Edward Pounynges knight of the garter, and comptroller of his house, a valiant captain & a noble warrior, to be the lieutenant & conductor of the said. xu.c. archers, which accompaignied with the lord Clinton his son in law, sir Matthew Broune, sir John Dighby, John Werton, Richard Whethrill, Shirley Esquires & diverse tall gentlemen and yeomen, well known men and tried, to the said number of xu.c. took their shipping a mile beside Sandwiche, the xviii day of july, & landed at Armew the xix day, not without some trouble by reason of a little storm, & sent Lancastre Herald to avertise the lady of their arrival, which sent to them lord Bresley knight of the Toyson, and diverse other to welcome than, and so conduited them to Barow, where the lord of the town made them great cheer. And the same day at after noon, came the lady Margaret to Barow, where the captain with all his under captains received her at the gate, she welcomed them heartily, & so she did all the soldiers which stood a long reinged in the street. And on saterday being the xxvi day of july, she saw all the company shoot, & the same night the captain and other took his leave of her, & the morrow being sunday departed to Rossindale, and so on thursday the last day of july came to Buldike, & that day the lady Margaret came thither. And the next day, the whole army of Almains, flemings, and other appertaining to thesay lady, met with thenglishmen without Buldike, where the● set forth in order, the lady Margaret being present: which took her leave of all the captains and departed to Buldike, whom sir Edward Pounynges conduited to the town gate, and after returned to th'army. th'army to the number of ten M. of the lady's part, &. xu.c. Englishmen passed through Brabant, & came the ten day of August being. s. Laurence day, before a little castle standing on the higher side of the river of Mase called Brymuoyst strongly bulwarked, in the which were c men belonging to the bastard of Gelder's, with a captain called Lankessell van Gelder, which rob & spoiled all the parties of Brabant. They within shot fiercely at th'army as it passed by, and did them little hurt. Thesame night Thomas Heart chief governor of th'english part, made his approach of his ordinance, & in the morning bet down as much as might be beaten down for the bulwarks, & the next day being the xi of August the castle was assaulted valiantly, & taken by force, & the captain and lxxx & odd men were slain & xix taken, of the which xi. were hanged, John Mor ton captain of c Englishmen, & one Guiot an esquire of Burgoin crying Burgoyne. S. George: there was one Englisheman slain and no more.  
On thursday the xiiii day, th'army feried oeur the river of Maze in to the land of Geldres, and their soiornied at a little church, of our lady day the Assumption that night, and the next day they came to a town called Aiske, belonging to the Bastard Geldres, where all the people were fled, and there was undermined and cast down, a little castle standing of the said river newly edified.  
The twenty of August they brent the town of Aiske, and brent all the country about, and came at last to a town called Straulle, a strong town double diked & walled, and within it iii C.lx good men of war beside the inhabitants, which at the first coming shot Gonnes fiercely and hurt many, and there they planted their siege.  
Sir Edward Pounynges, which ever was in the forward with his archers, caused faggots to be made, and trenches to be digged and cast and his men were so diligent, that his trench, in the morning approached so nigh the town gate, that they within were half dismayed: and desired to speak with the Lords, and so they did. And on. S. Barthelmewes' even, were six men sent out of the town to treat, and six hostages delivered for them, and then it was agreed that all men of war should depart with a white stick in their hands, & to forfeit all other things, and all the town dwellers to be prisoners at the will of the Prince of Castle. The next day, after the men of war were departed, early in the morning sir John Dighby knight, and John Norton Esquire, took possession of the town with. CC. English men: and at after None the Admiral of Flaunders, sir Edward Pounynges, & the lord Discilstain, chief captains of th'army, with all other noble men, with Trumpets, & Arthoys and Lancastre, and Ostrich, officers at arms in their coats of arms before them gorgeously appareied, entered the town, and in the town hall, took thoath of thinhabitants, and the night returned to their army.  
The xxvi day of the same month, sir John Dighby, and John Norton, came out of the town with all their Englishmen, and for them entered a captain called Younker Oats, with. Cc.l Almains, to keep there a garrison, the which day the army went before Uenlow & sent Artoys with a trumpet to summon the town: but they would not hear them speak▪ but shot guns at them. The xxviii day, the army removed unto the Northside of Uenlow, and part went over the water and made trenches to the water. The captain of the Englishmen made trenches even to the town diche, and the artillery bet down the towers of the walls, and every day was some skirmish. And the xxix day as certain Englishmen went a foraging, it happened ten of sir John Dighbes men to go .v. mile from the army, and to meet with xxiiii horsemen of Geldres which set on them, but they withdrew themselves into a little garden, and shot at their enemies, and slew two horsemen and .v. horses, gauled and hurt many of them, discomfited the remnant, and brought two great horses to th'army, and every man was sore hurt, but in no peril of death thanked be God. The siege thus continuing, not without skirmishes xxix. days sir Edward Pounynges, sir John Dighby dined with monsire de Rony and all other English captains, and petty Captains, dined with an Almain called Clene Anderlyne, except sir Matthew Broune, and John Fog which kept the field, and Richard Wethill which kept the trench and was sore beset: and in the dinner time, they of the town issued out on thenglishmen, and hurt and took, one Sheldwiche of Canterbury prisoner, and one Miles: and thenglishmen hurt and slew many of them, and compelled them to return by force of Arrows, and so they recoiled with one prisoner. For Miles, which was led between two of the Gelder's, perceiving rescue coming, after as he came to an hill, thirst the two Gelder's down the hill before him, and so ran back to his company, which thing the two Gelder's that led him perceiving ran to Sheldwiche and slew him. The Burgonions perceiving, that sir Edward Pownynges was displeased with this chance, exhorted him with his men to assault the town, which by th'advise of bastard Emery answered that the cause was theirs, and not his Masters: and if he got the town by assault, the king his Master should not have it, but if they would give the assault, he would join with them, which thing they would not do, because they had kinsmen and friends, within the town: saving one day a few Almains assaulted a bulwark, and were slain and taken.  
The English captains perceiving that they lay there in vain, considering the strength of the town, and also how their army was not in number to environ the town, for ever they had one Gate open, wrote to the king▪ which willed them with all speed to return, and so they did.  
Sir Edward Pownynges went to the Court of Burgoyn, where he was highly entertained of the young prince, & the Lady Margaret his aunt, and received great thanks and gifts for his pain. And other cacapitaines, as sir John Norton, sir John Fog, sir John Scot, and sir Thomas Lind, were made knights of the Prince. And the lady Margaret, perceiving the coats of the soldiers to be foul with lying on the ground, (for every man lay not in a tent) gave to every yeoman, a cote of woollen cloth of yellow, read, white and green colours, not to her little laud and praise among thenglishmen. After that sir Edward pounynges had been highly feasted, and more praised of all men for his valiantness, and good order of his people, he returned with his company into England, and had lost by war and sickness, not fully an. C. persons.  
When the Englishmen were departed, Geldres issued out daily, and made skirmisshes and frays with the Burgonions, and asked for their Archers, and Winter began sharply to approach, and by abundance of rain the river of the Mass roase so high, that the Trenches were drowned, and of force men were compelled to remove. And when the Captains considered the strength of the Town, how it was fortified, victayled and manned, and how by the rising of the river it was made stronger: they determined to raise the Siege, and too burn and destroy all the villages and Towns about, of the which town of Uenlow, should have succour in winter, and to meet again, at the Prime time of the year. Thus was the siege raised, and the country wasted and spoiled, and then every captain returned home.  
In june the king being at Leicester, tidings were brought to him, that Andrew Barton a Scottish man, and a pirate of the sea, saying that the king of Scots, had war with the Portugese's, did rob every nation, & so stopped the kings streams, that no merchants almost could pass, and when he took thenglishemenes goods, he said they were portingalings goods, and thus he haunted and rob at every havens mouth. The king moved greatly with this crafty pirate, sent sir Edmond Haward lord Admiral of England, and lord Thomas Haward son and heir to th'earl of Surrey, in all the haste to the sea, which, hastily made ready two ships, and without any more abode, took the sea, and by chance of wether were severed. The lord Haward lying in the Dounes, perceived where Andrew was making toward Scotland, and so fast thesay lord chased him, that he over took him, and there was a sore battle: thenglishmen were fierce, and the Scots defended them manfully, and ever Andrew blewe his whistle to encourage his men, yet for all that, the lord Haward and his men, by clean strength entered the main deck: then the Englishmen entered on all sides, and the Scots fought sore on the hatches, but in conclusion, Andrew was taken, which was so sore wounded, that he died there: then all the remnant of the Scots were taken, with their ship called the Lion.  
All this while, was the lord Admiral in chase of the Bark of Scotland, called jenny Pirwyn, which was wont to sail with the Lion in company, and so much did he with other, that he laid him on board, and fiercely assailed him, and the Scots as hardy and well stomached men them defended, but the lord Admiral so encouraged his men, that they entered the Bark and slew many, and took all the other.  
Thus were these two ships taken, and brought to Black Wal, the second day of August, and all the Scots were sent to the bishops place of York, and there remained at the kings charge, till other direction was taken for them.  
After this, the king sent the bishop of Winchester, and certain of his counsel to th'archbishop of York's place, where the Scots were prisoners: & there the bishop rehearsed to them, where as peace was yet between England and Scotland, that they contrary to that, as thieves & pirates, had rob the kings subjects within his streams, wherefore, they had deserved to die by the law, & to be hanged at the low water mark. Then said the Scots, we knowledge our oftence, & ask mercy & not the law. Then a priest, which was also a prisoner said, my lords we appeal from the kings justice to his mercy. Then the bishop asked him, if he were authorized by them to say so, & they cried all yea yea, then said he, you shall found the kings mercy, above his justice. For where you were dead by the law yet by his mercy he will revive you, wherefore, you shall departed out of this realm within twenty days, upon pain of death, if you be found after the twenty day, and pray for the king, and so they passed into the Country.  
The king of Scots, hearing of the death of Andrew of Barton, and taking of his two ships, was wonderful wroth, and sent letters to the king, requiring restitution, according to the league and amity. The king wrote with brotherly salutations, to the king of Scots, of the robberies and evil doings of Andrew Barton, and that it become not one Prince, to lay a breach of a league, to another Prince, in doing justice upon a pirate or thief, and that all the other Scots that were taken, had deserved to die by justice, if he had not extended his mercy: & with this answer, the Scottish Herald departed home.  
During this season, there began great war, between Pope july, and the French king, Joys the xii: the occasion began by one John Bentivoyle, a great lord of Italy, which kept the city of Boloignele Grace, from the Pope, which, by the aid of the French king, got thesay city, from the forenamed John Bentivoyle: but afterward because the said Pope july, took peace with the Venetians, the French king turned from the Pope, and made war on him, in the behalf of John Bentivoyle, and took from him again, the said city of Boulogne.  
The king of England, wrote often to king Joys of France, to desist from the persecuting of the Pope, which was his friend and confederate: to which writing he gave little regard, wherefore, the king sent him word, to deliver him his lawful inheritance, both of the Duchy of Normandy and Guyan, and the countries of Anjou and Maine and also of his Crown of France, else he would come with such a power, that by fine force he would obtain his purpose. For all these writings, the French king still made war in Italy, and the king could of him, have no certain nor determinate answer. Wherefore, after great deliberation had, by the advise of his counsel, he determined to make war on the French king, and his Countries, and called to him Maximilian the Emperor, and Ferdinand king of Arragon, and diverse other princes, and made preparation, both by sea and by land, and fortified his frontiers against France, and set forth ships to the sea, for defence of his merchants, which were daily in jeopardy, under a pretenced peace of the French king, Lewes the xii  
The king this year, kep● the rest of Christmas at Grenewiche, where was such abundance of viands served, to all comers of any honest behaviour, as hath been few times seen. And against Newyeres night, was made in the hall a Castle, gates, towers, and dungeon, garnished with artillery, and weapon after the most warlike fashion: and on the frount of the castle, was written le Fortress dangerus, and within the castle were vi. Ladies, clothed in Russet Satin, laid all over with leaves of Gold, and every owed, knit with laces of blue silk and gold. On their heads, coifs, and caps all of gold.  
After this castle had been carried about the hall, and the queen had beheld it, in came the king with five other, apparelled in coats, the one half of russet satin, spangeld with spangels of fine gold, the other half rich cloth of gold, on their heads caps of russet satin, embroudered with works of fine gold bullion. These vi. assaulted the castle, the ladies seeing them so lusty and courageous, were content to solace with them, and upon farther communication, to yield the castle, and so they came down and danced a long space. And after the ladies led the knights into the castle, and then the castle suddenly vanished, out of their sights.  
On the day of the epiphany at night, the king with a xi other were disguised, after the manner of Italy, called a mask, a thing not seen afore in England, they were apparelled in garments long and broad, wrought all with gold, with visers and caps of gold, & after the banquet done, these Maskers came in, with six gentlemen disguised in silk bearing staff torches, and desired the ladies to dance, some were content, and some that knew the fashion of it refused, because it was not a thing commonly seen. And after they danced, and commoned together, as the fashion of the Mask is, they took their leave and departed, and so did the Queen, and all the ladies.  
The xu day of januarij began the Parliament, where the Bishop of Cantorburie, began his oration with this verse, justicia & pax osculate sunt, upon which, he declared how justice should be ministered, and peace should be nourished, and by what means, justice was put by, and peace ●nrned into war. And there upon he showed, how the French king would do no justice, in restoring the king his right inheritance, wherefore, for lack of justice, peace of necessity must turn to war.  
In this Parliament was granted, two fifteens of the temporalty, and of the clergy two dimes: During which Parliament, one Newbolt yeoman of the kings Guard, whom, the king highly favoured, slew wilfully a servant of my lord Willoughbies, in the palace at Westminster, wherefore, the king abhorring that deed, and setting a side all affection, caused him to be hanged, in the Palace of Westminster, where he hung two days, in example of other.  
In this season, one Iherome Bonuise, which was borne in Luke, and was a factor in London for merchants of that nation, and had played Bankroute, and was conveyed out of the realm for debt, was now in such favour with Pope july, that he made him his Collector, and Proctor in England: and so he kept a great port, and resorted to the king and his counsel, for the Pope's affairs, (which then was sore troubled by the French king) so that he knew, both the Pope's counsel, and the kings, and falsely and untruly, resorted by night, to the French Ambassadors, lying in London, and to them discovered, what the king and the Pope intended, which was not so closely done, but the king knew it: and so he was laid for, and was taken commoning, with one of the said Ambassadors, upon London wall at midnight, & brought to the Tower, where he remained, till by the suit of his friends, he was delivered, and shortly for shame, voided the realm.  
After that it was concluded, by the body of the Realm, in the high Court of Parliament assembled, that war should be made on the French king and his dominions, the king with all diligence caused new ships to be made and repaired, and rigged the old, caused Gonnes, Bows, Arrows, and all other artillery, and instruments of war to be made, in such number and quantity, that it was wonderful to see what things were done, both for sea and land in so short space.  
The king of Arragon, which also had war with the French king, and hearing that his son the king of England would make war in France, did writ to him that the duchy of Euyan, was his true inheritance, which, adjoined to his country of Biskey: wherefore, if the king of England would intend to recover his Duchy first, and sand an army of men to Biskaye, and so to begin at Bayon, which is the key of Guyan, he would aid them with ordinance, horsemen, and beasts for carriages, with other necessaries apperteigning to the same.  
The king and his counsel, putting their affiance in the promise of the king of Arragon, prepared a noble army all of boatmen, and small ordinance, trusting to the king of Arragon for aid of horsemen and great ordinance, and of the same made captain, the noble lord Thomas Grey Marquis of Dorset, to whom, he assigned many other gentlemen, as you shall here after in the next year.   

¶ The four year. 
The four year.   
THE king greatly studying, to furnish forth his war, which he had begun against the French king, caused sir Edward Hawarde his Admiral, with all diligence to take the sea, which, with all speed possible made ready diverse goodly and tall ships, as the sovereign and other to the number of xviii beside little ships: and in his company were Captains, sir Weston Browne, Griffith Down, Edward Cobham, Thomas Wyndam, Thomas Lucy, William Pirton, Henry Shirborne, Stephen Bull, George Witwange, John Hopton, William Gimstone, Thomas Draper, Edmond Coke, John Brodet, with diverse other. When all these were shipped, they sailed to Dover, and skowred the seas, and so came before Portesmouthe, about the mids of May.  
The third day of May, a gentleman of Flaunders, called Guyot of Guy, came to the king, with .v. C. Almains all in white, which was cut so small, that it could soace hold together. After they had mustered at Black Hethe, the king made him knight, and gave him a great chain, and yearly pension, and sent him with his band to Southampton. About mid May, the lord Marques and other noble men, appointed by the king for the journey of Biskay, as the Lord hayward, son and heir to the earl of Surrey, the Lord Broken, the Lord Willoughby, the Lord Ferrer, the lord John, the lord Anthony, and the the lord Leonard Grey, all three brethren to the Marquis, sir Griffith App Rice, sir Morreis Barkeley, sir William Sands, the Baron of Burfford, sir Richard Cornwall his brother, William Huse, John Melton, William Kyngston Esquires, sir Henry Willoughby, and diverse other with soldiers, to the number of ten M. men, came to Southampton and there mustered. To see the lords and gentlemen, so well armed and so richly apparelled in clotheses of gold, and of silver, and Ueluettes of sundry colours, pounsed and enbr●udered, and all petty captains in Satin and damask, of white and green, and yeomen in cloth of the same colours. The Banners, Pennons, standards, and Gittons, fresh and newly painted, with sundry beasts and devices, it was a pleasure to behold. And when sir William Sands knight, appointed treasurer for the wars had paid all the wages, than every man was commanded to his ship. Then you should have seen binding of males, and farthels, trussing of coffers and trussers, that no man was idle: and so on the xvi day, all the army were shipped in Spanish ships, vitailed for that journey, and passed the Needles of Wight all the same day▪ and so did the Lord Admiral, which lay abiding the wind at Portesmouth, and took his course to Britain, of whom I will speak after.  
The wind served the Marquis and his compaigne so well, that he with his whole army arrived in Biskay, at a port called Passagh, south West of Fountrabie. The third day of june, the lord Marques and all his fair company landed, and took the field, and him wisely embattled for his safeguard. The Biskaynes that brought victual to the army, said to the soldiers: Sirs you be arrived her, in trust that the king of Arragon will help you with ordinance and carriages, we hear no preparation that he maketh, nor never sent us word to prepare for your coming, of the which we marvel much. These words ran daily through the host, which made many men sad & to muse: and the Biskanes sore feared, lest thenglishmen would destroy their country, because their king kept not promise' with them, but the Marquis made such straight Proclamation, that no soldier durst do any injury to them. Within three days after that the army had lain in the field, there came to him an earl, and another noble man, to welcome him and his company. Then the Lord captain removed his field, and took another place nearer Fountraby, more plenteous of water and wood, and there pitched his field, every day looking for aid of the king of Arragon, but he hard of none. Then he called a Counsel, and devised how they might have beasts to draw ordinance and carriages then one sir John Style an Englisheman, caused to be bought two. C. Mulettes an Asses, of such price as the spaniards gained greatly, and when they were put to carry, they would neither bear nor draw, for they were beasts which were not exercised afore. Then the Lord Marquis much lamented that chance, for if he had had ready two hundred drawing beasts, he might have run a great way in Guian with his power, which then was not fortified, neither of men of war, nor munitions, nor artilarie.  
The frenchmen of Bayon, hearing of the Englishemennes' camp, made a great askry between the river of saint Maria and Bayon: the Englishmen perceiving the same, passed the river in good order of battle, all being on foot for lack of the horsemen that the king of Arragon promised, and so with arrows chased the frenchmen on horsebackes that they fled, and many horses foundered, and many a man was brosed or they came to Bayon: at the which thenglishmen laughed & lamented. first, to see their cowardness, second, to remember what they might have done, if they had had horses meet for their purpose: yet all this notwithstanding, they retired to their camp in such order, that the spaniards wondered much, both at their fierce courage and sober order.  
The king of Navarre, hearing of the puissant army of the Englishmen lying in Biskey so near to his country, was sore troubled, & wondered much what the matter should mean: wherefore, he sent to the lord Marques, a bishop and diverse other, to show to him and all his counsel, that if it pleased them, his country should send them victaill, and all things necessary for their money, and to do any other pleasure that they could do, which might be to the pleasure of him and all his army, so that his realm should be sure of any invations to be made by his people  
The Marquis being captain general, with the advise of the other Lords and counsel, much highly thanked the king of Naver of his good will, aid, and comfort, which things only they required: and if it pleased him, that his people will and may victaill us, we shall not only pay them for it, but also warrant the passing and repassing for us and ours in safety, and that by us no prejudice shallbe done to his realm, ●or by our consent. With which answer the king of Naver was joyous, and suffered his people to victaill, and resort to the hoosie, with all things necessary and belonging to the same, in great winds and storms, for that time happened much wind and rain, which sore encumbered the soldiers, that lay nightly on the bore ground, for every man had not a tent or pavilion, whereof some were lame, and some deaf, with other diseases.  
When the army had lain there xxx days, in the second camp there came from the king of Arragon, a bishop and other nobles of his counsel: but when it was known that it was the same bishop that made the answer to the lord Darcle at Caleis Males; as you have hard the last year, than many said, he came for no good but for delays: but he required the lord Marquis to take patience, for shortly such prepare should be made, that he should see and prove, that it should be to the honour of his Master, And his great renown, to whom the Marquis answered, that upon confidence of the king of Arragon's promise that they should lack no beasts meet for drawing, and horsemen, the king of England had sent him and his compaignions' thither, whereof we have trusted sith our first hither coming, which things if we had had, we had done other enterprises than we have done: for now we have lain here in camp▪ to the great charge of our Master the king of England, and to no profit, and to our loss and great hurt. For at our arrival the country of Guyan for the which we came, was unprovided of men of war, munitions, and ordinance, by reason whereof (if all things had been accomplished of the part of your Master as we trusted) we might have had that which we came for, and if our commission had not been to follow the king your Master's will, as to whom we be sent, I assure you we would have done other wise or this: but now the frenchmen have fortified, victailed, and manned their towns, and we have spent time and done nothing all all, lingering for the king your Master, to the loss of us and great blemishing of our honours.  
The bishop perceiving that the English captains were courageous and discontent with their idle abode, flatteryngly desired them to tarry a while for the best, for a back enemy said he, is to be regarded. Then said the lord Marqu●s captain general, if we knew the Kings intent, it would suffice us. Then said the bishop, you shall know it shortly: and so he departed from the army.  
th'army this lingering, ever desirous to be at the business that they came for, their victaile was much part Garlic, and the Englishmen did eat of the Garlic with all meats, and drank hot wines in the hot wether, and did eat all the hot fruits that they could get, which caused their blood so to boil in their bellies, that there fell sick three thousand of the flux, and thereof died xviii hundred men.  
The lord Marques and other captains perceiving this mischief, sent to the king of Arragon certain Lords of the host to know his pleasure. The which answered them with gentle fashion, that the counsel of England and his counsel, had taken an order in all thing of late and how the duke Dalva a great prince of Spain, should shortly with an army royal join with them, and so to proceed in their enterprise. With which answer and small cheer, the lords of England departed, and made report to their captain according, which thought it very sleight, but ever he regarded his Master's commandment, and counseled all the lords to be content with the same.  
The army lying thus still, and the sickness not slaked, the people being idle, some evil disposed persons said, that every captain was allowed. viii.d. for a common soldier, which was untrue, for they had allowed only. 6d., and so began together companies, the lords perceiving this, took with them their trusty servants, and took the beginners of the mischief, which were of the retinue of my lord Willoughby, and put them in ward. When they were arrested, other of like evil disposition began to crack and face, which thing being perceived, the lord Marquis by the advice of other captains caused search to be made, and so found out the beginner of the mischief, which was delivered to William Kyngston Esquire then Provost Martial, and so was put to death to the terror of all other.  
During the time that the army lay thus lingering, the Frenchmen diverse times came to behold the Englishmen, and when they saw any part of the army remove toward them, incontenent they fled: and so the English archers every day went a foraging on the borders of Guian almost to Bayon, and brent many pretty villages, but ever they desired to have tidings of the king of Arragon, and to know what they should do, for they were commanded to be ruled by them.  
The Englishmen thus lying idly abiding the aid of the king of Arragon, tidings came daily into the host, how the Duke Dalva was coming with a great puissance to join with the English army, and so to invade guian: the English captains were joyful of these tidings, not so much for the aid of the spaniards which they little regarded, but for the beasts for carriage of great artillery, which they brought not with them, in hope of the king of Arragon's promise: for if they had had beasts for their carriage, and great ordinance according to the appointment, they would have done otherwise, which thing sore grieved their hearts.  
Now they thus looking for the Duke Dalva, hard every day how he marched toward them, and was within a days journey or little more of them, of the which the English men were marvelous joyful, but the Duke which pretended another thing, suddenly removed his army in a night with such diligence that he entered the realm of Naver, and was before the city of Pampilona the chief city of Naver before the king witted of it, which nothing suspected of that policy.  
Thus the king was suddenly trapped, supposing th'army of Spain to have been raised to invade guian, and having nothing defensable for the war, in the night fled out at a postern into France where he after died. The city of Pampilona and all the country of Naver, being unprovided of artilarie and other defences, yielded themselves to the spaniards, and thus was the realm of Naver won, which thing made the lord Marques and his company not a little to marvel. So shortly after came to the lord captain and the Englishmen, diverse Lords sent from the King of Arragon, which said: The king our sovereign lord, sendeth to you great gramercies, and highly thanketh you for your pain, and so it is that by God's grace and your good abode, he with his power hath taken and conquered the realm of Naver, and if that country had not be taken, they might have intercepted all such ordinance and victail, as the king of Arragon our master might have sent to you, but now you be in such a surety and his puissance with you, and yours with his, that ye may safely join, which you shall see shortly, ye and he himself in proper person to join with you. Well said the lord Marques captain general, we have soieourned long here abiding his coming, and if the commission and express commandment of the king my sovereign lord were not, that I should do nothing without the assent of the king your master, I assure you that the frenchmen should have known that Englishmen had been here, and not to have lain so long in idleness as we have done: but if the king your master do as you report, it shallbe much to his honour and to our great comfort, and so the lords of Spain departed.  
As the army of Englishmen thus lay in camp, there was a village called Sancta Maria, in which diverse of the Englishmen, and especially such as had been sick, resorted and reposed theimself, not to the little advantage of the town, so it fortuned that a Spaniard gave evil language to the Englisheman, which gave him a buffet on the face, the town rose and set on the Englisheman, and gathered in such a multitude, that the Englisheman which was the first beginner was slain, because only three Englishmen came to his rescue, which were all hurt. The Almains that lay at the towns end, struck Alarm which heating the camp, cried to harness every man. The tidings were brought to the camp, that they of the town had slain an Englishman, and would bid battle: the soldiers hearing this, in a rage ran to the town in such manner, that the captains could not stay them, and slew and rob the people without mercy. The people fled over the water into Guyan. The Captains seeing this, with their privy servants kept the straights, by the which the soldiers returned with village and naperie, brass, pewter, beds, plate, and other household stuff, and apparel: which was commanded to be laid down by the lords on a heap. And after the lords went to the town to see what harm the Englishmen had done, there they found many Biskaynes slain, and the town rob, and the people fled. Then they by sober means & gentle exhortation, brought all the soldiers to the camp: then Proclamation was made that every man upon pain of death should bring in his pillage. Now there were xxi men, of whom one was a gentleman, which had taken away ten thousand ducats, who fled toward Gascoigne and were taken, and brought before the lord captain and other, and adjudged to die: of the which vii were put in execution, and the other xiiii should have died the morrow after, if the lords of Spain had not been there at their judgement which with great diligence and labour got their pardon: and so all the pillage almost was restored, and the country pacified..  
Then one day the frenchmen which heard of this riot and trouble in the host, issued out of Bayon toward the English men's army, the Englishmen hearing thereof, marched toward them, & when the frenchmen perceived that they were asskried, they suddenly returned. Thenglishmans perceiving that the frenchmen would not tarry, went to a good town called saint John de Luce, and brent, rob, and killed the inhabitants, and so from thence spoiled diverse other villages, about the borders of Guyan. Thus the army lay till the month of October, and winter began sore to increase, and the lord Marques captain general fell sore sick, & then the lord Haward had under him the whole governance of th'army, to whom were sent diverse lords of the privy counsel of Spain saying: the king our master sendeth you word, that he would gladly come to you but the season is spent, the ground is so moist that carriage cannot be conveyed, the fields so barren that beasts cannot feed, and the wether so trobleous that people cannot well lie abroad in camp: therefore he would desire you all these things considered, to break up your field, and sever yourself to the towns and villages of his country, till the spring of the year, at which time there shall resort to you, fresh succours out of England, and he himself will be with you with all ordinance necessary, as becometh to such an army, and then shall proceed the first pretenced enterprise, to the honour of the king your master and ours, and not to your small fame and renown. When this message was hard by the whole counsel, no man was contented, but the lord Haward which had the whole governance under the Marquis said: what report of honour can we make of the king of Arragon your master, for at his desire we be come hither, and here have lain in camp a long space, ever tarrying for performance of his promise, & yet nothing hath he performed, our people be dead of the flux in great number: we gentlemen everichone doth much lament this long idleness, by reason whereof many a tall man having nothing to do, but abiding your master's pleasure, hath fall to some mischief, or by sickness, or else for misdoing executed by justice. What shall the king our master report of our slothfulness, which hath spent him innumerable treasure and nothing gained? And yet we would make Winter war, and the king of Arragon your master us denieth of such things as he promised, and willeth us like cowards to our dishonour, to raise our Camp without any notable act done on the frenchmen, for which cause we came.  
The spaniards perceiving the grudge of the Englishmen, said that time passed could not be revoked, and that they had not lain idly, for the frontiers of Guyan had sustained such damage, as in many years they shall not recover again, and all this while the Frenchmen durst not meddle with you, so that you have lost no honour, and if you tarry here this Winter by your daily in skirmishing, they shall receive great damage: during which time, the king our master hath commanded, that things meet and necessary for you to be at your commandment, and in the spring of the year, he shall join with you, so that your enemies and his shall well know your puissance, for he taketh all enemies to you, to be his, so with fair words the counsel of Spain departed.  
Then the lord Haward being chief, because the Marquis was sick counseled with all the other lords and captains, and so in the end of October they agreed to break up their Camp, and so they did, and the lord Marques and his people went to saint Sebastian, the lord Haward and his retinue to Rendre, & the lord Willoughby to Garschang sir William Sands and many other captains to Fruntrabie, and so every captain with his retinue were severed in diverse villages.  
The English soldiers, what for sickness, and what for misery of the country, ever desired to return into England. The king of England advertised by the king of Arragon of his intent, and how he would set forward the first spring, sent Wynsore his Herald of Arms to his army willing them there to tarry, and that he would send them new aid, under the conduit of the lord Harbert his Chamberlain: which letter when it was red, the soldiers began to murmur and grudge after such a sort, saying: that they would not abide and die of the flux in such a wretched country, to be defrauded and mocked of the king of Arragon the next year, as they were this year, and spoke such outrageous words, that the captain could not stay them, in so much that they in a fury had slain the lord Haward & diverse other, if they had not followed their minds, and so they hired ships and put the lord Marquis in one, which was so weak that he asked where he was: and then every man shipped, which was in Novembre, and in the beginning of Decembre they landed in England. The king of Arrogon was sore discontent with their departing, for they spent much money and substance in his country, and said openly, that if they had tarried he would have invaded guian, and the Englishmen were glad that they were departed out of such a country, where they had little health, less pleasure, and much loss of time: but by their lying there, the King of Arragon stolen the realm of Naver, and the Englishmen left as much money there, as he sent into England with his daughter.  
When the Marquis sailed into Spain in the month of Maij, the same time sir Edward hayward Lord Admiral of England, as you have hard before sailed toward Britain, and on Trinity Sunday arrived at Bertram Bay in Britain, with twenty great ships, and suddenly set his men on land: then the britains made an askrie, and set their beacons on fire, and shot out of a bulwark that they had fortified at the point of the Bay: but the English men which were in the ship of William Gonstone Grocer of London, took first land maugre them all, and all other after, and so manfully they set on the bulwark that they won it, and the Britons fled and many slain. Then the Admiral set his men in an order, and passed in the country seven miles, burning and wasting towns and villages: and in his return he skirmished with diverse men of arms and slew diverse of them, and notwithstanding the Britons fought valiantly for defence of their country, yet they lost and nothing won: and so the lord Admiral returned to his ship.  
Upon monday the xxiii day of May he landed in the morning, and commanded to burn the lord Piers Meguns place, and the town of Conket and diverse other places, and chased the Britons to the Castle of Breast, and for all assembles and shows that the Britons made, yet they fuffered the Englishmen peaceably to return with their preys and gains. The Britons seeing the hurt that the navy of England did to them, said: alas the king of England hath ever before this time succomed us, and now he intendeth to destroy us, shame come to him that is the cause thereof.  
The first day of june the Englishmen took land in Croyton Bay: then the Lords of Britain sent word to the Lord Admiral, that if he would abide, they would fight with him in plain field. The Admiral rewarded the messenger, and said, go say to them that sent thee, that all this day they shall find me here, tarrying their coming. Then he to encourage diverse gentlemen dubbed them knights, as sir Edward Broken, brother to the lord Cobham, sir Griffithe Down, sir Thomas Wyndan, sir Thomas Lucy, sir William Pirton, sir Henry Shirborne, sir Stephen Bull, sir John Burdett: Then the lord Admiral highly encouraged his men, when he saw the Britons come, which were ten thousand at the lest, the Englishmen but only xxv C. or few above, bidding them remember the honour and renown that should come to them, if they gained the journey, and yet if they were slain, their valiantness was to be praised, & their true diligence to do therr master service much to be allowed.  
When the Britons saw the order of the Englishmen and their banners displayed, they were suddenly astonied: then a gentleman of Britain of much experience, advised the other captains not to fight, but to return a little & to take a strong ground, and to watch the Englishmen, when they returned to their ships, and then to take thaunauntage. And so the capitaies began to return: and when the commons saw them return, all they ran a way as fast as they might, supposing that their captains had seen or known some great peril toward them, because they were not privy of their Captains' counsel. And when they came home to their houses, some said the battle was great, and some said that the Englishmen were xl thousand. The lord Admiral seeing this chance, when night came departed to his ships: but yet they knew not why they fled, till after he hard the truth. The gentlemen of Britain called a great counsel, saying: that the Englishmen daily wasted the country on the sea cost, and that there was no trust in the commonalty, and that the gentlemen alone could not defend the country, wherefore, they concluded to send a messenger to the lord Admiral, desiring him of a safe conduit for diverse persons to speak with him, the which he gently granted. Then certain lords of Britain took a boat, and came to the ship of the lord Admiral, where he was set with all the counsel of the captains about him. Then they desired him humbly to ●urcest of his rigorous and cruel war, and especially of burning of towns which to you is nor profit, and if you will have the Castle of Breast, it shall be at your commandment, so that you be able to defend it, and we desire nothing so much as peace. Nay said the Lord Admiral, we are sent hither to make war and not peace. Then they humbely required him for God's sake to grant them peace for six days, so that they might send to the king their lord, to advertise him of their trouble and calamity. Then the lord Admiral answered, that gentlemen aught to defend their country by force, rather than to sue for peace: with the which saying the Britons were ashamed: yet they heartily thanked him, and so he made them a banker and they departed: & they sent a land for fresh water and other fresh victuals, and then hearing that there were men of war upon the sea, he coasted from them alongst all the coasts of Normandy, still scouring the seas, so that no enemy appeared: and at the last came and lay by the Isle of Wight, to see if any enemies would appear on th'English coast: during which time diverse ships kept the North seas, under the conduit of sir Edward Ichyngham, John Lewes, John Lovedaie, which diligently skowred the seas.  
This year the King had a solemn justes at Grenewiche in june: first came in ladies all in White and Read silk, set upon Coursers trapped in the same suit, fretted over with gold, after whom followed a fountain curiously made of Russet Satin, with eight Gargilles spouting Water, within the Fountain sat a knight armed at all pieces. After this Fountain followed a lady all in black silk dropped with fine silver, on a courser trapped in the same. After followed a knight in a horse litter, the Coursers and litter apparcled black with Silver drops. When the Fountain came to the tilt, the Ladies road round about, and so did the Fountain and the knight within the litter. And after them were brought two goodly Coursers apparelled for the justes: and when they came to the Tiltes end, the two knights mounted on the two Coursers abiding all comers. The king was in the fountain, and sir Charles Brandon was in the litter. Then suddenly with great noise of Trumpets, entered sir Thomas Knevet in a Castle of Cole black, and over the castle was written, The dolorous Castle, and so he and the earl of Esex, the lord Haward and other ran their courses, with the King and sir Charles Brandon, and ever the king broke most spears.  
The King ever remembering his wars, caused all his ships and Galies to be rigged and prepared, with all manner of ordinance and artillery, meet for ships of war. And amongst all other, he decked the Regent, a ship royal, as chief ship of that navy, and then caused soldiers meet for the same ships, to muste● on black Hethe, and he appointed captains for that time, sir Anthony Oughtred, sir Edward Ichyngham, William Sidney, and diverse other gentlemen, which shortly shipped and came before the Isle of Wight, but in their passage a Galley was lost by negligence of the Master.  
The King ever desiring to see his navy together, road to Portesmouthe, and there he appointed captains for the Regent, sir Thomas Knevet Master of his horse, and sir John Carew of Devonshire. And to another ship royal called the sovereign, he appointed sir Charles Brandon, and sir Henry Guildforde, and with them in the Sovereign were put lx of the tallest yeomen of the kings Guard, and many other gentlemen were made Captains. The king made a great banquet to all the captains, and every one swore to another ever to defend, aid, & comfort one another without failing, and this they promised before the King, which committed them to God, and so with great noise of minstrelsy they took their ships, which were xxv in number of great burden, and well furnished of all things.  
The French king hearing what damage thenglishmen had done in Britain, strongly furnished his Navy in the haven of Breast, to the number of xxxix sail, and for chief ordained a Carike of Breast, apperteigning to the Queen his wife, which was Duchess and heir of Britain called Cordelier, which was a strong ship furnished in all points, and so they set forward out of Breast the ten day of August, and came to Britain Bay, in which place the self same day, being the day of. S. Laurence, the English Navy was arrived.  
When the English men perceived the French Navy to be out of Breast haven, than the lord Admiral was very joyous, than every man prepared according to his duty, the Archers to shoot, the Gonners to loose, the men of Arms to fight, the Pages went to the top Castle with darts: thus all things being provided and set in order, the Englishmen approached toward the frenchmen, which came fiercely forward, some leaving his Anchor, some with his foresail only to take the most advantage: and when they were in sight, they shoot ordinance so terrebly together, that all the sea coast sounded of it. The Lord Admiral made with the great ship of Deep, and chased her still: sir Henry Guildford and sir Charles Brandon, made with the great Caricke of Breast, being in the Sovereign, and laid stem to stem to the Caricke, but by negligence of the Master, or else by smoke of the ordinance or otherwise, the Sovereign was cast at the stern of the Caricke, with which advantage the French men shouted for joy: but when sir Thomas Knevet which was ready to have boarded the great ship of Deep, saw that the Sovereign had miss the Caricke, which sir Anthony Oughtred chased hard at the stern, and bowged her in diverse places, and set a fire her powder as some say, but suddenly the Regent crappeled with her a long board and when they of the Carick perceived that they could not departed, they let slip and Anchor, and so with the stream the ships turned, and the Caricke was on the wetherside, and the Regent on the lie side, the fight was very cruel, for the archers of the English part, and the Crossbows of the French part did their uttermost: but for all that the English men entered the Caricke, which seeing a varlet Gonner being desperate put fire in the Gone powder as other say, and set the whole ship of fire, the flame whereof, set fire in the Regent, and so these two noble ships which were so crappeled together that they could not part, were consumed by fire. The French navy perceiving this fled in all haste, some to Breast, and some to the Isles adjoining. The Englishmen in manner dismayed, sent out boats to help them in the Regent, but the fire was so great that in manner no man durst approach, saving that by the james of Hull were certain Frenchmen that could smymme saved. This burning of the Caricke was happy for the French navy, or else they had been better assailed of thenglishmen, which were so amazed with this chance, that they followed them not. The captain of this Carick was sir Piers Morgan and with him ix C. men slain and dead: and with sir Thomas Knevet and sir John Carow were vii C. men drowned and brent, and that night all the Englishmen lay in Bartrain Bay, for the French fleet was sparkked as you have hard.  
The lord Admiral called at the captains together, desiring them not to be abashed with this chance of war, for he thought now that this was the worst fortune that could happen to them, therefore to study how to be revenged, and so they concluded all to go to the sea, which they did, and on the coast of Britain took many ships, and such as they could not carry away they set on fire, small and great to a great number on all the coast of Britain, Normandy and Picardy, and thus they kept the sea.  
The King of England hearing of the loss of the Regent, caused a great ship to be made, such another as was never seen before in England, and ●alled it, Henry grace de dieu.  
The French king hearing that his fleet was thus divided, and of the loss of his great Carick, he sent to a knight of the Rhodes called Prior John, which had three Galies of force, with diverse foists & Rowgalies so well ordinaunced and with such pieces as was not seen in ships before his coming: for he lay on the coast of Barbary, to defend certain of the Religion of the Rhodes coming to Tripoli, and at the French kings request came into Britain and there tarried.  
In November the king called his high Court of Parliament, and there was concluded that the king himself in person, with an army royal would invade his realm of France, with fire and Sword, which thing being known to his subjects, and especial to such as should go with him, no man can doubt, but that preparation was made of harness, weapon, artillery, banners and all other things necessary for such an enterprise.  
The king after this Parliament ended, kept a solemn Christmas at Grenewiche to cheer his nobles, and on the twelve day at night came into the hall a Mount, called the rich Mount. The Mount was set full of rich flowers of silk, and especially full of Brome slips full of cods, the branches were green Satin, and the flowers flat Gold of Damask, which signified Plantagent. On the top stood a goodly Bekon giving light, round about the Bekon sat the king and ●iue other, all in coats and caps of right Crimosin velvet, enbroudered with flat gold of Damask, their coats set full of spangelles of gold, and four woodhouses drew the Mount till it came before the queen, and then the king and his company descended and danced: then suddenly the Mount opened, and out came six ladies all in Crimosin satin and plunket, enbroudered with Gold and pearl, with French hoddes on their heads, and they danced alone. Then the lords of the Mount took the ladies and danced together: and the Ladies re-entered, and the Mount closed, and so was conveyed out of the hall. Then the King shifted him and came to the Queen, and sat at the banqute which was very sumptuous. And after the Purification of our Lady, the King created sir Charles Brandon Uiscount Lisle. In March following, was the kings navy of ships royal, and other meet for the war set forth to the number of xlii, beside other Blangars, the lord Admiral was chief, and with him sir Water Deveruex lord Ferr●is, sir Wolstan Browne, sir Edward Ichyngham, sir Antony Poyntz, sir John Wallop, sir Thomas Wyndam, sir Stephin Bull, William Fitz William, Arthur Plantagenet, William Sidney Esquires, and diverse other noble and valiant Captains: they sailed to Portesmouthe, and there lay abiding Wind: during which time, the king sent into Flaunders for such things as he needed, and caused them to be brought to Caleis against his coming.  
When the wind served, the Navy royal of England weighed anchor and made sail into Britain, and came into Bertram Bay, and there lay at Anchor in the sight of the French Navy. Now you must understand, that all the great Navy which the French king had prepared, lay in the haven of Breast, so well furnished in all things, that no doubt it was a wonder to see: but when they were ready to set forth, and saw the English fleet on the coast, they determined clearly to save themselves in Breast haven. Then the Englishmen determined clearly to set on them in the haven, and so in good order of battle sailed forward, but at the first entry, one ship, whereof Arthur Plantagenet was captain, fell on a blind rock & braced asunder, by reason whereof, all the other stayed to the great displeasure of all the remnant, and not to the little joy of the Frenchmen which shot at them without doing any harm. So the English captains perceiving that the haven was dangerous to enter without an expert lodesman, cast about and returned to their harborough at Bertram Bay again.  
The Frenchmen perceiving that the Englishmen intended to assail them, moored their ships as nigh to the Castle of Breast as they could, and set bulwarks on the land on every side to shoot at the Englishmen. Also they frapped together xxiiii great Hulks, that came to the Bay for salt, and set them on a row, to the intent that if the English men would have assaulted them, they would have set them on a fire, and let them drive with the stream amongst the English Navy. Prior John also lay still in Black Sable or Whitesande Bay, and plucked his Galies to the shore, and set his Basilisks and other ordinance in the mouth of the Bay, which Bay was bulwarked on every side, that by water it was not possible to be won.  
The lord Admiral perceiving the Navy of France to lie this in fear, and not willing nor daring come abroad, but to lie as prisoners in a dungeon, wrote to the King to come thither in person, and to have the honour of so high an enterprise: which writing the Kings counsel nothing allowed, for putting the king in jeopardy upon the chance of the sea. Wherefore the king wrote sharply to him, to accomplish that which appertained to his duty: which caused him to take courage and put things in adventure as after you shall here.   

¶ The .v. year. 
The .v. year.   
AS you have hard before, the lord Admiral of England lay still on the coast of Britain in the Bay, called Bartrames Bay, so that for fear of him and the English Navy, neither the great ships in Breast haven durst once move to the sea ward, nor yet Prior John for all his strong galleys would once set out a sail: saving now and then send forth his small foists, to make a show before the English Navy, which chased them to their bay, but because the English ships were so great they could not enter the bay, and so manned out boats and took one of the best foists, and that with great danger, for the Galies and the bulwarks shot all at one time, that it was a wonder how the Englishmen escaped.  
The Admiral of England perceiving the French men's policy, called a counsel, and there determined first to assail Prior John and his Galies, lying in Whitsand bay, and after to set on the remnant in the haven of Breast. Then first was appointed that Water lord Ferreis, sir Stephin Bul and other captains, should go a land with a convenient company, to assault the bulwarks of Whitsand bay, while the Lord Admiral entered with row Barges and little Galies into the bay, so that the Frenchmen should be assailed both by water and land. Thus was it fully agreed by the whole counsel: but alas, this noble captain counseled by a Spanish knight called sir Alphous' Charant, which said that he might enter the Bay wit● little jeopardy, called to him Wilyam Fitz William, William Cook, John coley, and sir Wolstan Browne as the chief and his most trusty friends, and declared to them that the matter was little, and the honour great, if they only took on them that enterprise, and let none other know of it. They like men of haute courage and desiring honour, gladly assented: so on saint Marks day the xxv day of April, the said Admiral put himself in a small row barge, with three other small rowing ships and his own ship boat, and so rowed suddenly into the Bay, where Prior John had moored his Galies just to the ground, which Galies with the bulwarks on the land, shot so terribly that they that followed were a frayed: but assoon as he came to the Galies, he entered and drove out the French men. William Fitiz William within his ship was sore hurt with a quarrel. The day was very shallow, and the other ships could not enter, for the tide was spent, which thing the Frenchmen perceiving, and that there could come no succour to the Admiral, with Morris pikes entered again the Galies, and fought with the Englishmen in the Galies. And the Admiral perceiving their approaching, thought to have entered again into his row Barge, which by violence of the tide was driven down the stream, and so with a pike was thrown over the board and so drowned, and there the forenamed Alphous' was slain, and all the other boats and vessels scaped hardly, for if they had tarried, the tide had failed them and then all had been lost. The lord Ferreis and other captains much were dolent of this chance, and some said he did it without counsel, and so he hath sped. And therefore although that they would have set on the Navy in Breast haven, yet having no Admiral nor commission, they determined to do nothing farther till they knew the kings pleasure, and so sailed into England. The French Navy perceiving that the Englishmen made toward England, came out of their havens, and Prior John set forth his Galies and foists, and coasted Britain and Normandy, and coasted over to the coast of Sussex and all his company, and landed on the sea coast, and set fire on the poor cottages. The gentlemen that dwelt near, shortly raised the country, and came to the coast and drove Prior John to his Galeis. This was all the hurt that this stout captain of so great fame did to England, saving he rob certain poor. fishermen of Whitynges. The king hearing of the death of his Admiral was not a little sorry, considering both nobility of his birth, and the valiantness of his person, but all sorrow availeth not when the chance is past. Therefore the king hearing that the French Navy was abroad, called to him the lord Thomas Haward, elder brother to sir Edward Haward late Admiral, and son and heir apparent to the Earl of Surrey, and made him Admiral, willing him to revenge his brother's death, which with great reverence, thanked the king of the high trust that he had put him. And then immediately went to the sea, and so nobly & valiantly did scour the sea, that the French men had no lust to keep the coast of England, for he fought with them at their own ports.  
The king which had all things necessary and meet for the war, intending to pass the sea in proper person, appointed the valiant lord George Talbot Earl of Shrewesbury, and high Steward of his household to be captain general of his forward, and in his company were lord Thomas Stanley Earl of Derby, lord Decowrey Prior of. S. Ihons', sir Rober Radcliffe Lord Fitzwater, the Lord Hastynges, the Lord Cobham, sir Rice Ap Thomas, sir Thomas Blount, sir Richard Sachiverell sir John Dighby, sir John Askewe, sir Lewes Bagot, sir Thomas Cornwall, and many Knights and esquires and soldiers, to the number of viii M. men, which all passed the sea, and to Caleis in the middle of Maij.  
The lord Herbert called sir Charles Somerset, chief Chamberlain to the king: the end of the same month with vi M. men passed the sea in whose company were these Earls, of Northumberlande Percy, of Kent Graye, of Wiltshire Stafford, the lord Fitzwater, the lord Dudley, the lord Delawar, sir Thomas West his son, sir Edward Husey, sir Robert Dimmocke, sir Davie Owen, with many other gentlemen, some with spears on horseback, some with pikes on foot, some with dimilances, and this was the rearward. Such good diligence was made that these two captains with all their company, furnished with artillery, powder, tents, carriages, and all things necessary for the wars were landed at Caleis the last day of Maij.  
After they had sojourned certain days in Caleis, and that all things requisite were ready, they caused a Trumpet to blow and made Proclamation, that every man should depart out of the town, and so to begin the camp. The earl of Shrewesbury with his company first took the field, after him followed the lord Herbert with his company, in manner of a rearward. And after him followed the valiant sir Rice ap Thomas, with .v. C. light horse and Archers on horseback, and joined him to the forward. Then was there order taken what persons should conduit the victalers that came from Caleis, and who should conduit the victalers that came out of Flaunders, for without sufficient conduit no creature durst bring any victaile to the army. These two lords thus embattled removed the xvii day of june to Sandisfelde, and on the xviii. day they came to Margison, on the far side of the water, as though they would have passed straightly to Bulleyn, but they thought otherwise, for the next day they took another way, and coasted the country with such diligence, that the xxii day of june they with all their people ordinance, and habilimentes of war, were come before the strong city of Tirwin, and pight their Tents a mile from the town, and for that night embattled themselves: and as certain captains were in counsel, in the lord Herbertes tent, suddenly out of the town was shot a gone, the pellet whereof slew a noble captain called the Baron of Carew, sitting there in counsel, which sudden adventure dismayed much the assemble. But the lord Herbert valiantly comforted them, saying: this is the chance of war, if it had hit me you must have been content, a noble heart in war is never a feared of death. All the country of Arthois and Picardy, fortified their holds, and made shows as the English army passed, but they durst not once assail them.  
The city of Tirwin was strongly fortifed with wales, rampaires, bulwarks, with diveses fortresses in the ditches, which were so broad and so plume stepe that was wondre to behold. The lord Pountremy was captain general, and with him were within the city vi C. horsemen furnished, and two. M.u. C. Almains beside the inhabitants of the city, the walls & towers were full of ordinance, which did oftentimes great displeasure to the Englishmen. The Earl of Shrewesbury laid siege to the town, on the North West side, and the lord Herbert on the east side or end ward, the Frenchmen issued out of the town and skirmished with the Englishmennes, but the Archers shot so fast that they drove the frenchmen into the city, and slew and took diverse of them. The lord Herbert which lay in the open sight of the town, having no hill or other thing to secure or defend him, caused great trenches to be made, and so inawger his enemies he approached very near the cite: likewise th'earl of Shrewesbury with the forward, got into an hollow ground or valley near to the city. Daily the Frenchmen shot at thenglishmen, and diverse times issued out and skirmished, and ever they lost by skirmishing, but by shooting of ordinance they hurt diverse Englishmen. Wherefore the lords commanded the pioneers to raise a great trench, in which they laid the great ordinance, and daily as they might they approached: sir Rise ap Thomas with the horsemen daily skowered the country, & many times encountered with the frenchmen, and slew and took diverse prisoners, so that the Frenchmen drew not toward the siege, but turned another way. Upon the munday being the xxvii day of june xxiiii Cartes charged with victaill, were by the Garrison of Caleis conduited to Guisnes, and there the Crew of the castle and town of Guisnes with three. C. foot men, under the conduit of sir Edward Belknappe, all being in number four C.lx men, set forth to conduit thesay victuals to th'army lying before Tirwyn, and so they passed to Arde. And while the Carters passed the town, the horsemen fell a drinking in the way, and the foot men were all out of 〈◊〉. The duke of Uandosme captain general of Picardy, which la●● in a bushment in the forest side of Guysnes with viii C. light horsemen, took his advantage and set on the victailers, the Carters perceiving that, loosed their horses and fled to the town, which was but a mile of and left their Cartes. Sir Nicholas Uaux captain of Guysnes did all he could, to bring the foot men in an order: but the frenchmen set on so quickly that they could not set them in order, the horsemen of Guysnes which were but only xxiiii took their spears and joined with the frenchmen: the Archers of England which passed not lx shot manfully, and a noble captain called Baltier Delien and diverse other, but the frenchmen were so many in number and in good order that they flew viii. gentlemen of the Garrison of Guysnes, and xxx Archers slain and many hurt, and so they distrussed the victuals, and caused sir Nicholas Uaux, and sir Edward Belknappe to fly toward Guisnes. This misauenture fell by tarrying of the horsemen and breaking of array, for if tharcherss had tarried together it had happened otherwise, for the few Archers that held together, flew and hurt diverse frenchmen: For on the field lay lxxxvii great horse which never went thence, by the which it appeared that the frenchmen went not quite away without loss. When tidings of this misauenture came to the lords at the siege, they were not a little displeased: and sir Rise ap Thomas caused his Trumpet to blow to the stirroppe, and he with his horsemen sought the Duke of Uandosme all the country, which hearing of the coming of sir Rise, with great haste retreted back to Bangey Abbey, where the French kings great army lay. Sir Rise hearing that he was returned came the next day again to the siege. The rumour of this skirmish sprung all the English pale toward Flaunders, wherefore the towns fired there bekons & rang alarm, divers honourable men the had passed the see with companies of soldiers & were in Caleis, marched forward in order of battle, but hearing of the departing of Mounsire de vandosme, they rested. Then was new provision made for victual & sent daily from Caleys to Turwyn by such conduit, that the Frenchmen would no more meddill, and the army also was well vitaled out of Flaunders and Henawde.  
The army of England thus lay before the strong town of Turwin: the noble king of England not forgetting his entreprice prepared all thing ready to pass the see in proper person, and caused sir John Wiltshire to purvey for iii C. hoys to carry over his artillery & habiliments of war and all his ships of war were on the see skowering every cost of his realm. And when all things were priest, he accompanied with many noble men and vi C. archers of his guard, all in white gabberdines & caps, departed from his manor royal of greenwich the xu day of june and so he and the queen with small journeys came to Dover castle & there rested, and made the queen governor of the realm, & commanded William Warram then bishop of Cantorbury and sir Thomas Lovel a sage knight and divers other, to give there attendance on the queen. And commanded th'earl of Surrey to draw toward the north parts left the Scots would make any entreprice in his absence. Then the king took leave of the queen and of the ladies which made such sorrow for the departing of their lords and husbands, that it was great dolour to behold, and so he with all his army took his ship the last day of june being the day of saint Paul.  
In the morning when the king was shipped and made sail, all the army followed, to the number of four C. ships, and the wind was so, that they were brought even on the cost of picardy open upon saint Ihons' Road, & with the flood they haled a long the cost of Whitsand with trumpets blowing and gonnes shooting, to the great fear of them of Bolleyn which plainly might behold this passage, and so came to Caleys haven.  
The king was received into a boat covered with arras, & so was set on land. He was appareled in almain rivet crested & his vantbrace of the same, & on his head a chapeau montabyn with a rich coronal, the fold of the chapeau was lined with crimsyn saten, & on y● a rich brooch with the image of saint George, over his rivett he had a garment of white cloth of gold with a red cross, & so he was received with procession & with his deputy of Caleys called sir Gylbert Talbot, and all other nobles and gentlemen of the town & country, & so entered in at the lanternegate & passed the streets till he came to Saint Nycholas church, & there he alighted & offered, & from thence he went to the stapleinne where he supped.  
When the king entered Caleys, all the banished men entered with him & were restored to the liberty of the town. To tell of the gone shot of the town and of the ships at the kings landing it was a great wonder, for m● of good estimation reported that they hard it at Dover. The king lying thus in Caleys, all his army except a few of his counsel and other that gave their attendance on him lay encamped at Newnam bridge, in which camp about a xi of the clock at night there rose an eskrye, so that the town of Caleys began alarm, with that the king waked and came to the walls, and demanded what the matter ment, the yeoman of the tents, called Richard Gybson, showed him how that certain horsemen & footmen of France, proffered to come over the haven, & the archers that lay next the see side entered into the water & defended the passage, with which defence the Frenchmen returned, & so the king was satisfied. But after this a Frenchman of Whitsand bay & one of Bullain were taken, the one called Charles de bone, the other Peter vernowne, which confessed y● from the town of Whitsand came lx horsemen & ii C. footmen of the garrison of Bulle●● & the country adjoining intending to pass by Rice bank at the low water mark, over that haven of Caleis at a certain ford showed to them by a spy which served the yeoman of the tents of victuals, & showed them that the tents were piched under Caleis walls between the town & the camp, so that they might burn them quickly or the town could issue, or the camp remove. But the Englishmen kept so good watch as you have hard that their entreprice came to none effect. The morrow after being the first day of july, the noble lord Haward admiral of England landed at Whitsand Bay, & entered, spoiled & brent the town, & returned to his ships for all the Bullonoys, & so recompensed the imagination that the bailie of Whitsand & the Bullonoys had enterprised for the burning of the kings tents.  
On friday at night blew such a storm that severed all the navy, & some were drowned. Upon the viii day of july, the lord Marquis Dorsett, th'earl of Essex, the lord Lisle road into Flaunders & theridamas took the mousters of the lord Lynny, the lord Walon, son to the lord of Barow, & bastard Emery which with their retinue were then admitted into the kings wages & the lord Linny with a. C. & l spears was appointed to go to the lord Herbert: & the lord Walon & bastard Emery with their bonds were appointed to go to th'earl of Shrewsbury lying before Tirwin: These strangers were warlycke persons on light horses. While the siege lay thus before Tyrwyn as you have hard, the Frenchmen diverse times issued out on horseback and many a staff was broken & many a proper feat of arms done. Likewise the Almains on foot would diverse times issue out with handgonnes, and morish pycks & assail the Englishmen, but by force of the archers they were ever driven home again, & every day the Englishmen shot at the town and did them much displeasure.  
The xxi day of july (when all things by counsel had been ordered concerning the order of battle) the king passed out of the town of Caleis in goodly array of battle & took the field: And notwithstanding the the forward & the rearward of the kings great army were before Tirwyn as you have hard: Yet the king of his own battle made iii battles after the fashion of the war, the lord Lisle marshal of the host was captain of the forward, and under him iii M. men. Sir Richard Carew with iii C men was the right hand wing to the forward, & the lord Darcy with iii C. men, wing on the left hand, that skoure●s and forriders of this battle were the North●berland men on light geldings. th'earl of Essex was Lieutenant general of the spears, and sir John P●●hy was vicegovernour of the horsemen: before the king went viii HUNDRED Almains all in a plump by themselves: after them came the standard with the red Dragon, next the banner of our lady, & next after the banner of the trinity, under the same were all the kings household servants, than went the bā●er of the arms of England borne by sir Henry Guildford, under which banner was the king himself, with divers noble men & other to the number of iii M. men. The duke of Buckingham with vi C. men was on the kings left hand equal with the Almains, in likewise on the right hand was sir Edward Pounynges with other vi C. men equal with the Almains. The lord of Burgainie with viii. C. men, was wing on the right hand, sir William Compton with the retinue of the bishop of Winchester, & master Wolsey the king's Almoner to the number of viii C. was in manner of a rearward, sir Anthony oughtred & sir John Nevell with the king's spears that followed, were four C. & so the hole army were xi. M. & iii C. men. The master of the ordinance set forth the kings artillery, as falcons, ●●ynges, bombards, carts with powder, stones, bows, arrows & such other things necessary for the field, the hole number of the carriages were xiii C. the leders and drivers of the same were xix C. men and all these were reckoned in the battle, but of good fighting men there were not full ix M.  
Thus in order of battle the king road to Seutrey●a & there lodged the first night, on friday the garrison of Bulleyn mustered nigh to Fines Mill, & were askryed by the Northumberland men, which marched toward them, but the Frenchmen returned. On saterday the host removed to Hambwell and theridamas rested. On sunday, & on monday he entered into the French ground nigh to Arde, & there every gentleman had on his coat of arms, & these tidings were brought to the king that the French army approached, which ridings pleased him well, for he desired nothing but battle. Tuesday the xxvi. day of july the king passed forward in order of battle & ever the Frenchmen costed a far of to take the Englyshmen at some advantage, but they kept them so close in order, that they could not find them out of array. Howbeit, by negligence of the carters that mystooke the way a great curtal called the John evangelist, was overthrown in a deep pond of water, and could not quickly be recovered.  
The king hearing that his enemies approached, leaving the gone (because the master carpenter said that he would shortly way it out of the water) set forward his host, and in good order came to Dornahan where is a fair eastell standing in a wood country, the Frenchmen were ever lurking in the woods viewing the king conduit & order as he passed, and so he left the town of Dornahan on his right hand, and came to a village on a little river where the ordinance pitched. And when the king came to the river he perceived that many gentlemen made danger to enter into the river: 
The courage of the king.  Wherefore he a lighted down of his horse and without any more abode entered the river, than all other entered and came over. Then was tidings brought to him, that the Frenchmen were near at hand and would fight that night: the king still abode in order of battle, ever looking for the coming of the Frenchmen, and at night word was brought that they were recoiled, and then he entered into his tent.  
Wednesday the xxvi day of july the releffe of the spears brought in askry, wherefore the king commanded to blow to the standard, and advanced his banner & took a fair field or bank abiding the coming of the Frenchmen. The captains general of the army of the French king were the lord dela palace and the lord of Piens, accompaignyed with the duke of Longuyle, th'earl of saint Polle, the lord of Floringes, the lord Cleremounde, & Richard dela Pole traitor of England son to the duke John of Suffolk: with these captains were coming xi M. footmen and four M. horsemen, all priest in battle & came with in ii miles of the king of England, and there the footmen staled and came no farther: certain horsemen to the number of iii M. and above marched forward and at the end of a wood showed themselves open in the sight of the English army. The king perceiving there demeanour, commanded all his footmen not to remove, but to stand still. The Frenchmen removed and came somewhat nearer to a place of execution: then the master Gonner lo●ed a piece of artillery or two. As the king lay thus still abiding his enemies, and that the horsemen stood still in sight, the great army of France approached, which the Englishmen could not descry by cause of an hill that was betwixt them. The Northern men ran to the Frenchmen, which manly encontered with them and struck some of them down and maugre all there power brought certain prisoners to the king of England. th'earl of Essex captain of the kings spears with ii C. spears lay in a stolen, if the Frenchmen had come nearer. Then suddenly appeared in sight a great comopany of horsemen and the king knew not what they were: but at the last it was perceived that it was the valiant knight sir Rice app Thomas with his retinue which came to the king about none: which gently received him and sent him to th'earl of Essex, which incontinently departed and compassed the hill and came to th'earl, and when they were joined, they drew them about the hill accompaignyed with sir Thomas Gylforde captain of ii C. archers on horseback, to th'intent to have set on the Frenchmen, which perceiving that, & dowghting more number to come after, suddenly drew back & joined them with there great battle. Then th'earl of Essex & thenglish horsemen followed them till they came near the great army of France and then staled, and sent light horsemen to know the conduit of the French army. When the Frenchmen of arms were returned to their battle, both the footmen & horsemen recoiled in order of battle and went back a pace, the english styrrers perceiving this, followed iii leagues and returned to th'earl, making report of that they had seen, and then he broke up his stolen and came to the king, declaring to him how the Frenshmen were recoiled. 
The dry Wednesday.  This day was called the dry wednesday, for the day was wonderful hot and the king and his army were in order of battle from vi of the clock in the morning till iii of the clock at after noon, and some died for lack of moisture & almost in general every man was burned about the mouth with heat of the stomach, for drink lacked and water was not near. After this, the king removed toward Tyrwyn having his horsemen behind him, jest the Frenshmen should suddenly set on him behind, & as the king was setting forward, the lord Walowne of Flaunders came to the king with his horsemen which were in the kings wages, and the king declared to him what had chanced. As the army passed by negligence the same day in a lane, was overthrown one of the kings great bombards of Iron, called the red gone, and there left: When the night began to approach the king rested and took his camp ii miles from saint Omers on the northside.  
On the thursday being the xxviii day of july the master carpenter with an hundred carpenters and labores without knowledge of the marshal went to way up the great gone that was in the pond as you have hard, & by force of engines drew it up and laid it on a cart ready to carry: But suddenly out of a wood issued viii C. Frenchmen with spears, crossbows and handgonnes, and assailed the poor labourers which valiantly defended themselves: but oppressed with multitude, the most part was slain and the remnant taken, and they & the piece of ordinance carried to bulleyne. This misauenture fell, for the master carpenter would work all of his own head without counsel, with which chance the king was sore displeased. The Frenchmen joyous of this chance, assembled a great number, to take the other gone that lay still in the high way. Wherefore the lord barns being capiteyne of the pioneers and labourers hearing of the misauenture, and considering that that other gone was lying behind▪ prepared all manner of engines to recover the same. The morrow after, the king intended to raise his camp, but when he hard of the great piece of ordinance that was left behind, and that the Frenshmen assembled together, he was in a great musing and so tarried and commanded the Almains to retreat back and to secure them that went for the piece of ordinance. The Almains went forth and staled within two mile, where the piece of ordinance lay, and farther they would not go. The earl of Essex with his company of spears, sir Rice ap Thomas, with his company, sir John Nevell with the Northumberland men set forward to help the lord Barnes for recovery of the gone. And suddenly the northern horsemen espied where all the great army of the Frenshemen were coming forward, and so reported to th'earl of Essex, y● to sir John pechy Lieutenant of the horsemen and spears & other captains, which were in the place where the said gown was left with a hundred horsemen, which hearing thereof sent word to sir Rice, which hearing thereof desired the earl of Essex to come & to take ground in that place where he was, which removed in great haste: In the mean season by the diligent labour of the lord Barnes, the piece of ordinance was raised & carted, and forth was it carried, by this time the French army appeared in sight.  
When th'earl of Essex saw the great number of the Frenchmen, in all hast he sent to the lord Walon, willing him with his company to come to there aid, the lord Waloun said to the messenger, go tell your captain that I come hither to serve the king of England more than one day, and therefore I would all thenglishmen would return, for with the great power of France they be not able to fight, for I esteem them ix or ten M. men at the jest: with his answer the messenger departed & made relation to the earl of Essex & other captains which there with were sore discontent: by this time the scowrers of the French part were come hard to the hands of the Englishmen: then began the light horsemen to skyrmy she, there was following and rescuing on both parties, & in open sight some of both parties slain. Then marched forward the hole battle of the Frenchmen with standards, penons and banners wavering, and sumptuous bards, & rich harness glittering, the men of arms in great number were in ranges a long ready to chase and charge. Sir Rice ap Thomas being a man of great experience, sagely perceived in what case the matter stood, said to th'earl of Essex, sir we be not vii C. horsemen, let us not be to foolish hardy, our commission was to fet the gone & none other, let us follow the same, th'earl agreed thereto & so softly & not in flying manner retreted & followed the gone. The Frenchmen perceiving y●, cried all is ours let us follow, then pricked forward ii M. men of arms & came just to the backs of the Englishmen, then thenglishmen cried saint George & cast themself about and made return to the Frenchmen, sir William Tyler & sir John sharp were the first the charged, and after all the other Englishmen, there was a dreadful chase, for the men of arms of France fled so fast, that glad was he that might be foremost, the hole host saying their horsemen returning in flight, suddenly in great haste returned without any more doing. Then the earl of Essex staled to an hill, & there caused his trumpet to blow to the standard for fear of subtle dealing: and when they were gathered together unto array, he returned.  
The xxix day of july the king with his army came to Arkus, and there embattled himself in a strong ground, and to him came th'earl of Essex and the other captains with the gone, and made report of their adventure, which thanked them heartily, and there he lay till Monday in which time came many noble men of Flaunders to visit him, & many of the common people came to see him.  
Mondaye the first day of August, the king removed his camp to a village middle waly between Sayncte Omers and Tyrwyn, and there fell such a rain that the ordinance could scace be removed the arable ground was so soft.  
Thursday the four day of August, 
Tirwyn, 〈◊〉.  the king in good order of battle came before the city of Tyrwyn & planted his siege in most warlikewise, his camp was environed with artillery, as Fawcones, serpentynes, cast hagbushes, and tried harrows, spien trestyls, and other warlike defence for the safeguard of the camp. The king for himself had a house of timber with a hymney of iron, & for his other lodgings he had great and goodly tents of blue water work garnished with yellow & white, diverse rooms within the same for all offices necessary, on the top of the pavilions stood the kings beasts holding fanes, as the Lion, the Dragon, the greyhound, the Antelope, the Donne kow: within all the lodging was poyncted full of the suns rising, the lodging was. C.xxv. foot in length.  
The king lying before Tirwyn, his great ordinance sore bet the town walls, and they within likewise shot out of the town ordinance, & slew divers Englyshmen in the trenches, among which shots they had one gone that every day & night was ordinarily shot at certain hours without fail: this gone was of Thenglishmen called the whistling gone, but it never did harm in the kings field. The siege thus lying before the city of Tyrwyn, sir Alexander Baynam a captain of y●●●yners, caused a my to be enterprised to enter into the town, but the Frenchmen perceiving that, made a countermyne and so destroyed the other mine, and divers miners slain within the same. The French army hoved ever a far to take the Englishmen at advantage as they went a foraging, & many a skirmish was done, and many good feats of arms achieved on both sides, and divers prisoners taken. Among the Frenchmen were certain light horsemen called Stradiotes with short styroppes, beaver hats, small spears, & swords like Semiteries of Turkay: divers times the northern light horsemen under the conduit of sir John Nevel skirmished with these stradiottes and took diverse of them prisoners, and brought them to the king.  
While the king lay thus before Tyrwyn, the captain of Bullen knowing by his espials that many of the garrison of Caleys were with the king at the siege, and also that daily victuals were brought out of England to Caleys to secure the camp, imagened a great entreprice and sent for all the men of war under his dominion and rule, and declared to them what honour they should obtain if they hurted or spoiled the out parts of Caleis, the king of England being on that side the see. The men of war perceiving the good courage of the captain, assented to his purpose, and so with all diligence they to the number of a. M. men in the evening set forward, and came to Newnam bridge by iii of the clock in the morning, and found the watchmen that kept the bridge a sleep, and so entered the bulwark & slew the watchmen, & took the ordinance of the bridge & then let the bridge fall, so that all entered that would. The capitain of Bulleyn kept vi C. men for a stolen at the bridge, & sent the other into the marrisshes and meadows where the cattle fed, and some of the Frenshmen came to Caleys gate, & were askryed of the watch and so rang alarm: the English soldiers ran to the walls, and saw the Frenshmen without the town walls: then they knew that Newnam bridge was lost, and would have issued out, but Sir Gylbert Talbot deputy there, would not suffer any gate to be opened. Now it happened that without Caleys gates were Richard Hunning & Richard Brycks of the Caterie, and iii or four of the kings servants which lay there to send provisions to the host: which hearing of this alarm, called to them the kings barkers, and cowpers, and a few shippemen, which lay in the haven, and courageously followed the Frenchmen. Thenglishmen were not passed vi score persons, and set on the Frenchmen as they were a foraging or they might assemble together, & slew them down right and took no prisoners in manner, and so they came to Newnam bridge & took it and put the Frenchmen back. But or Thenglishmen had thus gathered themselves together, the Frenchmen had foraged all with in the river up to saint Peter'S, and had driven away the cattle and the ordinance of Newnam bridge and so passed till they came where the stolen lay, and there they tarried looking for their company that were go a foraging to Caleys walls. About .v. of the clock in the morning, the gate of Caleys called Bulleyn gate, was opened, & then issued out one Culpiper the under marshal, with ii C. archers with the banner of Saint George, and with great haste came to Newnam bridge, where they found the kings servants and the other that had won the bridge, and then they all together marched toward the Frenchmen, which kept the stolen. The Frenchmen thought it had been there own company that had returned, till they saw the banner of saint George, than they knew that their company were overthrown, and that they must needs fight or die. Then thenglishmen though they were the smaller number, valiantly set on the Frenchmen, which with great force them defended, but at the last they were all discomfited and xxiiii slain and xii score taken prisoners and their ordinance and hole booty recovered. 
The folly of a Cowper.  These prisoners were brought to Caleys, and there sold in open market: Among all other a Cowper of the town of Caleys bought a prisoner of this booty that dwelled in Bulleyn, and had of the prisoner. C. crowns for his ransom, and when the money was paid, the Frenchmen prayed the Cowper to see him save delivered and to conduit him out of danger, the Cowper gently granted and without any knowledge of his friends, all alone went with the Frenchman till he came beyond the causey and there would have departed: but the Frenchmen perceived, that the Cowper was aged and that no rescues was nigh, by force took the Cowper prisoner & carried him to Bulleyn, and made him pay ii C. crowns for his ransom, thus thorough folly was the poor Cowper deceived.  
The xi day of August being thursday, the king lying at the siege of Tyrwyn, had knowledge that Maximilian th'emperor was in the town of Air. The king prepared all things necessary to meet with themperor in triumph. The noble men of the kings camp were gorgeously appareled, their coursers barded of cloth of gold, of damask & broidery, there apparel all tissue cloth of gold and silver, and gold smiths work, great chains of balderickes of gold, and bells of bullion, but in especial the duke of Buckingham, he was in purple satin, his apparel and his bard full of Antelopes and swans of fine gold bullion and full of spangyls and little bells of gold meruelus costly and pleasant to behold. The king was in a garment of great riches in jewels as pearls and stone, he was armed in a light armure, the master of his horse followed him with a spare horse, the henxmen followed bearing the kings pieces of harness every one mounted on a great courser, the one bore the helm, the second his graungarde, the third his spear, the fourth his axe and so every one had ●ome thing belonging to a man of arms: the apparel of the ix henxmen were white cloth of gold and crymsyn cloth of gold, richly embrawdered with goldesmythes work, the trappets of the corsers were mantel harness coulpened, and in every vent a long bell of fine gold, and on every pendant a deep tassel of fine gold in bullion, which trappers were very rich. The king and th'emperor met between air and the camp, in the foulest wether that lightly hath been seen. Themperor gently entertained the king, and the king likewise him, and after a little communication had between them, by cause the wether was foul, departed for that time. The Emperor and all his men were at that day all in black cloth for the Emprice his wife was lately deceased. After that the king was this returned to his camp, with in a day or twain there arrived in the army a king of arms of Scotland called Lion with his cote of arms on his back, and desired to speak with the king, who with in short time was by Garter chief king of arms brought to the kings presence, where he being almost dismayed saying the king so nobly accompanied, with few words, and meetly good reverence, delivered a letter to the king, which received the letter and red it himself and when he had red it, without any more delay he himself answered after this sort. Now we perceive the king of Scots our brother in law & your master to be the same person whom we ever took him to be, for we never esteemed him to be of any truth & so now we have found it, for notwithstanding his oath, his promise in the word of king, & his own hand and seal, yet now he hath broken his faith and promise to his great dishonour and infamy for ever, and intendeth to invade our realm in our absence which he dirst not one's attempt, our person being present, but he showeth himself not to be degenerate from the conditions of his forefathers, whose faiths for the most part hath ever been violated and there promises never observed, farther than they list. Therefore tell thy master, first that he shall never be comprised in any league where in I am a confederate, & also that I suspecting his truth (as now the deed proveth▪ have left an earl in my realm at home which shallbe able to defend him and all his power, for we have provided so, that he shall not find our land destitute of people as he thinketh to do: but thus say to thy master, that I am the very owner of Scotland, & that he holdeth it of me by homage, and in so much as now contrary to his bounden duty he being my vassal, doth rebel against me, with Gods help I shall at my return expulse him his realm, & ●o tell him: sir said the king of Arms, I am his natural subject, & he my natural lord, & that he commandeth me to say, I may boldly say with favour, but the commandments of other I may not, nor dare not say to my souer●igne lord, but your letters may with your honour sent, declare your pleasure, for I may not say such words of reproach to him whom I own only my allegiance & faith. Then said the king, wherefore came you hither, will you receive no answer? yes said Lion, your answer requireth doing and no writing, that is, that immediately you should return home: well said the king I will return to your damage at my pleasure, and not at thy masters summoning. Then the king commanded garter to take him to his tent & make him good cheer, which so did, and cherished him well for he was sore appalled: after he was departed, the king sent for all the chief captains, and before them and all his counsel caused the letter to be red, the true tenor whereof followeth word, by word.  
❧ The Letter of the king of Scots. ❧  
Right excellent, right high, and mighty Prince, our dearest brother & Cousin, we command us unto you in our master hearty manner, & received Fra Raff herald your letters quharuntill, ye approve and allow the doings of your commissioners lately being with ours, at the borders of bathe the realms for making of redress, quylke is thought to you and your counsel should be continnet and delaet to the xu day of October. Als ye writ, slaars by see aught not compear personally, but by their attorneis, And in your other letters with our herald Ilay, ye ascertain us ye will naught entre in the treux taken betwixt the mast Christian king and your father of Arragon because ye and others of the ha●e liege, neither should ne may take peace, treux nor abstinence of war with your common enemy, without consent of all the confederates. And that the Emperor king of Arragon, ye and every of you be bounden to make actual war this instant summer against your common enemy. And that so to do is concluded and openly sworn in Paul's kirk at London upon saint Marks day last by past. And ferther have denied saveconduyte upon our requests that a servitor of ours might have resorted your presence, as our herald Ilay reports: Right excellent, right high and mighty Prince our dearest brother and Cousin, thesayd meeting of our and your commissioners at the borders, was peremptorily appointed betwixt you and us eftir diverse dietes for reformation before continued to the Commissioners meeting, to effect that due redress suld have been made at the said meeting, like as for our part our Commissioners offered to have made that time: And for your part na malefactor was then arrested to the said diet. And to gloze the same, ye now wright, that slaars by see need not compear personally, but by their attorneys, quylk is again law of GOD and man. And gef in crimenall action, all slaars sulde naught compear personally, na punition sulde follow for slaughter, and than vane it were to seek farther meetings or redress. And hereby appears as the deed shows, that ye will nouther keep good ways of justice and equity nor kindness with us, the great wrongs and unkindness done before to us and our lieges we ponderate quhilk we have suffered this long time in upbering, maynswering nounredressing of Attemptates, so as the bill of the taken of in halding of bastard Heron with his complices in your country quha slew our wardan under traist of days of meeting for justice, and thereof was filat and ordaynt to be delivered in swaing of our liege noble men under colour by your folks, in taking of other's 〈◊〉 of our realm, prisonet and cheinet by the crags in your country, with halding of our wife's legacy promised in your diverse letters for despite of us, slaughter of Andrew Barton by your own command quha than had naught offended to you nor your lieges unredressed, and breaking of the amity in that behalf by your deed, and with halding of our ships and artilarie to your use, quharupon eft our diverse requisitions at your wardens, Commissioners, Ambassadors, and yourself, ye wrote & als show by others unto us, that full redress suld be made at the said meeting of commissioners, and sa were in hope of reformation, or at the left ye for our sake walled have desisted fra invasion of our friends and Cousynges with in their own countries that have naught offended at you as we first required you in favour of our tender Cousing the duke of Geldre, quham to destroy and disinherit ye sand your folks and dudde that was in them. And right sa we lately desired for our brother and Cousing the mast Christian king of France, quham ye have caused to tyne his country of Millaigne, and now invades his self quha is with us in second degree of blood, and hast been unto you kind witoute offence and more kyndar than to us: notwithstanding in defence of his person we mon take part, and thereto ye because of others have given occasion to us and to our lieges in time by past, neither doing justly nor kindly towards us, proceeding always to the utter destruction of our nearest friends, quha mon do for us quhan it shall be necessary. In evil example that ye will hereafter be better unto us quham ye lightly favour, manifestly wronged your sister for our sake incontrary our writs. And saying unto our herald that we give you fair words & thinks the contrary, in deed such it is, we gave you words as ye dudde us, trusting that ye should have emended to us or worthin kyndar to our friends for our sakes, and sulde nougtight have stopped our servitors passage to labour peax, that they might as the pope's holiness exherted us by his brevites to do. And therapon we were contented to have overseen our harms & to have remitted the same, though other information was made to our holy father pape july by the Cardinal of York your Ambassador.  
And sen ye have now put us fra all good believe through the premises, and specially in denying of saveconduyte to our servants to resort to your presence, as your ambassador doctor west instantly desired we sulde send one of our counsel unto you upon great matters, and appoyncting of differentes debatable betwixt you and us, furthering of peax if we might betwixt the most Christian king and you, we never hard to this purpose safe conduct denied betwixt infideles. Herefore we writ to you this time at length plains of our mind, that we require and desire you to desist fra farther invasion and utter destruction of our brother and Cousing the mayst christian king, to whom by all confederation blood and ally and also by new band, quhilk ye have compelled us lately to take through your injuries and harms without remedy done daily unto us, our lieges and subdites, we are bound and oblist for mutual defence ilke of others, like as ye and your confederates be oblist for mutual invasions and actual war: certifying you we will take part in defence of our brother and Cousing the mayst christian king. And will do what thing we trayest may craft 'cause you to desist fra pursuit of him, and for denyt and pospoynct justice to our lieges we mon give letters of mark according to the amity betwixt you and us, quharto ye have had little regard in time by past, as we have ordaint our herald the bearer hereof to say, gife it like you to hear him and give him credence: right excellent, right high and mighty Prince our dearest brother and Cousin, the Trinity have you in keeping.  
Given under our signet at Edynborowe the xxvi day of july.  
When the king read this letter, he sent it in all haste to the Earl of Surrey into England, which then lay at Pomfrett, and caused an other letter to be devised to the king of Scots, the copy whereof followeth.  
Right excellent, right high, and mighty prince, etc. and have received your writing, Dated at Edinburgh the xxvi day of july by your herald Lion this bearer, wherein after rehearsal and accumulation of many surmised injuries griefs and damages done by us & our subjects to you and your lieges, the specialites whereof were superfluous to rehearse, remembering that to them and every of them in effect reasonable answer founded upon law and conscience hath tofore been made to you and your counsel, ye not only require us to desist from farther invasion and utter destruction of your brother & Cousing the French king, but also certify us that you will take part in defence of thesayd king, and that thing which ye trust may rahter 'cause us to desist, from pursuit of him, with many contrived occasions and communications by you causeless sought and imagined, swooning to the breach to the perpetual peace, passed, concluded and sworn, betwixt you and us, of which your immagened querelles causeless devised to break with us contrary to your oath promised, all honour and kindness: We cannot marvel, considering the ancient accustomable manners of your progenitors, which never kept longer faith and promise then pleased them. Howbeit, if the love and dread of God, nighness of blood, honour of the world, law and reason, had bound you, we suppose ye would never have so far proceeded▪ specially in our absence. Wherein the Pope and all princes Christened may well note in you, dishonourable demeanour when ye lying in await seek the ways to do that in our said absence, which ye would have been well advised to attempt, we being within our realm and present: And for thevident approbation hereof, we need none other proves ne witness but your own writings heretofore to us sent, we being within our realm, wherein ye never made mention of taking part with our enemy the French king▪ but pas●ed the time with us till a●ter our departure from our said realm. And now percase ye supposing us so far from our said realm to be destitute of defence against your invasions, have uttered the old rancour of your mind which in covert manner ye have long kept secret. Nevertheless, we remembering the brytilnes of your promise and suspecting though not wholly believing so much unsteadfastness, thought it right expedient and necessary to put our said realm in a readiness for resisting of your said entreprises, having firm trust in our Lord GOD and the rightwiseness of our cause with thassistance of our confederates and Allies we shallbe able to resist the malice of all Scysmatyques and their adherentes being by the general counsel expressly excommunicate and interdycted, trusting also in time convenient to remember our friends, and requite you and our enemies, which by such unnatural demeanour have given sufficient cause to the dys●erison of you and your posterity for ever from the possybilitie that ye think to have to the royalme▪ which ye now attempt to invade. And if the example of the king of Navarre being excluded from his royalme for assistance given to the French king cannot restrain you from this unnatural dealing, we suppose ye shall have like assistance of the syade French king as the king of Navarre hath now: Who is a king without a realm, and so the French king peaceably suffereth him to continue whereunto good regard would be taken. And like as we heretofore touched in this our writing, we need not to make any further answer to the manifold griefs by you surmised in your letter: for asmuch as if any law or reason could have removed you from your sensual opinions, ye have been many and often times sufficiently aun●swered to the same: Except only to the pretended griefs touching the denying of our saufeconduyte to your ambassador too be last sent unto us: Where unto we make this answer, that we had granted thesayde saufeconduite, and if your herald would have taken the same with him like as he hath been accustomed to sollicitee saufeconduytes for merchants and others heretofore, ye might as soon have had that as any other, for we never denied saufeconduyte to any your lieges to come unto us & no further to pass, but we see well like as your said herald hath heretofore made sinister report contrary to truth so hath he done now in this case as it is manifest and open. Finally as touching your requisition to desist from farther attempting against our enemy the French king, we know you for no competent judge of so high authority to require us in that behalf: wherefore God willing we purpose with the aid and assistance of our confederates & Allies to persecute the same, and as ye do to us and our realm, so it shallbe remembered and acquitted hereafter by the help of our lord and our Patron saint George. Who right excellent, right high and mighty Prince. etc. Yeven under our signet in our camp before Tyrwyn the xii day of August.  
When this letter was written and sealed, the king sent for Lion the scottish herald, and declared to him that he had well considered his mas●ets letter, and thereto had made a reasonable answer, and gave to him in reward a hundred angels, for which reward he humbly thanked the king and so raried with gartier all might, and ever he said that he was sorry to think what damage should be done in England by his Master or the king returned, and so the next day he departed into Flaunders with his Letter to have taken ship to sail in to Scotland, but or he could have ship and wind his master was slain.  
After the defiance declared by the king of Scots herald, the king of England wrote to the queen and other which he had left behind of his counsel, to prepare in all haste for the defence of thesayde king of Scots, which so did with great diligence as you shall here shortly after. While the king lay thus at siege before Tirwyn, the Frenchmen studied all the ways possible how to victual the town of Tirwyn▪ & imagined in a night by some way to convey victual to the town: wherefore every day they sent their stradiates to espy by which way they might take their most advantage, and many times the English horsemen met with the stradiates and of them slew part.  
The French king would in any wise that the king of England should be fought with all, wherefore he sent the duke of Uandosme, The duke of Longuyle with diverse other valiant captains to Blangoy. Then was there a conclusion taken that the duke of a lanson should with u M. men fight with the Earl of Shrewsburye, or else to keep that nother he nother the lord Harbert should aid or come to the kings battle, & with the king should skirmish the duke of Uandosme & Longuyle, while in the mean season the carriages with victual might enter the town. For acomplishing of this entreprice, the Frenchmen made great pur●●aunce and all on horseback, this was not so secretly concluded but the king of England had an ynkeling thereof, and sent word to the Emperor which lay at Air and knew nothing of this devise and desired him to come to the camp to have his advise: which gladly answered that he would come the morrow after. The king continually sent forth his light horses to seek the country and to see if any appearance were, and they ever brought tidings of such thing as they saw, so that always it was foreseen that the king nor his people should be taken unpuruyed, nor the frenchmen should not come on them suddenly unaskryed.  
While these things were thus in commoning and immagening. Themperor Maximilian and all his servants which were retained with the king of England in wages by the day, every person according to his degree, and Themperor as the kings soldier wore a Cross of saint George with a Rose, and so he and all his train came to the kings camp the xiii day of August being Frydaye, and there was received eith great magnificence and brought to a tent of cloth of gold all ready appareled according to his estate, for all the tent within was syled with cloth of gold and blue velvet, and all the blue velvet was embrowdered with. H.K. of fine gold, and his cupboard was richly furnished and officers appointed to give on him attendance: and there he tarried till Sunday, and from thence he went again to Air for his pleasure. The king and his counsel were informed by their espials, and also it was confessed by certain prisoners, how the French army which lay at Blangoy, intended to victual the city of Tyrwyn. Wherefore on Frydaye at night, the xiii day of August the Duke of Buckyngham, the Earl of Essex, the Marquis Dorsett the Lord of Burgaynye, the Lord Willoghby, and diverse other gentlemen with vi thousand men on foot and the Lord Walon and the Lord Ligny with their horsemen were laid at Gyngate on the south side of Tyrwyn, where they were all night in order of battle, awaiting the rescue of the city, but the Englishmen were askryed, and so the Frenchmen broke there purpose for that time: and so the Duke of Buckyngham and his compaygnions' returned to the camp. Monday the xiii day of August by infortune, with out any cause known, there fell a great debate between the Almains of the kings field and Thenglyshemen, in ●o much that they fell to fighting and many men slain, the Almains suddenly ran to the kings ordinance and took it, and embattled themselves, and bend the ordinance against the king and his camp. Thenglishemen were greatly fumed with this matter: in so much the archers set forward to have joined with the Almains, and they likewise prepared there pikes, but the capitains took such payn● that the fray was appeased and all things done for that time▪ but as this commotion was in trouble, the Emperor came from Air and saw all the demener of both parties and was glad to see the discrete handling of the captains. After Themperor was come to the kings field, the king called Themperour and all the lords of his counsel together asserteyning them that he was credybly informed that the Frenchmen intended to rescue the city of Tyrwyn, wherefore it was agreed that the master of the ordinance should in haste make five bridges over the water for the army to pass over, to th'intent to besiege the city on that side: the carpenters did so there dever that night, so that by day all the bridges were made, so that all the horsemen passed over and askryed the country. On Twesdaye the xvi day of August the king raised his camp and with great ordinance and all other artillery and carriage he passed the river, and to him came Sir John Nevell with his light horsemen and told him that behind the tower of Gyngate was a great plump of horsemen. In the mean season, as Sir John Nevell told the king these tidings, by another way was th'earl of Essex Sir John Peche and the kings spears passed and skyrmyshed with the plump of spears that Sir John spoke of, and there were many profets made on both sides, but in conclusion the frenchmen were compelled to leave their stale, and one horseman taken and sent to the king which in hope of pardon of his Ransom showed how that the French army with their full power and strength were coming from Blangoy the number of fifteen thousand horsemen of arms to aid Tyrwyn on that side of the water. And to th'intent that the army of the Lord Stuarde and the Lord chamberlain should not aid the king, there were appointed .v. thousand of the xu thousand horsemen on the other side of the water. As these tidings was told came one from Sir rice, and said that a prisoner that he had that day taken confessed that the city should be reskowed the same day, and that he had askryed a number of horsemen to his judgement upon the point of six thousand. Then suddenly came the Northern men which affirmed that they had seen the French army in order of battle coming forward, but they judged them not passed twelve thousand men. Then the kings field was pitched and the ordinance set, but some counseled the king to take down his tents but the king said I will this day that my field be made and set in as royal wise as may be, and all my rich tents set up, which was done. Then the King called the Lord Darcy, and commanded him to keep his field, treasure ordinance and other stuff, which was loath too go from his Master but by strait commandment. Then every man prepared himself to battle resorting to the standard, the horsemen marched before the footmen by the space of a mile, still came curroures bearing tidings that the French army approached. The king had set forward and to advance his banner in name of GOD and Saint George. The Almains saying this (to what purpose it was not known) suddenly embatteled themselves on the left hand of the king and left the breast or front of the kings battle bore. As the king was thus marching forward toward the battle, to him came the Emperor Maximilian with xxx men of arms he and all his company armed in on suit with red crosses: then by the counsel of the Emperor the king caused certain pieces of small ordinance to be laid on the top of a long hill or bank for the out skowerers: Thus the kings horsemen and a few archers on horsebakce marched forward. The king would fain have been afore with the horsemen, but his counsel persuaded him the contrary, and so he tarried with the footmen accompanied with th'emperor.  
The Frenchmen came on in iii ranges xxxvi men's thickness & well they perceived the kings battle of footmen marching forward: the earl of Essex captain of the horsemen, and sir John P●●he with the kings horsemen and the burgonions to the number of a xi C. stood with banner displayed in a valley. The lord Walonne and the lord Ligny with bastard Emery and there bend to the number of four C. horsemen severed themselves and stood a side from the Englishmen: so than thenglishmen were but vii C. yet they with banner displayed removed up to the top of the hill, and there they met with sir John Gylforde a. C. tall archers on horseback, which had askryed the frenchmen. Now on the top of the hill was a fair plain of good ground, on the left hand a low wood, and on the right hand a ●alowe field. The lord Walonne and the Burgomons kept them a loof, then appeared in sight the Frenchmen with banners and standards displayed. Then came to the captains of Thenglishmen of arms, an English officer of arms called Clarenseux and said, in God's name set forward, for the victory is yours for I see by them, they will not abide, and I will go with you in my coat of arms. Then the horsemen set forward, and the archers a lighted and were set in order by an hedge all a long a village side called Bomye: the Frenchmen came on with xxxiii standards displayed, and the archers shot a pace and galled their horses, and the English spears set on freshly, crying saint george, & fought valiantly with the Frenchmen and threw down their standard, the dust was great and the cry more, but suddenly the Frenchmen shocked to their standard and fled, and threw away there spears, swords, and mazes and cut of the bards of their horses to run the lighter, when the hinder part saw the former fly, they fled also, but the sooner for one cause which was this. As the English horsemen mounted up the hill, the stradiates were coming down wards on the one side of the hill before the French host, which suddenly saw the banners of the English horsemen, and the kings battle following upward, weening to them that all had been horsemen, than they cast themself about and fled, the Frenchmen were so fast in array that the stradiates could have not enter, and so they ran still by thendesends of the ranges of the French army: and when they behind saw the fall of their standards and their stradiates in whom th●i had great confidence return, they that were farthest of fled first, than up pranced the burgonions and followed the chase: this battle was of horsemen to horsemen but not in eg●l number, for the Frenchmen were ten to one, which had not been seen before time, that Thenglishe horsemen gatt the victory of the men of arms of France. 
The journey of Spurs.  The Frenchmen call this battle the journey of Spurs by cause they ran away so fast on horseback. This battle was the xvi day of August, in the which battle was taken the duke of Longuyle, joys brother to th'earl of Dunoys which had married the Marquis of Rutilons' heir, the lord Cleremounde and many other noble men to the number of xii score and all brought to the kings presence, and likewise all the standards and banners were brought to the king. The Burgonions kept their prisoners and brought them not to sight. The fame went that Mounsire dela palace was by them taken and let go. Thenglyshemen followed the chase iii mile long from the field to a water in a valley, and there a Frenchman said to Sir Gyles capell that one day they would have a day, which answered him again in French that it was a brag of France: and so Thenglishemen returned to the king, which was coming forward who gave them thanks with great praisings for their valiantness, and there he made Sir John Peche bannarett and made John Car Knight which was sore hurt, and sir John Peche had his guided home taken and divers of his men hurt, they followed so far. Then the king retreted to Gyngate, to whom came sir Rise and showed him how hot the Frenchmen had skyrmyshed with him all day on the other side of the river, and how th'earl of Shrewsbury with banner displayed was all day priest in order of battle to have fought with the duke of Alencon and th'earl of saint Polle and the lord of Florenges which with .v. M. men as you have hard were appointed to rescue the town on that side where the lord of Shrewsburye lay, and to let him to come to aid the king, but how so ever that it happened, they stood still and came not down but only skyrmyshed with Sir Rice: The city of Tyrwyn was this day in hope of aid, and when they saw their helpers coming n●re, therthesame day proudly issued out on the lord Harbert & skirmyshed with his people very valiantly, and they within also shot out ordinance of all parts. The lord Harbert and his captains courageously defended them, and so sore they set on the Frenchmen, that they dra●e them by force to their gates for all their succours, and many of them were slain: this night the king sent for the duke of Long●uyle and the lord Cleremounde and diverse other noblemen, and the duke supped at the kings board that night.  
Then the Frenchmen after this discomfiture assembled together and returned to Blangoy xii mile from the cost, and there talked of there losses, and because they knew not who were taken and who were swayn, therefore they sent an herald to the king to know the number of the prisoners, the kings counsel according to there desire sent to them the names. The king being ascertained that the French kings purpose was yet again to give him battle, commanded the best of the prisoners should be conveyed to the town of Air in Flaunders: but when Thenglyshmen had brought them thither, the captain denied that Thenglishmen should entre the town with prisoners of France with whom he and his country had peace: but if the frenchmen would desire lodging for there ease, they should be permitted to en●re. But thenglishmen in a fury answered, that if you will not suffer us to keep our prisoners, we will slay them: then the Frenchmen meekly prayed the captain to suffer the Englishmen to enter, and swore to their keepers to be true prisoners, and so they entered, and after were conveyed into England. The Lord Powntremy of the house of Cresquy captain general of Tyrwyn perceived the discomfiture of the French party, and perceived how the Earl of Shrewsburye and the Lord Harbert had brought thither great ordinance so near the town that nearer it could not be brought, and that in the walls was such battery that it was not like to continued, yet he manfully defended the city and shot gonnes every day as he was accustomed and never was in despair, till the xviii day of thesayde month he saw the king remove his camp from Gyngate and laid his camp on the south side of the town between there rescue and the town: then when he saw this and considered that his succour●s were put back and that the town was sore febeled, and that the kings greatest ordinance was bend against the town, he therefore by the advise of other capitains sent to th'earl of Shrewsburye and the Lord Harb●rte a trumpet, desiring abstinence of war for a day, they incon●ynente scent to the king to know his pleasure, the king answered that he would not grant till he knew the consideration: then the captain sent word that with saufeconduyte he would come and speak with the kings counsel, which to him was granted, than he sent certain commissioners which offered to deliver the town with all the ordinance and munitions without any fraud, so that the towns men that would there devil might have life and goods safe, and that the men of war might depart with horse and harness, for goods they said they had none, and there horse and harness was of little valour to so great a prince. After that the king and his counsel had debated this matter, it was answered the commissioners that although the king knew their penury of victual and the daily mortality among them and that the town by reason of great batteries was not able long to resist, yet by cause they asked mercy he would not extend ●igor, and granted there request: so that they delivered the town with all the ordinance as they had promised, to the which all they were sworn, and so returned. And the same night th'earl of Shrewsburye entered the town and had the walls and towers and the banner of saint George was set in the highest place in sign of victory, & the lord Powtremy with all the garrison departed with horse and harness according to the appointment. Then the lord George Talbot earl of Shrewsburye, with iii C. men searched the town for fere of treason or that any inconvenience might be unto the king and his people: and after that he saw all thing sure, he called all the towns men together, and swore them to be true to the king of England. When all this was done, the king on the xxiiii day of August entered into the city of Tyrwyn at ix of the clock before noon with great triumph and honour, his person was appareled in armure gilt and graven, his garment and bard purple velvet full of borders, and in all places traversed with branches in ronning work of fine gold, the branches were of hawthorn wrought by goldesmythes craft wound with a branch of Roses, and every ●●ower, lief & bury were enbossed: After whom followed his henxmen with the pieces of armure accustomed. Thus with great glory this goodly prince entered and took possession of the town of Tyrwyn and was received at the Cathedral church with procession, and they hard mass & dined in the bishops' palace, and at after none returned to his camp, leaving in the town the Earl of Shrewsbury with his retinue. The xxvi. day of August the king removed again to Gyngate, and there it was agreed that the walls, gates, 
●●rwyn bur●ed.  bulwarks and towers of Tyrwyn should be defaced, razed and cast down: of which conclusion the Emperor sent word to saint Omers, and to Air, which being joyous of that tidings (for Tyrwyn was to them a scourge) sent thither pioneers with all manner of instruments, and so they and thenglish pioneers broke down the walls, gates and towers of the foundation & filled the ditch and fired the town, except the Cathedral church and the palace, and all the ordinance was by the king sent to Air, to be kept to his use. After this, it was concluded that the king in person should lay his siege to the city or town of Turney, wherefore he set forward three goodly battles, the first was conduited by th'earl of Shrewsbury, the second battle led the king himself with whom was Themperor. The rearward was conduited by the lord Harbert: and so the first night theilaye in camp beside Air, which night victual was scant, diverse Englishmen tarried in Tyrwyn when the king was passed for pillage & fired certain houses, on whom came suddenly the French stradiates, & some they slew and some they cast into the fire, they that fled, scaped narrowly.  
Wednesday the xiiii day of September the king and his army came to Beatwyn, and there had plenty of all things, and on the morrow he with his army passed forward and came to a straight where was a ford and all the carriages must needs come down a steep hill to the ford & ●o to the strait, where as one waggon scace alone might pass, and the wether was hot and the beasts had not drunk all day, wherefore at the ford the horses would drink ma●gre their leders, and so the carriages went not all hole together which was a doubtful case, but yet by wise order they passed the strait & so did the army & came to a place between Cavon and Camblyne and there lodged that night in a plain barren ground, and the next day he removed his camp and the forward passed a bridge called pount Auandien into Flaunders side & there lay, the king lay at the other end of the bridge on Arthoys side, & the rearward lay in a fair ground behind the king.  
Saturday the xvii day of September tidings came to the king how the Frenchmen had assembled a great puissance & would fight with the king, wherefore the king caused his forward to remove farther & sent the Almains to kept the passage the pount dassaus. Then the great ordinance passed the bridge of pount avandien and the king was removed from thence & as his tents were taking up, an askrye was made that the enemies were in sight, which noise was suddenly seized and sir William Sands with vii C. Englishmen & strangers was appointed to keep the bridge and certain ordinance was to him appointed.  
When the king and all the carriages were passed, than the lord Harbert removed over the bridge and encamped him behind the king by a fair mill, when the king was ●ncamped and all things in order, there came to him a noble man of Flaunders called the lord Ravesten which after his humble reverence done, showed the king that the young prince of castle Charles and the lady Margarete governs of thesayde prince most heartily desired him for his pastime after his long travail to come and repose in his town of lisle and to see his brother the prince and the ladies of the court of Burgoyne, saying that it become not ladies to visit him in his martial camp which to them was terrible. The king gently granted his request, & then he sent his officers thither to make provision and appointed the duke of Buckyngham the Marquis Dorsett th'earl of Essex and the lord lisle and diverse other to give their attendance on him, and committed his camp to his counsel, Then he mounted on a courser, his app●rell and bard were cloth of silver of small quadrant cuts traversed and edged with cut cloth of gold, and the border set full of red roofs, his armour fresh and set full of jewels, the Master of his horse Sir Henry Guylforde and the henshmen followed as you have hard before, and the coursers richly appareled and so were many captains that waited on the king: by the way met the king the lord Ravesten with many noble men and a mile without the town there met with him the Bourgesses of lisle and presented to him the keys of the town, saying, that Themperor their sovereign lord and so commanded them to do. The king praised there obediens to their sovereign, & thanked the Emperor & then for so high a present as the keys of such a town. Nevertheless he had such confidence in them, that he trusted them no less than his own suby●ctes, and so delivered the keys to the provost of the town which was well accompanied: then met the king a great number of nobles of Flaunders, Brabant, Holland, and Henawde, which nobly received him. After them came the county Palatine or palsgrave one of the electors of the empire ●ith xxx horses all his men gorgeously appareled after the fashion of his country, and humbly saluted the king. At the gate of Lisle the captain of the town stood with a garrison in armure well appointed all the strets were set on both sides with burning torches and diverse goodly pagiantes pleasant to behold: thus he passed thorough the town with his sword and ma●es borne before him, and alighted at the hall door with his sword borne, where met with him thēp●rour, the prince of castle & the la●y Margaret and humbly saluted him: then for reverence of th'emperor, the king caused his sword to be put up and his maces to be laid down, then was the king and all other nobles lodged and feasted according to their degrees.  
In the town of Lisle was a noys that iii gonners with handgonnes should have slain the king: For which rumour many were attached, but nothing proved, but when this tidings came to the camp, they were never merry till they saw the king again, great was the cheer with banquets, plays, comedies, masks and other pastimes that was she●ed to the king in the court of Burgoyne, and so in solace he soiorni●d there Sondaye and Mondaye the xix day of September: the twenty day he sent word that his army should remove toward Tournay, and so they removed to a place convenient between Tournay and Lisle, and certain captains were appointed to keep the passage at the bridge of Auandien.  
After that the king had tarried of Lisle iii days, and had well reposed 〈◊〉 self, he took his leave and thanked the Emperor & the young prince & the lady Margaret & all the ladies of all his high cheer & solace an●●bout vi of the clock at night, he departed out of Lisle, and the noble men ●rou●ht the king forth and so returned, and then the captain 〈…〉.  
〈◊〉 the king was a mile and more out of the town, he asked were his camp 〈◊〉 no man there could tell the way, and guide had they non●, the night was dark and misty: thus the king tarried a long while and witted not whither to go, at last they met with a victualler coming from the camp which was their guide and brought them thither. The ma●ter of the ordinance shot diverse pieces of ordinance but they were not hard, but in safety the king with all his company returned.  
The xxi day of September the king removed his camp toward Tournay and lodged within iii miles of the city, on a corn ground by the river. The which night came to the king Themperor and the palsgrave which were lodged in rich tents and nobly served of all vyandes and things necessary. The people about Tournay were with there goods fled to the city, and yet the city had no men of war to defend it, but with multitude of inhabitants the city was well replenished: the king commanded sir Rice and his horsemen to view one quarter, and th'earl of Essex and his company another quarter, and the lord Walowne & the lord Ligny the other quarters: so the xxii day of september these four captains at one time were soon openly with banners displayed before the town, and there made a long stolen & returned. The king sent Gartier king of arms & a pursuivant of arms with a trumpet to summon the city, which declared that the king of England and of France commanded them to yield to him his city & to receive him as there natural lord, or he would put them and their city to sword, fire, and blood. To whom they proudly answered, that they took no city of him to keep nor none would they tender, with which answer he departed. Then they fortified there walls, & made provision for victual, corn, wine, & artillery, & for all fortifications that might be gotten. And the city of itself was strong, well walled, & turryted with good Bulwarks & defences: But when they saw the king with such a puilaunce draw near their city, they were sore abas●hed and called a general counsel: then the prou●st said, brethren you know how that the king of England sent an herald to summon us to render to him this city, or else he would put it & us to the sword, fire, and blood, we answered we would be at defence: now he is come in our sight to fulful the message sent by his herald, & now is come the time of our defence, & in this matter standeth iii mischiefs, one is our bouden duty & allegiance that we own to our sovereign lord king Joys of France, the second the lives of us, our wives, children, and neighbours, the third how to defend the final destruction of this ancient city which is lickely to fall, which city was never conquered & now our city is hole (your lives in savity, you● goods your own) determine whither you will have war or peace: then the common people cried all war, war, war▪ then said the provost take compassion of wives & children & of the old folk, consider if you have no quick teskue you came not continued against yonder puisaunce, all though your courages were as good as Hector's or A●hilles, this the wisest of the city and I hau● cosidered. Then suddenly was there in the counsel, a vauntparler, ● butcher which hearing this, called a great number of his affinity & went out of the counsel, & so out of the gates & set fi●r of the suburbs on all sides. When he counsel saw the minds of the commons and that their ways might not be followed, than they comforted the people and maintained them for their defence. The king Raised his camp & cam● in Array of battle before Tornay, the Earl of Shres●ury with the forward was a little space on the right hand breast with the kings battle, and the lord Harbert with the rearward on the le●t hand in like manner, the day was fair and the harness glistered and banners waved that they of the city were sore afraid: thus stood the kings battles in Array before Tourney. Then the king commanded his great ordinance to be carried in the way passing toward the city & so every thing according to his commandment was accomplished Then the king himself with a few persons road between his ordinance and the town, and road in great adventure so ne●e the walls, that he might view the walls and the towers very well: they shot out of there towers pieces of ordinance & hurt such as came within there level. Then they rung the alarm bell, which was hard well in the field. Then the citizens issued out at the gate by the river and manfully proffered to skirmish▪ but they with archers were soon driven back to their gates. The English carriers that came with the harbeshers to take ground ran to the gates of Tornay, and took certain wagons with beer and victual and yet the Turnoyes dyrst not resist, although they were in greater number than the men of carriage. In this skyrmysh the horse of the lord John ●ray brother to the Marquis Dorsett which went to defend the Cariours was ●layne with a gone, and he not hurt. After that the king in person had thus in jeopardy auentured himself and viewed the town, he caused immediately xxi pieces of great artillery to be brought in a plain field before the town, and when they were charged▪ they were immediately shot, & the most part of the stones fell with in the city, & so they shot diverse shots one after another.  
Then the king with all his battle planted his siege on the north part of the city: th'earl of Shrew●bury with his battle warded toward the south side of the river and there lay that night. The Lord Harbert with the rearward planted hts battle on the west side of the city▪ and with great ordinance daily bet the walls and towers of the city. On the morrow being the xxiii day: the Lord Talbot earl of Shrewsbury accompanied with the noble men of his battle whose names you have hard at his first passing the see, passed over the river of Tornay and planted his siege on the south side stretching to the east end of the city, & bent his artillery against the walls of the city. Thus was the city of Tornay besieged on all parts, & ever in hope of rescue valiantly defended herself.  
Now must I leave the king at the siege of Turnay, and divert to things done in England in his absence, and declare how the king of Scots invaded the realm of England, and how he was defended and fought with all, and in conclusion slain the vii day of this month of September.  
When the king of England was determined in his high court of Parliament to pass the see, in proper person for the recovery of his realm of France, he and his counsel forgot not the old Pranks of the Scots which is ever to invade England when the king is out, or with in age: and also he had knowledge that at Camphene in Zeeland the Scots daily shipped long spears called colleyne clowystes armour & artillery, whi●h dealing made his grace and his counsel to doughty: notwithstanding th●t the king of Scots was sworn on the sacrament to keep the peace, yet for voiding of all dowtes, the king appointed the lord Thomas Haward earl of Surrey son to the lord John Haward duke of Norfolk and high treasurer and marshal of England, to be his lieutenant in the North parties against thesayde king of Scots, if he fortuned to invade (as he did in deed) according to the old traitorous accustom of his progenitors, and that the said earl should raise the powers of the country of Chester, Lancaster, Duresme Northumberlande, Westmerlande, and Comberland, beside other aids to be apoyncted by the queen. And when the king should take ship at Dover, he took the earl by the hand, and said, my lord I trust not the Scots, therefore I pray you be not negligent, then said the earl I shall so do my duty, that your grace shall find me diligent, and to fulfil your will shallbe my gladness: th'earl could scantly speak when he took his leave, for the departing from the noble prince his sovereign lord and king, and from the flower of all the nobility of this realm, being ready in such an honourable journey. And when he was somewhat settelled in his mode, he said to some that were about him: Sorry may I see him or I die, that is cause of my abiding behind, and if ever he and I meet, I shall do that in me lieth to make him as sorry if I can● meaning the same by the king of Scots. From Dover he attendid on the queen to London, comforting her the best he might, and shortly sent for his gentlemen and tenants, which were .v. C. able men, which mustered before sir Thomas lovel, knight, the xxi day of july, and the xxi day he road through London Northward, and came to Dancaster, and there commanded sir William bulmer knight, to make haste to the marches of Scotland, and to lie in the castles and fortresses on the frontiers with two C. archers and horseback: for the earl by open tokens daily perceived that the Scots intended war. Then the said sir William with all speed departed and came to the borders and the earl came to Pomfret, the first day of August, & there tarried. After that sir William bulmer was come to the borders, one day in August, the lord chamberlain and warden of Scotland with vii or viii. M. men with banner displayed entered into England, and brent & haryed a great pray in Northumberland: that hearing sir William bulner, called to him the gentlemen of the borders with his archers, and all they were not a thousand men. And when they were near assembled, they brought themselves in to a broom field, called Mylfeld, where the Scots should pass. And as the Scots proudly returned with their prey, the Englishmen broke out, and the Scots on foot like men them defended, but the archers shot so holy together, that they made the Scots give place, and .v. or vi hundred of them were slain, and four hundred and more taken prisoners, and the pray rescued beside a great number of geldinge▪ that were taken in the country, and the lord Hume▪ lord chamberlain fled, & his banner taken. This was the first open token of war, showed by the Scots, which call this journey the ill Road.  
The earl of Surrey, being at Pomfred, called to him the most part of the Gentlemen of the Counties to him appointed as is before rehearsed, declaring to them the kings high commandment, showing them, that he being there the kings Lieutenant must needs have aid and counsel. Wherefore he swore the most wisest and expert gentlemen in such causes of the kings counsel and his for that time, for the better compassing his charge and purpose, and for too bring every thing in due order: Fyr●t they took a determination with sir Philippe Tylney knight, Treasurer of the wars, how the charges should be paid, and secondarily with sir Nycholas applyarde, master of the ordinance▪ for the conveyance of the kings royal ordinance, powder and artillery to Newcas●ell, and so forward as the case should require, which sir Nycholas by William Blacknall, clerk of the kings spycerie, sent the said ordinance and artillery to Durham before, so that all things, concerning that office were in a readiness. The earl forgot not to send too all lords Spiritual and Temporal, Knights, Gentlemen, or other which had tenants, or were rulers of towns or liberties (able to make men) to certify what number of able men horsed and haruesed, they were able to make within an hours warning & to give there attendance on him, and also he laid Posts every way, which Posts stretched to the marches of Wales to the counsel there, by reason whereof, he had knowledge what was done in every cost.  
The earl was informed by the lord Dacres, of the numbering and preparing of men in Scotland, and Proclamations sounding to the breach or peace, and yet though he considered that the Road made by the lord chamberlain of Scotland into England, being distrussed by sir William Bulmer, as is a●ore rehearsed, was an open breach of the perpetual peace: yet the said lord Dacres advised the the earl for many and great weighty causes, not to raise or stir the powers of the country, to him appointed till he might perceive and openly know the subtile purpose and intent of the Scots aforesaid, jest if the Scots had perceived the Englishmen ready to fight they would have desisted of their purpose ●or that time, till the Englishmen were returned to their countries, and then suddenly too rise again.  
Then the Earl knowing that the town of Barwycke was strong enough, sent to the Capitayne of Norham, certefienge him, that if he thought the Castle in any danger or debylitie, he would put himself in a readiness to rescue it, if it were besieged, the capitain wrote to the Earl, thanking him and prayed GOD that the King of Scots would come with his puissance, for he would keep him play till the time that the King of England came out of France to rescue it, which answer rejoiced the Earl much.  
came out of France, to rescue it, which answer rejoiced the Earl much.  
After the king of Scots had sent his defiance to the king of England, dying before Tyrwyn, as you have hard, he daily made his musters, and assembled his people over all his realm, whereof the brute was that they were two hundred thousand, but for a surety they were an hundred thousand good lighting men at the jest, & with all his host and power entered into England (and threw down piles) the xxii day of August, and planted his siege before the Castle of Norham, and sore abated the walls. The earl hard tidings thereof the five and twenty day of August, being saint Barthelmewes' day.  
Then he wrote to all the gentlemen of the shires aforesaid, to be with him at Newcastle, the first day of September next with all there retynew according to the certificate. On the morrow, he with his five hundred men came to York, and the xxvi day he went toward Newcastle, and not withstanding that he had the foulest day and night that could be, and the ways so deep, in so much that his guide was almost drowned before him, yet he never ceased, but kept on his journey to give example to them that should follow. He being at Durham was advertised how the king of Scots with his great ordinance had razed teh walls of the Castle of Norham, and had made three great Assaults three days together, and the Capitayne valiantly defended him, but he spent vainly so much of his ordinance, bows and arrows and other munitions that at the last he lacked, and so was at the vi day compelled to yield him simply to the kings mercy. This castle was thought impregnable, if it had been well furnished, but the Scots by the undiscrete spending of the Capitayne, took it in six days: this chance was more sorrowful to the earl then to the Bishop owner of the same. All that night the wind blewe courageously, wherefore the earl doubted lest, the lord Hawarde his son great admiral of England should perish that night on the sea, who promised to land at Newcastle with a thousand men, to accompaynie his father, which promise he accomplished.  
The earl hard Mass, and appointed with the Prior for saint Cu●●erdes banner, 
S. Cu●●erde● ban.  and so that day being the thirty day of August he came to Newcastle: thither came the lord Dacres, sir William Bulmer, sir Marmaducke Constable, and many other substantial gentlemen, whom he retained with him as counsayllers, and there determined that on Sundaye next ensuing, he should take the field at Bolton in Glendale, and because many soldiers were repairing to him, he left Newcastle to the intent that they that followed, should have there more room, and come to Alnewyke the third day of September, and because his souldi●rs were not come, by reason of the foul way he was ●ayne to tarry there all the fourth day being Sundaye, which day came to him the lord admiral his son, with a company of valiant Captains and able soldiers and mariners, which all came from the sea, the coming of him much rejoiced his father, for he was very wise, hardy, and of great credence and experience. Then he Earl and his counsel, with great deliberation appointed his battles in order with wings and with riders necessary.  
¶ first of the forward was Capitayne the lord Hawarde, admiral of England, with such as came from the sea, and with him sir Nycholas Applyarde, sir Stephen Bull, sir Henry Shyreburne, sir William Sidney, sir Edward Echyngham, the lord Clyfforde, the lord Co●yers, the lord Latymer, the lord Scrope of Upsale, the lord Egle, the lord Lomley, sir William Bulmer with the power of the Bishoprycke of Durham, sir William Gascoigne, sir Christopher Warde, sir John Eueryngham, sir Thomas Metham, sir Water Gryffith, and many other.  
¶ Of the wing on the right hand of the forward, was Capitayne sir Edmonde hayward knight, Marshal of the host, and with him Bryan Tunstall, Ralph Br●arton, John Laurence, Rycharde Bold esquires, and sir John Both, sir Thomas Butler Knights, richard Donne, John Bygod, Thomas Fitzwilliam, John Claruys, Bryan Stapulton, Robert warcoppe, richard Cholmeley, with the men of Hull, and the Kings tenants of Hatfelde and other.  
¶ Of the the wing of the left hand, was capitain sir Marmaduke Constable with his sons and kinsmen, sir william Percy, and of Lancashere, a thousand men.  
¶ Of the rearward was Capitayne the earl of Surrey himself, and with him the lord Scrope of Bolton, sir Philippe Tylney, sir George Darcy, sir Thomas Barkebey, sir John Rocliffe, sir Christopher Pykering, Rycharde Tempest, sir John Stanley with the Bishop of Elyes' servants, sir Bryan Stapulton, Lionel Percy, with the Abbot of Whitbyes' tenants, Christopher Clapham, sir William Gascoing the younger, sir Guy Dawney, Master Magnus, Master Dalbyes' servants, sir John Normavyle, the citizens of York, sir Nynyan Markanuyle, sir John Wylloghby with other.  
¶ Of the wing on the right hand was captain the lord Dacres with his power.  
¶ On the leftehande wing was sir Edward Stanley knight, with the residue of the power of the county Palantyne and of Lancaster.  
And when all men were appointed and knew what too do. The earl and his counsel concluded and determined among other things to send Rogue cross, pursuivant of arms with a trumpet too the to send Rogue cross pursuivant of arms with a trumpet too the king of Scots, with certain instructions, signed by thesayde earl, containing word by word as followeth.  
first where there hath been suit made to the king of Scots by Elyzabeth Heron, wife to William Heron of Ford, now prisoner in Scotland, for casting down of the house or Castle of Ford, and as thesayde Elizabeth reporteth upon communication had, thesayde king hath promised and condescended to thesayde Elizabeth, that if she any time before none, the fift day of September, would bring and deliver unto him the lord johnstowne, and Alexander Hume, than prisoners that time in England, he than is contented and agreed that thesayde house or Castle shall stand without casting down, brenning or spoiling the same: Whereunto thesayde earl is content with that, upon this condition that if thesayde king will promit the assurance of thesayde Castle, in manner a●d form aforesaid under his s●ale, to deliver thesayde lord of johnstowne and Alexander Hume, immediately upon the same assurance. And in case thesayde king can and will be content to deliver thesayde Heron out of Scotland, than thesayde earl shall 'cause to be delivered to the said king the two gentlemen and two other, sir George Hume and William Car.  
Farther thesayde earl will that you Rogue Cross, show the said king, that where he contrary to his oath and league, and unnaturally against all reason and conscience, hath entered and invaded this his brother's realm of England, and done great hurt to the same, in casting down Castles, Towers and houses, brenninge, spoiling and destroiing of the same, and cruelly murdering the king of England his brother's subjects. Wherefore thesayde earl will be ready too try the rightfulness of the matter with the king in battle by Frydaye next coming at the farthest, if he of his noble courage will give him tarienge, and abode, within this the kings Realm so long time: And the same thesayde earl promiseth, as he is true knight to God and the King of England his master. And before Rogue Cross should depart with thesayde instructions, thesayde lord admiral gave him in credence too show thesayde King of his coming, and part of his company on the sea with him: and that he had sought the scottish navy, then being on the sea, but he could not meet with them, because they were ●●edde into France, by the cost of Ireland.  
And in asmuch as thesayde king had diverse and many times caused thesayde lord, too be called at days of true, too make redress for Andrew Barton, a Pirate of the sea, long before that vanquished by the same lord admiral, he was now come in his own proper person too be in the Uauntgarde of the field to justify the death of thesayde Andrew, against him and all his people, and would see what could be ●ayed to his charge thesayde day, and that he nor none of his company should take no Scottshe noble man prisoner, nor any other, but they should die if they came in his danger, whiles it were the kings own person, for he said he t●usied too none other courtesy at the hands of the Scots.  
And in this manner he should find him in the Uauntgarde of the field by the grace of GOD and sayncte George as he was a true knight. Yet before the departing of Rogue Cross with thesayde instructions and credence, it was thought by the E●le and his counsel, that thesayde king would fain and Imagen some other message, too send an Herald of his with the same, only to View, and over see the manner and order of the kings royal army, ordinance, and artillery, then being with the Earl, whereby might have ensued great danger to the same, and for eschewing thereof, he had in in commandment, that if any such message were sent, not to bring any person, coming therewith within three or two mile of the ●elde at the nighest, where thesayde Earl would come, and hear what he would say: And thus departed Rogue Cross with his trumpet appareled in his Coat of arms.  
On Mondaye the 〈◊〉 day of September, the Earl took his field at Bolton in Glendall as he had appointed, where all the noble men and gentlemen met with their re●ynewes too the number of of six and twenty thousand men, and about mydnighte next ensuing, came the trumpet, which went with Rogue Cross, and declared how the king of Scots, after the message done to him by Rogue cross according too his instructions, thesayde King detained him, and sent on Ilay a Herald of his with him unto the Earl, to declare too him thesayde Kings pleasure, too whom the Earl sent York Herald at arms, to accompaignie thesayde Ilay, at a village called Mylo, two miles from the field, until the coming thither of thesayde Earl the next morrow.  
The sixth day of September, early in the morning, the Earl accompanied with the most part of the lords, knights and gentlemen of the field, every man having with him but one man too hold his horse, and so thesayde Herald met with the earl, and with b●oūt reverence declared him that he was come from his master the King of Scots, which would know, whither the Earl sent any such message by Rogue Cross, the Earl justified the same, saying farther, that Rogue Cross had the same message of him in writing signed with his own hand, whereunto thesayde Ilay said, as touching the saving from brenning or destroiing, and casting down of the Castle of Ford, for the deliverance of thesayde prisoners, The king his master would thereto make no answer. But as too the abiding for battle between that and Frydaye, than next following, the king his master bad him show too the Earl, that he was as welcome as any noble man of England unto the same king, and that if he had been at home in his Town o● Edemborough, there receiving such a message from thesayde Earl, he would gladly have come and fulfilled thesayde Earls desire: and the Herald assured the Earl on the king his master's behalf, that the same king would abide him vattayll at the day prefixed, whereof thesayde earl was right joyous and much praised the honourable agreement of thesayde royal king and esteemed the same too proceed of an high and noble courage, promising the Herald that he and good su●rtye with him should be bound in ten thousand pound sterling too keep thesayde day appointed, so that the king would find an Earl of his, and thereto a good surety with him to be bound in like sum, ●or the per●ormans of the same: And furthermore the Earl bade the Herald for to say to his master, that if he for his part kept not his appointment, than he was content, that the Scots should Ba●●ull him, which is a great reproach among the Scots, and is used when a man is openly perjured, and then they make of him and Image painted reversed, with his he●es upward, with his name, wondering, crying and blowing out of him with horns, in the most despiteful manner they can.  
In token that he is worthy too be exiled the company of all good Creatures.  
Then Ilay delivered too the Earl a little Cedule, written with the kings Secretary's hand unsigned, the tenor whereof followeth.  
¶ As to the cause alleged of our coming into England again, our band and promise (as is alleged) thereto we answer, ower brother was bound also far to us as we to him. And when we swore last before his Ambassade, in presence of our counsel, we expressed specially in our oath, that we would keep to our brother, if our brother kept to us, and not else, we swear our brother broke first to us, and sith his break, we have required diverse times him too amend, and lately we warned our brother as he did not us or he broke and this we take for our quarrel, and with God's grace shall defend the same at your affixed time, which with God's grace we shall abide.  
And for asmuch as thesayde King kept still Rogue Cross with him, who was not yet returned, the same Earl caused thesayde Ilay too be in the keeping of Sir Humphrey lisle and York Herald, in the same village, until the time that a servant of thesayde Ilay might ride in all haste too the royal King of Scots, for the delivering of thesayde Rogue cross. Then the earl joyous of the kings answer, returned to his camp, and fet forward five mile, too a place called Woller Hawgh, in such order of battle, as even then he should have fought, and there lodged for that night, three little miles from the king of Scots, and between the king and him was a goodly and large corn field, called Mylfelde which was a convenient and fair ground for two hosts too fight on, there every host might perceive other.  
The morrow being Wednysdaye, the vii day of that month, the king of Scots caused his great ordinance too be shot at the English army, but it hurt neither man nor beast. When the king of Scots saw that Ilay was detained, he sent away Rogue Cross to the earl, by whom, and other of the borders he was advertised that the king lay upon the side of a high mountain, called Floddon on the edge of Chevyot, where was but one narrow field for any man to ascend up thesayde hill to him, and at the foot of the hill lay all his ordinance. On the one side of his army was a great marish, and compassed with the hills of Chevyot, so that he lay to strong too be approached of any side: except the Englishmen would have temerariously run on his ordinance, which matter well considered by the Earl and his son, and other of the counsel there, they called too them Rogue Cross, and sent him the next day to the king of Scots, willing him too show the king, that the said earl, with diverse of the kings nobles and subjects had advanced themselves too give battle too his grace, trusting that according too his promise, he would advance himself and his army to join the battle, which as yet he hath not done. Wherefore he desired the king that he might have knowledge by noon that day, whether he of his noble courage would descend the hill, where he lay and too give battle or not: and if he say that I shall not know his intent, or will say, that he will keep the ground: then show him that he perceiveth well that that place is no indifferent ground for two armies too fight, and therefore I will look for no more of his delays. The same day being our Lady day the nativity Rogue Cross departed to the king of Scots, which would not hear him speak, but sent one of his servitors to hear his message, Which servitor after he had disclosed the same to the king, made answer, that it beseemed not an earl, after that manner too handle a king, and that he would use no sorcery, nor had no trust of any ground:  
You have heard before, how Ilay the Scottish Herald was returned for Rogue Cross, and as s●ne as Rogue Grosse was returned, he was discharged, but he tarried with York an English Herald making good cheer, and was not returned that morning that Rogue Cross came on his message, wherefore Rogue Cross and his trumpet no trust of any ground.  
You have hard before, how Ilay the Scottish Herald was returned for Rogue Cross, and as soon as Rogue Cross was returned, he was discharged, but he tarried with York an English Herald making good cheer, and was not returned that morning that Rogue Cross came on his message, wherefore Rogue Cross and his trumpet were detained by the servant of Ilay, which the day before went for Rogue Cross, assuring them that if Ilay came not home before none, that he was not living, and then they should have their heads stricken of, than Rogue Cross offered that his servant should go for Ilay, but it would not be excepted, but as hap was Ilay came home before none, and showed of his gentle enterteyning, and then Rogue Cross was delivered, and came to the English army, and made report as you have heard.  
Then the Englishmen removed their field on the water of Till, and so forth over many hills and straights, marching toward the Scots on another side, and in their sight the Scots burned certain poor Uyllages on the otherside of the marsh.  
The Englishmen, always leaving the Scottish army on the left hand, took their field under a wood side, called Barmer wood, two mile from the Scots, and between the two armies was the river of Till, & there was a little hill that saved the Engliishmen from the gunshot, on which hill the lord admiral perfectly saw and discovered them all.  
In the evening of the same day it was concluded between the earl and his counsel, and most part of the army thereto agreed, that the Uauntgarde with the ordinance should pass over again the water of Till, at a bridge called Twysel bridge the ix day of September, and the rearward to pass over at Mylforde, putting themselves as nigh as they could between the Scots and Scotland, and so to give battle to the Scots on the hill, called Floddon hill. Frydaye the said ninth day, the lord admiral, like a valiant knight, passed over Twysell bridge with the Uantgarde, marching toward his enemies, like diligence was made by the Earl for passing over at Mylfforde with the rearward, saying to his Capytaines, now good fellows, do like Englishmen this day, take my part like men, which part is the kings part, and I wist you would not, I will in my own person fight with the king of Scots, rather to die honourably by his cruelty, then to live in shame, or that any reproach should be laid to me hereafter.  
To whom they answered, that they would serve the king and him truly that day. The English army that day had no victual and were fasting, and two days afore they had only drunk water, and could s●ace get any other sustenance for money, and yet they kept array on horseback from five of the clock in the morning till four of the clock at after none, and were always in the sight of the Scots.  
The king of Scots perceiving the Englishmen, marching toward Scotland, thought that they would have entered into Scotland, and burn and fortay the plentiful country, called the March, for so was he made believe by an Englisheman named Gyles Musgrave which was familiar with the king of Scots, and did it for a policy to 'cause him to come down from the hill: Wherefore the said king caused his tents to be remo●●d to an other hill in great haste, lest ●he englishmen should have taken the same hill: And at their departing they set fire on their litter and other filthy ordure, according to their custom, and of the fire and smolder did rise such a smoke so thick and so dark, that the one host could not perceive the other, for the ●ynde did drive the smoke between the two armies, the Sco●tes ever keeping the height of the hill on the edge of the chevyot▪ and the E●glishemen passed forward still in the low ground, and ever in the 〈◊〉 of the smoke, in so much that both the hosts were ●ery ●ere together, within the space of a quarter of a mile, before one of ●hem 〈◊〉 perceive another for the smoke. Then, when the Englishmen had passed a little brook, called Sa●dyfforde, which is but a ma●s step over, and that the smoke was passed, and the Air fair and clear, each army might plainly see one an other at hand.  
Th●n the lord admiral perceived four great battles of the Scots 〈…〉 with long spears like moorish pikes: which Scots 〈◊〉 them warlike, and bend them to the forward, which was 〈◊〉 by the lord Admiral, which perceiving that, sent to his Fa●●er the earl of Surrey his Ag●us 〈◊〉 that h●nge at his breast that in all hast he would join battle, even with the bro●t or breast of the ●antgarde: for the forward alone was not able to encounter the whole battle of the Scots, the earl perceiving well the saying of his son, and saying the Scots ready to descend ●he hill a●aunsed himself and his people forward, a●d brought them equal in ground with the forward on the left hand, even at the bro●t or breast of the same at the foot of the hill called B●amston, the English army stretched East and West, and their barks north, and the Scots in the south before them on the foresaid hill called Bramston.  
Then out braced the ordinance on both sides with fire flame and hideous noise, and the Master gonner of the English part clue the Master gormer of Scotland, and bet all his men from their ordinance, so that the Scottish ordinance did no harm too the Englishmen, but the Englishemens' Artyllerie shot into the mids of the Kings battayll, and slew many persons, which saying the king of Scots and his noble men, made the more haste too come too joining, and so all the four battles in man●r descended the hill at once. And after that the shot was done, which they defended with Pavishes, they came to handestrockes, and were encountered severally as you shall here.  
first on the english side next the West, was Sir Edmonde hayward knight, Marshal of the ho●●e chief Capitayne of a wing on the right hand of our vanguard, and was encountered with the Chamberlain of Scotland with his battle of speries on foot, to the number of ten thousand at the lest, which fought valiantly, so that they by force caused the little wing to fly, and the same sir Edmonde three times felled to the ground, and left alone, saving his standard berar, and two of his servants, to whom came John Heron bastard sore hurt, saying there was never noble man's so●ne so like too be lost as you be this day, for all my hurts▪ I shall here live and die with you, and there thesayde sir Edmonde Hawarde was in a great danger and jeopardy of his life, and hardly escaped, and yet as he was going to the body of the Uantgard he met with Davy Home, and s●ew him his own hand, and so came to the Uantgard.  
secondly, Eastward from the said battle was the lord admiral with the Uantgarde, with whom encountered the earls of Crafforde and Montroos, accompaigned with many lords, knights and gentlemen, all with speries on foot, but the lord admiral and his company acquitted themselves so well▪ and that with pure fight, that they brought to ground a great number, and both the Earls slain.  
thirdly, Eastward from the lord admiral was the earl of Surrey, Capitayne general, to whose standard the king of Scots in his own person marched, being accompaigned with many Bishops, Earls, Barons, knights and Gentlemen of the Realm, with a great number of commons, all chosen men with spears on foot, which were the most assuredlyest harnesed that hath been seen, and that the tallest and goodliest personages with all, and they abode the most dangerous shot of arrows, which sore them noyed, and yet except it hit them in some bore place it did them no nurt. After the shot ended, the battle was cruel, none spared other, and the king himself fought valiantly. O what a noble and triumphant courage was this for a king to fight in a battle as a mean soldier: But what availed his strong harness, the puissance of his mighty champions with whom he descended the hill, in whom he so much trusted that with his strong people and great number of men, he was able as he thought to have vanquished that day the greatest prince of the world, if he had been there as the earl of Surrey was, or else he thought to do such an high enterprise himself in his person, that should surnount the enterprises of all other princes: but how soever it happened God gave the stroke, and he was no more regarded than a poor soldier, for all went one way. So that of his own battle none escaped, but sir William Scot knight his chancellor, and sir John foreman knight, his sergeant Porter, which were taken prisoners, and with great difficulty saved. This may be a great mirror to all princes, how that they adventure themselves in such a battle.  
Forthely, Eastward was sir Edward Stanley knight, capitain of of the left wing with the said earl, which claim up to the top of the hill called Bramston, or the Scots wist, and with him encountered the earls of Huntley, Lennoux and Argile, with a great number of Scots which were sore fought with all, which perceiving the earl of Huntley took a horse and saved himself, if he had tarried he had been likely to have go●e with his company: such as fled, the said sir Edward and his people followed the over the same ground, where the earls battle first joined, and found there the Scots, which were by the earls battle slain before, and suddenly left the chase and fell a spoiling, and spoiled the king of Scots, and many that were slain in his battle, but they knew him not, and found a Cross and certain things of his, by reason whereof some said that he was slain by that wing, which could not be true, for the prisoners of Scotland testified that the kings battle fought only with the earls battles, but for a truth this wing did very valiantly: wherefore it was thought that the said sir Edward might that day not have been miss.  
All these four battles, in manner fought at one time, and were determined in effect, little in distance of the beginning and ending of any of them one before the other, saving that sir Edward Stanley, which was the last that fought, for he came up to the top of the hill, & there fought with the Scots valiantly, and chased them down the hill over that place, where the kings battle joined. Beside these four battles of the Scots were two other battles, which never came to hand strokes.  
Thus through the power of God on Friday, being the ix day of September, in the year of our lord. M.D.xiij. was james the four king of Scots slain at Bramstone (chief by the power of the earl of Surrey, lieutenant for king Henry the, viii. king of England, which then lay at the siege before Tornay) and with the said king were slain. 

The archbishop of saint andrew's, the kings bastard son.  
The bishop of the Iles.  
The Abbot of I●chaffrey.  
The Abbot of Kylwenny.   

Earls.  
The earl Mountroos  
The earl of Crafford  
The earl of Arguyle.  
The earl of Lennoux.  
The earl of Glencarte.  
The earl of Katnes.  
The earl of Castles.  
The earl of Bothwell.  
The earl Arrell Constable of Scotland.  
The earl Addill.  
The earl Athel.  
The earl Morton. (:)   

Lords.  
The lord Lovet.  
The lord Forbos.  
The lord Elueston.  
The lord Roos  
The lord Inderby.  
The lord Sentelere.  
The lord Maxwell. and his four brethren.  
The lord Daunl●y  
The lord Seympyll.  
The lord Borthyck.  
The lord Bogony.  
The lord Arskyll.  
The lord Blakkater.  
The lord Cowyn.   

Knights and gentlemen.  
Sir John Douglas.  
Cuthbert Home lord of Fastcastell.  
Sir Alexander Seton.  
Sir Davy Home.  
Master John Grant.  
Sir Dunkyn Caufelde.  
Sir Saunder louder.  
Sir George louder.  
Master Martial.  
Master Key.  
Master Ellot.  
Master Cawell clerk of the chancery.  
The Dean of Ellester.  
Mack, Kene.  
Mack, Clen●,   and many other gentlemen, which be unknown, because no officer of arms of Scotland would come to make search for them: and if the day had been longer by iii hours, (for it was four of the clock at after none or the battles joined) or that the Englishmen had had victuals, so that they might have bidden still together, they had not alonely made the greatest distress of Scots by death and taking, that the like hath not been seen in one day: but also within a little while might have put the realm of Scotland in such a misery, & trouble, that for ever they should have been ware how to enter the realm of England, and specially the king, being absent: for the English men wanted no good will, for of the Scots they slew xii M. at the jest of the best gentlemen and flower of Scotland and of the English side were slain and taken not xu C. men, as it appeared by the book of wages when the soldiers were paid. Thus th'earl of Surrey accomplished the promise at his day prefixed with the king of Scots to his great fame and honour.  
After that the field was fought & the Scots fled, many Englyshmen followed them into Scotland, and were so far that they wist not which way to return and so were taken prisoners of the Scots that were in the ii battles that fled first and never fought. Also diverse were taken by the lord chamberlain of Scotland which fought with the wing of Sir Edmond Haward, and were carried with him to the number of lx Of the Scots that fled some passed over the water of Twede at Ca●destr●me ford, and other by the dry marches, during the time of the fight, and the night after many men lost there horses and such stoffe as they left in their tents and pavilions by the robbars of Tyndale and Ty●idale.  
The lord D●cre with his company stood still all day unfoughten with all. When the field was done and the skoute watch brought word that there was no more appearance of the Scots, but all were returned. Thearle thanked God with humble heart, and called to him certain lords and other gentlemen and them made knights as sir Edmond Haward his son and the Lord Scrope, Sir William Percy and many other. Then th'earl and the Lord Admiral departed to Barmer wood and appointed Sir Phylippe Tylney knight with the company of the lord Admiral and the company of the Lord Scrope of Bolton, the lord Latymer, old Sir Marmaduke Constable Sir William Percy, Sir Nycholas Applyard, and their companies, and a few other to keep the place where the field was for saving of the english ordinance, and the ordinance that was taken from the Scots, which was .v. great Curtalles, two great Culuerynges, four Sacres, and six Serpentynes as fair ordinance as hath been seen, bysyde other small pieces. Well known it was by them that fought, and also reported by the prisoners of Scotland, that their king was take● or ●●ayne, but his body was not found till the next day, because all the mean people aswell Scots as english were stripped out of their apparel as they lay on the field, yet at the last he was found by the Lord Dacres, who knew him well by his privy tookens in that same place where the battle of the Earl of Surrey and his, first joined together.  
This king had diverse deadly wounds and in especial one with an arrow, and an another with a bill as appeared when he was naked. After that the body of the King of Scots was found and brought too Barwycke, the Earl showed it too Sir William Scott his chancellor, and Sir John Forman his seriante porter, which knew him at the first sight and made great lamentation. Then was the body bowelled, embawmed, and cered, and secretly amongst other stuff conveyed to Newcastle, but the same day the Lord admiral, came to the field and there some Scots appeared on an hill: but William Blackenall which was the chief doa● and ruler of all the ordinance shot such a peal, that the Scots fled, or else the Lord admiral had been in great jeopardy: and then all the ordinance was brought in safety to the Castle of Cytell, and there remained for a time. After this noble victory th'earl wrote first to the Queen which had raised a great power to resist the said king of Scots, of the winning of the battle, for then the body of the king of Scots was not found, and she yet being at the town of Buckyngham had word the next day after that the king of Scots was slain and a part of his coat armour to her scent, for which victory she thanked GOD, and so the Earl after that the north part was set in a quietness, returned to the Queen with the dead body of the scottish king and brought it to Richemond.  
Now let us return too the king of England dying before Tournaye which the xxv day of September received the gauntelett and letters of the Earl of Surrey, and knew all the dealing of both parties. Then he thanked GOD and highly praised the Earl and the Lord admiral and his son, and all he gentlemen and commons that were at that valiant entrepryce: Nowebeit, the king had a secret letter that the Cheshyre men fled from Sir Edmond hayward, which letter caused great heart burning and many words, but the king thankfully accepted all thing, and would no man to be dispraised. So, on the Mondaye at night the xxvi day of September, the Lord Harbarte and the Earl of Shrewsburye made great fierce in there armies in token of victory and triumph: and on Teusdaye the xxvii day, the tent of cloth of gold was set up, and the kings Chapel sang mass, and after that Te D●um, and then the bishop of Rochester made a sermon and showed the death of the king of Scots and much lamented the ill death and perjury of him.  
The king of England dying thus before Tournay, caused his great ordinance too be planted round about the city, and diverse trenches were cast and rampires made and the Lord lisle, and the Lord Wyloghby were appointed to maintain the ordinance, with their bends, and th'earl of Kent was lodged before the gate called port Ualencyen, so that the Citizens could not issue out, nor no aid could come in. The ordinance daily bet the gates, towers, and walls, which made a great battery: and a few Englyshmen assaulted the port coquerell, but they were to few in number, and if they had been more in number, they had taken the town as the tournosyns confessed after. The citizens of Tournay considering their estate, came together to counsel, and there the Provost said, friends and brethren of this noble city, I cannot to much praise your truth and fidelity to your sovereign Lord the king of France considering how manfully you have defended this city sith the beginning of this siege, but alas although it be written on the gates graven in sto●●e jammes ton ne a perdeu ton pucellage, that is to say thou haste never lost thy maydenhed: yet if this city had not been well furnished and ever at the day appointed sure of reskeve, it could not have continued: now you see that reskeve faileth, our gates be razed, our towers betyn down, our chief towar like to fall, so that if this perilous siege continue, or else if our ennenies' assault us, we be not able to defend us: wherefore now, all these things considered, I would know whither you will treat with the king of England or adyde the chance. Then they which at the last counsel cried war, war, now cried peace, peace, yet all were not agreed: then one wiseman said, Sirs if the town be assaulted once again with a great number, surely it will be taken: you saw th'experience at the last as●aute, and then consider if it be taken by force who is there that can say he is 〈◊〉 of his life: But by entretie, the king of England is so merciful that we may fortune to save both life and goods. Then finally all agreed to treat. Then the Provost sent to the king a trumpet desiring a saufeconduyte for him, and certain other to come and to speak with him, which request was to him granted. Then the Provost of the city accompanied with eleven with him of the best of the city, came to the army and spoke with the lords of the counsel and after were brought to the kings presence, the Provost kneeled down and all his company and said: Right high and mighty Prince although the city of Tournay is strong, well walled, well replenished with people, victuals, artylerie, ye and the people in fear and dread of nothing, yet we know that against your great puissance it can not continue long, although it were ten times as strong, as it is, wherefore we knowing by report, your honour, your wisdom, your justice, and noble heart, are content to become your subjects and vassals, so that we may have and enjoy our old laws, customs, liberties, and Franchesses', under you as we have before this done under other Princes. Then the king answered, we have well hard your petition, we will common with our counsel and make you answer, and when he had communed with his counsel, he answered saying: Sirs he that asketh mercy of us shall not be denied, saying you come to treat, we remit you to our counsel. Then they went into the tent of counsel, and there the Tournasyns fell at a point, and in conclusion, they yielded the city and ten thousand pound sterling for the redemption of their liberties, and so departed to the city, making relation of the king and his noble courage. On Thursday the xxix day of September, the king was in his rich tent of cloth of gold under his cloth of estate, to whom came the citizens of the city and were sworn to him and become his subjects. Then the king appointed the lord lisle, the Lord of Burgayny the Lord Wylloghby to take possession, which with six thousand men entered the city and took the market place and the walls, and searched the houses for fear of treason and then master Thomas Wolsey the king's almoner called before him all the citizens young and old and swore them to the king of England, the number whereof was four score thousand. Thus the king of England by conquest came to the possession of the city of Tournay: on Sondaie the ii day of October the king entered the city of Tournay at port Fountain, and four of the chief of the city over him bore a cannapye with all the arms of England, every person was in his best apparel, the ladies and gentlewomen lay in the windows beholding the king and his nobility, every citizen had in his hand a n1 torch, the king himself was richly appereilled in rich armure on a barded courser, his henxmen bearing his pieces of war, as axe, spear and other, there coursers were barded with th'arms of England, France, Ireland, & other the kings dominions all of rich embraudery, thus the king with his nobility all richly appareled with his sword borne before him, his heralds and seriantes of arms with trumpets and mynstralsy entered the city and came to our lady church, and there te deum was song. Then the king called to his presence, Edward Guldeforde, William Fitzwilliam, John Dauncye, William Tiler, I hon Sharp, William Huse, John Savage, Christopher Garnyshe, and diverse other valiant esquires and gave to them the order of knighthood, and then went to his lodging, & after none he came to the market place, where was prepared for him a place: then he caused a proclamation to be made in his name king of England and of France that no man should grieve the citizens, during which proclamation the turnesyns scace looked up, nor showed o●s to him any amiable countenance which was much marked, the Cry ●myshed, the king departed to his camp leaving the city in save keeping. This week the king road to see the castle of Morton, & there his grace took great pleasure. The king remembering the great cheer that the prince of castle and the lady Margarete had made him at lisle which was but xii mile English from Tornay, desired thesayd prince and lady with diverse other to come to him to his city of Tornay and made preparation for the same, and appointed a jousts whereof he himself would be one, and caused a Tilt to be made in the market place. While these things were preparing, the king and his counsel ordered for the sure keeping of the city of Tornay, and there ordained Sir Edward Pownynges knight of the order of the gartier to be his Lieutenant with four C. archers, with capitains horsemen and artillery convenient, and to have aid of Henawde and other the kings friends adjoining, and of his guard he left there four C. archers, & ordinance was appointed for the defence of the same. Mondaye the xi day of October the king without the town received the prince of castle, the lady Margarete and diverse other nobles of their countries and them brought into Tornay with great triumph. The Noys went that the lord lisle made request of marriage to the lady Margarete duchess of Savoy and daughter to Themperor Maximilian, which before that time was departed from the king with many rich gifts and money borrowed, but whether he proffered marriage or not she favoured him highly: there the prince and duchess sojourned with great solace by the space of ten ●ayes. 
A Iust●s.  During which time, the xvii day of October, began the jousts, the king and the lord lisle answered all comers: upon the king attended xxiiii knights on foot in coats of purple velvet and cloth of gold. A tent of cloth of gold was set in the place for the armory and relieve, the king had a base and a trapper of purple velvet both set full of. S. S. of fine bullion and the lord Lisle in the same suit, there were many spears broken and many a good buffet given, the strangers as the lord Walon and lord Emery and other did right well. When the jousts were done, the king and all the other unhelmed them & road about the Tilt and did great reverence to the ladies, and then the heralds cried to lodging.  
This night the king made a sumptuous banquet of a. C. dishes to the prince of Castle and the lady Margarete & to all other lords & ladies, and after the banquet, the ladies danced, and then came in the king & a xi. in a mask, all richly apparelled with bonnets of gold, & when they had passed the time at their pleasure, the garments of the mask were cast of amongst the ladies take who could take.  
The twenty day of October, the Prince of Castle and the lady Margarete with many great gifts to them given returned to Lyle with all their train, After that the king was informed that all directions were taken and every thing put in an order for the sure keeping of the city of Tornay, he took the same to sir Edward Pownynges knight which valiantly kept it in good order and justice.  
The king & his counsel before this had considered that the Frenchmen would give them no battle, & that winter approached, which was no time to lie at siege of other towns, concluded to keep Tournay safely, and to break up his camp for that winter, and to begin again war in the spring of the year: this was a full conclusion taken by the king and his counsel, and so the king and all his people (except such as were appointed to be with sir Edward Pownynges) departed out of Tournay the twenty day of September: and the king and the noble men made such speed, that shortly they came to Caleys, and thither came the Lord admiral whom the king heartily thanked of his pains and there every man was paid of his wages and conduit money, and ships prepared for the passage, and so the xxiiii day of September the king with a privy company took ship & the same day landed at Dover and shortly after all his people followed, than he with a small company road to Rychemonde in post to the queen, where was such a loving meeting that every creature rejoiced. This season began a great mortality in London and other places where much people died: All this winter the kings navy kept the sees and rob and spoiled the frenchmen on their costs.  
When the king was thus returned he forgot not the good service that many a gentleman did at the battle of Bramston, wherefore he wrote to them his loving letters with such thanks and favourable words that every man thought himself well rewarded. And on the day of the purification of our lady at Lambeth the king created the Earl of Surrey duke of Norfolk with an augmentation of the arms of Scotland, and Sir Charles Brandon Uiconte Lisle, he created duke of Suffolk, and the Lord Haward high Admiral he created Earl of Surrey, and Sir Charles Somersett Lord Harbert, his chief Chamberlain, he created Earl of Worcester: and after that at another day he made Sir Edward Stanley for his good service, lord Montaygle, and in march following was master Thomas Wolsey the kings almoner consecrated bishop of Lyncolne, which there to was named on Newers' day before: This man was borne at Ypswyche and was a good Philosopher, very eloquent and full of wit, but for pride, covetous, and ambition, he excelled all other as you shall here after.  
In the time of king Henrye the seventh father to king Henrye the eight it was concluded between the said king, 
The description of Thomas Wolsey, which afterward was made Cardinal.  and king Phylyppe of Castle son to Maxymilian Themperor and king of Castle and his wife, that Charles his eldest son should mary the Lady Mary daughter to the king of England with a dowry to her appointed, at which time they were both young: Now at the kings return from Tournay he made preparation too send thesayde Lady his sister to the Prince of Castle. But the counsel of Flaunders answered that concerning herself they would gladly receive to be espoused too there Prince, for she was then on of the fairest Ladies of the world: but as concerning the articles of her dowar, they could not fulfil without th'assent of the king of Arragon and the realm of Castle (which as was said, minded to have him married in Spain.) The king like a loving brother would not send his sister wyldely without a dowar assured, took the first agreement between the king her father and king Phylyppe his father too be of none effect, sith the spaniards would not confirm the same, and their cause was, by reason that king Phylyppe was not naturally borne too be there king, but was king in the right of his wife, and so they were not bound too his agreements made without their consent. So thus the king of England retained still his sister and all the preparation that he had done for her conveyance, which was very costly.  
This season the lady Margarete queen of Scots late wife to king james the four slain at Bramston, and sister to the king, wrote to the king to have compassion of her and his two Nephews her sons, for she was in fear left he would have invaded her realm. The king moved with brotherly compassion, sent her word, that if the Scots kept peace he would keep peace, if they would have war he would likewise have war & so with that answer the messenger departed. In the spring time of the year the king wrote his letters to all noble men and gentlemen that he would shortly pass again into France in his own person, wherefore every man prepared himself meet for that journey: the Flemmynges hearing thereof, made puruiaunce for wagans, victual and other things which turned them to great loss for that voyage broke of as you shall here.  
All this season Sir Richard Whethill and sir John Tremayle kept so Thenglishe pale that the frenchmen durst not medyl, and yet they spoiled to base bollen.  
Before this time the towns about London as Islyngton, Hoxston, Shordysh and other, had so enclosed the common fields with hedges & ditches, that nother the young men of the city might shoot, nor the ancient persons might walk for their pleasure in the fields, except either their bows and arrows were broken or taken a way, or the honest and sustanciall persons arrested or indicted, saying that no Londoner should go out of the city but in the high ways. This saying sore grieved the Londoners, and suddenly this year a great number of the city assembled themselves in a morning, and a turnar in a fools coat came crying through the city, shovels and spades, and so many people followed that it was wonder, and within a short space all the hedges about the towns were cast down, and the ditches filled, and every thing made plain the workmen were so diligent. The kings counsel hearing of this assembly came to the Grey friars, and sent for the mayre and the counsel of the city to know the cause, which declared to them the noisance done to the Citizens, and their commodities and liberties taken from them, though they would not yet the commonalty and young persons which were damnified by the nuisance would pluck up & remedy the same. And when the kings counsel had hard the answer, they dissimuled the matter, & commanded the mayor to see that no other thing were attempted, and to call home the citizens, which when they had done their entreprice, came home before the kings counsel and the Mayer departed without any more harm doing, and so after, the fields were never hedged.   

¶ The vi year.  
IN the month of may the king and the new Duke of Suffolk were defenders at the Tilt against all comers, the king was in a scopelary mantle, and hat of cloth of silver and like a white armite, and the duke appareled like a black armible all of black velvet both their beards were of Damask silver, and when they had ridden about the Tilt and showed themselves to the queen, than they threw of their apparel & sent it to the ladies for a largesse, than was the king in black, and the Duke in white with black staves, on the staves was written with white letters who can hold that will away: this poised was judged to be made for the duke of Suffolk and the duchess of Savoy, at these jousts were the duke of Longevyle and the lord Cleremond, and there the king and the duke did so valiantely that they obtained the price, at these jousts were broken. C.xiiii. spears in a short season.  
The king at this season sent again into Flaunders for the performance of the marriage of the young prince of castle and the fair lady Mary his sister, and showed how he had prepared all things necessary and convenient for such an high estate. The counsel of Flaunders answered that they would not receive her that year, with many subtle arguments, by reason whereof the perfit love between England and the low countries was much slaked.  
The xix day of May was received into London a cap of maintenance 
The cap of maintenance.  and a sword sent from Pope july, with a great company of nobles and gentlemen, which was presented to the king on the Sunday than next ensuing with great solemnity in the Cathedral church of saint Paul About this time, the wars yet contynewing between England and France, prior John (of whom you have hard before in the four year) great captain of the French navy, with his Galeys and Foystes charged with great dasylyskes and other great artillery came on the border of Sussex and came a land in the night at a poor village in Sussex called bright Helmston and or the watch could him escry he set fire on the town and took such poor goods as he, found: then the watch fired the bekyns and people began together, which saying prior John Swooned his trumpet to call his men aboard, and by that time it was day: then vi archers which kept the watch followed prior John to the sea and shot so fast, that they bet the galymen from the shore and prior John himself waded to his foist, and Thenglishemen went into the water after, but they were put back with picks or else they had entered the foist, but they shot so fast, that they wounded many in that foist and prior John was shot in the face with an Arrow, and was likely to have died, and therefore he offered his image of wax before our lady at Bolleyn with the English arrow in the face for a miracle.  
When the lord Admiral of England had hard these news he was not content and sent Sir John Wallopp to the sea incontinente with diverse English ships, which sailed to the cost of Normandy & theridamas landed and brent xxi villages and towns with great slaughter of people, and brent ships and boats in the havens of Treaport, stapils and in every place. This sir John Wallopp quit himself so, that men marveled of his entreprises, considering he had at the most but viii C. men and took land there so often.  
In the month of june the lord Powntremy that was captain of Tyrwyn with banner displayed and great ordinance, with a great army came into Pycardy near to Arde. Sir Nycholas Uaux captain of Guysnes considering that the Frenchmen had such ordinance thought the they would have besieged Guysnes, and wrote thereof to the king which incontinente provided a great army for the rescue. And when every thing was ready and the army forward, the lord Pountremy raised his camp and departed without many more doing, but for all that the king sent over sir Thomas Lovel knight with vi C. men to Caleys for the more strength of that town and other towns and castles being with in the English pale and the marches there.  
The French king this year appointed to Richard dela Pole traitor of England and danyshed the realm xii M. lanceknyghtes to keep Normandy, and also to enter into England and to conquer the same, where they made such a Ryott that many of them were slain & he was fain to carry them to scent Malos in Britain to take ship: for the Frenchmen would fain have been rid of them they cared not how, there conditions were so vile and shameful, but by the reason that the French king sued for peace, this journey took no effect.  
The French king by an herald wrote to the king of England, that he marveled greatly why he made him so sore war, and brent and took his towns, slew and rob his people with out any cause given on his part, wherefore he required the king to grant safeconduct to his ambassadors, which should entreat the cause: whereupon in june the French king sent a commission with the precedent of Rouen and the general boyer and certain other nobles of France to entreat peace and alliance between both the princes: & farther by cause that they knew that the marriage was broken between the prince of castle and the lady Mary (as you have hard) they desired thesayde lady to be espoused to the French king, affirming a great dower and suertes for the same, with great treasures: so much was offered that the king moved by his counsel, and specially by the Bishop of Lyncolne Wolsey, consented, upon condition that if thesayde French king Joys died, than she should if it pleased her return into England again with all her dowar and riches: after such entretie, the indentures were sealed and the peace proclaimed the vii day of August and the king in presence of the French Ambassadors sworn to keep the same, & likewise there was sent an Ambassadeou● of England to see the French king swear the same.  
The Dutchmen hearing these news were sorry, and repented them that they received not the lady, and spoke shamefully of this marriage, that a feeble old & pocky man should marry so fair a lady, but the voice of people let not princes purposes.  
By the conclusion of this peace was the Duke of Longuyle & other prisoners delivered, paying there ransom, and the said duke affied the lady Mary in the name of king Lewes his master. This Duke was highly entertained in England of many noble men and had great cheer, but when they came into France with the queen he would scace know them. Then when all things were ready for the conveyance of this noble Lady, the king her brother in the month of September with the queen his wife and his said sister and all the court came to Dover and there tarried, for the wind was troublous and the wether fowl, in so much that a ship of th● kings called the libeck of ix C. ton was driven a shore before Sanga●e and there braced & of vi C. men s●antely escaped iii C. and yet the most part of them were hurt with the wreck. When the wether was fair than all her wardrobe, stable, and riches was shipped, and such as were appointed to give their attendance on her, as the duke of Norfolk, the Marquis Dorsett, the bishop of Durham, the Earl of Surrey, the lord Delawar, the lord Barnes, the lord Mantaigle, the Marquis four brother, sir Morice Barkeley, sir John Peche, sir William Sands, sir Thomas Bulleyn, sir John Cart and many other knights▪ squires, gentlemen & ladies▪ all these went to ship and thesayde lady took her leave of the queen in the castle of Dover and the king brought her to the sea, side and killed her and betook her to GOD and the fortune of the see, and to the governance of the French king her husband. Thus the ii day of October at the hour of four of the clock in the morening this fair lady took her ship with all her noble company: and when they had nailed a quarter of the see, the wind rose and severed some of the ships to Caleys, and some in Flaunders and her ship with great difficulty was brought to Bulleyn, and with great jeopardy at the entering of the haven for the master ran the ship hard on shore, but the boats were ready and received this noble lady▪ and at the landing Sir Christopher Garnyshe stood in the water and took her in his arms, and so carried her to land, where the Duke of Uandosme and a cardinal with many estates received her, and her ladies, and welcomed all the noble men into that country and so the Queen and all her train came to Bulleyn, and there rested, and from thence she removed by diverse lodgings till she came all most within. iii. mile of Abuyle beside the forest of Arders, and their king Joys upon a great co●●set met with her, and she would have alighted but he would not suffer her, and welcomed her to his country, and when he had seen her beauty (which he so long desired) and talked with her a little space, than he returned to Abuyle by a secret way, & she was with great triumph, procession & pagiantes received into the town of Abuyle the viii day of October by the Dolphin▪ which received her with great honour, she was appareled in cloth of silver, her horse was trapped in goldsmiths work very richly. After her followed xxxvi ladies, all their palfreys trapped with crymsyn vel●et, embraudered: after them followed one charyott of cloth of tissue, the second cloth of gold and the third Crymsyn velvet embrawdered with the kings arms & hers, full of roses. After them followed a great number of archers, and then wagons laden with the●r stuf. Great was the riches in plate▪ jewels, money, apparel, and hangings that this lady brought into France. The Monday being the day of Saint Denyse, the same king Lewes married the lady Mary in the great church of Abuyle, both apparelled in goldesmyths work. After the mass was done, there was a great banquet and fist and the ladies of England highly entreteyned.  
The Tewesdaye being the ten day of October all Thenglishmen except a few that were officers with thesayde queen, were discharged which was a great sorrow for them, for some had served her long in hope of prefermente, and some that had honest rooms left them to serve her, & now they were with out service, which caused them to take thought in so much some died by the way returning, and soon fell mad, but there was no remedy. After the English lords had done there commission the French king wylled them to take no longer pain, & so gave to them good rewards and they took their leave of the queen and returned. Then the dolphin of France called lord Frauncys duke of Ualoys, and by his wife duke of Brytaigne for the more honour of this marriage, before Thenglishmen departed from Abuyle, caused a solemn jousts to be proclaimed which should be kept at Paris in the month of November next ensuing, and that he with his ix aids should answer, all comers being gentlemen of name and of arms, first to run .v. courses at the Tilt with pieces of advantage, and also .v. courses at Random with sharp spears, and twelve strokes with sharp sword, and that done, he and his aids to ●ight at the barriers with all gentlemen of name and of arms. first six foins with hand spears, and after that eight strokes to the most advantage if the spear so long held, and after that twelve strokes with the sword, and if any man be unhorsed or be felled with fighting on foot, than his horse and armour to be rendered to the officers of arms, and every man of this challenge must set up his arms and name upon an arch triumphant, which shallbe made at the place where the jousts shallbe, and farther shall write too what point he will answer to one or to al. When this proclamation was reported in England by the noble men that returned from the marriage: the Duke of Suffolk the Marquis Dorsett and his four brothers, the Lord Clinton, Sir Edward Nevel, Sir Gyles Capell, Thomas Cheney and other sued to the king to be at the challenge, which request, he graciously granted. Then the Lords and knights prepared all thing necessary for there entreprice, and shipped there horses and harness, and did so much by journey, that they came to Paris, at the end of the month of October, which were heartily welcomed of the king and the dolphin: but most of all, of the French queen which then lay at saint Denyse, and was not yet crowned nor entered in to Paris.  
The dolphin desired the duke of Suffolk and the lord Marquis Dorsett, whose activity he knew well by report, to be two of his immediate aids, which thereto assented. Therefore was erected an Arch of widnes at the tournelles beside the street on saint Anthony, directly before the Bastel, on the which were set four targets or scutcheons, the one silver and he that set his name under that shield, run at the Tilt according to the articles: he that put his name under the golden target should run with the sharp spears and fight with sharp swerdes●: they that put their names to the black shield, should fight a foot with spears and swords for the one hand. And he that touched the tawny shield should cast a spear on foot with a targett on his arm, & after to fight with a ii hand sword: on this arch above stood the arms of the king & the queen, and beneath them stood the arms of the dolphin & his aids, & underneath stood the four scochions that you have hard of, and under them all the arms and names of such as set their names to any of the same four scochions. While all these things were preparing, the lady Mary of England the .v. day of November then being Sondaye, was with great solemnity crowned Queen of France in the monastery of saint Denyce, and the dolphin all the season held the crown over her head, because it was of great weight to her grievance, at which coronation were the lords of England, and according to their degrees well entertained.  
Mondaye the vi day of November thesayde Queen was received into the city of Paris after the order that followeth. First the guard of the city met with her with out saint Denyce all in coats of goldesmythes work with ships guilt, and after them met her all the priests and religious which were esteemed to be iii M. The queen was in a chyre covered about (but not over her person) in white cloth of gold, the horses that drew it covered in cloth of gold, on her head a coronal all of great pearls, her neck and breast full of jewels, before her went a guard of Almains after their fashion, and after them all noblemen, as the dolphin, the Duke of Alencon, the Duke of Bourbon, the Duke of Uandosme, the Duke of Longevyle, and the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis Dorsett .v. Cardynalles and a great number of estates, about her person road the kings guard which were Scots. Thus was this queen received into Paris and so conveyed to the cathedral church and there offered, and from thence to the palace where she offered at the holy Chapel, and from thence she went to her lodging for that night, for whom was provided a great supper and the heralds cried a largesse and had to them given a ship of silver and guilt, and other pla●e to the value of ii C. mark, and after supper began dancing and pastime. On the morrow begun the jousts, and the Dolphin with his aids entered the field, the apparel & bards were cloth of gold cloth of silver and crymsyn velvet kanteled together all in one suit, they showed themselves before the king & queen who were in a goodly stage, and the queen stood so that all men might see her and wondered at her beauty, and the king was feeble and lay on a couch for weakness. Then entered the counter part by a rail for combring the place. These jousts continued iii days, in the which were answered iii hundred and .v. men of arms and every man ran .v. courses, and with sharp spears, diverse were slain and not spoken of: the English lords and knights did as well as the best of any the other. At the Random and Tournay the Duke of Suffolk hurt a gentleman that he was like to die, the Marquis struck Mounsire Grew an Albanoy with his spear and perked his head piece & put him in jeopardy: the duke of Suffolk in the tornay overthrew a man of arms horse and man, and so did the lord Marques another, and yet the Frenchmen would in no wise praise them. At this tornay the dolphin was hurt in the hand, so that he could not perform his challenge at the barriers and put one of his aid in his room, the next day after began the fight at the barriers and because the Dolphin was not present, the duke of Suffolk and the lord Marques Dorsett that day began the field, and took the barriers with spears in hand abiding all comers. The dolphin brought a man secretly, which in all the court of France was the tallest and the strongest man, & he was an Almaigne and put him in the place of an other person to have had the duke of Suffolk rebuked. The same great Almaigne came to the bars fiercely with face hid, because he would not be known, and bore his spear to the duke of Suffolk with all his strength, and the duke him received, and for all his strength put him by strong strokes from the barriers, and with the but end of the spear struck the Almain that he staggared, but for all that the Almaigne struck strongly and hardly at the duke, and the judges suffered many more strokes to be fought then were appointed, but when they saw the Almaigne rele & staggar, than they let fall the rail between them. The lord Marques Dorsett at the same time, even at the same bar fought with a gentleman of France that he lost his spear, and in manner with drew: When the rail was let fall, these two noble men put up their vysers & took air, & then they took swords with point & edges abated, and came to the barriers, and the Almaigne fought sore with the duke, which imagened that he was a person set on for the nonce but the duke by pure strength took him about the neck, and pomeled so about the head that the blood issued out of his nose, & then they were departed, and the Almaigne was conveyed by the dolphin le●t he should be known. These two noble men of England that day fought valiantly diverse feats, and the Frenchmen likewise nobly them defended but it happened the lord Marques one time to put for his aid his youngest brother called the Lord Edward Grey of the age of xix year, and to him was put a gentleman of France of great stature and strength to th'intent to pluck him over the bars, but yet the young Lord was of such strength, power and policy, that he so struck his adversary that he disarmed him, all the face bore. Thus was these entrepryces finished to the loud of all parties, and Thenglyshmen received much honour and no spot of rebuke, yet they were privily set at and in many jeopardies: for the declaration of this triumph, he that saw it can tell how goodly the coursers trotted bounded and quickly turned: How valiantely the men of arms behaved themselves and how the Duke of Burbones bend was appareled and bassed in tawny velvet, and cloth of silver cloudy, the bend of th'earl of saint Polle appareled and barded in purple velvet all to cut on purple satin, the enfante of Arragon son to Frederycke last king of Naples, and his bend all in cloth of gold and silver paled. This lord was but young but was very toward. The Duke of Uandosme and his bend in cloth of gold, and pluncket velvet. The dolphin and his aids were every day new appareled at his cost, one day in silver and gold, another in Crymesyn velvet and yellow velvet, and another day in white velvet and green, some day myxted with satin, some day embrawdered, some day pounced with gold, and so every day in change as the workers fantasy could devise, but the Englishmen had ever on their apparel read crosses to be known for love of their country: at this triumph the county Galeas came into the place on a jenett trapped in blue satin and he himself likewise appareled and can a corpse with a spear, which was at the head .v. inches on every side square, that is twenty inches about, and at the burr ix inches square, that is xxxvi. inches, this spear was massy timber & yet for all that he run clean with it a long course and slightely avoided it to his great honour.  
Also there was another gentleman called Anthony Bownarme which came into the field all armed, and on his body brought in sight ten spears that is to wit iii spears set in every styroppe forward, and under every thigh ii spears upward, and under his left arm was on spear backward, and the ten in his hand, and when he came before the Queen he let his horse run and never stopped till he had taken every spear after other and broken it on the ground, and he never stopped his horse till all were broken, this gentleman was highly praised and so he was worthy: when all this great triumph was done, the lords of England took there leave and were highly thanked of the king, queen, Dolphyn, and all the lords, and so departed and came into England before Christmas. In November the queen was delivered of a prince which lived not long after.  
This year in December there was one Richard Hun a merchant tayllor of London in Lollers' tower by the commandment of the Bishop of London, 
Richard Hun committed to the lours tower & murdered.  called Richard Fytziames & doctor Horsey his chancellor, which was a man more of wit to prefer the bishop's iurysdition and the clergy, than the truth of the Gospel▪ but so it was that the said Hun was fond dead hanging by the neck in a girdle of silk, win the said tower. The beginning of this matter must be showed for the following of the consequent: for this Hum had a child that died in his house being an infant, the Curate claimed the bearing sheet for a mortuary. Hun answered that the infant had no property in the sheet, whereupon the priest ascited him in the spiritual court, he taking to him good counsel, sued the Curate in a preminire, and when the priests hard of this, they did so much of malice that they accused him of heresy, and brought him to the lollers' tower and there was found deed as you have hard.  
This man was counted of honest reputation, no man to the sight of people more virtuous, wherefore upon this matter a great matter followed, for the bishop and his chancellor doctor Horsey said that he hanged himself, and all the temporalty said that he was murdered, and there upon xii men were charged before the Coronour which xii. were elected by great discretion, and many times they were with the kings counsel and hard their opinions, but in the mean season the bishop of London brent the dead Carcase of thesayde richard Hun in smythfeld, to the abomination of the people: but after that the matter had been hard by the judges, and after by the kings counsel his grace being present and hearing the cause openly debated and much borne by the spirituality, yet at the last he remitted it to the trial of the law▪ and so upon good evidence doctor Horsey the chancellor and Belrynger with Charles joseph the sumner, were endited of the murder: but afterward by the means of the spiritualty & money, Doctor Horsey caused the kings attorney to confess on his arraynement him not to be guilty, and so he escaped and went to exetre, and for very shame durst never come after to London. But yet for a further truth to be declared in this abominable and detestable murder here shall follow the whole inquyry and verdict of thinquest word for word.  
The .v. and the vi day of December in the vi year of the reign of our sovereign lord king Henry the viii William Barnewell ●rowner of London, 
The inquity of the death of Richard Hun  the day and year above said within the ward of Castylbaynerd of London assembled a quest, whose names afterward do appear, and hath sworn them truly to inquire of the death of one Richard Hun, which lately was found dead in the Lollers' tower with in Paul's church of London, whereupon all we of the inquest together went up into thesayd tower, where we found the body of thesayd Hun hanging upon a staple of iron in a girdle of silk, with fair countenance his heed fair kemed, and his bonnet right sitting upon his heed, with his eyes & mouth fair closed without any staring, gaping, or frowning. Also without any dreveling or spurging in any place of his body, whereupon by one assent all we agreed to take down the body of thesayde Hun, and as soon as we begun to have at the body it was lose, whereby by good advisement we perceived that the girdle had no knot above the staple, but it was double cast and the links of an iron chain which did hung on the same staple were laid upon the same girdle whereby he did hung: Also the knot of the girdle that went about his neck stood under his left ear, which caused his head to lean toward his right shoulder. Not withstandyng there came out of his nostrils ii small streams of blood to the quantity of four drops, save only these four drops of blood, the face lips chin, doublet, collar, & shirt of thesayde Hun was clean from any blood. Also we find that the skin both of his neck & throat beneath the girdle of silk, was fret & fased away, with that thing which the murderers had broken his neck with all. Also she hands of thesayd Hun were wrong in the wrists, whereby we perceived that his hands had been bound.  
Moreover we find that within thesayde prison was no mean whereby any man might hung himself, but only a stole, which stole stood upon a bolster of a bed, so tickle that any man or beast might not touch it so little but it was ready to fall, whereby we perceived that it was not possible that Hun might hang himself the stole so standing. Also all the girdle from the staple to his neck, as well as the part which went about his neck was to little for his heed to come out thereat. Also it was not possible that the soft silken girdle should break his neck or skin beneath the girdle. Also we find in a corner somewhat beyond the place where he did hung a great persell of blood. Also we find that upon the lift side of Huns jacket from the breast downward ii great streams of blood. Also within the ●lappe of the life side of his jacket, we find a great cluster of blood and the jacket folden down thereupon, which thing thesayde Hun could never fold nor do after he was hanged: Whereby it appeareth plainly to us all, that the neck of Hun was broken, and the great plenty of blood was shed before he was hanged. Wherefore all we find by God and all our consciences that Richard Hun was murdered: also we acquit thesayd Richard Hun of his aune death.  
Also an end of a wax candle which as John Belrynger sayeth, he left in the prison burning with Hun that same Sondaye at night that Hun was murdered, which wax candle we found sticking upon the stocks fair put out, about seven or eight foot from the place where Hun was hanged, which candle after our opinion was never put out by him, for many lykelyhodes which we have perceived. Also at the going up of Master chancellor into the Lollars' tower, we have good proof that there lay on the stocks a gown either of murrey or crimosyn in grain furred with shanks, whose gown it was we could never prove, neither who bore it away. All we find that Master William Horsey chancellor to my lord of London hath had at his commandment both the rule and guiding of thesayde prisoner. Moreover, all we find that thesayde Master Norsey chancellor hath put Charles joseph out of his office, as thesayde Charles hath confessed, because he would not deal and use thesayde prisoner so cruelly and do to him as the chancellor would have had him to do. Notwithstanding the keys deliverance to the chancellor by Charles on the saturday at night before Huns death and Charles riding out of the town on the Sondaye in the morning ensuing was but a convention made betwixt Charles and the chancellor, for to colour the murder, for the same Sunday that Charles road forth, he came again to town the Sunday at night, and killed Richard Hun▪ as in the deposytions of julian little, Thomas Chitcheley, Thomas Symondes, and Peter Tur●er doth appear.  
After colouring of the murder betwixt Charles and the chancellor conspired, the chancellor called to him one John Spalding Belrynger of Paul's and delivered to the same Belrynger the keys of the Lollars tower, giving to thesayde Belrynger a great charge, saying: I charge the to keep Hun more straightly than he hath been kept, and let him have but one meal a day. Moreover I charge thee, let no body come to him without my licence, neither to bring him shirt, cap, kercheffe, or any other thing, but that I see it before it come to him. Also before Hun was carried to Fulham, the chancellor commanded too be put upon Huns neck a great collar of Iron with a great chain which is to heavy for any man or beast to were and long to endure.  
Moreover it is well proved that before Huns death thesayd chancellor came up into thesayde Lollers tower, and kneeled down before Hun, holding up his hands to him, praying him of forgiveness of all that he had done to him and must do to him. And on the Sondaye following the chancellor commanded the Penytensary of Paul's, too go up to him and say a Gospel, and make for him holy water and holy bread, and give it to him, which so did and also the Ch●unceller commanded that Hun should have his dinner. And the same dinner time Charles boy was shoot in prison with Hun, which was never so before, and after dinner when the Belrynger fet out the doye, the Belrynger said to the same boy, come no more hither with meet for him until to morrow at noon, for my master chancellor hath commanded that he shall have but one meal a day: and the same night following Richard Hun was murdered, which murder could not have been done without consent and licence of the chancellor, and also by the witting and knowledge of John Spalding Belrynger, for there could no man come in to the prison but by the keys being in John Belryngers keeping. Also as by my Lord of London's book doth appear, John Belrynger is a poor innocent man, wherefore all we do perceive that this murder could not be done, but by the commandment of the chancellor, and by the witting & knowing of John Belrynger.  
Charles joseph within the tower of London of his own free will and unconstrained said, that Master chancellor devised and wrote with his own hand, all such heresies as were laid to Huns charge, record John God, John Truy, John Pasmar, Richard Gybson with many other.  
Also Charles joseph sayeth, that when Richard Hun was slain John Belrynger bore up the steyre into Lollars' tower a wax candle, having the keys of the doors hanging on his arm, and I Charles went next to him, and master chancellor came up last, and when all we came up, we found Hun dying on his bed, and than Master chancellor said, lay hands on the thief and so all we murdered Hun, and than I Charles put the girdle about Huns neck, and than John Belrynger and I Charles did have up Hun and Master chancellor pulled the girdle over the staple, and so Hun was hanged.  

The deposition of I●lian little Late servant to Charles joseph by her fire will unconstrained the vi. year of our sovereign lord king Henry the viii within the Chapel of our lady of Bethlehem showed to thynquest.  
first julian sayeth, that the Wednesdaye at night after the death of Richard Hun, that Charles joseph her master came home to his supper: than julian said to him, master it was told me that ye were in prison, Charles answered▪ it is merry to turn the penny, and after supper Charles trussed persell of his goods, and with help of julyan bore them into Master Porter's house to keep, and that done Charles said to julian. julian, if thou wilt be sworn to keep my counsel I will show the my mind. julian answered ye, if it be neither felony or treason: than Charles took a book out of his purse, and julian swore to him thereupon, than said Charles to julian, I have destroyed richard Hun. Alas Master said julian, how he was called an honest man? Charles answered, I put a wire in his nose. Alas said julyan now be ye cast a way and undone, than said Charles julyan I trust in the that thou wilt keep my counsel, and julyan answered ye, but for Gods sake master shift for yourself, and than Charles said I had liefer than hundred pound it were not done, but that is done can not be undone▪ Moreover Charles said than to julyan, upon Sondaye when I road to my cousin Baryngtons' house▪ I tarried there and made good cheer all day till it was night, and yet before it was mydnyghte I was in London, and had killed Hun, and upon the next day I road the there again and was there at dinner, and sent for neighbours and made good cheer. Than ●ulian asked Charles, where set you your horse that night you came to town, and wherefore came ye not home, Charles answered, I came not home for fear of bewraiing, and than julian asked Charles, who was with you at the killing of Hun. Charles answered, I will not tell thee: and julyan saith that upon the Thursday following Charles tarried all day in his house with great fere and upon Frydaye following early in the morning before day, Charles went forth (as he said) he went to Paul's, and at his coming in again he was in great fere saying. Hastily get me my horse and with great fear and hast made him ready to ride, and bad Master Porter's lad lead his horse into the field by the backside, and than Charles put into his sleeve his mase or masor with other plate, and borrowed of Masteres Porter both gold and silver, but how much I am not sure, and Charles went into the field after his horse, and julyan brought his booget after him. Also upon Friday in Christmas week following▪ Charles came home late in the night and brought with him iii bakers and a Smyth of Stratforde, and the same night they carried out of Charles house all his goods by the field side to the Bell at Shordyche and early in the morning conveyed it with carts to Stratford.  
Moreover julyan saith that the saturday at night before the death of Hun, Charles ●ame home and brought with him a Gurnard, saying, it was for Hun, and Charles boy telled to julian, that there was also ordained a piece of fresh Salmon, which John Belrynger had.  
Also Charles said to thesayde julyan, were not this ungracious trouble, & could bring my Lord of London to the doors of heretics in London both of men and women that been worth a thousand pound: But I am afeard that the ungrations midwife shall bewray us all.  
Also Charles said unto masters Porter in likewise & more larger saying of the best in London, where to masters porter answered, the best in London is my lord Mayer, than Charles said, I will not skuse him quite for he taketh this matter hot.  
Where as Charles joseph sayeth he say at neck hill with a harlot a man's wife in Baryngtons' house the same night, and there abode until the morrow at xi of the clock that richard Hun was murdered whereupon he brought before the kings counsel for his purgation the ●orsayde bawd Baryngtons' wife, and also the foresaid harlot, which purgation we have proved all untreve as right largely may appear as well by the deposition of julian little, as of Thomas Chytcheley Taylor and of John Symons Stacioner, with other, as of Robert Ihonson and Peter Turner.   

The deposition of Thomas Chitcheley Taylor.  
Thesayd Thomas sayeth, the same Monday that Richard Hun was found dead, within a quarter of an hour after vii a clock in the morning, he met with Charles joseph coming out of Paul's at the neither north door, going toward Pater noster row, saying good morrow master Charles, & thesayd Charles answered, good morrow, & turned his back when he was without the church door, and looked upon thesayde Chitchelay.   

The deposition of Thomas Symondes' Stacioner.  
He sayeth, the same morning that Hun was found deed▪ the with in a quarter of an hour after vii a clock in the morning, Charles joseph came before him at his s●all & said good morrow gossip Symons, & the same Symons said good morrow to him again, & the wife of the same Symons was by him, & because of the deadly countenance & hasty going of Charles thesayd Thomas bade his wife look whither Charles goeth, and as she could perceive, Charles went into an ale house standing in Pater noster row by the Aley leading into the road of Northern, or into the Aley whither she could not well tell.   

The deposition of Roberte Ihonson and his wife dwelling at the bell in Shord●●che, where Charles joseph set his horse that night that he came to town to murder Richard Hun.  
Thesayde Robert sayeth that Charles joseph sent his horse to his house upon a holiday at night about iii weeks before Christmas by a boy, which horse was albeswet, and albe myred: and thesayd boy said let my father's horse stand sadelled, for I can not tell whether my father will ride again to night or not, and thesayde horse stood sadell●d all night and in the morening following Charles came bewed and spurred about viii of the clock, and asked if his horse was sadelled and the servant answered: ye, and thesayde Charles leapt upon his horse and prayed the host to let him out of his back gate that he might ride out by the field side, which host so did. And because he was uncertain of the day, we asked him if he hard speak of the death of Hun at that time or not, and he answered nay: but shortly after he did. Nevertheless Peter Turner Charles son in law which brought the horse be night into the Bell Robert Ihonsons' house, confessed it was the ●ame night before that Hun was found dead in the morning. Moreover the Frydaye before Huns death Peter Turner said to an honest woman a wax chaundelers wife dwelling before saint Mary's spitel gate, that before this day seven night Hun should have a mischievous death. And the same day at after none this Hun was found dead, thesayde Peter came to the same wife and told her that Hun was hanged, saying what told I you.  
Also james the Chauncelers' cook, the Frydaye before Huns death, said to .v. honest men, y● Hun should die or Christmas, or else he would die for him, and on the Mondaye that Hun was found dead thesayde james came to the same men: and said, what told I you, is he not now hanged.  
And we of thynquest asked both of Peter Turner & of james cook where they had knowledge that Hun should so shortly die, and they said in master chancellors place by every man.   

The deposition of John Spalding Belrynger  
first thesayde deponent sayeth, that on Saturdaye the second day of December. Anno. M.D.Xiiii. he took the charge of the prison at four of the clock at after none, by the commandment of master chancellor, and so took the keys, whereupon he gave commandment to the deponent, that he should let no manner of person speak with the prisoner except he had knowledge of them, and so at .v. of the clock the same day thesayde deponent went to the prisoner himself alone, and saw him and cherished him, where he gave thesayde deponente a piece of fresh Salmon for his wife. And after that thesayde deponent sayeth that he went to master commissaries to supper with his fellow, where he remembered that he had left his knife with thesayde prisoner, whereupon by the counsel of master Commissary he went to the prisoner and fetched his knife, where he found the prisoner saying of his beads, and so thesayde deponent required his knife of thesayde prisoner, and thesaide prisoner delivered the knife to thesayd deponent gladly, and so departed for that night.  
And after that on the Sunday next following thesayd deponent came to the prisoner at ix of the clock, and asked him what meet he would have to his dinner, and he answered but a morsel, and so thesaide deponent departed and went to the chancellor into the quere, and he commanded, that he should take the penytensary up to the prisoner with him to make him holy water and holy bread, and made thesaide deponent to depart the prison house for a while, and after that he brought him his dinner, & locked Charles boy with him all dinner while, unto the hour of i of the clock, and so let the lad out again and asked him what he would have to his supper, and he answered that he had meat enough, & so departed until vi of the clock, and than thesayde deponente brought him a quart● of al●, and at that time one William Samson went with thesayde deponent to see the prisoner where he was, and saw him & spoke together, and so from the hour of vi a foresaid unto twelve a clock on the morrow thesaide deponent came not there and when he came there he met the chancellor with other doctoures going to see the prisoner where he hanged.   

The deposition of Peter Turner, son in la of Charles joseph.  
first he sayeth that his father in law road out of the town upon Sunday the iii day of December. Anno xu C. & xiiii at vi of the clock in the morning, wearing a cote of orange tawny, on a horse cooler grysell, trotting.  
He sayeth the Sondaye next before that one Buttons wife gave knowledge to thesayde deponente that his father should be arrested by diverse sergeants assoon as he could be taken, and thereupon thesayd deponente gave knowledge to thesayde father in law at the black Friars at the water side. Whereupon he avoided, and the same night master chancellor gave the keys to John Belrynger, and gave him charge of the prisoner and on thesayde Sondaye thesayde deponente with John Belrynger served thesayde prisoner of his dinner at xii of the clock and than John Belrynger said to the deponent, that he would not come to him unto the morrow for my lord had commanded him that the prisoner should have but one meals meet of the day. Notwithstanding that thesayde John Belrynger after that he had shut Paul's church doors, went to the foresaid prisoner, with another with him at vii of the clock at night thesayde Sonday●.  
And the said deponent sayeth, that he came on the Monday at the hour of eight of the clock in the morening to seek John Belrynger, and could not find him, and tarried until the high Ma●●e of Paul's was done, and yet he could not find John Belrynger, and than John Belryngers fellow, one William, delivered the keys to thesayde deponent, and so thesayd deponent with two officers of my lords being sumner's went to serve thesayd prison●t, and wh●n the● came the prisoner (they said) was hanged, his face to the wall ward, and upon that thesayde deponent immediately gave knowledge to the chaun●e●ler, whereupon the chancellor went up with the master of the rolls, & master S●bdeane with other doctoures unknown, to the number of a do●en & their servants.   

The deposition of John Enderby Barber.  
The said John Enderby saith, the Frydaye before the death of Richard Hun, betwixt viii & ix of the clock in the morning, he met wt●hō Belrynger in est●hepe, and asked of him how master Hun fared, thesayd Belrynger answered, saying: There is ordained for him so grievous penance that when men here of it, they shall have great marvel thereof: witnesses that hard John Belrynger say these words John Rutte● Skrevener, and William Segar armourer.  
Also thesayd John E●derby saith the same Mondaye that Richard Hun was found dedd, he met with thesayd John Belrynge● at the condyth in gracious street about ix of the clock in the morning▪ asking the●ayd Belrynger, how master Hun fared, thesayde Belrynger answered, saying, he fared well this day in the morning betwixt .v. & vi ●●the clock. Howbeit, I am sorry for him, for there can no body, come to him until I come, for I have the keys of the dorees here by my girdle, and showed keys to the said Enderby.   

The deposition of allen Creswell wax Chaundeler.  
Thesayde allen saith, that John Grandger servant with my lord of London, in my lord of London's kitchen, at such time as thesayd allen was sering of Huns coffin that Grandger told to him that he was present with John Belrynger the same Sunday at night that Richard was ●oūdeded of the morrow when his keeper set him in the stocks, in so much thesayde Hun desired to borrow the keeper's knife, & the keeper asked him what he would do with his knife, & answered, I had liefer kill myself than to be thus entreated. This deposition thesayde allen will prove as farforth as any christian man may, saying that Erandger showed to him these words of his own free-will and mind, without any question or inquiry to him made by thesayd Alen. Moreover thesayd allen saith, y●●ll that evening Grandger was in great fear.   

The deposition of Richard Horsnayle Bailyfe of the sanctuary town called Good Esture in Essex.  
Thesaide Richard saith▪ the Friday before Christmas day last passed, that one Charles joseph, sumner to my lord of London, become a sanctuary man, and theaforsayde Frydaye he registered his name, the said Charles' saying it was for the safeguard of his body, for there be certain men in London so extreme against him for the death of Richard Hun, that he dare not abide in London: Howbeit the said Charles saith, he knowledgeth himself guiltless of Huns death, for he delivered the keys to the chancellor high Huns life, also the said Balife saith, that Charles paid the duty of thesayde regestring, both to him and sir John Studely vicar.   

The copy of my lord of London's Letter sent to my lord Cardinal.  
I beseech your good lordship to stand so good lord unto my poor chancellor now inward, and indited by an untrue quest for the death of Richard Hun, upon the only accusation of Charles joseph made by pain and durance, that by your intercession it may please the kings grace to have the matter duly and sufficiently examined by indifferent persons of his discrete counsel in the presence of the parties, or there be any more done in that cause, and that upon the innocency of my said chancellor declared, it may further please the kings grace, to a ward a plackard unto his Attnoray to confess the said inditement to be untrue when the time shall require it, for assured am I if my chancellor be tried by any xii men in London, they be so maliciously set. In favorem heretice pra●●tatis, that they will cast and condemn any clerk, though he were as innocent as Abel. ●uare sipotes beate pater adiwa infirmitares nostras & tibi in perpetuum devincti erimus. Over this in most humble wise I beseech you that I may have the kings gracious favour, whom I never offended willingly, and that by your good means I might sp●ke with his grace and you, and I with all mine, shall pray for your prosperous estate long to continued.  Your most humble Orator. R. L.  

The words that my lord of London spoke before the lords in the parliament chamber.  
Memorandum, that the Bishop of London said in the parliament chamber, that there was a bill brought to the parliament to make the jury that was charged upon the death of Hun true men, and said and took upon his conscience that they were false periuried catyfes, and said further more too all the Lords there than being, for the love of GOD, look upon this matter, for if ye do not I dare not keep mine own house for heretics: and said that thesaide Richard Hun hanged himself, and that it was his own deed and no man's else. And further more said, that there came a man to his house (whose wife was appeached of heresy) to speak with him, and he said that he had no mind to speak with the same man, which man spoke and reported to the servants of the same bishop, that if his wife would not hold still her opinion, he would cut her throat with his own hands, with other words.   

❧ The sentence of the quest, subscribed by the crouner.  
The inquisition intented & taken at the city of London, in the Parish of saint Gregory, in the ward of Baynard castle in London the vi day of December, in the year and reign of king Henry the viii. the vi year, afore Thomas Barnewell ●rouner of our sovereign lord the king, within the city of London aforesaid. Also afore james Yarford, and John Mondey Sheriffs of thesayde city, upon the sight of the body of Richard Hun late of London Taylour, which was found hanged in the Lollars Tower, and by the oath and proof of lawful men of the same ward, and of other iii wards next adjoining as it aught to be after the custom in the city aforesaid, to inquire, how, and in what manner wise, thesayde richard Hun came unto his death, and upon the oath of John Bernard, Thomas start, William Warren, Henry Abraham, John aborow, John Turner, Robert allen, William Marler, John Burton, james Page, Thomas Pickehyll, William Burton, Robert Brigewater, Thomas Busted, Gilbert Howell, Richard Gibson, Christopher Crofton, John Eod, Richard Holte, John Pasmere, Edmonde Hudson, John Aunsell, Rycharde Couper, John Tynie, the which said upon their oaths, that where the said Richard Hun, by the commandment of richard, bishop of London, was imprisoned and brought to hold in a prison of the said bishops, called Lollars' Tower lying in the cathedral church of saint Paul in London, in the parish of saint Gregory, in the ward of Baynerd castle aforesaid, William Horseley of London clerk, otherwise called William Heresy, chancellor to richard bishop of London, & one Charles joseph late of London sumner, and John Spalding of London, otherwise called John Bell-Ringer, felonyousely as felons to our lord the king, with force and arms against the peace of our sovereign lord the king, and dignity of his crown, the, iiii. day of December, the year of the reign of our sovereign lord the vi aforesaid, of their great malice, at the parish of saint Gregory aforesaid, upon the said richard Hun made a fray, and the same richard Hun felonyously strangled and smodered, and also the neck they did break of thesayde Richard Hun, and there felo●yously slew him and murdered him: and also the body of the said richard Hun afterward the same four day, year, place, parish and ward aforesaid, with the proper girdle of the same Richard Hun of silk, black of colour, of the value of xii d, after his death upon a hook driven into a piece of timber in the wall of the prison aforesaid made fast, and so hanged him against the peace of our sovereign lord the king, and the dignity of his crown, and so thesayd jury hath sworn upon the holy Evangelist, that the said William Horsey clerk, Charles joseph, and John Sp●ldynge of their set malice then, & their, felonyously killed & murdered thesayde Richard Hun, in manner & form abovesaid, against the peace of our sovereign lord the king his crown and dignity.  
❧ Subscribed in this manner. Thomas Barnewell, crouner of the city of London.   
This Chri●temas on Newyeres night, the king, the duke of Suffolk and ii other in mantles of cloth of silver, & lined with blue velvet, the silver was pounsed in letters, so that velvet might be seen through, the mantles had great capes like to the Portugal copies, and all their hosen, doublets & coats were of the same fashion cut and of the same stuff, with them were four ladies in gounes, after the fashion of Savoy, of blue velvet, lined with cloth of gold, the velvet all to cut, and mantles like typpettes knit together all of silver and on there heads bonnets of burned gold, the four torch bearers were in satin white and blue. This strange apparel pleased much every person, and in especial the Queen, & thus these four lords and four ladies came into the queens chamber with great light of torches, and danced a great season, and then put of their visers, & then they were well known, and the Queen heartily thanked the kings grace for her goodly pastime, and kissed him.  
Likewise on the twelve night, the king and the Queen came into the hall of Grenewyche, and suddenly entered a tent of cloth of gold and before the tent stood four men of arms, armed at all points and swords in their hands, and suddenly with 'noys of trumpets entered four other persons all armed, and ran to the other four, and there was a great and a fear●e fight, and suddenly came out of a place like a wood viii wyldemen, all appareled in green moss, made with slyved silk, with Uggly weapons and terrible visages, and there fought with the knights viii to viii, & after long fight, the armed knights drove the wild men out of their places, and followed the chase out of the hall: and when they were departed, the tent opened, and there came out vi. lords and vi ladies richly appareled, & danced a great time: when they had danced their pleasure▪ they entered the tent again and so was conveyed out of the hall, & then the king and the queen were served with a right sumptuous banquet.  
The iii day of February, the king made a solemn justes, & he and the Marquis Dorset would answer all comers, their apparel & bards were of blue velvet, and cloth of silver, all too cut in subtle knots, richly embraudered, all the servitors in white & blue silk. The counterpart, which were xiiii in number, richly appareled in velvet, cloth of gold, & brouderie, every man a●ter his own device. The king was that day highly to be praised, for he broke xxiii spears beside attaints▪ and bore down to ground a man of arms & his horse: the lord Marques and all other did valiantly, and had much praise▪ for every man did passing well, which is seldom seen in such a case, but the king for a surety exceeded all other.  
The four day of October, the king removed to Lambeth, and on the morrow began the high court of Parliament, sir Thomas Nevel was then speaker, in this Parliament was diverse acts made, but in especial two, which were much spoken of, the one was the act of apparel, and the other the act of labourers, of these ii acts was much commonynge and much business arose, for the labourers would in no wise labour by the day, but all by task and in great, and therefore much trouble fell in the court, and in especial in Harvest time, for then husband men could scace get workmen to help in their Harvest. This Parliament continued till Easter, in the which diverse subsidies were granted to the king toward his great costs and charges, that he had been at in his viage Royal in France, and after Easter the xix. day of the month of April, the king deliting to set forth young Gentlemen, called Nycholas Carew, and Frances Bryan, and caused diverse other young Gentlemen, to be on the counter part, and lent to them horse and harness to encourage all youth too seek deeds of arms. This year died at Rome by poison as was reported the archbishop of York & Cardinal, 
Cardinal Bembrick poisoned at Rome.  called doctor Benbrycke, which was the kings Ambassador there: this was a wise man & of a jolly courage. The king than gave thesayd Archebishoprike to Thomas Wolsey, than bishop of Lyncoln, which at that time bore all the rule about the king, & what he said was obeyed in all places. And when he was once archbishop, he studied day & night how to be a Cardinal, & caused the king & the French king to write to Rome for him, & at their requests he obtained his purpose as you shall here afterward.  
At this time was much commoning, & verily as it appeared it was intended, that the king in person would pass the sea to Caleys, & there on the marches of the same, the French king and queen to come & see the king their brother, and for the same journey many costly works were wrought, & much rich apparel provided ●or, & much preparation made against the next spring: but death, which is the last end of all things let this journey, for before the next spring the French king died at the city of Paris, the first day of january, when he had been married lxxxii days. And when the king was advertised of the death of the French king, he caused a solemn obsequy to be song for him in the cathedral church of s. Poule with a costly hearse, & many noble men being present.  
And after he sent a letter to comfort the Queen his sister, requiring too know her pleasure whither she would continued still in France or return into England again. And when he was advertised of her purpose, which was to return into England. He sent the duke of Suffolk, sir Richard Wyngfeld, and doctor West with a goodly band of yeomen, all in black to Paris, which were well received of the new French king Frances the first of the name, & declared to him, that according to the covenants made at the time of the marriage between king Joys & the lady Marie, sister to the king of England, they demanded to have thesayde queen delivered to them with her ●ower, & showed their commission for the receipt of her. Then the counsel of France, according to the apointmentes assigned her a dower, & the duke of Suffolk put in officers, and then she was by endenture delivered to the duke, which behaved himself so to her, that he obtained her good will to be her husband, & thereupon he wrote to the king her brother, meekly beseeching him of pardon of his request & humbly requiring him of his will & consent, at which thing the king a while stayed, and at the last by the mean of the French queen herself, & other great friends on the duke's part, After long suit it was agreed that the duke of Suffolk should bring her into England unmarried, & at his return to marry her in England: but for doubt of change he married her secretly in Paris as was said.   

¶ The vii year.  
AFter that the duke of Suffolk had received the French queen with her dower appointed, & all her apparel, jewels and household stuff delivered, he with the queen took their leave of the French king, leaving doctor West, nominate bishop of Ely, for the conclusion of the new league to be made between the king of England, & the new French king called Frances the first, and so passed through France to Caleys, where she was honourably entertained. And after with great honour married to lord Charles Brandon, duke of Suffolk openly: howbeit, some said he was married privily before at Paris, in the house of Cluigny. Against this marriage many men grudged & said that it was a great loss to the realm that she was not married to the prince of Castle: but the wisest sort was content, considering that if she had been married again out of the realm, she should have carried much riches with her, & now she brought every year into the realm ix or ten M. marks: but whatsoever the rude people said, the duke behaved himself so, that he had both the favour of the king and of the people, his wit and demeanour was such.  
The king & the queen accompanied with many lords & ladies road to the high ground of shoters' hill to take the open air, and as they passed by the way, they espied a company of tall yeomen, clothed all in green with green hoods & bows & arrows, 
● m●iynge.  to the number of ii C. Then one of them, which called himself Robin hood, came to the king, desiring him to see his men shoot, & the king was content. Then he whisteled, & all the ii C. archers shot & loosed at once, & then he whisteled again, & they likewise shot again, their arrows whisteled by craft of the head, so that the 'noys was strange and great, & much pleased the king the queen and all the company. All these archers were of the kings guard and had thus apparelled themselves to make solace to the king.  
Then Robin hood desired the king and queen to come into the green wood, & to s● how the outlaws live. The king demanded of the queen & her ladies, if they durst adventure to go into the wood with so many outlaws. Then the queen said, that if it pleased him, she was content, than the horns blewe till they came to the wood under shoters' hill, and there was an Arbour made of boowes with a hall, and a great chamber and an inner chamber very well made & covered with 〈◊〉 & sweet herbs, which the king much praised. Then said Robin hood, Sir Outlaws brekefastes is venison, and therefore you must be content with such fare as we use. Then the king and queen sat down, & were served with venison and wine by Robin hood and his men, too their great contentation. Then the king departed and his company, & Robin hood and his men them condu●cted, and as they were returning, there met with them ii ladies in a rich chariot drawn with .v. horses and every horse had his name on his head, and on every horse sat a lady with her name written. On the fir●● courser called Cawed, sat humidite, or humid. On the ii courser called Meme●n, road lady vert. On the three called pheron sat lady veg●taue. On the four called Rimphon sat lady pleasance. On the .v. called lampace, sat sweet odour, and in the Chair sat the lady May, accompanied with lady Flora, richly apparelled▪ and they saluted the king with diverse goodly songs, & so brought him to Grenewyche. At this Maiyng was a great numbered of people to behold to their great solace and comfort.  
Thesame after none, the king, the duke of Suffolk, the marquis dorset, & the earl of Essex, their bards & bases of green velvet and cloth of gold, came into the field on great coursers, on whom waited diverse gentlemen in silk of the same colour. On the other side entered xvi lords & gentlemen, all appareyled richly after their devices, & so 〈◊〉 they ran their courses appointed: & after that they rane volant one as 〈◊〉 as he might overtake another, which was a goodly ●●ght to see: & when all was done they departed, and went to a goodly banquet.  
This Summer the king took his progress Westward, & visited his towns & castles there, & hard the c●play●tes of his poor commonalty, & ever as he road, he hunted & liberally departed with venyson: & in the mids of September he came to his manner o● Okyng, & thither came to him the Archbishop of York, whom he heartily welcomed & showed him great pleasures: And while he sojourned there, a letter was brought to the archbishop from Rome certifying him how he was elected to be a Cardinal, which incontinent showed the same to the king, disabling himself in words, though his intent was otherwise, & so the king did encourage him, & willed him to take the order on him, & so called him my lord Cardinal, but his hat● bull nor other ceremonies were not yet come.  
In the month of November, the king assembled his high court of Parliament at Westmynster, and diverse acts made in the Parliament the vi year, amended and altered, & especially the act of apparel, and the act of labourers, as by the book of statutes more plainly appeareth. And at the end of this Parliament, the archbishop of Cauntourbury perc●auing that the archbishop of York meddled more in his office of Chaunc●lourship than it become him to suffer, except he would adventure the kings displeasure, & saying also that thesayd bishop of York cou●ted to bear all the rule, and to have all the whole authority, considering also his own great age, gave up into the kings hands his room of chancellor, and delivered to the king the great seal, which delivered the same to the archbishop of York, and made him chancellor. And assoon as he was chancellor, he directed commissions into all Shires, for to put the statute of apparel and the statute of labourers in execution. And he himself one day called a gentleman named Simon fyzRichard, and took from him an old jacket of Crymosyn velvet and diverse brooches, which extreme doing caused him greatly to be hated, and by his example many cruel officers for malice, evil entreated diverse of the kings subjects, in so much that one Shynning Mayor of Rochester, set a young man on the Pillory for wearing of a riven shirt.  
In the end of this month was sent into England the cardinals hat, 
The Cardinal's ha● recea●●d.  & received by gentlemen of Kent, & brought to London with such triumph as though the greatest prince of Christendom had been come into the realm. And on a Sunday at s. Peter's church at Westmynster he received the habit, hat, and pillar, and other vainglorious trifles, apperteygning to the order of a Cardinal. And when he was once a perfit Cardinal, he looked then above all estates, so that all men almost hated him, and disdained him.  
Then after the Parliament sir Edward pouninges laboured to be discharged of the keeping of the city of Torney, for there he was ever sickly, and so he was discharged, & sir William blunt lord Mountioye was sent thither. And for Marshal there was appointed sir Samson Norton. And when the lord Mountioye was come thither, & sir Samson Norton, there happened such a riot that the city was in great jeopardy, the very cause was unknown, but all the soldiers, except such as were of the kings guard rebelled, & put the lord Mountioye in jeopardy of his life. And in conclusion to appease the people, sir Samson Norton was banished the town for ever. And after the city was appeased, & every thing thought to be forgotten, diverse were executed, & diverse banished the town and some fled & were banished both England and the town.  
After the Parliament was ended, the king kept a solemn Christmas at his manner of Eltham, & on the xii night in the hall was made a goodly castle, wondrously set out, & in it certain ladies & knights, & when the king & queen were set, in came other knights, & assailed the castle where many a good stripe was given, & at the last, the assailants were beaten away. And then issued out knights and ladies out of the castle, which ladies were rich & strangely disguised, for all their apparel was in braids of gold, fret with moving spangels, silver and gilt, set on Crymosyn satin loose and not fastened: the men's apparel of the same suit made like julys of Hungary, and the ladies heads & bodies were after the fashion of Amsterdam. And when the dancing was done▪ the banquet was served in of ii C. dishes, with great plenty to every body.  
This year was the new league between the king & the French king openly Proclaimed through the city of London with a trumpet. This year also, Margaret queen of the Scots, wife to james the four slain at Bramston the .v. year of the king, & elder sister to the king, after the death of her late husband married Archibald Douglas earl of Angus, without the king her brother's assent, or the counsel of Scotland, for the which he was not well content. But after that, there fell such a strife between the lords of Scotland, that she & her husband like banished persons came into England, & wrote to the king for mercy & comfort. The king ever inclined to mercy, sent them apparel, vessel & all things necessary, willing them to lie still in Northumberland, till they knew farther of his pleasure: And so they lay still at Harbotell, & the queen was there delivered of a fair lady called Margaret, and all the country were commanded by the king to do them pleasure.  
This year the xviii of February, at Grenewyche was borne a fair princes and christened with great solemnity, and named Mary.  
This year died the king of Arragon father to the queen, for whom was kept a solemn obsequy in the Cathedral church of Paul's.   

¶ The viii year.  
YOU have hard the last year how the queen of Scots with her husband was come for secure into England, & lay at Harbottell in Northumberland, till the kings pleasure was to sand for them. So he, like a natural brother sent for her & her husband to come to his court for their solace. For the which kindness the earl Humbly thanked the king, & promised to give his attendance on the queen his wife to the Court: whereupon the king sent William blacknall esquire, clerk of his Spycery with silver vessel, plate and other things necessary for the conveyance of her, and sent to her all manner of officers for her estate convenient. And when she was ready to depart, she asked for her husband, but he was departed into Scotland, & left her alone, no thing remembering his promise, which sudden departing much made her to muse: Howbeit, the lords of England greatly encouraged her to keep her promise with the king her brother: & so after she was somewhat appeased▪ she set forward, & in every town she was well received, & so on the iii day of May she made her entry into London, riding on a white palfrey (which the queen of England had sent to her) behind sir Thomas par richly beseen, & with great company of lords & ladies, she road thorough the city to Baynard's castle, & from thence she was conveyed to Grenewiche, & there received joyously of the king, the queen, the French queen her sister, and highly was she feasted. And when the king heard that the earl of Angus her husband was departed, he said, it was done like a Scot This queen sometime was at the court, and sometime at Baynard's castle, and so she continued in England all this year.  
The king for the honour of his sister, the xix & twenty day of may prepared ii solemn days of justes, & the king himself, & the duke of Suffolke● the earl of Essex, & Nicholas Carew esquire, took on them to answer all comers. The apparel of them & their horses was black veluot, covered all over with branches of honey suckels of ●yne flat gold of damask, of loose work, every let of the branch moving, the embroudery was very cunning & sumptuous. On the king was attending in one luyte on horseback, the lord Marques dorset, the earl of Surrey, the lord Burga●●y, the lord hastings, sir John pechy, the lord Ferreys, sir William Fitzwillian, & xii other knights, all these were in frocks of blue veluet● ga●ded with rich cloth of gold, & their horse trappers of blue velvet, ●rynged with gold: And on foot were xl persons all in blue satin, guarded with cloth of gold. And so they entered the field with trumpets, dro●siades and other myns●relsey.  
Then in came the countreparte, richly apparelled, to the number of xii & on that day every man did well, but the king did best, & so was adjudged, and so at night they ceased, and came to supper.  
The king, the next day & his company were appareyled horse & all in purple velvet, set full of leaves of cloth of gold, engrailed with fine flat gold of damask, embroudered like to Rose leaves, & every leaf fastened to other with points of damask gold, & on all their borders were letters of gold, bullion. And on the king waited .v. lords xiiii knights in frocks of yellow velvet, guarded & bound with rich cloth of gold, & thirty. gentlemen were in like apparel on foot, & xl officers in yellow satin ●dged with cloth of gold: Thus with great triumph they entered the field. Then the countrepartie entered, all clothed & barded in white satin, traversed with cloth of gold richly. This day was many a great stripe given. The king & sir William kyngston ran together, which sir William was a strong & a tall knight, & yet the king by strength overthrew him to the ground. And after that the king & his aids had performed their courses, they ran volant at all comers, which was a pleasant sight to se. And when night approached, they all disarmed them, and went to the queens chamber, where was a great banquet for the welcome of the queen of Scots.  
This month of May were sent out of England xii C. masons and Carpenters, & iii C. labourers to the city of Torney: for the king & his counsel, considering that the garrison that was kept there, was chargeable, & therefore it was determined that there should be builded a castle to chastise the city if they rebelled, and to minyshe the garrison. And therefore these workmen were sent thither, which this year began a strong Castle, and wrought still on it.  
This year, by the Cardinal, were all men called to account that had the occupying of the kings money in the wars or else where, not to every man's contentation, for some were ●ound in arrearages, & some saved themselves by policy & brybory, and waxed rich, and some Innocentes were punished. And for a truth he so punished perjury with open punishment & open papers wearing, that in his time it was less used. He punished also lords, knights, and men of all sorts for riots, bearing and maintenance in their countries, that the poor men lived quietly, so that no man durst bear for fear of imprisonment: but he himself and his servants, which were well punished therefore. The poor people perceived that he punished the rich, than they complained without number, and brought many an honest man to trouble and vexation. And when the Cardinal at the last had perceived their untrue surmises & feigned complaints for the most part, he then waxed weary of hearing their causes, & ordained by the kings commission, diverse under courts to here complaints by bill of poor people. The one was kept in the white hall, the other before the kings Almoner doctor Stokes●ey, a man that had more learning, than discretion to be a judge. The third was kept in lord treasurers chamber beside the star chamber, & the iiii at the rolls at after noon. These courts were greatly haunted for a time, but at the last the people perceived that much delay was used in these courts, & few matters ended, & when they were ended, they bond no man by the law, than every man was weary of them & resorted to the common law.  
In the month of October came into England Matthew bishop of Sedonon & Cardinal, called commonly the Cardinal of Swyshes, from the Emperor Maximilian. This Cardinal was a wise man & of great boldness, & was well entreteyned in the court & of the king. And at his contemplation & for old love, the king lent to the Emperor Maximilian a great sum of money: whereof the company of Friscobalde, & Antony Caveler Genevoy undertook thexchange, but they paid not the Emperor at his day, notwithstanding they had received the money of the king. This Friscobald & Anthony Caveler by means of rewards, given to great lords of the counsel borrowed of the king xxx M. ●. & had long days for the payment: but Friscobald was shortly consumed, & Anthony Caveler could not be seen, & so the king was not paid at his days, & many English merchants were by these men undone, for they spent liberally of every man's goods.  
This year the king kept his Christmas at his manner of Grenewiche, & on the xii night, according to the old custom, he & the queen came into the hall, & when they were set, & the queen of Scots also, there entered into the hall a garden artificial, called the garden of Esperance. This garden was towered at every corner, & railed with rails gilded, all the banks were set with flowers artificial of silk & gold, the leaves cut of green satin, so that they seemed very flowers. In the midst of this garden was a pillar of antic work, all gold set with pearl & stone, & on the top of the pillar, which was vi square, was a lover or an arch embowed, crowned with gold: within which stood a bush of Roses read & white, all of silk and golde● & a bush of Pomegranates of like stuf. In this gardeyn walked vi knights and vi ladies richly appareyled, and then they descended and danced many goodly dances, & so ascended the garden again and were conveyed out of the hall, and then the king was served of a great banquet. After this Christmas, the king exercised himself much in hawking.  
In this season, the Genoese, frenchmen and other straungiers' say●e and boasted themselves to be in such favour with the king and his counsel, that they set naught by the rulers of the city: and the multitude of strangers was so great about London, that the poor English artificers could skace get any living: And most of all the strangers were so proud, that they disdained, mocked and oppressed the Englishmen, which was the beginning of the grudge. For among all other things, there was a Carpenter in London called Willyan● son, which bought two stockdoves in Cheap, and as he was abou●e to pay for them, a Frencheman took them out of his hand, and said they were not meat for a carpenter: well said the Englishman I have bought them and now paid for them, and therefore I will have them, nay said the Frencheman I will have them for my lord the Ambassador, and so for better or worse, the Frencheman called the Englisheman knave, and went away with the stockdoves. The strangers came to the French Ambassador, & surmised a complaint against the poor carpenter, and the Ambassador came to my lord Mayre, and said so much, that the carpenter was sent to prison: and yet not contented with this, so complained to the kings counsel, that the kings command ement was laid on him. And when sir John Baker knight and other worshipful persons sued too the Ambassador for him, 
The pr●de of Frenchem●n,  he answered, by the body of God that the English knave should loose his life, for he said no Englisheman should deny that the frenchmen required, and other answer had they none.  
Also a Frencheman that had slain a man, should abjure the realm & had a cross in his hand, & then suddenly came a great sort of Frenchmen about him, & one of them said to the Constable that led him, sir is this cross the price to kill an Englishman. The Constable was somewhat astonied and answered not. Then said another Frencheman, on that price we would be banished all by the mass, this saying was noted to be spoken spitefully. Howbeit, the frenchmen were not alonely oppressors of the Englishmen, for a Lombarde called Frances de bard, enticed a man's wife in Lombarde street to come to his chamber with her husbands plate, which thing she did. After when her husband knew it, he demanded his wife, but answer was made he should not have her, than he demanded his plate, and in like manner answer was made that he should neither have plate nor wife. And when he had sewed an action against the stranger in the guild hall, the stranger so faced the Englisheman, that he fainted in his suit.  
And then the Lombarde arrested the poor man for his wife's board, while he kept her from her husband in his chamber. This mock was much noted, and for these and many other oppressions done by them, there increased such a malice in the English men's hearts, that at the last it braced out. For amongst other that sore grudged at these matters, there was a broker in London called John Lyncoln, which wrote a bill before Easter, desiring doctor Standyche at his sermon at saint mary spittle the Mondaye in Easter week, too move the Mayor and Aldermen, to take part with the commonalty against the strangers: The doctor answered that it become not him too move any such thing in a sermon. From him he departed, and came to a Cannon in saint Mary spittle, a doctor in divinity, called doctor Bele, and lamentably declared to him, how miserably the common artificers lived, and skase could get any work to find them, their wife's and children, for there were such a number of artificers strangers, that took away all the living in manner. And also how the English merchants could have no utterance, for the merchant strangers bring in all Sylkes, cloth of Gold, Wine, Oil, Iron and such other merchandise, that no man almost buyeth of an Englisheman.  
And also outward, they carry so much English wool, Tin, and Lead, that Englishmen that adventure outward can have no living: Which things said Lyncoln hath been showed to the counsel▪ & cannot be heard. And farther said he, the strangers compass the city round about, in Southwark, in Westmynster, Temple bar, Holborn, Sayncte Martynes, Sayncte Ihons● street, Algate, Tower hill, and saint Katherynes, and forstall the market▪ so that no good thing for them cometh to the market: which is the cause that Englishmen want and starve, and they live abundantly in great pleasure. Wherefore said Lyncolne master doctor, sith you were borne in London, & see the oppression of the strangers, & the great misery of your own native country, exhort all the cytiezens to join in one against these strangers, raveners and destroyers of your country. Master doctor hearing this, said he much lamented the case if it were as Lyncoln had declared, yes said Lyncolne, that it is and much more, for the Dutchemen bring over Iron, Timber, leather and Weynskot ready wrought, as Nails, Locks, baskets, Cupbordes, Stools, Tables, Ches●es, gy●dels, with points, sadel●es & painted clotheses so that if it were wrought here, Englishmen might have some work & living by it. And beside this, they grow into such a multitude that it is to be looked upon, for I saw on a Sondaye this Lent vi C. straungiers shooting at the Popyngaye with Crosoowes, and they keep such assemblies and fraternities together, & make such a gathering to their common box, that every butcher will hold plea with the city of London: well said the doctor, I will do for a reformation of this matter asmuch as a priest may do, & so received Lincoln's bill & studied for his purpose. Then Lyncoln very joyous of his enterprise went from man to man, saying that shortly they should hear news, and daily excited young people and artificers to bear malice to the s●raungiers. When Ester came and doctor Bele should preach the Twesdaye in Ester week, he came into the pulpit, and there declared that to him was brought a pitiful bill, and read it in this wise. To all you the worshipful lords and masters of this city, that will take compassion over the poor people your neighbours, and also of the great importable hurts, losses, and hindrances, whereof proceedeth the extreme poverty too all the kings subjects that inhabit within this city and suburbs of the same, for so it is that the aliens and straungiers eat the bread from the poor fatherless children, and take the living from all the artificers, and the intercourse from all merchants, whereby poverty is so much increased that every man bewaileth the misery of other, for crafts men be brought to beggary and merchants to neediness: wherefore the premises considered, the redress must be of the commons, knit and unyte to one part, and as the hurt and damage grieveth all men, so must all men set to their willing power for remedy, and not to suffer thesayd aliens so highly in their wealth, and the natural borne men of his region too come to confusion. Of this letter was more, but the doctor read no farther, and then he began Coelum coeli domino, terram autem dedit fil●s hominum, and upon this text he entreated, that this land was given to Englishmen, and as birds would defend their nest, so ought englishmen to cherish and defend themselves, and to hurt and grieve aliens for the common weal. And upon this text pugna pro patria, he brought in, how by God's law it was lawful to fight for their country, and ever he subtellye moved the people to rebel against the straungiers, and break the kings peace, nothing regarding the league between princes and the kings honour. Of this Sermon many a light person took courage, and openly spoke against strangers.  
And as the devil would, the Sundaye after at Grenewiche in the kings gallery was Frances de bard, which as you hard kept an English man's wife and his goods, and yet he could have no remedy, & with him were Domyngo, Anthony Caveler, and many more strangers, and there they talking with sir Thomas Palmer knight, jested and laughed how that Frances kept the Englishemans' wife, saying that if they had the Mayres wife of London, they would keep her: sir Thomas said, Sirs you have to much favour in England. There were diverse English merchants by, and hard them laugh and were not content, in somuch as one William bolt a Marcer said, well you whoreson Lombardes', you rejoice and laugh, by the mass we will one day have a day at you, come when it will, and that saying the other merchants affirmed. This tale was reported about London, and the young and evil disposed people said, they would be revenged on the merchant strangers, as well as on the artificers strangers.  
On Monday the morrow after, the king removed to his manner of Rychemonde.   

¶ The ix year.  
Upon this rumour the xxviii day of April, diverse young men of the city assaulted the aliens as they passed by the streets, and some were stricken, & some buffeted, & some thrown in the canel. Wherefore the Mayor sent diverse people to ward, as Stephyn Studley skinner, and Bets and Stephenson & diverse other, some to one counter, & some to another, and some to Newgate. Then suddenly was a comen secret rumour, & no man could tell how it began, that on May day next, the city would rebel & slay all Aliens, in somuch as diverse strangers fled out of the city. This brute ran so far that it came to the kings counsel, insomuch as the Cardinal being lord chancellor, sent for John Rest Mayre of the city, and other of the counsel of the city, & demanded of the Mayor in what case the city stood, to whom he answered that it was well & in good quiet: Nay said the Cardinal, it is informed us that your young and riotous people will rise & distress the strangers, hear ye of no such thing? Not surely said the Mayor, & I trust so to govern them that the kings peace shallbe observed, & that I dare undertake if I & my brethren the Aldermen may be suffered. Well said the Cardinal, go ho●e & wisely foresee this matter, for & if any such thing be▪ 〈…〉 prevent it. The Mayor came from the Cardinals at 〈…〉 after none on May even, & demanded of the officers what they 〈◊〉▪ diverse of them answered that the voice of the people was so, & had been so ii or iii days before. This hearing the Mayor ●ent for all his brethren to the guild hall in great haste, & almost vii of the clock or the assemble wasset. Then was declared to them by Master brook the recorder how that the kings counsel had reported to them that the commonalty that night would rise, & distress all the Aliens & strangers that inhabited in the city of London: the Aldermen answered they hard say so, but they mistrusted not the matter, but yet they said that it was well done to foresee it. Then said the recorder, it were best that a substantial watch were set of honest persons, householders, which might withstand the evil doers. An Alderman said, that it was evil to raise men in harness, for if such a thing were intended, they could not tell who would take their part. Another Alderman said, that it were best to keep the young men asunder, and every man to shut in his doors, and to keep his servants within. Then with these opinions was the Recorder sent to the Cardinal before viii of the clock, and then he with such as were of the kings counsel at his place, commanded that in no wise watch should be kept, but that every man should repair to his own house, and there to keep him and his servants till vii of the clock of the morning: with which commandment, the said richard brook serge●unt at the law and recorder, and lyr Thomas Moor, late undershrife of London, & then of the kings counsel, came to the Guy●de hall half hour and before ix of the clock, and there showed the commandment of the kings counsel. Then in all haste, every Alderman sent to his ward that no man should stir after ix of the clock out of his house, 
〈◊〉 may day  but to keep his doors shut, and his servants within till vii of the clock in the morning. After this commandment, sir John Mondy Alderman came from his ward, and found two young men in Cheap plaiing at bucklers, and a great company of young men looking on them for the commandment was then skace known, for than it was but ix of the clock. Master Mo●dy seeing that, bade them leave, and the one young man asked him why? and than he said thou shalt know, & took him by the arm to have had him to the counter. Then all the young men resisted the Alderman, & took him from master Mondy, and cried prentices and clubs. Then out at every door came clubs and weapons and the Alderman fled, and was in great daung●er. Then more people arose out of every quarter, and out came serving men, and water men and Courtiers, and by a xi, of the clock there were in Cheap vi or vii hundredth. And out of Paul's churchyard came iii hundredth, which witted not of the other, and so out of all places they gathered, and broke up the counters, and took out the prisoners, that the Mayor had thither committed for hurting of the strangers, and came to Newgate and took out Studley and Petyr, committed thither for that cause. The Mayor and Shrifes were there present, and made Proclamation in the kings name, but nothing was obeyed. Thus they ran a plump thorough saint Nycholas Shambles, & at saint Martyns gate, there met with them sir Thomas Moor and other, desiring them to go to their lodgings: And as they were entreating, and had almost brought them to a stay. The people of ●aynct Martynes threw out stones and bats, and hurt diverse honest persons, that were persuading the riotous people to cease, and they bade them hold their hands, but still they threw out bryckes and hot water. Then a sergeant of Arms called Nycholas downs, which was there with master Moor, entreating them, being sore hurt, in a fury cried down with them. Then all the misruled persons ran to the doors and windows of saint Martin, and spoiled all that they found, and cast it into the street, and left few houses unspoiled. And after that they ran headlong into Cornhill by Leaden hall, to the house of one Mutuas a Frencheman or Pycarde borne, which was a great bearer of frenchmen, were they pyckpursses, or how evil disposition soever they were of, and within his gate, called Grenegate, dwelled diverse Frenchmen that kalendred Worsted, contrary to the kings laws: & all they were so borne out by the same Mutuas, that no man durst meddle with them, wherefore he was sore hated, & if the people had found him in their fury, they would have stricken of his head: but when they found him not, the water men, & certain young priests that were there fell to rif●ynge: some ran to Blanchechapelton, & broke the strangers houses, & threw shoes and boots into the street: This from ten or xi of the clock, continued these riotous people, during, which cyme a knight called sir Thomas parr, in great haste went to the Cardinal & told him of this riot, which incontinent strengthened his house with men & ordinance. And after, this knight road to the king to Richemond, & made the report much more than it was: Wherefore the king hastily sent to London, & was truly advertised of the matter, & how that the riot was ceased, & many of the doers apprehended. But while this ruffling continued, sir Richard Cholmeley knight, Lieutenant of the Tower, no great friend co the city, in a frantyke fury loosed certain pieces of ordinance, & shot into the city, which did little harm, howbeit his good will appeared. About iii of the clock, these riotous persons severed and went to their places of resort, & by the way they were taken by the Mayor and the heads of the city, and some sent to the Tower, and some to Newgate, and some to the Counters, to the number of iii C. some fled, and specially the watermen and priests, & serving men, but the poor prentices were taken. About five of the clock, the earls of Shrewesbury and Surrey, which had hard of this riot, came to London with such strength as they had, so did the Inns of court, and diverse noble men: but or they came, all the riot was ceased, and many taken as you have heard.  
Then were the prisoners examined, & the sermon of doctor Bele called to remembrance, and he taken & sent to the Tower, & so was John Lyncoln: but with this riot the Cardinal was sore displeased. Then the iiii. day of May was an Oyer & determiner at London before the Mayre, the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Surrey and other. The city thought that the duke bore them grudge for a lewd priest of his, which the year before was slain in Cheap, in so much the duke then in his fury said, I pray God I may once have the citizens in my danger: & the duke also thought that they bore him no good will, wherefore he came into the city with xiii C. men in harness to keep the Oyer & determiner. And upon examination it could never be proved of any meeting, gathering, talking or conventicle at any day or time before the day, but that the chance so happened without any matter prepensed of any creature saving Lyncoln & never an honest person in manner was taken but only he. Then Proclamations were made that no women should come together to babble & talk, but all men should keep their wives in their houses. All the streets that were notable stood full of harnessed men, which spoke many opprobrious words to the citizens, which grieved them sore: & if they would have been revenged, the other had had the worse, for the citizens were ii C. to one: but like true subjects they suffered patiently.  
When the lords were set, the prisoners were brought in through the streets tied in ropes, some men, some lads, some children of xiii year. There was a great mourning of fathers & friends for their children & kyn●●olke. Among the prisoners many were not of the city, some were priests, and some husbandmen & labourers, the whole some of the prisoners wered 〈◊〉. C.lxxviii. persons. The cause of the treason was, because the king had amity with all Christian princes, that they had broken the tru●● & league, contrary to the statute of king Henry the .v. Of this treason diverse were indited, & so for that time, the lords departed. And the next day the duke came again, & the earl of Surrey with ii M. armed men, which kept the streets. When the Mayor, the duke, & the earl of Shrewsbury & Surrey were set, the prisoners were arraigned, and xiii found guilty of high treason, & adjudged to be hanged, drawn & quartered, & for execution whereof, were set up xi pair of gallows in diverse places where the offences were done, as at Algate, at Blanchechapel●on, Gracious street, Leaden hall, & before every counter one, & at Newgate, at s. Marteus, at Aldrisgate, at Bishopsgate. This sight sore grieved the people to see gallows set in the kings chamber. Then were the prisoners that were judged brought to the places of execution, & executed in most rigorous manner, for the lord Edmond haward son to the duke of Norfolk, & knight Mershal showed no mercy, but extreme cruelty to the poor yongelinges in their execution, & likewise the duke's servants spoke many opprobrious words, some bad hang, some bad draw, some bad set the city on fy●●, but all was suffered.  
On Thursday the vii day of May was Lyncoln, Shyrwyn, & two brethren called Bets, and diverse other adjudged to die. Then Lyncoln said▪ my lords, I meant well, for & you knew the mischief that is ensued in this realm by strangers, you would remedy it, & many times I have complained, & then I was called a busy fellow: now our lord have mercy on me. Then all thesayd persons were laid on the hardels, & drawn to the standard in Cheap, & first was John Lyncoln executed, & as the other had the rope about their necks, there came a commandment from the king to respite execution. Then the people cried, God save the king. Then was the Oyer and determiner deferred till another day, and the prisoners sent again to ward, and the harnessed men departed out of London, and all things quiet.  
The xi day of may the king came to his manner of Grenewiche, where the recorder of London & diverse Aldermen came to speak with his grace, and all ware gounes of black colour. And when they perceived the king coming out of his privy chamber into his chamber of presence, they kneeled down, & the recorder said: Our most natural, benign and sovereign lord, we know well that your grace is displeased with us of your city of London for the great riot late done: we assertein your grace that none of us, nor no honest person were condesending to that enormity, and yet we, our wife's and children every hour lament that your favour should be taken from us, and forasmuch as light & idle persons were the doers of the same, we most humbly beseech your grace to have mercy of us for our negligence, & compassion of the offenders for their offence and trespass.  
Truly said the king, you have highly displeased and offended us, & ye ought to wail and be sorry for the same, and where ye say that you the substantial persons were not consenting to the same, it appeareth to the contrary, for you never moved to let them, nor stirred once to fight with them, which you say were so small a numbered of light persons, wherefore we must think, and you cannot deny, but you did wink at the matter, but at this time we will grant to you neither our favour nor good will, nor to th'offenders mercy, but resort to the Cardinal our lord chancellor, & he shall make you an answer & declare our pleasure, and with this answer the londoners departed & made relation to the Maior▪  
The xviii day of this month the queen of Scots, which had been at the Court and at Baynard's Castle, a whole year at the kings charge, and was richly appointed of all things meet to her estate, both of jewels, plate, tapissry, Arras, Coin, Horses, and all other things of the kings gift & liberality, departed out of London toward Scotland with great riches, albeit she came into England with much poverty, and she entered into Scotland the xiii day of juyn, whom her husband received at Berwick: but the Englishmen smally him regarded. All her charges within the realm, coming to the court & returning, were of the kings purse.  
Thursday the xxii day of May the king came into Westmynster hall, for whom at the upper end was set a cloth of estate, & the place hanged with Arras, with him was the Cardinal, the dukes of Norfolk & Suffolk, the earls of Shrewsbury, foe Essex & Wilshyre, of Surrey, with many lords & other of the kings counsel. The Mayor & Aldermen, & all the chief of the city were there in their best livery (according as the Cardinal had them appointed) by ix of the clock. Then the king commanded that all the prisoners should be brought forth. Then came in the poor younglings & old false knaves bound in ropes all along, one after another in their shirts, & every one a halter about his neck, to the number of four C. men & xi women. And when all were come before the kings presence, the Cardinal sore laid to the Mayor & commonalty their negligence, & to the prisoners he declared that they had deserved death for their offence: Then all the prisoners together cried mercy gracious lord, mercy. Then the lords altogether besought his grace or mercy, at whose request the king pardoned them al. And then the Cardinal gave unto them a good exhortation to the great gladness of the hearers. And when the general pardon was pronounced, all the prisoners shouted atonce, & altogether cast up their halters into the hall roof, so that the king might perceive they were none of the discretest sort. Here is to be noted that diverse offenders which were not taken, herring the king was inclined to mercy, came well apparelled to Westmynster, & suddenly striped them into their shirts with halters, & came in among the prisoners willingly, to be partakers of the kings pardon, by the which doing, it was well known that one John Gelson yeoman of the Crown, was the first that began to spoil, and exhorted other to do the same, and because he fled and was not taken, he came in the rope with the other prisoners, and so had his pardon. This company was after called the black Wagon. Then were all the gallows within the city taken down, and many a good prayer said ●or the king, and the citizens took more heed to their servants.  
In I●ne the king had with him diverse Ambassadors, for solace of whom he prepared a costly justes, he himself and xii against the duke of Suffolk and other xii his base and bard was the one half cloth of silver, and the other half black Tinsel. On the silver was a curious loose work of white velvet embraudered with Gold, cut on the Silver and every cut engrailed with gold, so that that side was gold, Silver and velvet. On the black tynsell side was black velvet embraudered with gold and cut and every cut was engrailed with flat gold of Damask. The base and bard were broudered with great letters of massy gold Bullion, full of pearls and stones, marvelous rich: all his company were in like suit, saving that they had no evils. The king had on his head a lady's sleeve full of Diamonds. On the king attended gentlemen, Armourers, and other officers to the number of. Cxxu. persons all in white Velvet and white Satin, horse and harness for horsemen, Caps and Hosen for footmen, all white at the kings cost. This royally the king & his company with his waiters came to the tiltes end  
Then entered the Duke of Suffolk with the Marquis Dorcet, the Earls of Essex and Surrey, and viii other of his band, in bards and bases of white Velvet & crimson satin losenged, set full of letters of. C. M. of gold, ●or Charles & Mary, and they took the other end of the tilt. Then the Trumpets blewe, and the King and the Duke ran fiercely together, and broke many spears, and so did all the other, that it was hard to say who did best: but when the courses were run, they ran volant one at another, so that both by the report of sir Edward Gylforde Master of the Armury, and also of the judges and Heralds, at these justes were broken five hundred and six spears: and then the king the same night made to the Ambassadors a sumptuous banquet, with many ridelles and much pastime.  
After this great triumph, the king appointed his gests for his pastime this Summer, but suddenly there came a plague of sickness, called the sweating sickness, that turned all his purpose. This malady was so cruel that it killed some within three hours, some within two hours, some merry at dinner and dead at supper. Many died in the kings Court, the Lord Clinton, the Lord Grey of Wilton, and many knights, Gentlemen and officers. For this plague Mighelmas term was adjourned and because that this malady continued from july to the mids of December, the king kept himself ever with a small company, and kept no solemn Christmas, willing to have no resort for fear of infection: but much lamented the number of his people, for in some one town half the people died, and in some other town the third part, the Sweat was so fervent and infeccious.   

¶ The ten year.  
IN the beginning of this year, 
The ix year.  trinity term was begun at Oxenford, where it continued but one day, and was again adjourned to Westminster. This year came to Calais from Pope Leo, a legate de later, called Laurence Campeius, commonly called the Cardinal Campeius, for to exhort the king to make war on the Turk. And likewise thesay Leo sent iii other legates forth, at that time for the said purpose, one into France another into Spain, and the third into Germany.  
When the Cardinal of York knew, that there was coming a legate into England, which should have a greater pre-eminence than a Cardinal, he whose ambition was never satisfied, caused a bishop and certain Doctors to pass the Sea to Calais to welcome him, and to show him that if he would have the Pope's purpose, to take any effect in England, he should in any wise send in post to Rome, to have thesay Cardinal of York to be legate also, and to be joined in commission with him, which thing was done, (not without good rewards) so that in thirty and five days, the bull was brought to Calais. During which time the Cardinal of York sent to the Legate to Calais, red cloth to cloth his servants, which at their coming to Calais, were but meanly apparelled. And when all things were ready, he passed the sea and landed at Dover, and so kept forth his journey toward London. At every town as they passed▪ he was received with Procession, and accompanied with all the Lords and gentlemen of Kent. And when he came to Black heath, there met him the Duke of Norfolk, with a great number of prelate's, knights and gentlemen, all richly apparelled. And in the way he was brought into a rich tent of cloth of gold, where he shifted himself into a rob of a Cardinal, edged with Ermyns, and so took his Moil riding toward London.  
The night before he came to London, the Cardinal of York, to furnish the carriages of the Cardinal Campeius, sent to him twelve mulettes with empty Coffers covered with red, which twelve Mulettes were led through London, amongst the Mulettes of Campeius, which were but eight and so these twenty Mulettes passed through the streets, as though they had been full of treasures, apparel, and other necessaries. And when they came into Cheap, one of the Mulettes broke from her keeper, and overthrew the Chests, and overturned two or three other Mulettes carriages, which fell with such a violence, that diverse of them unlocked, and out of some fell old Hosen, broken Shoen, and roasted Flesh, pieces of Bread, Eggs and much vile baggage: at which sight● the Boys cried, see, see my Lord Legates treasure, and so the Muleteers were ashamed, and took up all their stuff & passed forth. And about three of the clock at after none on the xxix day of july the said legate entered the cite, & in Sothwarke met him all the clergy of London, with crosses sensers & copes & sensed him with great reverence. The Mayor and Aldermen, and all the occupations of the city in their best liveries stood in the streets, & him highly honoured: to whom sir Thomas Moore made a brief oration in the name of the city. And when he came to Paul's, there he was received by bishop's mitred, and under a canapy entered the church: which canapy his servants took for their fees. And when he had offered, he gave his benediction to all the people, and took again his mule, & so was with all his train aforesaid, conveyed to Bath place▪ & there rested: where he was welcomed of the Cardinal of York. And on Sondaie next ensuing these two Cardinals as legates, took their barges & came to ●renewiche, each of them had beside their crosses two pillars of silver, two little axes guilt, and two cloak bags embroudered, and the cardinals hats borne before them. And when they came to the kings hall, the Cardinal of York went on the right hand: and there the king royally apparelled and accompanied, met them ●uen as though both had come from Rome, and so brought them both up into his chamber of presence, and there was a solemn oration made by an Italian, declaring the cause of the legacy to be in two articles, one for aid against God's enemies, and the second for reformation of the Clergy. And when Mass was done, they were had to a chamber, and served with lords and knights, with much solemnity: and after dinner they took their leave of the king and came to London, and road through the city together, in great pomp and glory, to their lodgings.  
When the Cardinal of York was thus a legate, he set up a court, & called it the court of the legate, and proved testaments, and hard causes to the great hindrance of all the bishops of the realm. He visited bishops and all the Clergy, exempt and not exempt, and under colour of reformation he got much treasure, & nothing was reform, but came to more mischief: for by example of his pride, priests & all spiritual persons waxed so proud▪ that they were velvet, & silk, both in gounes, iackettes▪ doblettes, & shoes, kept open lechery, and so highly bore themselves by reason of his authorities & faculties, that no man durst once reprove any thing in them, for fear to be called heretic, & then they would make him smoke or bear a faggot. And the Cardinal himself was so elated that he thought himself equal with the king: & when he had said Mass he made dukes & earls to ●●rue him of wine with a say taken, & to hold the ba●on at the lavatories. Thus the pride & ambition of the Cardinal & clergy was so high, that in manner all good persons abhorred & disde●●ed it.  
This year the French king wrote to the king of England▪ that if it were his pleasure, he would sand an ambassade into England, to common with the king & his counsel for the redeeming of the city of Turney & other things: which answered the messenger, that the ambassade of the French kings should be right heartily welcome to him. And so the French king sent into England the lord Bonneuet, high admiral of France, & the bishop of Paris as chief Ambassadors, accompanied with many noble men, & young fresh galantes of the court of France, to the numbered of lxxx. & more, & with them came a great numbered of rascal & peddlers, & juellers, and brought over hats and caps, and diverse merchandise uncustomed, all under the colour of the trussery of the Ambassadors.  
After that these noble men were landed at Dover, they were received by the nobles and gentlemen of the country, and so conu●igh●d from lodging to lodging till they came to Blackheth, & before them went their carriages and people in great numbered, to the sum of xii C one & other, which was thought to be to many for an Ambassade. The●e gentlemen of France were very fresh.  
Monday the xxvii day of September, the earl of Surrey high admiral of England, in a coat of rich tissue cut on cloth of silver, on a gr●at courser richly trapped, & a great whistle of gold, set with stones and pearl, han●yng at a great and massy chain baudryck wise, accompanied with an. C.lx gentlemen, richly apparelled, on goodly horses came to blackheth, & there amiably received the Ambassadors of France. The young galaxies of France had coats guarded with one colour, cut in ten or xii parts very richly to behold: & so all the Englishmen accoupled themselves with the Frenchmen, lovingly together, & so road to London. After the ii Admyrals followed xxiiii of the French kings guard whom accompanied xxiiii of the kings guard. And after them a great numbered of archers, to the numbered of four C. And in this order they passed through the city to tailors hall, & there the chief Ambassadors were lodged, & the remnant in merchants houses about. When these lords were in their lodgings, than the French harder men opened their wares, & made the tailors hall like to the pawned of a mart. At this doing many an Englishman grudged, but it availed not. The last day of September, the French Ambassadors took their barge, & came to Grenewiche. The admiral was in a gown of cloth of silver raised, furred with rich Sables, & all his company almost were in a new fashion garment, called a Shemew, which was in effect a gown, cut in the middle. The gentlemen of France were brought to the kings presence, where the bishop of Paris made a solemn oration: which being ended, & answer made thereto, the king highly entreteyned the Admiral & his company, and so did all the English lords and gentlemen. The Ambassadors being daily in counsel at Grenewiche, the other gentlemen danced & passed the time in the queens chamber with ladies & gentlewomen. After long counseling & much desiring of the French king and his counsel, it was agreed that the city of Tourney should be delivered to the French king, he paying vi hundred thousand crowns for the city and four hundred thousand crowns for the Castle, the which the king had builded, but it was not fully performed: & also he should pay xxiii M. l. Tourneys, the which sum the citizens of the city of Turney aught to the king of England for their liberties and franchises.  
Upon these agreements to be performed, it was concluded that the city of Tourney should be delivered to the French king. The Frenchmen the sooner to come to their purpose, made a pretence of marriage to be had between the dolphin, son & heir to the French king & the lady Mary the kings daughter, which was agreed upon this condition, that if they both consented at lawful age, then to be farm & stable, or else not: for them they were both very young. And so all matters were concluded, and the earl of Worcester & the bishop of Ely appointed to go into France for the delivery of the city of Tourney, and performing of the other agreements. And for the sure payment of the sums of money to be paid to the king of England, upon thesayd agreements, there were four gentlemen of the realm of France, left in England for hostages: whose names were Mounsire Memorancy, Mounsire Monpesart, Mounsire Moy, Mounsire Morret. Of the which four the ii first named were of noble blood, but the ii last were but of mean houses. And because they were young, there was ancient gentlemen, appointed governors to them.  
When all things were concluded & sealed, the king and all the Ambassadors richly apparelled & the ii legates, road solemnly to the church of saint Paul from the bishop of Durhans place: & there was made from the West door to the quere door of the church equal with the highest step, a hautepace of timber of xii foot broad, that the king & the Ambassadors might be seen. And there the Cardinal of York sang high mass, & had his cloth of estate of tissue: his Cupboard set with basons all gilt covered: his place was .v. steps high. At the first lavatory, three Earls served him, & at the second ii dukes & a Marquis, & with the say taken, they gave him wine, & after water. And when mass was done, that Cardinal Campeius & he gave to the people (as they said) clean remission. And after that done, doctor Place the kings secretory, a man very eloquent, made a goodly Oration in praise of peace: and that done, the king & all his nobles and Ambassadors went to the Bishop's palace to dinner, where they were highly feasted. And after dinner, the king road again to the bishop of Durhams' place.  
That night the Cardinal of York made to the Ambassadors a solemn banquet, & them accompanied many lords & ladies of England. And when the banquet was done, in came vi mynstrels, richly disguised, & after them followed iii gentlemen in wide & long gounes of Crymosyn satin, every one having a cup of gold in their hands, the first cup was full of Angels & royals, the second had diverse bales of dice, & the iii had certain pairs of Cards. These gentlemen offered to play at monchaunce, & when they had played the length of the first board, than the mynstrels blew up, & then entered into the chamber xii ladies disguised, the first was the king himself & the French queen, the second the duke of Suffolk, the lady Dawbeney, the lord Admiral & the lady Guyldford sir Edward Nevel, and the lady Sentliger, sir Henry Guyldford and masters Walden, captain Emery, and masters Anne Carew, 〈…〉 Capel, & lady Elizabeth Carew, Nycholas Carew, & Anne brown, Frances Brian and Elizabeth blunt, Henry Norrys & Anne wotton, France's poyntzes and Mary fyenes, Arthure pool & Margaret Bruges. On this company attended xii knights disguised▪ bearing torch's all these xxxvi persons disguised were in one suit of fine green satin all overcovered with cloth of gold, under tied together with laces of gold, & masking hoods on their heads: the ladies had tires made of braids of damask gold with long heres of white gold. All these maskers danced at one time, & after they had danced, they put of their vizers, & then they were all known. The admiral & lords of France heartily thanked the king that it pleased him to viset them with such disport and then the king & his company were banketed, & had high cheer, & then they departed every man to his lodging.  
The viii day of October at Grenewiche was sung a solemn mass by the bishop of Durham, & after mass doctor Tunstal master of the Rolls, which after was bishop of London, made an ●loquet preposicion in praise of the matrimony to be had between the dolphin & the lady Mary: & all that day were the strangers feasted, & at night they were brought into the hall, 
A pageant.  where was a rock full of all manner of stones, very artificially made, & on the top stood .v. trees, the first an Olive tree, on which hanged a shield of the arms of the church of Rome: the ii a Pyneaple tree, with the arms of the Emperor: the iii a Rosyer with the arms of England: the four a branch of Lilies, bearing the arms of France: & the .v. a Pomegranet tree, bearing the arms of spain: in token that all these .v. potentates were joined together in one league against the enemy's of Christ's faith. In, & upon the mids of the Rock sat a fair lady, richly appareyled with a Dolphin in her lap. In this Rock were ladies & gentlemen, apparelled in Crimosyn satin, covered over with flowers of purple satin, embroudered on with were these of gold, knit together with golden laces, & on every flower a heart of gold moving. The ladies tire was after the fashion of Ind, with kerchiefs of pleasance, ha●h●d with fine gold, & set with letters of Greek in gold of bullion: & the edges of their kerchiefs were garnished with hanging pearl. These gentlemen & ladies sat on the neither part of the Rock, & out of a cave in the said Rock came ten knights, armed at all points, & fought together a fair tourney. And when they were severed & departed▪ the disguysers' dissended from the rock & danced a great space: & suddenly the rock moved & received the disguysers, & immediately closed again. Then entered a person called Reaport, apparelled in Crymosyn satin full of tongues sitting on a flying horse with wings & feet of gold called, Pegasus. This person in French declared the meaning of the rock & the trees & the Tournay.  
After this pastime ended, the king and the Ambassadors were served at a banquet 
A banquet.  with ii C. & lx dishes: & after that a voydee of spices with lx spice plates of silver & gilt, as great as men with ease might bear. This night the Cupboard in the hall was of xii stages all of place of 〈…〉 pla●e. When that every man had been plenteou●y 〈…〉 were taken up, and the king and the queen and all the 〈◊〉 departed to their lodgings. After diverse justes & 〈…〉 Ambassadors by the king & lords: Sir Thomas 〈…〉 of London, made to them a costly dinner at the 〈…〉 which dinner they highly praised, it was so well ordered.  
And when time came, they took their leave of the king, the queen and the kings counsel, & delivered into the kings possession their four hostages as you have hard before: at which departing the king gau● to the admiral of France a garnish of gilt vessel, a pair of covered basons gilded▪ xii. great gilt bowls, iiii. pair of great gilt pots, a standing cup of gold, garnished with great pearl: & to some other also, he gave 〈◊〉 to some Chains of gold, to some rich apparel▪ & to some great horses' with rich bards, so that every gentleman was well rewarded: which 〈◊〉 the straungiers much praised: & after that all their trusses were 〈◊〉 they departed toward the sea▪ & took ship & jaded at Boleyn.  
soon after their departing, the earl of Worcester, being the kings' chamberlayn. The bishop of Ely, the lord of s. Ihons', sir 〈…〉, sir John p●●hy, sir Thomas bulleyn as Ambassadors 〈◊〉 the king of england, accompanied with lxx knights & Gentlemen & yeomen, to the number of four C. & above, passed the sea with some storms, & came to Calys, & passed through Picardy with great & kind entreteynment in all places, till they came to Paris, where they were nobly received, every man matched with a like pere: & after they were brought to the French kings presence, where the bishop of Ely made a solemn oration, as concerning the marriage and the peace: he did it with such a bold spirit that the frenchmen much praised his audacity.  
The conclusion of this peace was this, that Henry king of England, France's king of frenchmen, & Charles king of castle had sworn a perpetual peace, during their lives. And if it should happen any of the iii to violate the league in any point and to move war: then the other ii should join together, & make war against the violater or breaker of the peace.  
After all things concluded, the French king made a banquet house in the bas●●il of Paris between four old walls: this house was covered with cords strained by craft, & every cord was wound about with box, & so laid cross one over another in fret, & at the metynges a great knop gilded with gold foil: Over their cords was strained woollen clotheses of light blue: this roof was lxxx foot high, & on every side iii stage's high: all the pillars of the stages were covered with antic works, & the breasts of the stages curiously wrought with arms, fynettes & branches: the roof was set full of stars gilded furnished with glasses between the fretes: & in this house was ii C.xii branches gilded hanged, & on every branch a great number of lights of white wax: & on every and divers sorts of masks were showed that night: & also there was showed at every side of the palace a great Cupboard of massive pla●e of much greatness, and ever the French king welcomed the lords and Ambassadors with good countenance. After diverse feasts, jousts and banquets made to the English Ambassadors, the bishop of Ely with sir Thomas Bulleyn and sir Richard Weston were sent by the French king to Konyack to see the dolphin, where they were well received, and to them was showed a fair young child: & when they had seen him, they departed. The fame went that the French king at that time had no son, but that this was but a colour of the French king, howbeit it was proved other wise after.  
In this season the Earl of Worcettre, and with him sir Nicholas Uaux, sir John Pechy▪ sir Edward Belknap with many other knights took their leave of the French king, & road to Tourney, where they were well received. Then began the captains and the soldiers to mourn, knowing that the town should be yielded to the French king, and many a young gentleman, and many a tall yeoman wished that they had not spent ●heir time there. And the next day after, the said earl discharged sir Richard jernyngham of his office of captain & commanded every man to be obedient to the kings pleasure & to prepare to return into England. The viii day of February the lord Chatileon came near to the city of Tournay with xxi hundredth men in harness. The earl of Worcettre sent sir Edward Belknap to know his commission, and there he showed him his commission, which was to receive the city of Tourney. Then sir Edward Belknap desired him to send his commission to the earl of Worcettre, which he refused to do, saying it was sufficient to show it: well said sir Edward Belknap you must understand that we have a commission from the king our Master to deliver you the city at a day appointed: wherefore we must show the king of England both your commission that you had authority to receive it from the French king, and also that you by your indenture sealed with your seal of arms shall confess that you receive the city as a gift, and not rendered as a right to the king your Master, or else be you sure that the city shall not be delivered. 
Themaner of the delivery of Tourn●y.  Then the lord Chastileon was wondrous wrath that he was no better believed: And so daily were great messages sent to the city from him to the earl of Worcettre, and answers were sent of the English part. But when the day approached he had full answer that he must deliver his commission and also seal the indenture, or else the Englishmen would not put him in possession of the town, for their commission was otherwise. The French capytaines perceiving that if they disagreed at the day, that doubts might follow, wherefore they sent their commission and sealed their indenture and sent it likewise in the morning, and came forward with their banners displayed: whereof hearing the earl, he sent word that the city was neither yielded nor gotten, but delivered for confederation of marriage, and therefore they should not enter with banners displayed. Then were the frenchmen angry, but there was no remedy but to roll up their standards and banners. And when they came to the gates, there their commission and Indenture were solemnly read openly: and then the frenchmen entered with drumslades and minstrelsy without any banner: and then to Monsire Castileon was delivered the Castle, and there he ordained watch and ward in every part. Thus was the city of Turnay delivered the eight day of February in the ten year of the reign of the king, and many a tall yeoman that lacked living fell to robbing, which would not labour after their return  
During this time remained in the French court Nicholas Carew Frances Brian, and diverse other of the young gentlemen of England and they with the French king road daily disguised through Paris, throwing Eggs, stones and other foolish trifles at the people, which light demeanor of a king was much discommended and gested at. And when these young gentlemen came again into England, they were all French, in eating, drinking and apparel, yea, and in French vices and brags, so that all the estates of England were by them laughed at: the ladies and gentlewomen were dispraised, so that nothing by them was praised, but if it were after the French turn, which after turned them to displeasure as you shall here.  
After the kings Ambassadors were returned, and Tournay delivered to the frenchmen upon the conditions aforesaid, the hostages that were here left for the payment of the great sums and performance of the conditions comprised in the league (of the which one was that if the marriage took none effect, than the city of Turnay should be redelivered upon repayment of the same some) thesay hostages knew not in what case they stood, but when they knew it, they were very heavy and sorrowful: howbeit, they dissimuled the matter in the best wise they could. The king used familiarly these four hostages, and on the vii day of March prepared a disguising, and caused his great chamber at Grenewiche to be staged, and great ●ightes to be set on pillars that were gilded, with basons gilded, and the roof was covered with blue satin set full of presses of fine gold and flowers: and under was written, jammes, the meaning whereof was, that the flower of youth could not be oppressed. Into this chamber came the king and the queen with the hostages, and there was a goodly comedy of Plautus played, and that done, there entered into the chamber eight ladies in black velvet bordered about with gold, with hoops from the waist downwardly, and sleeves ruffed and plited at the elbow and plain in the mids, full of cuts, plucked out at every cut with fine Camericke, and tired like to the Egipcians very richly. And when these ladies had passed about the place, in came eight noble personages in long gounes of taffeta set with flowers of gold bullion, and under that apparel coats of black velvet embroudered with gold all to cut, and plucked out with curtes of white sarsenet, and every man had buskins of black velvet full of agglettes of gold. Then the eight men danced with the eight ladies all being viserd, and suddenly the men cast of their large gounes, and then their under apparel was seen. And when all was done, every lord and lady put of their visers, and then it was known that the king and the duke of Suffolk and the French queen were there which were present at the play time.  
The viii day of March was a solemn justes, 
A iuste●.  the king himself & eight young gentlemen based and barded in black velvet embraudered with gold, against the duke of Suffolk and eight of his band all in white satin with drops of gold. And that day they all ran exceeding well, which the strangers highly commended.  
In the end of March the king sent for all the yeomen of guard that were come from Tourney▪ and after many good words given to th●, he granted to them. iiii.d. the day without attendance, except they were specially commanded: & yet for all this the commonalty said that the king was evil counseled to give away the city of Tourney, because the maintaining of a garrison there should have nourished & brought up men and younger brethren in feats of war to the great strength & defence of the realm  
This year the xii day of February died the Emperor Maximilian for whom the king caused a solemn Obsequy to be done at Paul's church, all the nobles of the realm and knights of the Gartier being present, of which order thesay Emperor was one.   

¶ The xi year.  
IN the beginning of this year, 
The xi year.  the king with all the knights of his order being in England, road on double horses, with the henxmen following the king, from Colbroke to Winsore in gorgeous apparel, and there he kept with great solemnity the feast of. s. George, and dined in the hall. And the bishop of Wynchester prelate of the order sat at the boards end alone. The king was solemnly served and the surnap cast like the feast of a coronation. All things were plenteous to strangers that resorted thither. At the Mass of Requiem was offered the banner and other hachementes of honour belonging to Maximilian the Emperor late deceased. After this feast ended, the king came to Richemond, and so to Grenewiche, and there lay all May.  
In which month the kings counsel secretly communed together of the kings gentleness & liberality to all persons: by the which they perceived that certain young men in his privy chamber, not regarding his estate nor degree, were so familiar and homely with him, and played such light touches with him that they forgot themselves: Which things although the king of his gentle nature suffered and not rebuked nor reproved it: yet the kings counsel thought it not meet to be suffered for the kings honour, & therefore they altogether came to the king, beseeching him all these enormities and lightness to redress. To whom the king answered, that he had chosen them of his counsel, both for the maintenance of his honour, & for the defence of all thing that might blemish the same: wherefore if they saw any about him misuse theimselfes, he committed it to their reformation. Then the kings counsel caused the lord chamberlein to call before them Carew (and another who yet liveth, & therefore shall not at this time be named) with diverse other also of the privy chamber, which had been in the French court, and banished them the court for diverse considerations, laying nothing particularly to their charges And they that had offices were commanded to go to their offices: which discharge out of the court grieved sore the hearts of these young men which were called the kings minions. Then was there four sad and ancient knights, put into the kings privy chamber, whose names were sir Richard Wingfeld, sir Richard jernynghan, sir Richard Weston and sir William Kyngston: and diverse officers were changed in all places.  
Then sir John Pe●hy was made deputy of Calis, and sir Richard Wingfeld thereof discharged, & Nicholas Carew made captain of Rice bank and commanded to go thither, which was sore to him displeasant. These young minio●s which was thus severed from the king, had been in France, and so highly praised the French king and his court, that in a manner they thought little of the king and his court, in comparison of the other, they were so high in love with the French court, wherefore their fall was little mo●ed among wise men.  
This year in the month of june was elected to be Emperor Charles king of Castle, & nephew to the queen, by the whole assent of the electors of th'empire: Although the French king sent his great Master to 'cause him to be elected to the high majesty of the Empire: yet his Ambassador & great Master of his household called Gonffier lord of Boisy, & brother to William, Gonffier lord Bonneuet Admiral of France, which was ambassador in England the last year as you have hard, did not so his message that it took any effect. The king which had sent doctor Place his secretory for the advancement of his nephew the king of Castle to the dignity imperial, because he had the duchy of Ostrik & many other signiories in Almain, was very joyous of this election, & caused a solemn Mass to be song at Paul's the vii day of july: at which Mass was present the Cardinal Campeius, the Cardinal of York, the Duke of Buckingham, of Norfolk & Suffolk, with the Ambassadors of Spain, France, Venice and Scotland. And after Mass was done, the quire sang Te deum, and then all the lords departed to Baynard's Castle to dinner, & that night were solemn fires made through London, & great plenty of wine given by Italiens, duchmen & Spaniards for these news.  
This summer the queen desired the king to bring to her manor of Havering in the Bowe● in Essex, the gentlemen of France being hostages. And for their welcomming she purveyed all things in the most liberallest manner: and especially she made to the king such a sumptuous banquet that the king thanked her heartily, and the strangers gave it great praise. The king lying there did shoot, hunt, and run daily with the hostages to their great joy.  
This year in September the king lay at his Manor of Newhal in Essex, otherwise called Beaulieu, where the king had newly builded a costly mansion, and there to welcome the queen and the Lords, and the French gentlemen, he made to them a sumptuous banquet, and all a long the chamber sat a Lady and a Lord, or a knight, which were plenteously served. And after the banquet ended, with noise of minstrels entered into the chamber eight Maskers with white beards, and long and large garments of Blue satin pauned with Sipres, powdered with spangles of Bullion Gold, and they danced with Ladies sadly, and communed not with the ladies after the fashion of Maskers, but behaved theimselfes sadly. Wherefore the queen plucked of their visors, and then appeared the duke of Suffolk, the earl of Essex, the Marquis Dorset, the lord Burgainy, sir Richard Wyngfeld, sir Robert Wyngfelde, sir Richard Weston, sir William Kyngston: all these were somewhat aged, the youngest man was fi●tie at the lest. The Ladies had good sport to see these ancient persons Maskers. When they were departed, the king and the four hostages of France, and the earl of Devonshire with vi other young gentlemen entered the chamber, of the which six were all in yellow satin, hosen, shoen, and caps, and six other were in like manner in Grene: the yellow satin was fretted with silver of Damask, and so was the green very richly to behold: and then every Masker took a lady and danced: and when they had danced & commoned a great while their visers were taken of, and then the ladies knew them, & there the king gave many brooches & proper gifts to the ladies. And after this done, the queen made a banquet to the king & his lords and tother strangers.  
In the month of November, the king came from Lambeth to Westminster hall, and so to the star chamber, and there were before him the the Lord Ogle, the Lord Haward, sir Matthew Broune, sir William Bulmer, and John Skot of Camerwell, for diverse riottes, misdemeanours and offences, and especially the king rebuked sir William Bulmer knight, because he being the kings servant sworn, refused the kings service, & become servant to the duke of Buckingham, saying: that he would none of his servants should hung on another man's ● sleeve, and that he was aswell able to maintain him as the duke of Buckingham, and that what might be thought by his departing, and what might be supposed by the duke's retaining, he would not then declare. The knight kneeled still on his knees crying the king mercy, and never a noble man there durst entreat for him, the king was so highly displeased with him Yet at the last when other matters were hard, the king moved with pity forgave the said sir William his offence, saying, that we will that none of our servants shallbe long to any other person, but to us, nor we will not that our subjects repined or grudge at such as we favour, for our pleasure we will have in that ca●e as us liketh, for one we will favour now and another at such time as us shall like: and therefore sir William if you serve us heartily, you shall not be forgotten, & for this time we pardon you. Likewise he pardoned the lord Edmond Haward, and sir Matthew Browne th●ir offences, which were indicted of riottes, and maintenance of bearynges of diverse misdoers within the county of Surrey: but the lord Ogle humbly beseeched the king of his mercy to whom he answered. Sir your matter concerneth murder of our subject, which great offence is not only to us but to God, and therefore we remit you to the common law. And then he rose and went to his barge, and by the way he made james Yarfford Mayor of the city of London knight, and so he with all his counsel came to Lambeth.  
The four gentlemen hostages of France, daily resorted to the court and had great cheer, and were well entertained, and every time they moved, stirred and required the king to pass the sea, and to meet with the French king their Master, whom they praised highly, affirming that if the king & he might once familiarly common together, that there should such a constant love rise and increase between them, which afterward should never fail. This request was often times hard and little regarded, but yet by the means of the Cardinal at the last, in the end of February it was agreed that the king in person, should pass the sea to his castle and lordship of Guisnes, & there in May next coming between Guisnes and Arde, the king and the French king should mete. When this was fully concluded, the king wrote letters to all such lords, ladies, gentlemen and Gentlewomen as should give their attendance on him and the queen: which in continent put theimselfes in a readiness a●ter the most costliest fashion, for the furniture of the same meeting.  
Then were sent to Guysnes under the rule of sir Edward Belknay three. M. artificers, which builded out of the earth on the plain before the castle of Guysnes, the most goodliest palace of timber that ever was wrought in the same place, and so curiously garnished without & within Beside this, provisions were made within the realm of England and in Flaunders for victual, wine and all other things necessary for the same. And y●t beside all this orleans king of arms of France came into the court of England and made proclamation, that the king of England and the French king, in a camp between Arde and Guysnes with xviii andes in june next ensuing, should abide all comers being gentlemen, at the tilt, at tourney, and at barriers, and like proclamation was made by Clarenseaux king of Arms of England, in the Court of France, and in the court of Burgoyn, and in diverse other courts and places in Almain, and Italy. For furnishing of justes, there was devised a tilt and all things necessary for that enterprise, in a goodly plain between Guysnes and Arde.  
During the time of these preparations, news were brought to the king that Charles his nephew elected Emperor of Almain would shortly ●epart out of Spain by sea, and come by England to go into Germany to receive his first Crown at Acon. Wherefore the king caused great provisions to be made at every haven, for the receiving of his well-beloved nephew and friend, and daily provisions were made on all sides, for these noble meetings of so high princes: and especially the queen of England, and the Lady dowager of France, made great cost on the apparel of their ladies and gentlewomen.  
The first day of February being Candelmas even, as the king and queen were come from Evensong at their manor of Grenewiche, before the queens chamber there blewe a trumpet suddenly, and then entered into the queens Chamber four gentlemen apparelled in long and large garments of blue damask bordered with gold, and brought with them a trick wagon, in the which sat a lady richly apparelled with a canapy over her head, & on the four corners of the wagon, were four head pieces called Armites', every p●ce being of a sundry device: thesay lady put up a bill to the king, the effects whereof was that the four gentlemen present would for the love of their ladies answer all comers at the tilt at a day by the king to be appointed: which day was appointed at shrofetide next ensuing. At which day the foresaid gentlemen valiantly accomplished their entreprice, with great laudes of the king, the queen and ladies.  
In this year the king being informed, that his realm of Ireland was out of order, discharged the earl of Kildare of his office of deputy, and thereunto (by the means of the Cardinal as men thought) was appointed th'earl of Surrey lord Admiral, to whom the Cardinal did not own the best favour. Wherefore thesay earl of Surrey in the beginning of April, took leave of the king, and the duke of Norfolk his father, and passed into Ireland, and had with him diverse gentlemen, that had been in the garrison of Tourney, and one hundred yeomen of the kings guard, and other to the number of a thousand men. Where he by his manhood and wisdom, brought the earl of Desmonde and diverse other rebels, to good conformity and order: and there he continued in great hardness two year and more, in which space he had many battles and skirmishes with the wild Irish.  
When it was concluded that the kings of England and France should meet, as you have hard, then both the kings committed the order and manner of their meeting, and how many days they should meet, and what pre-eminence each should give to other, to the Cardinal of York, which to set all things in a certainty, made an instrument, the very true tenor whereof ensueth.  
Thomas archbishop of York and Cardinal. etc. Albeit that by the treaty and meeting of the right high and right puissant princes, Henry by the grace of God, king of England, and of France, lord of Ireland my sovereign Lord: And Frances by the same grace king of France right Christened, made and concluded at London the eight day of October, the year of our Lord a thousand five hundred & xviii be amongst other things concluded and accorded, that the same meeting shallbe in place indifferent, and not subject to any of thesay princes. Nevertheless, we considering the honour, profit, and utility, that shall redound by the enteruieu of the said two princes, & not only to the said two princes, their realms and subjects, but also to all christendom: after declaration thereupon had with thesay princes. Also considering that thesay illustre king of England my sovereign lord, in passing the sea with his retinue, shall sustain great costs and expenses, and dispose hymse● to great labours and dangers, leaving his realm and puissance for certain time, we have thought and esteemed that he should not be wholly satisfied to thonour and dignity of the same, right illustre king of England my sovereign lord, and should not have in rega●d condign of his labours & dangiers, if thesay interview or meeting a●ter the first treaty, should be in place indifferent wherefore it is that we desiring to weigh equally thonour and dignity of the said two kings by virtue and power o● the commissions to us given▪ of whom the tenors shallbe hereafter declared: we have made, declared, and ordained certain articles accepted & approved, by the same princes respectively, which they will observe, & by this presents we make, declare & ordain as followeth.  
And first we declare and ordain, that before th'end of the month of May next coming, the said illustre king of England shall come personally to the castle of Guysnes, with his bed●elowe the queen, and his sister the dowar●s of France: and semblaby the right Christened king of France, shall come in person to his Cas●le of Arde▪ with the Queen and his mother: and some day▪ hour, and time, within four days at the most, after th'end of May, that shallbe assigned by the commissioners o● th'one and the other party. The●aid king of England s●all issue out of his castle of Guysnes half a mile long without that that he shall issue out of the limit●s of his demain of Guisnes & shall come towards the said castle of Arde: and there within the territory of thesay castle of business, he ●●al rest in some place not fortified nor walled, and near the levites of France, that thesay commissioners s●all assign (as above said) and the said right christened king, parting from his cas●le of Arde s●●ll ●ome towards the said king of England the same day, place, time and hour, that s●all tarry him within the demain of Guisnes as is said. In the which shall not be set nor dressed any pavilions or tents, and there the said two kings being on horseback, with their retinue shall the one tother▪ and salute each other, and speak together familiarly, and common in that sort and manner, and so long as shall seem to them good. And after thesay salutation and communication finished for that time, the●aied illust●e king of England shall return to his castle of Gui●nes, and the said right christened king to his castle of Arde.  
●tem, ●or asmuch that we think to be satisfied touching the labores dangiers and honour of thesay king of England my sovereign Lord o● so much, that thesay right Christened king at the first speaking he shall come forward unto and within his territory of Guysnes we will keep the honour of thesay kings, and therefore declare and ordain, that on the morrow after the first interview, the same kings shall meet together in some place indifferent between Arde and Guysnes, that shallbe assigned by thesay Commissioners, and after the salutation made on the one and the other party, thesay right illustre king of England shall go to the Castle of Arde, to see, salute, and visit the queen of France, and also the sister of the said christened king, with whom he shall dine privily. And likewise the said right christened king shall go to the Castle of Guysnes, to visit and salute the queen of England, and the dowares of France, with whom he shall dine. In the which places thesay princes shallbe received familiarly and amiably, unto mutual love, and also to the honour of thesay princes.  
Item, as thesay serene princes of England and France, be like in force corporal, beauty, and gift of nature, right expert and having knowledge in the art militant, right chivalrous in arms, and in the flower and vigour of youth, whereby seemed to us a right assembly, that for to decore and illustre the same assembly, and to show their forces in arms, they shall take counsel & dispose themselves to do some fair feat of arms, aswell on foot as on horseback, against all comers. We declare and ordain, that the place where shallbe thesay fight and feat of arms, shallbe chosen between Guysnes and Arde, and assigned by the commissioners, of the one and the other party. And for a surety of the persons of thesay kings and their company, the said place shallbe appareled, diched, fortified and kept of the one and the other party, by equal number of men of arms, respectively committed and deputed that to do. And during the time of thesay justes and feats of war, the same kings and queens with their retinue, shall see each other familiarly, and converse and speak together: And every day towards the evening, after the justes, triumphs, banquets, and familiar communications done, thesay kings with their retinue shall return into their Castles, that is to say, the king of England into his castle of Guysnes, the said right christened king into his Castle of Arde, and thus they shall do daily, during thesay fight and feat of arms.  
Item, we declare and ordain, that when the same king of England and the Queen his bedfelowe, and the Dowares of France his sister, with their retinue, shall go to the territory and entry of thesay right christened king, the superiority and pre-eminence shallbe given to thesay king of England, to the queen his bedfelowe, and to their retinue respectively, during the time that they shall tarry and be there: and semblaby when thesay right Christened king, and the queen his bedfellow and his right illustre Lady and mother, with their retinue shall come to the territory and entry of the said illustre king of England, the superiority and pre-eminence shallbe given to thesay right Christened king, to the queen his bedfelowe, and to his mother, and to their retinue during the time that they shall continued and abide there.  
Item, for so much as the Castles and places where thesay entervewe shallbe, be so little & narrow that if entry & licence to come thither be given to all them that would go thither, diverse annoyances, troubles and impechementes should follow, wherefore it is so that we Cardinal abovesaid, by these presents declare & ordain, that none of the retinue of thesay Kings, Queens, or other lords and nobles, of what estate quality or condition that he or they be, shall not come to the said assemble with more greater number of persons or horse, than shallbe written by letters, subscribed by thesay kings, the which shall contain the estates and conditions of the persons, aswell men as women, and number of servants and horse, except by the common consent and licence of thesay kings.  
Item, forasmuch as peradventure it shall come that the said Prince's lords, gentlemen, and household servants, shall see and converse together familiarly, to the end that it may engender between them an amity more firm and stable, for that cause and that more surely and agreeably they may be together, aswell by day as by night, without any danger or fear, which we desire to provide: we declare and ordain that two gentlemen with sufficient company of equal and like number, be committed and depute, respectively by thesay kings for the keeping and surety of the ways and watches, that shallbe made continually during the assembly of thesay kings.  
The which gentlemen with their companies shall ordain & depute explorators and spies in the valeis, forests, woods, towns, borrows villages, castles, passages and ways, and other places dangerous and suspect: from time to time, and hour, to hour, as well towards Flaunders, as Picardy, Artoys and England, to exploit and watch there. And if any be found suspect, them to repulse and take away, to th'end that not only thesay princes, their gentlemen and household servants, may surely and without fear visit the one the other as said is, but also those that shall bring victuals necessary to thesay assembly, may without danger, trouble, impeachment or noisance go and come: the which explorators shallbe bounden every day in the morning and evening▪ to make report to thesay princes or to their said counsellors respectively, of that which they have found, and in what estate the ways be. We declare further and ordain, that all men of arms and of war, of the one and the other party, shall not approach nearer than two journeys, to the place where the said enteruewe shallbe, except the retinue & men of war that be committed and deputed to keep Bullein and Caleis, and that the same men of war nor none other during the assembly of the said princes, shall not presume to come nearer, unless by the consent, accord, and licence of thesay princes.  
Item, we Cardinal above said, by express authority and power to us given, by these presents▪ bind thesay princes to do, fulfil, and accomplish, all and every the things above said here in contained.  
Item, we declare and ordain that each of thesay kings on his party, shall ratify, confirm, and approve all and every the chapters and Articles above said, by their Letters patents Sealed with their hands. And by the same letters of ratification they shallbe bound to accomplish with good faith and in word of a king, all and every the things above said: the which letters made, subscribed and sealed, as is said, they shall give the one the other, and shall change in the city of London, within one month next after the day of these presents. Made the twelve of March, the year of our lord a. M. CCCCC.xix.   

¶ The xii year.  
THE most noble and puissant king, 
The xii yer●.  king Henry the viii king of England and of France, the year of our Lord a. M. ●iue hundred and twenty and of his bodily age xxix year, and the xxii day of April began the xii year of his reign over the realm of England, & hallowed the day of saint George at the manner royal of Grenewiche with the noble knights of the Garter in robes of the order  
The king intending and persevering in purpose to meet with Frances the French king, great and rich provisions were made, wherefore the noble King and the Queen with all the noble court, removed the twenty and one day of Man being on Mundaie, from their manner of Grenewyche, towards the Sea side, and so on the friday being the twenty and five day of Maij, arrived at the city of Cantorbury, intending there to keep his Pentecoste.  
soon after which comining to Cantorbury, tidings were brought that Charles Emperor elect, was on the sea, in sight of the coast of England, wherefore officers of the king were sent with great diligence to the Castle and town of Dover, to be there in a readiness against the arrival of the Emperor.  
The reverent father in God my lord Cardinal, came to the town of Dover in haste with a noble repair, abiding the coming of the Emperor, which Emperor, the Saterdaie being the xxvi day of Ma●● arrived with all his navy of ships royal on the coast of Kent, direct to the town or port of Hieth thesay day by noon, where he was hailed by the noble knight sir William Fitzwillyam, vice admiral of England, with six of the kings ships well furnished, which lay for the safeguard of passage between Dover and Caleis, at the costs and charges of the king of England. Calmness of the wether and lack of wind, caused that the Emperor might not so soon take land at the port of Dover, as he would have done. Notwithstanding towards the even he departed from his ships, and entered into his boat coming towards the land, where in his coming to the land▪ on the sea the reverent father lord Wolsey Cardinal and Legate, met and received him with such reverence, as to so noble a Prince appertained. Thus landed the Emperor Charles, under the cloth of his estate of the black Eagle all splaied on rich cloth of gold. In his retinue with him, were many noble men, and many fair Ladies of his blood as princes and princesses, & one lady as chief to be noted, was the princes Avignon with many other nobles which landed with him in high and sumptuous manner and great riches in their apparel: great joy made the people of England to see the Emperor, and more to see the bening manner and meekness of so high a prince.  
Then when the Emperor thus had taken land, the reverent father lord cardinal was as conduct to the same noble Emperor from the shore of Dover unto the castle there: then were all persons cheered, the best that there in the town might be.  
After the departing of Themperor to the land from his navy, the apparel of every ship then showed, as flags, banners, streamers, & targetes, than the mighty ordinance of every of them broke out by force of fire as though the see had brent, marvelous was the noise of the gonnes.  
The Emperor being thus in the castle of Dover, with haste tidings came to the king where as he was at Cantorbury, who hasted him towards the noble Emperor. And so came riding early in the morning to the castle of Dover, within which castle the king alighted: the Emperor hearing the king to be come, came out of his chamber to meet with the king, and so met with him on the stairs or he could come up, whereche embraced other right lovingly: then the king brought the Emperor to his chamber, where as there communing was of gladness.  
soon after these two noble princes on the Whitsonday early in the morening took their horse and road to the city of Cantorbury, the more to solemn the feast of Pentecost, but specially to see the queen of England his aunt was the intent of the Emperor.  
The noble personages of the realm of England and the queen with her beautiful train of ladies received and welcomed the same Charles elect Emperor, whose person was by the king conveyed to a fair and pleasant chamber where thesayde Emperor appareled him right richly. Then the noble retinue of thesayde Emperor aswell of lords as ladies were lodged, aswell as there might be, with joy and much gladness, and there in Cantorbury sojourned the Emperor and all his train with the king, until the Thursday in the same week.  
The last day of May being Thursday, the Emperor took leave of the king & of all the ladies, and gave great thanks, and so road to Sandewiche, and there took his ships, the wind to him was liking, whereby he sailed into Flaunders.  
Then the same day, the king of England made sail from the port of Dover and with noble apparel landed at Calys at the hour of xi of the clock, and with him the queen and ladies and many nobles of the realm. And so was the king received into the chequer and there rested: great repair of noble men came to the town of Caleys from the French court, to see the king and to salute him, which were of his grace, princely entretayned.  
Mondaye the four day of june the kings grace with all the nobles aswell the queen with her train of ladies as other, with all the whole number of nobles removed from Calis to his lordship royal of Guisnes into the most noble and royal lodging before seen, for it was a palace, the palace was quadrant, and every quadrant of the same palace was three C.xxviii. foot long of a size, which was in compass xiii C. and xii foot about. This palace was set on stages by great cunning and sumptuous work. At the entering into the palace before the ●ate, on the plain green was builded a fountain of enbowed work, guilt with fine gold, and bice, ingrailed with antic works, the old God of wine called Bacchus birling the wine, which by the conduyctes in th'earth ran to all people plenteously with read, white, and claret wine, over whose head was written in letters of Romayn in gold, fa●cte bonne cheer quy vouldra.  
On the other hand or side of the gate, was set a pillar with was of ancient Roman work borne with four Lions of gold, the pillars wrapped in a wreath of gold curiously wrought and intrayled, and on the sommet of thesayde pillar stood an image of the blind God Cupid with his bow and arrows of love ready by his seeming, to Strike the young people to love.  
The forgot of the same palace or place with great and mighty masonry by sight was arched, with a tower on every side of the same port roared by great craft, and inbattayled was the gate and tower, and in the fenestres and windows were images resembling men of war ready to cast great stones: Also the same gate or tower was set with compassed images of ancient Princes, as Hercules, Alexander and other by entrayled work, richly lymned with gold and Albyn colours, and well and warly was made over the gate loups, and enforced with battaylementes and in the same gate a lodge for the porter: which there appeared and other, sumpteously appareled like unto kings officers.  
By the same gate, all people passed into a large court fair & beautiful, for in this court appeared much of the outward beauty of this place for from the first water table to the raising or resun pieces, was bay windows on every side mixed with clear Stories, curiously glazed, the posts or monyelles of every window was guilt. Thus the outward part of the place lumyned the eyes of the beholders, by reason of the sumptuous work. Also the tower of the gate as seemed, was builded by great masonry, and by great engine of man's wit▪ for the sundry countenances of every image that their appeared, some shooting, sum casting, sum ready to strike, and firing of gonnes which showed very honourably. Also all thesayd quadrantes, bays and edifices, were royally entrayled, as far as unto the same court appartayned. And direct against the gate was devised a hallpas, and at thentry of the staier was images of sore and terrible countenances, all armed in curious work of argentyne. The bay of the same halpas pendant by craft of trimmer and under the trimmer, antic images of gold environed with verdour of Oliffes cast in compass, mounstering their countenances towards the entering of the palace. The staier of thesay halpas was cast of passage by the w●ntes of broad steps, so that from the first foot or lowest step, a person might without pain go unto the highest place of the same halpas.  
On every hand was there chamber doors and enterynges into the chambers of the same palais, which were long and large and well proportioned, to receive light and air at pleasure: the roofs of them from place to place, and chamber to chamber were siled and covered with cloth of Silk, of the most fair and quick invention that before that time was seen, for the ground was white ingrailed, Inbowed and batoned with rich clotheses of silks knit, and tret with cuts and braides and sundry new casts, that the same clotheses of silk showed like bullions of fine burned gold and the roses in lossenges: that in the same roof, were in kindly course, furnished so to man's sight that no living creature might but joy, in the beholding thereof, for from the jaw piece of thesay seling: which piece was guilt with fine Gold, were works in paan paled, all the walls to the crest encountering the clear stories, the same crest which was of large deepness, the work was antic knots with bosses cast and wrought with more cunning than I can writ, all which works and overages were guilt: and to set it the more to the glory the flourishing Bise was comparable to the rich Enamel.  
Also at the foot of the same palace was another ●rest all of fine set gold, whereon hanged rich and maru●ilous clotheses of Arras wrought of gold and silk▪ compassed of many ancient stories, with which clotheses of Arras, every wall and chamber were hanged, and all windows so richly covered, that it passed all other sights before seen. In every chamber in place convenient were clotheses of estate, great and large of cloth of gold, of Tissue, and rich embroudery, with Chairs covered with like cloth, with pomelles of fine gold: and great Cushyns of rich work of the Turkey making, nothing lacked of honourable furnishement.  
Also to the same palais was reared a Chapel with two closets, the choir of thesay chapel siled with cloth of gold, and thereon frete ingrailed bent clotheses of Silk, all was then silk and gold. The altars of this Chapel were hanged with rich revesture of cloth of gold of Tissue embroudered with pearls. Over the high aultare was hanged a rich Canaby of merucilous greatness, the aultare was apparelled with five pair of candlesticks of gold, and on the aultare an halpas and thereon stood a Corpus dominical ●i●e gold, and on the same halpas stood twelve Images of the bigness of a child of four years of age all gold: And all the Coops and Uestementes so rich as might be prepared or bought i● the city of Florens, for all the copes and U●stementes were but of one p●ce, so woven for the purpose, cloth of Tissue and powdered with red Roses purled with fine gold: the Orfrys set with pearls and precious stones. And all the walls and desks of this Chapel was hanged with right Cloth of gold, and three rich great Crosses were there ready to be borne at festival times, and basyns and Sensers, Gospelers, Paxes, Crewetes, holy Water vessels, and other ornaments all of gold.  
Also in the first Closet was a traverse for the kings person of cloth of gold: And within that the kings place and Chair, with Cusshins of cloth of gold: before the traverse was an altar of presence, which Aultare was adorned with cloth of brouderie, and rich Pearls and precious stones, set in goldsmiths' work of fine gold. On the aultare was a desk or halpace, whereon stood a patible of the Crucifix of fine gold, with an Image of the trinity, an Image of our Lady, and twelve other Images all fine gold and precious stones, two pair of candlesticks of fine gold, with Basins, Crewettes, Paxes, and other Ornaments, ●hesaied Closet was hanged with Tappettes embraudered with rich work fret with pearls and stones, the roof of the same Closet was siled with work of Inmouled, guilt with fine Gold and S●napar and Bice.  
The second Closette was for the queens person, in which was a traverse of rich cloth of gold, the aultare so richly apparelled, that there lacked neither Pearls nor Stones of riches: on the aultare were twelve great Images of gold, the Closet hanged with cloth of gold all other jewels Missal, I suppose never such like were seen, and the roof of the same closet was siled with like work that the kings closet was, as is before rehearsed.  
And from this palace or place into the mighty and strong fotresse and Castle royal of business, was a gallery for the secret passage of the kings person into a secret lodging within the same Castle the more for the kings ease.  
Also to this palace was all houses of offices, that to such an honourable Court should appertain, that is to weet, the lord Chamberlain, lord Steward▪ lord Thresourer of the household, for the controller and office of green Cloth, Wardroppes, jewel house, and office of household service, as Ewery, pantry, Seller, Buttery, Spicery, pitcher house, Larder and Poultry, and all other offices so large and fair that the officers might and did marvels, as in the craft of viands, by Ovens, harthes', reredorses, Chimnayes, Ranges, and such instruments that there was ordained. In this Palace as ye have heard, was the kings grace lodged and all the nobles after their degrees. And for that the town of Guysnes was little, and that all the noble men might not there be lodged, they set up tents in the field, to the number of twenty and eight hundred sundry lodgings, which was a goodly sight. Thus was the king in his Palais royal at Guysnes.  
FRANCES the French king was with all his nobles of the realm of France, come to the town of Arde, which was prepared for his coming many tents, hales and pavilions, were set and pight in the field. On the French party also, there was at the same town of Arde builded the French kings lodging full well, but not finished, much was the provisions in Picardy on every part through all. The French king commanded his lodging to be made, a little out of the town of Arde in the territory of an old castle, which by the war of old time had been beaten. On the same place was edified a house of solas and sport, of large and mighty compass, which was chief sustained by a great mighty mast, whereby the great ropes and tackle strained, the same mast was stayed. All the roof of the same house hung on the same Mast, and with tackle was strained and borne, by the supporters of the same Mast or tree, the colours of the same was all blue, set with stars of gold foil, and the Orbs of the heavens by the craft of colours in the roof, were curiously wrought in manner like the sky, or firmament, and a cresant strained sumdell towards the town of Arde, this cresant was covered with frets and knots made of ivy bushes, and box branches, and other things that longest would be green for pleasure.  
In this time the reverent father lord Thomas Wolsey Cardinal and legate a Later as the kings high ambassador road with noble repair or lords, gentlemen & prelate's to the town of Arde, to the French court where of the French king, the same lord Cardinal was highly entertained. Of the nobleness of this Cardinal, the frenchmen made books, showing the triumphant doings of the cardinals royalty. The number of the gentlemen, knights and lords all in crimosyn velvet, with the marvelous number of chames of gold, the great Horse, Mules, Coursers, and carriages, that there were, which went before the Cardinals coming into Arde with sumters and coffers. Of his great Crosses and Pillars borne, the pillow bear or case broudered, the two mantles, with other the Ceremonial Offices, with great and honourable number of bishops giving their attendance, the mighty and great number of servants, as yeomen, grooms, all clothed in Scarlet who so readeth of the French book, shall find wonderfully set forth.  
The king of England being at the Castle of Guysnes in the new palais, many noble men of the French court resorted to his grace, to see the king of England and the queen, and to salute them: who of the king of England were well entertained.  
When the lord Cardinal had sojourned at Arde in the French court by the space of two days, and the high and urgent princely causes in counsel declared, the lord Cardinal took his leave of the French king and of all the French court, and repaired unto the Castle of Guysnes, where he found the king of England his sovereign Lord. And the same king by his letters patents, had given full power and authority to the same lord Cardinal, concerning all matters to be debated, touching the king and the realm, and also gave unto the same Cardinal, full strength, power, and authority, to affirm and confirm, bind and unbind, whatsoever should be in question, between him and the French king, as though the king in proper person had been there presently.  
When the lords of the French counsel, saw the high and great authority that the Cardinal had, they showed it unto the French king, who incontinent commanded his commission to be made, of like power and authority, that the king of England had given unto the said lord Cardinal: the same power and authority had the same reverent father, given to him by Frances the French king, and affirmed by the counsel royal of France: Then hastily was sent to the king of England the French kings patent, for the lord Cardinal said humbly to the French king, that he would no such power receive, without the consent of the king of England his sovereign Lord: but when the king of England and his counsel, had seen and viewed the French kings Patent, and it well considered, than he sent the same Patent of power to the lord Cardinal with full assent: then the lord Cardinal the power received with much gladness. It was highly esteemed & taken for great love that the French King had given so great power to the King of England's subject.  
Thursdaie the seventh day of june, in the vale of Andren, within the lordship royal of Guysnes, before day was set and pight a royal rich tent, all or cloth of gold, and rich embroudery of the king of England's, and diverse other hales and pavilions: the same rich tent of gold, was within hanged of the richest Arras, newly contrived and made, that ever before was seen, and a presence of the kings estate, with two chairs and rich cusshyns therein: the ground was spread with carpets, of new Turkey making, all full of beauty.  
But here is to be noted, that in this mean season in all the fields about, both nigh and far, were many of the French guard, riding and beholding the manner of the English part, some of the kings guard, and some of the duke of Bourbon's guard, and some of the Admiral of France's Guard, which slily marked the conveyance of the people of England. At the hour of meeting appointed, the Lords of England set their people and servants in good array of battle, in a plain field directly before the castle of Guysnes. The king of England commanded that his Guard should be set in the breast of the battle, or bend of footmen, and so it was doen. This battle of footmen conducted themselves so in order, that from the first to the last, never a person of the footmen broke his place or array, but kept theimselfes so well, that never serving men theimselfes better demeaned. The serving men thus set in order in the field, on the left hand of the king of England, somewhat toward the Marres, long while thus abiding, in which time the Castle of Guysnes shot a warning piece to the town of Arde, and in likewise the Town of Arde gave warning to the Castle of Guysnes.  
Now was gathered the French Kings repair, and by the Lord Martial and Constable of France, the Lords and gentlemen were set in order: thus both these two high and mighty princes, intending to meet and assemble many words and tales, and suspect demeanynges arose in the English party, for the great love that we the Englishmen had to our Prince, caused the ignorant people that were not worthy to know the pretence of princes, to suspect the French party, and the more because that Monsire Chatelion a Lord of France, in rigorous and cruel manner, threw down four pennons of white and green which were set by Richard Gibson, by commandment from the king for the sure mark or meeting place of the two kings in what ground they should encounter, words rose between Monsire Chatelion and Richard Gibson, as far as become for that deed, but at the commandment of the earl Martial for that time, which was the noble earl of Essex, the king of England's cousin, that wrong by us englishmen was patiently suffered, thus from time to time, and watch to watch, and view to view, the hour drew near, that was by both the Princes appointed, of meeting or encounter.  
Wherefore the king of England our sovereign Lord, with all the Court of nobles of England mounted on horseback, and marched towards the valley of Andern in honourable order, all Gentle men, Squires, Knights, and Barons, road before the king and bishops also, the dukes, Marks and Earls, gave attendance next the king. He were much wise that could have told or showed of the riches of apparel that was amongst the Lords and Gentlemen of England, Cloth of Gold, Cloth of Silver, Ueluettes, Tinsins, Satins embroudered, and Crymosyn Satins: The marvelous treasure of gold that was worn in Chains and Bauderickes, so great, so weighty, some so manifold, some in Colers of. S. great, that the Gold was innumerable to my deeming to be summed, of all noble men, Gentlemen, Squires, Knights, and every honest Officer of the King was richly apparelled, and had Chains of Gold, great and marvelous weighty: what should be said? surely among the englishmen lacked no riches, nor beautiful apparel or array, and always as the king of England and his horsemen marched, so pace for pace marched the most goodly battle or bend of foot men (out of defensable apparel) that ever I trow before was seen.  
The French king on his party marched towards the encounter with all the rufflers and gallants of the French Court. In which time came to the French king some report, that caused him to tarry, and a light from his Horse, than the French men were very doubtful, and in a stay so still rested, until a Lord of France called Monsire Morret, thesay Morret came to the French King, and showed him the very fidelity of the King of England, whereby the French king mounted on horseback, and the better couraged, marched towards the place appointed of encounter.  
Thus in marching th'one king to the other, to the king of England came lord George Nevell lord Aburgheny, and openly said, sir ye be my king and sovereign, wherefore above all I am bounden to show you truth, and not to let for none, I have been in the French party, and they be more in number, double so many, as ye be: with that was the Earl of Shrewesbery Lord Steward ready and said, sir, whatsoever my Lord of Burgheny saith, I myself have been there, and the frenchmen be more in fear of you and your subjects, than your subjects be of them, wherefore said the Earl, if I were worthy to give counsel, your grace should march forward, so we intend my Lord said the king: then the Officers of Arms cried on afore, then in short while was the king on the bank of Andern: then every gentleman as they road took his place, and stood still side by side, their regard or face towards the vale of Andern.  
Then the king of England showed himself somedeal forward in beauty and parsonage, the most goodlicit Prince that ever reigned over the Realm of England: his grace was appareled in a garment of Cloth of Silver, of Damask, ribbed with Cloth of Gold, so thick as might be, the garment was large, and plited very thick, and canteled of very good entail, of such shape and making, that it was marucilous to behold. The Courser which his grace road on, was Trapped in a marvelous vesture of a new devised fashion, the Trapper was of fine Gold in Bullion, curiously wrought, pounced and set with antic work of Roman Figures. Attending on the kings grace of England, was the Master of his horse, by name Sir Henry Guylford, leading the kings spare horse, the which horse was Trapped in a Mantellet bront and back place, all of fine gold in Scifers, of device with Tasselles on Cordelles pendaunt, the saddle was of the same suit and work, so was the head stall and reins. After followed nine henxce men, riding on Coursers of Naples, the same young Gentlemen were apparelled in rich Cloth of Tissue, the Coursers in Harness of marvelous fashion, scaled in fine Gold in Bullion, and works subtle more than my sight could contrive, and all the same horse Harneis were set full of trembling spangs that were large and fair. The lord Marques Dorset bore the kings sword of estate before the kings grace, the reverent father Lord Cardinal did his attendance.  
Thus in little time, abiding the coming of the French king and his, the which in short time came with great number of horsemen, freshly apparelled, the French King and his retain, put themselves in place appointed, direct against the English party, beholding every other of both nations, the French men mused much of the battle of the foot men, and every of the French men to other spoke of the multitude of the English men which seemed great, yet were not they so many as the French party.  
When the French king had a little beholden the English men, he put himself somewhat before his people, that were there on him attendant, the Duke of Bourbon bearing a naked sword upright, the Lord Admiral of France, and the County Cosmen Galias, Master of the French kings horse, and no more persons gave their attendance in passing with the French king: when it was perceived that the French kings sword was borne naked, than the king of England commanded the lord Marques Dorset to draw out the sword of estate, and bear it up naked in presence, which was so doen.  
Then up blewe the Trumpets, Sagbuttes, Clarions, and all other Minstrels on both sides, and the kings descended down toward the bottom of the valley of Andern, in sight of both the nations and on horseback met and embraced the two kings each other: then the two kings alighted, and after embraced with benign and courteous manner each to other, with sweet and goodly words of greeting: and after sew words, these two noble kings went together into the rich tent of cloth of gold, that there was set on the ground for such purpose, thus arm in arm went the French king Frances the first of France, and Henry the eight king of England and of France, together passing with communication.  
When the two princes were in the tent, before rehearsed, the French King said, my dear brother and Cousin, thus far to my pain have I travailed to see you personally, I think verily that you esteem me as I am. And that I mai● to you be your aid, the realms and signiories show the might of my person: Sir said the king of England, neither your realms nor other the places of your power, is the matter of my regard, but the steadfastness and loyal keeping of promise, comprised in Charters between you and me: that observed and kept, I never saw Prince with my iyens, that might of my heart be more loved. And for your love I have passed the seas, into the farthest frontier of my realm to see you presently, the which doing now gladdeth me. And then were the two Kings served with a banquet, and after mirth, had communication in the Banquet time, and there showed the one the other their pleasure.  
The English officers went and ran with great pots of Wine, and Bolles to the French men, and them cheered the best that might be, all this season stood still the noble men of the English party, and all other, and from their places moved nothing that they were appointed unto. And the serving men in likewise, not once moved from their ground or standing, but the frenchmen suddenly brake, and many of them came into the English party, speaking fair, but for all that, the court of England and the lords, kept still their array.  
After the two kings had ended the banquet, and spice and wine given to the frenchmen, hippocras was chief drink of plenty, to all that would drink. In open sight than came the two kings, that is to were: the French king, and he king of England, out of their tent, by which I then well perceived thabiliment royal of the French king, his garment was a chemew, of cloth of silver, culpond with cloth of gold, of damask cantle wise, and guarded on the borders with the Burgon bends, and over that a cloak of broached satin, with gold of purple colour, wrapped about his body traverse, beded from the shoulder to the waste, fastened in the lope of the first fold: this said cloak was richly set with pearls and precious stones: this French king had on his head a koyfe of damask gold set with diamonds, and his courser that he road on was covered with a trapper of Tissue, broudered with devise, cut in fashion mantel wise, the skirts were embowed & fret with frised work, & knit with Cordelles, & buttons tasseled of Turkey making, Rains and hedstall, answering of like work: and verily of his person the same Frances the French king, a goodly Prince, stately of countenance, merry of cheer, brown coloured, great eyes, high nosed, big lipped, fair breasted and shoulders, small legs, and long feet.  
All the nobles of the French court, were in garments of many colours, so that they were not known from the braggery: thus as the two kings were in communication, diverse noble men of England were called to presence. And then the two kings departed with their company, the king of England to Guysnes, the French king to Arde.  
Saterdaie the ix day of june in a place within the English pale, were set and pight in a field, called the camp, two trees of much honour the one called the Aub●spine, and the other called the Framboister, which is in English the Hawthorn, which was Henry, and the Raspis berry for Frances, after the signification of the French: these two trees were mixed one with the other together on a high mountain, covered with green Damask, the same Trees were artificially wrought, resembling the nature of the same as nigh as could be, the leaves were green Damask, the branches, bows, and withered leaves of cloth of gold, and all the bodies and arms of the same cloth of gold, laid on timber, they were in height from the foot to the top xxxiiii foot of assize▪ in compass about an hundred twenty and nine foot, and from bough to bough, forty and three foot: on these trees were flowers and fruits, wrought in kindly wise with silver and Venice gold, their beauty showed far: on the mountain was a place ha●ber wise, where the Heralds were, the mountain was railed about, and the rails covered with green Damask.  
Thesame day the two noble kings came to the same trees of honour with great triumph, accompanied with diverse nobles and young valiauntes, before whom were their shields carried, and after borne about the lists, and set on the highest place, showing into the fields, the king of England's arms within a Gartier, and the French kings within a collar of his order of saint Michael, with a close Crown, with a Flower delice in the top. The Camp was in length nine hundred foot, and in breadth three hundred and twenty foot, ditched round about, saving at the entrees with broad and deep ditches, diverse scaffolds were tere about this Camp, for the ease of the nobles: on the rightside of the field stood the queen of England, and the queen of France with many ladies. Thesame Camp was railed and barred on every end strongly, there was two lodgings in the entry of the same field, for the two kings richly adorned, which were unto them very necessary, for therein they armed theimselfes and took their ease: also in the same compass was two great Sellers couched full of wine, which was to all men as largesse as the fountain.  
The cause of the setting up of the two great shields with arms Royal, was for joy of the honourable meeting, there to pass the time from idleness, with the exercise of noble feats of Arms in honour, articles of justes, Turnayes, battles on foot at the Bars, and such victorious feats were far in Realms Proclaimed, which caused much people of noble courage thither to resort: the two kings as brethren in arms, undertook to deliver all personages of the same feats, and to the same two kings by the order of arms were sociate, the Duke of Uendosme, the duke of Suffolk, the county saint Paul the Marquis Dorset, Monsire de Roche, sir William Kyngston, Monsire Brian, sir Richard Garnyngham, Monsire Cavaan, sir Giles Capell, Monsire Bukkall, Master Nicholas Carewe, Monsire Mountafilion, and Master Anthony Knevet, the shields of all these nobles were hanged on the trees, with three tables of the Challenges, to the which all noble men that would answer, brought in their shields to the same trees, and them presented to the kings of Arms, and to the Articles wrote with their hands.  
Monday the xi day of june, the two Queens of England and of France came to the camp, where either saluted other right honourably, and went into a stage for them prepared, right curiously hanged, & specially there was for the queen of England, a Tapet all of pearl called Huges Dike, which was much looked at for the costliness of the same.  
At the hour assigned, the two kings armed at all pieces mounted on horseback, on them attending the noble persons, partners of the challenge: the French king set himself on a Courser barded, covered with Purple satin, broached with gold, and embraudered with Corbyns feathers round and buckled, the feather was black and hached with gold. Corbyn is a Raven, and the first silable of Corbyn is Cor, which is a heart, a pen in English, is a feather in French, and signifieth pain, & so it stood, this feather round was endless, the buckels wherewith the feathers were fastened, betokeneth soothfastness, thus was the devise, heart fastened in pain endless, or pain in heart fastened endless: on his head piece he bore a sleeve, all the partenars of the French kings challenge were in like apparel, every thing correspondent in cloth of silk embroudered, on his person were attendant on horseback noble persons, and on foot four persons all apparelled in purple satin.  
The king of England mounted on a fresh courser, the trapper of cloth of gold, of Tissue, the Arson mantel wise: And the brunt of the trapper bard fashion, cut in waves of water work, and every wave raw wrought and frised with Damask gold, this work was laid loose on russet velvet, and knit together with points of gold, which waves signified the Lordship of the narrow sea. All the partners of the kings challenge were in the same suit, their horses aswell as their persons, attending on the king on horseback were sir Henry Guildford Master of the kings horse, sir John Pechie deputy of Caleis, sir Edward Guildford Master of the kings army, and Monsire Moret of the French court apparelled all four in the kings, livery, which was white on the right side, and the left side gold and russet both hose and garment And on him were attendant on foot six honourable knights twenty esquires and officers to the number of an. C. and xii, persons, of the which number all the knights and gentlemen had coats, the one half silver, and tother cloth of gold and russet velvet, and the other officer's coats were of right Satin of the same colour, and all their hosen were of the same suit very costly. Thus with honour and noble courage these two noble kings with their companies entered into the field, and them presented unto the Queens, and after reverence done to them, they road round about the tilt, and so took their places appointed, abiding the answerers, which was for the first the duke Dallencon and ten men of arms on his bend, on coursers barded, the bards covered with white and black Velvet, fastened the one within the other, guarded with Burgon bends of Tynsell satin, aswell their garments as their bards. Then entered on coursers barded twelve gentlemen of the bend of the lord Admiral of France, their garments and bards were russet satin, broached with gold and white and purple Satin, after the devise of their pleasure with great plumes. When these bends were entered the field, they showed themselves about the tilt, and did reverence to the queens, the bend of the Duke Dallencon took first place, they made them priest on both sides, the French king was the first that ran, he did valiantly and broke spears mightily.  
Then ran the king of England to Monsire Graundevile with great vigour, so that the spears broke in the kings hand to the vantplate all to shivers. And at the second course he gave thesay Monsire Gra●●deuile such a stroke that the charnel of his head piece, although the same was very strong, was broken in suchewise that he might run no more whereby the king wanted three courses.  
Then ran the Duke de Vandon and met his counter part right nobly, and broke spears right valiantly.  
The noble duke of Suffolk charged his course & met right valiantly his counter part and furnished the .v. courses right nobly together like good men of arms.  
And when all parties of the challenge had right valiantly furnished they● courses, than ran again the ii noble kings, who did so valiantly that the beholders had great joy, after which courses the heralds cried the disarmy and the trumpets sounded to lodging.  
Tuesday the xii day of june at hour convenient the ii queens took their stages and the bend of challenge in the field priest to answer & deliver all comers, to whom came ten gentlemen armed on barded horses of the bend of Mounsire de Swyes their bards and apparel cloth of velvet full of friars knots silver, after that they had presented them unto the queens, than they took th'end of the tilt, & then course after course they run to the challengers right eagerly, and the challengers of the party of the two kings delivered to the end of their articles of justes.  
Then entered a xi men of arms of the bend of Mounsire de Tremoyell, on horses barded with yellow velvet, losenged with friars knots of black velvet, & after they had saluted the queens, they likewise took th'end of the tilt, and course after course, ran till they were delivered of their challenges of justes: valiantly this day was finished.  
Wednesdaie the xiii day of june, the two hardy kings armed at all pieces entered into the field right nobly apparelled, the French king and all his partners of challenge were arrayed in purple satin, broached with gold and purple velvet, embroidered with little rolls of white satin, wherein was written, quando, all bards and garments were set full of the same, and all the residue where was no rolls, were powdered and set with the letter ell as thus . L. which in French is she, which was interpreted to be quando elle, when she, and ensuing the devise of the first day it signifieth together, heart fastened in pain endless, when she.  
The king of England with all the bend partners of his challenge were likewise on horseback, apparelled in trappers of losenges russet velvet and cloth of silver of damask, enbroudered and set in every losenge a branch of Eglantine of gold, the apparel of the persons were of the same correspondent to the trapper, this Eglantine tree is sweet, pleasant and green, and if it be kindly and friendly handled, and if it be rudely dealt with, it will prick, and he that will pull up the whole tree by the top his hands will be hurt: The two kings with their companies thus apparelled, presented themselves to the queens, and so took the end of the tilt then entered into the field Monsire Leskew called lord Liskyn, with him came a xi men of arms, himself the xii on horses barded and richly apparelled, and so road about the tilt and saluted the queens, and took the end of the tilt.  
Monster de Leskew and his xi compaignions' had their bases & bards, all black cloth of gold of damask all to cut on black satin, their garments had mantel sleeves on the left arm, to the waist behind just to the shoulder, which was praised for the strangeness.  
The French king ran to Mounsire Bewsy Damboyes, one of the bend of Mounsire Liskew, & the king of England charged his course and ran to Mounsire Liskew, and so furnished their courses (as they lay) right nobly and valiantly in breaking spears that were strong, thus course after course each with other, his counter party did right valiantly, but the two Kings surmounted all the rest in prowess and valiantness. This bend thus furnished entered the Marquis de Salons and his bend xii persons all riding on coursers barded and appareled in white Satin and black, broached with gold and silver, with cuts and culpynes much after tawny and black Satin billottes: and atter reverence done to the Queens, took th'end of the tilt. To the Marquis de Salons ran the king of England, and the king of France to another of the same bend, still course altar course ran all the noble men till the Marquis de Salons and his bend were delivered, who bore them right valiantly: then blew the trumpets the retraicte and the two kings them unarmed & after departed, the French king to Arde, and the king of England to his castle of Guysnes.  
Thursday the xiii day of june by the noontide the two Queens met in the camp and took their places, the people were come to behold the honour, & to see the two kings, who all ready armed entered the field to receive and deliver all men of answer of justes. Then entered the earl of Devonshire near cousin to the king of England, on his bend the lord Montague also cousin to the king, lord Harbert, lord Leonard Grace, Master Arthur Poole, Master Frances Brian, Master Henry Norres, and four other all richly appareled, the one side blue Velvet enbrodred with a man's heartburning in a lady's hand holding a garden pot stilling with water on the heart, the other side was white Satin embroidered with letters of gold, This company road about the tilt and did reverence to the Queens & so abode at th'end of the same. The earl of Devonshire charged his spear, and the French king likewise charged his course to meet the same earl and ran so hard together that both their spears broke, and so maintained their courses nobly.  
Then ran the king of England to Mounsire Memorancie and him encountered and both bore together & gave great strokes, the kings most noble grace never disuisered nor breathed till he ran the five courses and delivered his counter party.  
Dukes, marquesses, Knights, esquires and other ran as fast as ever they might, there was none abode when the courses came, till the earl of Devonshire and his bend were delivered of demands.  
Then entered the lord hayward son to the Duke of Norfolk and xi, compaignions' appareled and barded in crimosyn Satin full of flames of gold, the borders ribbed with crimosyn Velvet, and with much honour after due reverence done to the queens were brought with Heralds of arms about the tiltes, and so took the place to them appointed, right rich was their apparel. Then ran the French king and encountered the same lord Edmond, they broke both their staves valiantly course after course, the encounter ceased not till they had furnished their five courses, so was the lord Edmond delivered by the French king.  
Then ran the king of England to a strong gentleman named Raffe Broken and broke his spear, and ran course after course till he had finished his courses right nobly & like a prince of most valiance. The residue ceased not till they had each delivered other of their challenge.  
Friday the xu day of june the king of England mounted on a courser royal, his person armed at all pieces, his apparel and trapper was the one side rich cloth of gold, of tissue, the other side cloth of Tissue of silver, & cloth of gold of Tissue entered ounde the one with the other, the ounde is work waving up and down, and all the borders as well trapper as other was guarded with letters of fine gold, and on the other side that was ounde was set with signs called cifers of finegold, the which were set with great & oriental pearls, the cifers signified letters knit together in a knot, which was to weet, God my friend, my realm & I may. This was the devise and reason thereof, all the kings bend were appareled in like apparel.  
The French king likewise armed at all pointesmounted on a courser royal, all his apparel aswell bards as garments were purple velvet entered the one with the other, enbrodred full of little books of white Satin, and in the books were written a me, about the borders of the bards and the borders of the garments, a chain of blue, like Iron resembling the chain of a well or prison chain, which was interpreted to be Liber, a book, within this book was written as is said, a me, put these two together and it maketh libera me, the chain betokeneth prison or bonds, and so maketh together in English deliver me of bonds, put to the reason, the first day, second day, and iii day, of change for he changed but the second day, and it is, heart fastened in pain endless, when she delivereth me not of bonds, thus was th'interpretation made, but whether it were so in all things or not I may not say. Now is ready the two kings and princes and all their retain abiding the answers, and after salutations made to the queens being by their stages, they took th'end of the tilt.  
Ready was Mounsire Florengis and with him, xii. men of arms with coursers barded: the bards and apparel was Crimosyn velvet, tawny velvet, and Plunket velvet embroidered border wise with shepcherdes hooks of cloth of silver. When they with honour had passed about the tilt, the reverence to the Queens and ladies done, the two kings had their spears ready, then began the rushing of spears: the king of England this day ran so freshly and so many courses that one of his best coursers was dead that night, this band was delivered man after man of their pretence of justes.  
Then entered bends of Mounsire de Rambeurs & Mounsire de Pin's each having xi persons in number, the one band all white Satin embroidered with black, & the other all black, dropped with silver drops and after reverence done to the queens, at the end of the tilt took their places, Then began a new encounter hard and sore, many of them bore great strokes of the kings, to their honour: when these bends were delivered, the Heralds cried a lostel and the princes them disarmed and went to lodging.  
Saturday, the xvii day of june the French king with a small number came to the castle of Guisnes about the hour of viii. in the morning: the king being in his privy chamber, had thereof knowledge, who with glad haste went to receive the same French king, and him met and welcomed in friendly and honourable manner, & after communication between them had, the king of England departed, leaving the French king there in the sumptuous place before named. Then was busy the lord Chamberlain, the lord Steward and all other officers to make ready feast and cheer, It were to long to rehearse all, for such a feast and banquet was then made, that of long time before he like had not been seen.  
The king of England thus departed, he took his horse and with company of noblemen road to Arde, where the French queen and other noblemen him received with much honour. After which receiving, he was by the said queen and lords brought into a chamber hanged with blue velvet embroidered with flowers delice of cloth of gold, wherein was a great bed of like work, from whence he was conveyed into another chamber, in the which was a kings state: this chamber was hanged and siled with cloth of gold, embroidered with great cordelles or friars knots of cloth of silver. In the same chamber were two cupboards on either side one, furnished with great and goodly plate guilt. Noble feasting & there was there made. After dinner the ladies dressed them to dance, the king the more to glad the queen & the said ladies, departed secretly and put himself with xxix persons more in Maskers apparel, first ten young honourable lords appareled after the manner of Ry and Revel in Ruseland or far Estland. first their hosen of rich goldsatten called Aureate satin, overrouled to the knee with Scarlet, & on their feet, shoen with little pikes of white nails after the Estland guise, their doublets of rich crimosyn velvet and cloth of gold with wide sleeves lined with cloth of gold, over this they had cloaks of crimosyn velvet short, lined with cloth of gold, on everyside of the cloaks rings of silver with laces of Venice gold, & on their heads they had hats made in the town of Dansk and Purses of Seals skins, and girdles of the same: all these young lord had visers on their faces and their hats were drawn like hatbondes full of Damask gold.  
Other ten lords were appareled in long gounes of blue Satin of the ancient fashion enbrodred with reasons of gold that said, adieu junesse, farewell youth: they had typpettes of black velvet and hats hanging thereby, and on their heads, high violet standing caps and girdelles of silk, and Purses of cloth of gold after the ancient manner, with visers, their faces of like ancienty.  
Then was there another company of ten lords in which maskery the king was himself, appareled all in long garments of estate all pale rich cloth of gold, all these had rich gounes which were lined with green Taffeta, and knit with points of Venice silver wherewith the rich cloth together was fastened on their faces visers, and all the beards were fine wire of Ducket gold, the Drunslad players and other minstrels arrayed in white, yellow, and russet Damask, these minstrels blue and played and so passed through the street of Arde, all these noble revellers into the French court & put them in presence of the French Queen and ladies: and when the Queen had them beholden, these revellers took ladies and danced, in passing the time right honourably. Then at thinstance of the French queen and her ladies these maskers and revellers them disuisered, showing them what persons they were. Then spices, fruits, ielies, and banquet viands were brought, that done and ended, the king took leave of the French queen & ladies, & in secret places every one visered himself, so that they were unknown, and so passed through the French court, to whom were brought xxx horses trapped in Damask, white and yellow, and so in maskeler passed the town of Arde, into the field or camp.  
But now to tell of the feast and riches royal that was in the presence of the French king in the new palace royal. This day the queen of England received the French king with all honour that was according. In presence larked neither clotheses of estate nor other riches, for to show the multitude of silver and gold in plate and vessel there that day, it were impossible: for all noble men were served in guilt vessel, and all other in silver vessel. When the French king had washed and in his estate was set, he was right honourably served in all things needful, for Forestes, parks, field, salt seas, Rivers, Moats, and Ponds, were searched and sought through countries for the delicacy of viands: well was that man rewarded that could bring any thing of liking or pleasure: Right honourably was the French king entertained, and all other after their degree and state. When the French king had washed, than the ladies came and proffered themselves to dance, & so did in the French kings presence, which done the French king took leave of the Queen and ladies of the court, The reverend father lord Cardinal accompanied with the duke of Buckyngham and other great Lords conducted forward the French king, and in their way they encountered and met the king of England & his company right in the valley of Anderne appareled in their Masking apparel, which gladded the French king. After reverence done, the said two kings departed for that night.  
Monday the xviii day of june, there blew such storms of wind & wether that marvel was to hear, for which hideous tempest some said it was a very ꝓnostication of trouble & hatred to come between princes.  
Tewsoay the xix day of june, the ii valiant challengers kings at hour convenient entered into the field armed at all pieces abiding the comers. Then entered Mounsire Bonyval and his bend xiiii persons in number well armed riding on barded horses, their apparel was black velvet and cloth of gold bylet wise and fair plumes on their heads, and after reverence done to the queens all ready being on their stages, they took their places at the end of the tilt.  
Ready were the spears, the French king charged and ran course after course and did nobly. Also the king of England ran surely and lost no course till Mounsire Bonyval and his bend was delivered, the kings and their retain did not cease.  
Then entered xvii persons royally armed, the bend of the duke of Bourbon riding on barded coursers, their apparel was white velvet, tawny and black velvet, entered together & all bordered with cloth of gold garnished with plumes of the same colours on their heads, they saluted the queens and ladies and took th'end of the tilt as they that came to furnish th'end of the challenge of justes.  
The king of England was ready & struck his horse with the spurs & so fiercely ran to the country party that his grand grave guard was loose with the great stroke that the king gave him: course after course the king lost none, but evermore he broke his spear and so nobly ended his justes royal, for this day ended the kings great challenge, and of the king our sovereign lords doings, all men there that him beheld reported his doings (so valiant were his facts) evermore in honour to be renowned. The French king on his part ran valiantly breaking spears eagerly and so well ended his challenge of justes, that he aught ever to be spoken of. When the bend of the Duke of Bourbon was of their pretence of challenge delivered, they took leave and departed.  
Wednisday the twenty day of june, the two kings began to hold Attorneys with all the partners of their challenge, armed at all pieces, The French king & his bend were appareled, their bard covered with purple satin, broached with gold and purple velvet, over all broidered with garlands of friars knots of white satin, and in every garland liii paunse flowers, which signified, think on Frances, to whom he spoke was not known, goodly and rich was their apparel.  
The king of England mounted on a courser of Naples barded, and after him all the fair bend of his retain on coursers barded, the bards & apparel was the one side rich cloth of tissue embroidered, and lined with rich cloth of silver, all the outward part was cut, the otherside was russet velvet powdered with gold or purpled with gold, embroidered with a great rock or mountain, and a picture of an armed knight on a courser barded, vauncing himself upon that hill: then was on the same in rich enbrodery a picture of a lady coming out of a cloud striking the knight into the body with an a-row a deadly wound, and beneath on the borders were written in letters embroidered that said, Inlove whoso mounteth, passeth 〈◊〉 peril, this was the devise, so was the king of England appareled and all his partners of challenge.  
The queen of France and the queen of England were in the places appointed for their honours. The judges were on stages to mark with the king of Heralds that was for France named Roy Mon joy, and for England king of arms Garter, to mark and writ the deeds of noblemen: every person took a naked sword in his hand, the trumpets blewe all waiting to ride and run, the French king and the king of England together entered, and their bends, and reverenced the queens, and road about the place, and then took the end of the field in their abode.  
Now again souned the trumpets, the Heralds brought in the bends of divers noble and well armed men on horses barded, that is to weet, first the duke of Alencon and ten men of arms on his bend, the lord Admyrals bend xii men of arms, and Mounsire Gywer and ix in number of men of arms all gentlemen, Mounsire Trenoyll with xi men of arms mounsire Liskew and with him xi men of arms on his bend, the Marquis de Salons and xii men of arms on his bend, all on horses barded, and naked sword in their hands.  
Then the two kings put down their visers & road to the encounter valiantly, and for troth struck and received great strokes, but verily the two kings bet their country parties to disarming, and then were they departed and that battle ceased: then went other, evermore two for two till it came to the kings again, at which it needed not to put them in remembrance: for courageously the two kings newly fought with great random and force, they showed their vigours and strengths and did so nobly that their counter parties had none advantage. When they had thus each of them fought four battles, than came Mounsire Liskew with whom the king of England had fought one battle, and presented the king with his horse, which the king gently received and for love incontinent mounted on him and there fought the .v. battle right valiantly. Thus was the tourney delivered honourably for that day.  
Thursday the twenty day of june, the queen of England & the French queen were come to the camp in royalty like unto their estates, the ii kings were in the field armed and appareled, the French king and his bend on coursers barded, their bards covered with purple broached satin and purple velvet right royally, without any more enbrodering. The king of England was mounted on a horse of force and courage, royally and nobly appareled he and his retain in suit like. The apparel was of cloth of silver of damask bordered with letters of cloth of gold of damask all the borders, on the bards and apparel were little mountains & springing branches of Basile, wrought all of fine gold, and every branch, lefe, and stalk, was loose and wavering, all thick and full of leaves and branches, that uneath was the cloth of silver seen, the reasons written on the borders was thus, Break not these swear herbs of the rich mount, doubt for damage. This apparel was marvelous fresh and fair: thus the two kings & their retain took the field. Then entered th'earl of Devonshire cousin to the king of England and xvi honourable persons in his bend all armed.  
Then came mounsire Florenges and xii persoves on his bend, than came Mounsire de Rambeurs Mounsire de Pin's and ix men of arms on his bend, than came the bend of Mounsire de Bonyval himself and xiii men of arms on his bend, than came the bend of Mounsire de Bourbon and xvii men of arms, all well and warlike horsed and armed and every of these bends after their devices appareled right richly.  
The ii noble kings were ready and either of them encountered one man of arms, the French king to the earl of Devonshire, the king of England to Mounsire Florenges. The king of England bore back Mounsire Florenges and broke his Poldron & him disarmed, when the strokes were stricken, this battle was departed, it was much praised. Then on went sword & down went visers, there was little abiding. Sir john Nevell, Master Frances Bryan, sir Roland, and master Robart Garnyngham were this day as aids sore the hurt persons that before were of the entertain, and fought fervently battle after battle and none ceased till they all that would entre were delivered of their pretence in challenge royal pretenced. This day was the challenge of Turnays' after the articles ended, and all noble men delivered and so departed the field: then the kings road about the field as honour of arms required, and the Heralds cried lafoy fine des Turnayes, by the said two noble princes the xxi day of june.  
Friday the xxii day of june in the camp was set a barrier for to fight on foot, also an Hale of the kings of England was set in the same place, embroidered with clouds of blue, and out of the clouds the Sun rising, the valence of the same was written in letters of blue embroidered, dieu er men droit, in which Hale the Lords and other of the entertain of the challenge armed theimselfes.  
Now was the noble Kings ready to do battle on foot at the Barriers, the Queens on their stages: then entered bend after bend on foot and pressed to the Barriers, every one in his hand a Punchion spear, wherewith without any abode foined and lashed always one at another, two for two as the lot fell. When the spears were, spent, than sword to them were given. Then pressed to the Barriers the two valiant kings, and other, than was no tarrying but fought with such force that the fire sprang out of their armure. Thus bend after bend they were all delivered by the two noble kings and their aids of retain.  
Then in came a bend with two hand sword and casting darts to answer to that challenge, xii men well armed which pressed to the barriers & mightily threw their spears the one to the other, ready or not ready, none favoured other more than two enemies or at utterance, and ever still two for two, till all were delivered concerning the challenge, so this same two kings safe in body and limbs ended the batbattail for that day at the barriers with great honour.  
All men of arms passed and departed for that time, much preparation was made there, as setting up tents, hales, and other places for furnishing of houses of offices and chambers of estates for the kings and queens, & also the same night was in the camp reared a large frame of timber work for a chapel place, which was syled with rich clotheses embroidered, wherein was made a stage of two degrees, with the chair and cloth of state for the lord cardinal, the altar appareled with all jewels myssall of great riches, the same chapel thus finished the xxiii day of june being saturday, at hour convenient, the said lord Cardinal sang an high and solemn mass by note before the two kings and queens, the same done, Indulgence was given to all hearers, the two kings together associate took their chamber. Of this mass in Flaunders arose much communication, in so much that the common voice went, how the ii kings were sworn together on the sacrament, which was contrary, for the mass was for none other intent then to give Indulgence to the kings.  
When time was, the two kings washed and sat to meat under their clotheses of estate where they were richly served, the royalty of the fare and the riches of vessel, plate and jewels surmounteth the wit of man to express: the queens in another Chamber were served with no less honour, the dinner ended, the said strangers royally appareled, presented themselves in places of estate.  
To tell you the apparel of the ladies, their rich attires, their sumptuous jewels, their diversities of beauties, and the goodly behaviour from day to day sith the first meeting, I assure you ten men's wits can scace declare it.  
The two noble kings put themselves in arms with their bend and entered the field on foot, before the barriers, than entered the bends of men of arms in armour right richly, than all was ready and the ii kings at the barriers ready to fight right nobly. This day was delivered at barriers by battle a C. & vi. persons, the ii last battles did the kings. The king of England with few strokes disarmed his counter party, the French king likewise bore himself right valiantly. Thus the said saturday was fully ended, and all men delivered of articles of justes and all Attorneys and battles on foot by the said two noble kings.  
After this challenge honourably performed, the kings prepared divers maskers and especially the king of England had four companies, and in every company, x. persons appareled as you shall hear.  
The first person of the first ten was appareled like Hercules in a shirt of silver of damask written in letters of purple about the border, en femes et infauntes cy petit assurance, which in English is as much to say: In women and children is little assurance: he had on his head a whode with a garland of green damask cut into leaves like Uyne leaves and Hawthorne leaves, in his hand a club covered with green damask full of pricks: the lions skin about his back was of cloth gold of damask, wrought and frysed with flat gold of damask for the hairs, and buskyns of gold on his legs. Other three were appareled for Hector, Alexandre and julius Caesar, in Turkay jubbes of green cloth of gold wrought like Chanlet very richly, & on their heads bonnets of Turkay fashion, of cloth of gold of tissue, and cloth of silver rolled in Cypress, kercheffes after the Panyns fashion, and girdles of cloth of gold with pendantes of the same cut in great flames, & every one buskyns of green damask, & three other like princes of jury for David, joshua, and judas Machabeus: these three were in long gounes of russet Tynsell satin with great wide sleeves lined with cloth of gold pendant and great tippettes of the same cloth of gold baudericke wise and hoods of the same, buskyns of green damask, their visers had beards of fine gold: the other three were for Christian princes, as Charlemagne, Arthur, & Godfrey de Boulogne. These three were appareled in long vestures of calendred cloth of gold and purple cloth of gold broached together, with whoddes and caps of the same, visers & buskyns of green damask.  
Other ten were appareled in coats of crimosyn Satin all over covered with quaterfoyles of cloth of gold, of tissue, and cloth of silver raised, the gold was fringed with silver, and the silver with gold and laid loose on the Crimosyn Satin, and every quaterfoyle was knit to other with laces of gold. Over that the said ten persons had every one a large mantle or rob of crimosyn satin embroidered full of figures of gold, and on their heads bonnets of stool work of gold of damask, and every one had on his viser a beard of gold wire with whoddes and buskyns of crimosyn Satin.  
Ten of the ladies were appareled after the Genoese fashion, the ground of their gounes was white satin, over diapered with right crimosyn satin & gold of damask, and on their heads square bonnets of damask gold, rolled with loose gold that did hung down at their backs, with kerchiefs or cleres of fine Cypress.  
The other ten ladies were attired after the fashion of milan, in rich tissue and cloth of silver raised, parted, travers & ruffed sleeves with foresleves pendant, knit with points of gold & cawls or coifs of gold piped, & Milan bonnets of crimosyn satin drawn through with cloth of gold. Thus the king of England and xix noblemen with him and his sister Queen mary dowager of France and xix ladies with her like maskers appareled as you have heard, all mounted on horses trapped in velvet white and yellow, and evermore a lord and a lady riding together, with mynstrelsye departed out of Guysnes on sunday the xxiiii day of june and took their way toward Arde, and in the way on the bank of Anderne these Maskers met with the French king, being in a chariot with xxxviii persons richly appareled in Masking apparel, and each company passed by other without any countenance making or disuisering.  
The French king and his company went to Guysnes, the king of England to Arde, where his majesty was received into the French court, and brought into the chamber of rich apparel, where at the instance of the French Queen the king and all his, them disuisered and showed their faces, and all the ladies of England likewise, then began feast & cheer to arise, the king of England was set, and after all the ladies and Maskers of England and were nobly served of many strange meats: After dinner began the dances in passing the time joyously.  
The French Maskers apparel was not all of one suit, but of several fashions, of divers silks, some cut, some broached, some had plumes that were very fair, but very beautiful was the sight.  
The French king and his company was then at guisnes where the queen of England met and welcomed them, Then the French king and his Maskers showed themselves bore faced, and when the Queen them saw she did then the more reverence. Great was the cheer that then was there. After dinner and dances done, the French king drew himself into a secret chamber & put from him his apparel of maskery and took to him his apparel of usance, in the which were many fair Emeralds, this done he took his leave of the queen, and on the court he looked with a high countenance and so departed, the lord Cardinal and the duke of Buckyngham him conducting, the king of England, this time during, was at Arde, where he passed the time with much solas: At time convement he took leave of the frenchmen & all other of the French court, and after they had visered themselves they road nobly thus appareled through the town of Arde, & so passed till they came to the camp whereas all the challenges were finished, and there the French king perceiving the coming of the English maskers, stood still beholding them. Then the king of England put of his viser and pressed unto the French king: then the two kings embraced and amiably together communed, after which communication either of other by kingly saluting took leave, and for remembrance either to other gave gifts. The king of England gave to the French king a colour of jewels of precious stones called Balastes the Sanker furnished with great Diamantes and Pearls. The French king gave to the king of England a Bracelet of precious stones, rich jewels and fair, and so departed the said two noble kings, the said xxiiii day of june, which was sunday and Midsomerday.  
During this triumph so much people of Picardy and west Flaunders drew to Guysnes to see the king of England & his honour, to whom victuals of the court were in plenty, the conduct of the gate ran wine always, there were vagabonds, plowmen, labourers & of the bragery, wagoners & beggars that for drunkenness lay in routs and heaps, so great resort thither came, that both knights & ladies that were come to see the nobleness, were feign to lie in hay and straw, & held them thereof highly pleased. From the court of the Emperor, nor of the Lady Margaretes' court, nor of Flaunders, Brabant nor Burgoyn came never a person to answer to the challenge: By that it seemed that there was small love between the Emperor and the French king: Moreover, Mounsire Fayot captain of Boleyn with Mounsire Chattelon did their devoier to have taken the town of saint Omer, of which doing was thought no goodness to the Emperor.  
Monday the xxv day of june, the king of England & the Queen & all the court removed from Guysnes to the town of Caleys & there made the king his abode, where was concluded the meeting of the Emperor with the king, wherefore was made new and great provisions.  
In the time of the triumph there was a muttering that the town of Caleys should be rendered into the French kings hands, & for truth the Frenchmen so spoke & said, wherewith many Englishmen were grieved.  
While the king lay thus in Caleys he considered the charge of his nobles, and thought that less number of servants would now serve them for the time of his abode, and so caused the cardinal to call all the gentlemen before him, which in the kings name gave to them thanks with much commendations, and for eschewing of cost, because the king tarried but the Emperor's coming, he licenced them to sand home the half number of their servants & bade them after their long charges to live warily, this term warily was amongst the most part taken for barely, at which saying the gentlemen sore disdained.  
Thus in Caleys rested the king & the queen until the ten day of july. Then the kings grace with goodly repair road to the town of Gravelling in Flaunders there that night to rest & see the Emperor, on the king were waiting the lord Cardinal, Duke's, Marquises, Earls, bishops, Barons, knights, and gentlemen. The noble Emperor passed the water of Gravelling, and at a place called Waell, there he met & received the king of England, the Emperor made such semblant of love to all the court of England that he won the love of Thenglishmen, & so passed the Emperor and the king of England to Gravelling where the king lodged the best that might be, all lords, gentlemen, yeomen & all sorts of Englishmen from the highest to the lowest were so cheered and feasted, with so loving manner that much they praised Themperors court. In Gravelling was the Emperor's Aunt Margarete, she welcomed the king and other noble men of the realm.  
When the French king and his lords had knowledge of the meeting of the Emperor and the king of England in the town of Gravelling, they were therewith greatly grieved, as by many things appeared, for after the Englishmen were in France disdained, & in their suits there greatly deferred and had little right and much less favour, so from day to day still more and more began hartbrenning, and in conclusion open war did arise between the two realms.  
Wednisday the xi day of july, the Emperor & the lady Margarete came with the king of England to the town of Caleys, the Emperor & the lady Margaret were lodged in Staple hall, and all gentlemen and other lodged in other places right well prepared of all necessaries for their coming: & for solas was builded a banqueting house, 80. foot round, after a goodly devise, builded upon Masts of ships in such manner as I think was never seen, for in it was the whole spear portrated, which by reason of the great wind that blewe, could not be achieved, the same day at night, the king & xu persons were appareled all in black Velvet covered with cloth of gold, cut on the velvet, fastened with knots of gold, on the which knots hung spangels of gold like tufts, and bonnets of the same and cloaks of crimosyn Satin & cloth of gold wrapped travers, and their buskyns of the same cloth of gold. All these lusty maskers went to the Emperor's lodging and were received and in the chamber of presence danced and reveled, the which at the Emperor's request, the king and other theimselues disuisered, whereby the king was known: then the king took his leave and departed for that night.  
Tuesday the xii day of july, because the banquet house could not be finished, the Emperor and the lady Margaret supped with the king & the queen at the chequer, where the same night after supper reveled lxxxxvi. Maskers: after the revels was a banquet: After which banquet the king brought the Emperor and the lady Margaret to the Staple, and after withdrew him.  
This night was viii companies of maskers, and in every company xii persons all in gold, silver and velvet richly appareled, but because the room was small, the show was the less.  
In these revels were put in masker's apparel divers gentlemen of the French court unweting to the king or any other that bore rule, for divers young gentlemen of the French court favoured more the French party, than the Emperor's party, through which means they saw and much more heard than they should have done.  
Friday, the xiii day of july, the Emperor did intent to have departed from Caleys, but the counsel was such that he departed not that night. The charters before time concluded, there were red, and to the Emperor declared all the whole articles of high peace and league tripartite, to which the French king had assented and fully contented, & for the more exemplification of the same, he sent thelorde de Roche with letters of credence to signify to the Emperor's Majesty that to the same articles he the French king promised in the word of a king as prince faithful, to observe & keep for him and his realm & subjects. Thus by the lord de Roche in the Emperor's presence & before the king of England in the name of his master there showed the French kings will in the town of Caleys with many high and urgent causes concerning the princes, whereby the Emperor went not out of Calays that night, by which abode the Emperor's servants were much in doubt of the Emperor's person.  
Saturday the xiiii day of july, about none the Emperor took leave of the queen of England his aunt and of her train of ladies, the king with all his nobles conducted the Emperor on hisway to a village towards Flaunders called Wael, where the Emperor embraced the king, and him betook to almighty God, and the king gave to him a courser of Naples richly appareled.  
The king took leave of the Duchess of Savoy great aunt to the Emperor and of all nobles of the Emperor's court, & so departed, small time in Calayce the king made abode, but in goodly haste shipped and with the queen and all other nobles in safety took land. And after passed the time of Summer with hunting and other sports honourably and made no great jests this year.  
This year the king kept his Christmas at his Manner of Grenewiche with much nobleness & open court. And the ten day of February in his own person jousted to all comers, and the xii day his grace and th'earl of Devonshire with four aids answered at the Turnay all comers which were xvi persons, noble and rich was their apparel, but in feats of arms the king excelled the rest.  
In this time was Edward Duke of Buckyngham accused to the king of high treason, 
The duke of Buckingham accused,  wherefore the kings grace by the advise of his counsel, sent & directed his letters to the said duke, being at his manner of Thornbury in the county of Gloucester, that incontinent he should come to his presence all excuses laid aside. Also the king gave commandment to sir William Cumpton, sir Richard Weston, and sir William Kyngston knights for the kings body, to take with them secret power and also sergeants at arms, and that they should wisely take heed that when the duke had received the kings letters, he should not convey himself, which they wisely accomplished.  
The said Duke upon the sight of the kings letters removed, & so journeyed till he came to Wyndsore, and there offered at S. George, and always not far from him awaiting his demeanour, were the same knights lying. The duke lodged in Wyndsore for that night, and as it was well proved, he marvelously feared, insomuch that he called unto him a servant of the kings named Thomas Ward, the same Thomas Ward was gentleman Herbenger for the king, and demanded of him what he made there, who answered, saying that there lay his office, there the duke perceived that he could not escape. And so much was he in spirit troubled that as he was at breakfast his meat would not down, yet he made good countenance, and shortly took his horse, and so road till he came to Tothill besides Westminster where he took his barge: before this time was the duke's chancellor taken and as a prisoner kept in the tower, which had confessed matter of high treason concerning the kings person.  
When the Duke was in his barge, he commanded to land at my lord Cardinal's bridge, where he landed with four or five of his servants, desiring to see the same lord Cardinal, but to him was answered how the same lord was diseased, well said the duke yet will I drink of my lords wine or I pass, than a gentleman of my lords brought the Duke with much reverence into the Seller, where the duke drank.  
When he saw and perceived no cheer to him was made, he changed colour and so departed to his barge, saying to his servants, I marvel where my chancellor is, that he cometh not to me, not knowing that he was in prison.  
The duke thus in his barge coming towards London, sir Henry Marney captain of the Kings Guard, on him attending HUNDRED yeomen of the Kings guard in a barge on the river of Thames met the same duke, and without abode boarded the duke's barge & him in the Kings name attached. And then from him were put his servants, and the duke was brought to the Hay wharf and there landed, the duke's servants were commanded to go to the Manner of the Rose in saint Larence Pountnay, and there to abide till the Kings pleasure were further known.  
Sir Henry Marnay brought the duke through the Thames street to the Tower of London, the people much mused what the cause might he, and for troth till it was known, among them was much speaking. There was also attached a Monk of a Charter house besides Bristol called Henton, also Master John Delaker the Duke's Confessor, and the duke's Chancellor before mentioned, all were in the Tower prisoners. The xvi day of April was the same Duke brought to the Tower. Alas the while that ever ambition should be the loss of so noble a man, and so much in the kings favour, by him all lords and other may beware how they give credence to false prophecies or false hypocrites. For a Monk of the Charter house showed the duke that he should be king of England, which to the kings person could be no higher treason. Alas that ever he gave credence to such a false traitor.   

The xiii year.  
IN this time inquiries were made in divers shires of Edward duke of Buckyngham being prisoner in the tower of London, where, by the knights and gentlemen, there he was indited of high treason for certain words spoken by the same duke in Blechy●gly to the lord Aburgenye, the same Lord was attached for consailement, and the Lord Montague the kings Cousin and both led to the Tower. And sir Edward Nevel knight, brother to the said lord Aburgeney forbidden the kings presence.  
The Duke of Norfolk was made by the kings letters patents high Steward of England, to accomplish the high cause of appeal of the Pier or Pieres of the realm, and to decern & judge the causes of the piers. etc.  
Wherefore shortly after was made in Westmynster hall a scaffold for the lords and a presence for a judge railed and counter railed about, and barred with degrees. The Duke of Norfolk was chief judge, and many Peers of the realm, as the Duke of Suffolk, the Marquis Dorcet, the Earls of Worcester, Devonshire, Essex, Shrewisbury, Kent, Oxford, and Derby, the lord of S. Ihons', lord Delaware, lord Fitz Warren, lord Wylloughby, lord Broke, lord Cobham, lord Harbert, and the lord Morley, sat as Peres & judges upon the same duke of Buckyngham.  
When the lords had taken their places, sir Thomas Lovel and sir Richard Chomley knights, brought the duke to the bar with thaxe of the Tower before him, who humbly bareheaded reverenced the duke of Norfolk, and after all the lords and the kings learned counsel, Then the Clerk of the counsel said, sir Edward Duke of Buckingham hold up thy hand, thou art indited of high treason, for that thou traitorously hast conspired and imagined as far as in thee lay to shorten the life of our sovereign lord the king: of this treason how wilt thou acquit thee, the Duke answered by my Peres.  
And when thindictment was openly red, the Duke said it is false and untrue, and conspired and forged to bring me to my death, & that will I prove, alleging many reasons to falsify the indictment, and against his reasons the kings Atturnay alleged the examinations, confessions and proves of witnesses.  
The Duke desired the witnesses to be brought forth, then was brought before him sir Gylbert perk priest his Chancellor, first accusor of the same Duke, Master John Delacourt priest, the Duke's Confessor and his own hand writing laid before him to the accusement of the duke. Charles Knevet Esquyer Cousin to the Duke, and a Monk, Prior of the Charterhouse besides Bath, which like a false hypocrite had induced the Duke to the treason, and had divers times said to the duke that he should be king of England, but the duke said that in himself he never consented to it. divers presumptions and accusements were laid to him by Charles Knevet, which he would feign have covered. The depositions were red, and the deponentes were delivered as prisoners to the officers of the Tower.  
Then spoke the Duke of Norfolk, and said my lord, the king our sovereign Lord hath commanded, that you shall have his laws ministered with favour and right to you. Wherefore if you have any other thing to say for yourself you shallbe hard. Then he was commanded to withdraw him, & so was led into Paradise a house so named. The lords went to counsel a great while and after took their places. Then said the Duke of Norfolk to the Duke of Suffolk, what say you of sir Edward Duke of Buckyngham touching the high treasons? the Duke of Suffolk answered, he is guilty, and so said the Marquis and all the other Earls & lords: Thus was this prince duke of Buckyngham found guilty of high treason by a Duke, a Marquis, seven. Earls, and xii Barons.  
The Duke was brought to the bar sore chafing and sweat marvelously, after he had made his reverence, he paused a while. The duke of Norfolk as a judge said, sir Edward, you have heard how you be indicted of high treason, you pleaded thereto not guilty, putting yourself to the Peres of the realm, the which have found you guilty: then the Duke of Norfolk wept and said, you shallbe l●dde to the kings prison and there laid on a Herdill and so drawn to the place of execution, 
The duke of Bu●kynghās judgement.  and there to be hanged, cut down alive, your membres to be cut of and cast into the fire, your bowels brent before you, your head smitten of, and your body quartered and divided at the kings will, and God have mercy on your soul. Amen.  
The Duke of Buckingham said, my lord of Norfolk, you have said as a traitor should be said unto, but I was never none, but my lords I nothing malign for that you have done to me, but the eternal God forgive you my death and I do: I shall never sue to the king for life, howbeit he is gracious prince, and more grace may come from him than I desire. I desire you my lords and all my fellows to pray for me.  
Then was the edge of the axe turned towards him, and so led into a barge, sir Thomas Lovel desired him to sit on the cusshyns and carpet ordained for him, he said nay, for when I went to Westminster I was duke of Buckyngham, now I am but Edward Bowhen the most caitiff of the world. Thus they landed at the Temple, where received him sir Nicholas Uawse & sir William Sands Baronetes and led him through the city, who desired ever the people to pray for him, of whom some wept and lamented, and said, this is th'end of evil life. God forgive him, he was a proud prince, It is pity that he behaved him so against his king and liege lord, whom God preserve. Thus about four of the clock he was brought as a cast man to the Tower.  
Frydaie the xvii day of May, about xi of the clock. This duke with a great power was delivered to John Kyeme and John Skevyngton sheriffs, who led him to the scaffold on Tower hill, where he said he had offended the kings grace through negligence and lack of grace, and desired all noblemen to beware by him, and all men to pray for him, and that he trusted to die the kings true man. Thus meekly with an a●e he took his death, on whose soul jesus have mercy. Then the Augustine friars took the body & head and buried them. Alas that ever the grace of truth was withdrawn from so noble a man, that he was not to his king in alegeaunce as he aught to have been, such is th'end of ambition, th'end of false prophecies, th'end of evil life and evil counsel.  
About this time Frances the French king made open war against the Emperor Charles both by land and sea. The Provinces of Arragon, Castle, and all Spain, Germany, Brabant, Flaunders & the steads maintained the party of the Emperor. The kings highness considering the murder & effusion of Christian blood, and the trouble that might ensue to all the princes of Christendom, by invasion of the great Turk, sent the Cardinal of York his Chancellor by name lord Thomas Wols●y to his town of Calayce to entreat an amity and peace between those two mighty princes. For this voyage great preparation was made, not only for him but also for the Earl of Worcestre than lord Chamberlain, the lord of saint john's, the lord Ferryes, the lord Harbert, the bishop of Duresme, the bishop of Ely, the Primate of Armicane, sir Thomas Boleyn, sir John Peche, sir john Hussey, sir Richard Wyngfelde, sir Henry Gildforde, and many other knights, esquires, gentlemen, Doctors, and learned men. And thus honourably accompanied he road through London the xxv day of july, & at Thomas Beckettes house the Maier and Aldermen took leave of him, praying God to sand him good speed, Thus passed he to Canterbury where th'archbishop, and the bishop of Canterbury and other places received him in pontificalibus and brought him to his lodging under Canape to the bishops palace: the viii day of july he came to Dover: the xx. day he and tother lords with their retinues took passage, & arrived at Calayce in safety, where the lord deputy & counsel received them with much honour, and lodged the Cardinal in the Staple hall.  
Shortly after whose arrival, came thither the Chancellor of France, and the County de palace with four C. horse, as ambassadors from the French king. And likewise from the Emperor came great Ambassadors, and when they sat in counsel, the Emperor's Ambassade showed their Commission & power. And even so did the French kings Ambassade, which was more larger than the Emperor's commission.  
Thus when the grudges were declared on both sides, when the Emperor's Ambassadors consented to peace, the French kings would not. And when the French Ambassadors consented to peace, the Emperors would not. The Cardinal then would have knitted the Emperor, the king our sovereign lord, the French king, and the bishop of Rome in a league and amity together: the other Ambassadors had no such Commission, especially the bishop of Rome's, whereupon letters were sent to Rome in all haste and the Frenchmen tarried in Calayce till he returned, & beheld the town, with which the counsel of calais were not contented. Hereupon the Cardinal road to the Emperor accompanied with his Ambassadors (and left the French ambassadors in calais to abide his return) and passed by Gravelling, Dunkirk, Newport, Owdenborow, & sundry times in the way he was encountered and received with noble men. And without Bruges he was received with many noble men, and many lords and other of the Emperor's court, and a mile without Bruges the Emperor his own person met him, and showed to him and to the other lords & gentlemen of England gracious countenance, & so accompanied the Cardinal into the town, where great multitude of people beheld them, & so road to the Emperor's palace where he lighted, and first embraced the Cardinal and after all the lords, knights, and gentlemen of England. It is to suppose the Emperor knew of the Commission given to the said Cardinal, which had the kings power as if his grace had been present, and also had the great seal with him, which had not been seen before, or else the Emperor would not have done him so high honour and reverence.  
The English lords, knights, esquires, yeomen of the kings guard & other being to the number of four C.lx horse, were well lodged every man after his degree, and every lodging furnished with fuel, bread, bear, wine, beeves, Muttons, Ueles, Lambs, Uenison, and all manner dainty viand aswell in fish as flesh, with no lack of spices and banqueting dishes.  
The next day after the great cheer made to the lord Cardinal & to all his lords, knights, gentlemen, and all other lords and knights of England (in whose presence) the Cardinal made his proposition concerning peace to be had between the said Emperor and the French king declaring the calamities, misery, and wretchedness that came by war: and the commodities, benefit, and wealth that came by peace, concord & tranqulitie, which proposition continued a great while: and when the Cardinal had made an end, the Emperor himself answered and said: The law God bindeth every man to claim and ask his right, & that the same law bindeth no man to hold, keep, and withstand another man's right. Our cousin of France doth withhold our rights & patrimonies which we have princely desired, & eftsoons will, and if he will render to us our said rights & patrimonies, we are contented to have peace with him and his subjects, if not we trust in God and our right that the troubles by your fatherhed rehearsed, shall come upon him and his adherentes. And for the titles of our regality, to put that to the bishop of Rome, we do consider that king Edward of England the third of that name of noble memory, warred by just title to recover the realm of France from Philip de Ualois, which title by intercession was put to the bishop of Rome & his court, to discuss & expended there by the space of xxiii years undetermined, notwithstanding great pursuit & labour was made to have it ended: Such like time should be to us tedious, wherefore we intend by the aid of God to follow our title.  
The Cardinal replied and declared the league that was between the three mightiest princes of the world, that is to say, the Emperor, the king our sovereign lord Henry the viii and the French king, and how that to the prince that first moved war, the other two should be enemies unto him, and said, behold the mighty power and puissant realm, riches, ships, victuals, and ordinance, lords, chivalry, horsemen, archers and commonalty, this is in the high and mighty king of England my sovereign lord, and he that first war beginneth, by the said league my said sovereign lord to his honour may leefully spr●d his banner and make war in defence of his friend. For this and other things my sovereign lord desires of your highness and Maiesrie the consent of peace.  
My lord Cardinal said the Emperor, I esteem moste the honour of my dear uncle the king of England and trust in his assurance, that neither his royal person, his realm, his power, navy, nor ordinance shallbe but to our aid in assisting our tried title, nor will consent to any thing in dishonouring us or our Empire: God defend but we should humble ourself to his request, our high honour reserved. Lord God who may esteem more higher injuries and wrongs than we in our person, our predecessors, and our loving subjects have endured by the house of France. My lord Cardinal said the Emperor, their pride with our honour we may & must apprehend and overthrow by the help of God: With these words the counsel broke up.  
All the lords and men of honour of England that day dined in the Emperor's court.  
When they were set and served, it came so to pass that an honourable man of the Emperors as he sat at dinner said thus. It is thought that the kings Majesty of England intendeth to make a peace. Alas that ever he should imagine a thing so much to the dishonour of the Emperor. The king is his uncle, is it not come to his hearing that all the world heareth? It was so that by assent of the bishop of Rome and other princes to make peace with us, the French party after the battle of Gyngate obtained by Maximilian then archduke of Osteriche, where every noble man of us fought with the Frenchmen quarter naked, and slew of them a marvelous number. They desired the daughter of Maximilian named Margarete to wife, which lady is Duchess of Savoy and yet living, & she being like an Emperor's child was delivered into their hands as queen of the realm, with divers towns in Picardy rendered with her and party of high Burgonie, and treasure marvelous. Now● sithen the same Maximilian had spoused jane daughter and heir of France's duke of Britain, which land the frenchmen over ran and spoiled, and she constrained to sue unto Charles king of France for a safe conduct to pass through his realm to Maximilian her spouse, and upon the same safe conduct granted, the said lady jane passing through France with a small company, was by the same Charles taken at Ambois & there married her against her will, whereupon he forsook the lady Margarete and sent her again to her father themperor without redyliver or rendering again the towns that were delivered with her. And where as the duke of Geldre is subject to the Emperor, is he not yet at this day by the procurement of the French king, rebel? And where also by just title the realm of Naples aught to be united to the crown of Castle, did not the French king feign a journey into the holy land pretending title by jeniamy brother to the great Turk being then captive in Rome, and by a crafty treaty obtained the said jeniamy, & so passed into Naples without peril, and seized all the land into his hands, & then prisoned he the same jeniamy? Thus to the great damage of Castle, he made claim to Naples by Margaret queen of England late wife to Henry the vi.  
The king of Naverne is evermore vassal to the house of Arragon & Castle, yet the French king caused him to rebel, hoping thereby to subdue the said countries.  
Of late days the French king by false treason caused sir Robert de la March to submit himself to the Emperor's Majesty, who received him upon his oath & fidelity, pardoning all offences past. Is not this false traitor returned, and is of the French party? How may that court, that counsel, that king, that realm that consenteth to treason & perjury by maintenance of traitors be called honourable? Hath not the French king sworn, and is bounden never to retain the Switchers in wages to make war against the Emperor? & yet doth at this day, And albeit that his Majesty speaketh not of these things, yet he well considereth them. I trust verily said this noble man that God sayeth, v●●e Burgoigne, every man that heard this rehearsal, knew that it was true, howbeit he was not answered, but some English knights said, sir you have said well, and as God will all must be. Thus was this narration ended.  
In this season the Emperor got the town of Mewzon: Also of the Emperor's party a great army arrived in the Duchy of Milan & also the Emperor's power besieged the noble city of Messiers, but the captain called Franciscus was suspected of treason, for he removed with the host from the siege without knowledge of the Emperor.  
The Emperor made a siege volant about the city of Turnay, for the rescue whereof and also of Messiers the French king made a great army and himself in person.  
During this siege the frenchmen took a Spaniards ship laden with Englishemens' goods at Margate within the kings streams, not without great slaughter on both parties, yet the frenchmen were C.lx men, and of Spaniards and Englishmen only xxv  
The king of Denmark Cristianus came to see themperor his brother in law being a stately prince, yet means was made that the lord Cardinal and he spoke together without great sign of amity.  
The lord Cardinal after he had sojourned in Bruges by the space of xiii. days & concluded divers matters with the Emperor & accomplished his commission: he took leave of his Majesty, and likewise did all the noblemen of England, & after convenient journeys arrived with all his company at Calyce, where th'ambassadors of France tarried him, & immediately after his arriving he treated with them of peace, yet not so earnestly as he did before & that perceived well the said Ambassadors & wrote thereof to the French king, yet the wealth & prosperity of both the realms and their subjects were highly reasoned between the Cardinal and the said Ambassadors, especially for fishing, whereupon was concluded that the subjects of both the princes might freely fish on the sea, and repair to any port of th'one or tother prince without robbing, spoiling, or taking unto the second day of February next.  
The French king with a mighty army & himself in person repaired to the country of Cambray, minding to pass the straights, but they were withstanded by the Emperor's power, yet he continued there from October unto Novembre without any thing doing, to the great displeasure of the French king. The duke Daleson hearing that, made preparations with the Almains to pass the marrys by the point Dassans & there the Almains had made bridges of Pipes and vessels, and brought thither their great ordinance. The Emperor being in the town of Ualemcian and thereof advertised, caused strong watch to be made, and as they would have passed, the bastard Emery, & the captain of Gaunt with xii. C. men met with them, where was a great conflict and many men slain, and at the last the Almains were put to flight and their bridges and other provisions broken: Of the French party were slain in this conflict xiiii C. men, and of the Burgonians were slain the bastard Emery, the captain of Gaunte and iiii. C. men.  
The lord Cardinal after he had long treated with the Ambassadors of France and could not bring them to no conformity of peace, he sent to the Emperor the lord of saint Ihons' and sir Thomas Boleyn knight to advertise his Majesty thereof.  
Likewise the said lord Cardinal sent to the French king the Earl of Worcester and the bishop of Ely to exhort his grace to peace, he heard them, but he gave them but few words to answer, and after they had been xix or twenty days in his host, they took leave and returned to Calyce.  
During the continuance of the Cardinal in Calayce all writs and patents were there by him sealed and no sheriffs chosen for lack of his presence.  
The king of Hungary sent an Ambassador to the kings highness for aid against the Turk, whom the Cardinal honourably entertained during his abode in Calayce. His coming was for aid as men said against the French king.  
The lord Cardinal after the return of the English Ambassadors from the Emperor and from the French king, took shipping and landed at the port of Dover, the xxvii day of November, and there took his journey to Blechyngly, where the kings grace welcomed him, giving him also thanks for his great pains and travail.  
This time the French king laid siege to the town and Castle of Hedyng, the Burgonions perceiving they were not furnished for the defence thereof, forsook the said town and castle and fled into Flaunders to no little rejoicing of the said frenchmen.  
The admiral of France named Mounsire Bonyfet with a puissant army made sign as though he would pass into Naverne, howbeit suddenly he recoiled with his host and besieged the town of Fontraby in Biskay, and broke the first, second, and third wall thereof with his ordinance marvelously: And after gave a fresh assault to the same. The Spaniards (notwithstanding that the ordinance was carried into Naverne for defence thereof) defended theimselfes manfully and slew of the frenchmen vi hundredth and more, and of the Spaniards lx slain. Then the captain of Fontraby made search what victuals was in the town, and found that there was but for two meals, he called the inhabitants and men of war together declaring their great necessity, and said the battery of the walls discorages us not, but the great necessity of victalles, wherefore we must do like the Wolf that runneth from the wood for hunger to his death, and considering the great scarcity of victuals in Byskay, by means whereof we cannot be vitailed we must needs render the town. Nevertheless they kept the town seven days after that they had neither bread, flesh fruit nor oils in the same, but only herbs and water, yet at last herbs failed also, by means whereof they rendered the town by composition, and or the frenchmen entered, they delivered the Englishmen all their goods out of the town.  
The French king lying enbattailed in the country of Cambray suddenly broke his camp, not much to his honour. Great wars was this time in italy, in so much that the emperors host wan the city and country of Milan to the high displeasure of the French king, for he lost there many of his nobles and other captains & men of war.  
Thus the French king returned into his country without rescuing the city of Turnay, nevertheless he sent them a letter which was taken by the people of the county of Nasson, the tenor whereof followeth.  
Trusty and well-beloved we great you well, letting you to we●e that daily before us appeareth your true faithful services, by that you abode within our city of Turnay with great jeopardy, to the much honour of us and our realm, and to your praise and manly fame for ever, and us to be your good lord for the demerits of your so high services. And where as we intended the relief and rescue of you and our said subjects and city of Turnay, we considering the weal of our person and realm, have removed us from that purpose. Wherefore we may no more say unto you but God and Mounsire saint Denys be your succours.  
When the County of Nasson knew that no rescue should come, he then sent for more people and ordinance and planted siege on all parties of the city. Then the captain of the Castle and Provost of the city after they knew of the French kings retreat, and after long consultation amongst them had, rendered the City and Castle by appointment, that is to say, that the Burgeises should have xu days to departed with bag and baggage, leaving behind them all the ordinances aswell of the Castle as of the City. Thus was the Castle and City of Turnay rendered into the Emperor's hands the last day of November, the year of our lord God M.d.xxi  
This year many goodly and gorgeous Mommeries were made in the court to the great rejoicing of the Queen and ladies and other nobles being there.  
The last day of December the Cardinal accompaignied the Emperor's Ambassadors to the court where they were honourably received and highly feasted during their abode there, and many sumptuous and gorgeous disguisynges, interludes and banquets made in the same season.  

Pope Leo died and Adryan chosen.  
This year was a great pestilence and death in London & other places of the realm, and many noble captains died, as the lord Broken, sir Weston Browne, sir John Heron, sir Edward, sir John Peche and much other people.  
The bishop of London Doctor Fitz james likewise deceased this year, and Doctor Tunstall was preferred to the same benefice.  
The lord Thomas hayward earl of Surrey, came out of Ireland to the court the xxv day of january, when he had been there the space of twenty months in great travail & pain, and often times sore troubled by the wild Irish, howbeit by his nobleness and manhood he brought the lords of Ireland to the kings due obeisance, and had of them many victories to his perpetual laud and praise.  
The frenchmen this time spoiled & shamefully rob the kings subjects on every coast of the sea, so that wheresoever the king road his poor subjects came with lamentations and cries showing his grace of the cruelty of the frenchmen & of their inhuman dealing with them, but ever the French Ambassadors promised restitution of every thing but none was restored.  
In this month of january, the king commanded all his ships of war to be made in a readiness, which was done with all diligence.  
About this time the duke of Albany arrived in Scotland, notwithstanding that the French king swore unto the Cardinal that he should never come into Scotland without the king our sovereign lords consent, but for all that he had commission from the French king although the French king wrote to the king that he was entered Scotland without his assent.  
The second day of February, the king being at Grenewiche, came thither the Cardinal with a Legation from Leo bishop of Rome, and also his ambassador, on whom waited many a nobleman, the king met them at his chamber door welcomming them as though they had both come from Rome. Then said the Cardinal, high and victorious king it hath pleased our lord God to endue your grace with a great multitude of manifold graces as a king elect in favour of the high heaven, and so appeareth presently by your noble person, so form & figured in shape and stature with force and pulchritude, which signifieth the present pleasure of our lord God wrought in your noble grace. And further he praised his wisdom, prudence, and learning, with many other goodly words in the praise of his most noble grace. And finally the Cardinal declared how the said bishop of Rome had sent his highness an Act in Bull under lead, declaring therein his grace to be the defender of the Christian faith, 
Defender of the faith.  and his successors for evermore.  
And when his grace had received the said Bull and caused it to be red & published, he went to his chapel to hear Mass accompanied with many nobles of his realm and also with Ambassadors of sundry princes, the Cardinal being revested to sing Mass, the Earl of Essex brought the Basin with water, the duke of Suffolk gave thassay, the duke of Norfolk held the towel, and so proceeded to Mass. And that done gave unto all them that heard the Mass clean remission & blessed the king and the Queen and all the people: then was the Bull eftsoons declared, and trumpets blue, the shawms and saggebuttes played in honour of the kings new style. Thus his highness went to dinuer. In the mids whereof, the king of Heralds and his company began the largesse, crying. Henricus dei graria rex. Anglie, & Francie, defensor fide●, & dominus H●●ernie, thus ended the dinner, with much abundance of victual and wine, to all manner of people.  
The ten day of February, the Lord Hoot chief Baron of the kings Exchequer gave over his office, and for him was admitted by the Cardinal, master John Fitz james, a right honourable man & well learned.  
In this time was much business between themperor & the French king, wherefore the king sent to the sea six good ships, well manned and vitailed for the war: the Admiral was called Christopher Coo●a man expert on the sea, for safeguard of the merchants, and other the kings subjects, that were grievously spoiled and rob on the sea, by frenchmen, Scots and other rovers.  
This time the viii day of February, the lord Dacres Wardein of the Marches of Scotland, entered into Scotland with .v. C. men, by the Kings commandment, and there Proclaimed that the Scots should come into the kings peace, by the first day of March following, or else to stand at their perils, the Duke of Albany being then within five miles, with a mighty power of Scots.  
The xi day of February, sir George Nevell lord a Burgayny, being then prisoner in the Tower was brought to Westminster, and there in the kings Bench confessed his inditement of imprison, in the cause of Edward late Duke of Buckyngham to be true, and after the open confession thereof, led again to the Tower.  
The lord Montacute the kings cousin, was about this time reconciled to his grace's favour, which had been prisoner in the Tower, with sir Edward Nevell knight, this sir Edward Nevell was forbidden the kings presence, for bearing favour to the Duke of Buckyngham.  
This year the second of March▪ certain noble men of the Empire arrived in England to pass into Spain, who were honourably received, and in honour of them great justes and triumphs were made, and that finished and done, they took their leave and departed on their journey.  
Also this time commission was given throughout the realm, for general musters to be had, to know what power might be made within the same, & also men sworn of what substance and lands they were of, And the Cardinal advertised of the same: not without grudging of the people, & marueiling why they should be sworn for their own goods.  
The city of London was this month advertised of the coming of the Emperor, wherefore was made great preparation: and the citizens sent the kings grace one hundred tall men well harnissed, to furnish his navy, appointed to keep the narrow seas.  
The French king certified the kings highness, by his letters dated in March, how the Grand captain of France, the County de Palais, Monsire de Lescue▪ and other noble men of France, had won the town of Milan, which was not true, for within five or six days after, it was evidently known that the frenchmen were beaten back, and had won nothing, to their great shame and reproach.  
Moreover the same season the French king wrote his letters to the signory and commonalty of Gean, to send him three characts, and six Galeis furnished for the wars, unto his port of Breast, to maintain his wars against the foresaid Emperor, who made him by their letters such a reasonable excuse, that he was contented to spare them for that time.  
The kings highness kept this year his Easter at his manor of Richemont, and caused his amner to make inquire, eight miles round about the said manor, what poor people was in every parish. And for the eschewing of murder, that most commonly fortuned every goodfridaie, by reason of the great resort of poor people, his grace caused them to be refreshed with his almose at home at their houses.  
About this time a rover or thief of Scotland, called Duncan Camel, was after long fight taken on the sea, by a Squire of Cornwall called master John Arondell, and presented to the kings highness, who committed him to the Tower of London, where he remaigned prisoner a long season after.  
In the month of March, as you have hard before, came certain noble men from the Emperor to the king, which the more to solace them enterprised a justes, he himself was chief on the one side, his courser was barded in cloth of silver, of Denmark embroidered with. L.L.L. of Gold, and under the letters a heart of a man wounded, and great rolls of gold with black letters, in which was written, mon navera, put together it is, el mon ceur a navera, she hath wounded my heart, and the same suit was his base.  
Then followed sir Nicholas Carewe, his base and bard was white Damask, on which was embraudered with Cloth of gold: a prison an● a man looking out at a grate, and over the prison came from the prisoner a roll, in which was written in French, in prison I am at liberty, and at liberty I am in prison, and all his apparel was guarded with shakelles of silver.  
Then followed th'earl of Devonshire, the lord Roos in one suit, their apparel was white velvet, embraudered with cloth of gold, wrought in device an heart, traversed cross wise with a chain, the which divided the bard in four quarters, in two quarters was a hand of gold holding a spear of the world, on the other two quarters was two hands holding two plumes of feathers, and on the borders were written my heart is between joy and pain.  
Then followed Anthony Kyngston, and Anthony Knevet, their apparel was a heart bound in a blue lace, embroudered on Crimosyn satin▪ and written about with letters of gold, my heart is bound.  
Nicholas Darrel had a bard and base of black satin, embraudered full of hearts, turned or broken of gold, and written in letters of silver. my heart is broken.  
Last of that bend was Anthony Broune, which had a bard of silver full of speeres of the world broken, set on hearts broken all of gold written about in letters of b●a●ke 〈◊〉 remedy, without remedy.  
Then entered the Duke of Suffolk and his bend, all in bards and bases of russet velvet and cloth of silver, embraudered with branches of pances of gold, at these justes were many spears broken, which the strangers highly commended.  
The third day of March▪ the Cardinal made to the king and the Ambassadors, a great and a co●●ly banquet, and after that, a play and a Mask, their garments were rui●et satin and yellow, all the one side was yellow, face and leg, and all the other side was russet.  
On shrouetewes●aie at night, the said Cardinal to the king and ambassadors, made another supper, and after supper they came into a great chamber hanged with Arras, and there was a cloth of estate, and many br●●unches, and on every branch xxxii forchettes of wax, and in the neither end of the same chamber was a castle, in which was a principal Tower, in which was a Cresset burning: and two other less Towers stood on every side, warded and embattled, and on every Tower was a banner, one banner was of in rend hearts, the other was a lady's hand g●●yng a man's heart, the third banner was a lady's hand turning a man's heart: this castle was kept with ladies of strange names the first beauty, the second Honour, the third perseverance, the forth Kyndn●s, the fifth Constance, the sixth ●●unrie, the seventh Mercy, and the ●ight Pity: these eight ladies had Millian gounes of white satin, every Lady had her name embraudered with gold, on their heads calls, and Millein bonnets of gold, with Iwelles. underneath the base fortress of the castle were other eight ladies, whose names were, Dangier, Disdain, controversy, Vnkyndenes, Scorn, Malebouche, Strangeness, these ladies were tired like to women of Ind. Then entered eight Lords in cloth of gold caps and all, and great mantel cloaks of blue satin, these lords were named, A morus, Nobleness, Youth, Attendance Loyalty, Pleasure, Gentleness, and Liberty, the king was chief of this company, this company was led by one all in crimson satin with burning flames of gold, called Ardent Desire, which so moved the Ladies to give over the Castle, but Scorn and Disdain said they would hold the place, than Desire said the ladies should be won▪ and came and encouraged the knights, than the lords ran to the castle, (at which time without was shot a great peal of guns) and the ladies defended the castle with Rose water and Comfirtes, and the lords threw in Dates and Oranges, and other fruits made for pleasure, but at the last the place was won, but Lady Scorn and her company stubbornly defended them with boows and ba●les, till they were driven out of the place and dead. Then the lords took the ladies of honour as prisoners by the hands, and brought them down, and danced together very pleasantly, which much pleased the strangers, and when they had danced their fill, than all these disuisered themselves and were known: and then was there a costly banquet, and when all was done, the strangers took their leave of the king and the Cardinal, and so departed into Flaunders, giving to the king much commendation.  
The king like a prince which foreseeth all things, saw what war was likely to ensue, caused the earl of Surtey his high Admiral, to put in readiness his navy, both for the conduicting of the Emperor into England, and also for the defence of his subjects, which were daily rob and spoiled on the sea, which lord Admiral took such diligence with the help of sir William Fitz William his Vice Admiral, that all the ships by the beginning of April, were rigged and trimmed, and in especial the Henry grace of due, the kings great ship, was brought out of the river of Thamis into the Dounes, ready to sail whether God and the king would.  
In this year at the Assize, kept at the castle of Cambridge in Lent, the justices, and all the gentlemen, Bailiffs and other, resorting thither, took such an infection, whether it were of the savour of the prisoners, or of the filth of the house, that many gentlemen, as sir John Cut, sir Giles Alyngton knights, and many other honest yeomen thereof died, and all most all which were there present, were sore sick and narrowly escaped with their lives. And this year also died Sir Edward Pownynges, knight of the Gartier, sir John Pechy, and sir Edward Belknap, valiant captains, which were suspected to be poisoned, at a banquet made at Arde, when the two kings met last.  
This year also, was not without Pestilence nor dearth of Corn, for Whe●e was sold this year in the city of London, for. xx.ss. a quarter, and in other places, for. xxvi.s.viii.d. And in the same year in December, died Leo bishop of Rome, for whom was chosen, one Adrian borne at Utrike the Emperor's school master. And in the same month Gawan Doglas bishop of Dunkell in Scotland, fled out of Scotland into England because the Duke of Albany was arrived into Scotland, and had taken upon him to be governor of the king and the realm to whom the king assigned an honest pension to live on. But when the king was advertised, that the Duke of Albany was arrived into Scotland, and had taken the rule of the young king, his realm, and he much doubted the sequel of the matter, considering the Duke to be heir apparent to the Crown of Scotland: wherefore he sent Clarenseaux king of Arms into Scotland, and with commandment, that he should declare to the Duke of Albany, that his pleasure was, that he should departed the realm of Scotland for two causes, the one, because it was promised by the French king, at the last meeting, that he should not come into Scotland, the second was, that the king of England was uncle to the king of Scots, and by the very bond of nature, aught to defend his nephew. Wherefore his nephew being young, and in the custody of him, to whom, if the should die, the realm of Scotland should descend, he doubted jest he might be brought out of the way, as other dukes of Albany before had served the heirs of Scotland: and if he would not avoid Scotland, than Clarenseaux was commanded to defy him, which accordingly did defy him, at holy Rode house in Edenbrough, to whom he answered, that neither the French king, nor the king of England, should let him to come into his natural country, by their agreement: also as touching the young king, he said, that he loved him as his sovereign lord, and him would keep and protest, against all other.  
When Clarenseaux had reported his answer to the king, than he knew well that all this was the French kings doing wherefore he provided in all things accordingly. The earl of Anguish of Scotland that had married lady Margaret, the king our sovereign lords sister, late wife unto king james of Scotland, that was slain at Floddon field, was by the Duke of Albany, sent by a coloured Ambassade into France, where shortly after his arriving, he was by the French king committed to prison, and his brother likewise, which escaped after as you shall hear.  
Also the vi day of March, the French king commanded all Englishemennes goods being in Bordeaux to be attached and put under a rest: and likewise detained the kings tribute, which he should have out of France, and also the French queens dowry, and when the king sent to him for it, he ever gave fair words, and made delays, but none was paid, and ever the Ambassador promised fair.    

¶ The xiiii year.  
THe king this year kept the day of 
The xiiii year.  S. George with great solemnity, at his manor of Richemond where were elect to the order of the Gartier, Done Ferdinando brother to the Emperor, and Archduke of Oy●trike, and sir Richard Wyngfeld knight by the Emperor's means, to the which the Emperor had given two hundred pound pension, out of the house of Burgoyn, which sir Edward Pounynges before had of the Emperor's gift. During this war between the Emperor and the French king, and the king of England lying still an entreator between them, the Englishmen were rob on both sides, and when their wines were laden at Bordeaux, and ready to departed, it was attached, and the merchants put in prison: the poor fishermen on the coast of England, sometime met with the frenchmen and them spoiled, but to no recompense of that they had taken. The merchants of England, that had factors at Burdeau●, complained to the king of England, and showed him how the French king, contrary to his league and his safeconduit under his seal, by his people, had taken their goods, and imprisoned their factors and friends, and can have no remedy. Likewise complained all the merchants, how their ships were restrained, in every port of France, and their goods rifled, and could have no redress, The king and his counsel, were sorry to here the complaints of the merchants, and so concluded to send for the French Ambassadors, to whom the Cardinal said: sir how is this chance happened? you have promised ever in the name of the king your Master, that all leagues, promises, and covenants should be kept, & that full restitution should be made of every hurt and damage▪ and that ferme peace and amity should be kept: but contrary to your saying our merchants be rob and spoiled, yea, although he hath granted his safe-conduct, yet they be rob, and stayed at Bur●eaux, is this the peace that you and your Master hath promised to be kept? is this the amity that he was sworn to keep? Is this the word of a king? Is this the strength of a prince, to break his safconduite? And where you advised our merchants to sue in France for re●itucion, and did warrant them to be restored, you have put them to co●e and loss, for they have sued there long and▪ penned their goods, without any redress, and now you have imprisoned them, and kept both them and their goods, is this justice? is this restitution? And all this was your procurement, and now see what is come of your promise, surely this may not be suffered, and beside this the king is informed, that the king your Master hath spoken by him, foul and opprobrious words yea, in the hearing of the Englishmen which were sore grieved to hear such words, and were not able to be revenged.  
The Ambassador of France said, that it was not so as it was reported: well said the Cardinal, if you note the counsel of England so light as to tell fables you be misavised, but I pray you how often times hath the king written to your Master, for restitution of such robertes as hath been done, and yet can have no redress? Wherefore he granted letters of mark, which may s●and with the league, but Monsire Chas●ilion hath taken merchants of England prisoners, and hath lent certain hither for their ransom, this is open war & no peace. Master precedent Polliot or Pulteyne the French Ambassador, answered▪ that surely the matters which were alleged against his Master the French king, were but forged matters and not true: but he said that for a fruthe▪ daily in the Court of France, were complaints made against the Englishmen, for great robberies done by them, aswell on land as sea, affirming it to be done in the Emperor's quarrel▪ and yet the French king for the love he beareth to England, letteth his subjects to be unhard, although he daily lament the great injury, done to him and his subjects by Englishmen: and therefore my lord I pray you, believe no such tales, till I have told you the truth.  
Then the Cardinal called the ●●ure hostages, that lay here for the payment of money for Turney and they four were delivered, to my lord of saint Ihones to sir Thomas Lovel, to sir Andrew Wyndsore, and to sir Thomas Nevell, every knight one to keep safe, and none of their country to speak with them privily, and the Ambassador was commanded to keep his house in silence, and not to come in presence, till he was sent for, which order sore abashed the French hostages, and thambassador, but there was no remedy, and commandment was given to the Mayor of London, to attach all the Frenchmen body and goods, and them to keep in prison, till he hard farther of the kings pleasure: then were all the frenchmen in London and about, arrested and brought to prison, so that all the prisons in and about London, were full of them, some of them escaped by speaking dutch, and said they were flemings borne, which was not tried.  
The king for safeguard of his merchants, sent xxviii goodly ships to the sea, well manned and trimmed for the wars, and seven other ships he sent toward Scotland, which entered the Frithe▪ and proffered to enter into the Scottish ships that lay in the haven▪ but the Scots ran their ships on land, and the Englishmen followed with boats and landed, and set the ships on ●ire, and at Lithe took certain prisoners, which they brought into England, & still the kings great na●e kept the narrow seas, for than was neither peace between England and France, nor open war▪ as you you have hard.  
The king had perfect knowledge, that Charles the Emperor would be at the kings town of Calais the xxiii day of May, to pass thorough England into Spain, wherefore the king sent the Marquis Dor●et, accompanied with diverse knights and gentlemen, to receive him at Calais, which in all hast sped him thither. Likewise the Cardinal took his journey toward Dover the twenty day of May, and road through London, accompanied with two Earls xxxvi Knights, and a hundred Gentlemen, eight Bishops, ten abbots, thirty Chapelleines, all in velvet and Satin, and yeomen seven. C, and so by journeying he came to Dover the xxvi day being Monday. In the mean season tidings were brought to the king, that the French king had sent a great army toward Calais, and the men of war lay at Abuile, Munstrell, Bullein and about▪ near the English pale. Wherefore the king like a Prince that foresaw all, and intending not to be deceived, wrote to his nobles, and cities, and towns, to prepare certain men of war in a readiness, which was shortly done, and so they were sent to the navy, so tha● they might shortly be at Calais if need required.  
On Sunday the xxv day of May, the lord Marques Dorset, the bishop of Chichester, and the lord de Lawarr, with other noble men, at the water of Gravelling, received the Emperor in the name of the king of England, and so the Emperor embraced them, and he having in his company many noble men, came toward Calais, where at the Turnpike in the lordship of Mark, he was received of sir Edward Guylford Marshal of Calais, with fifty men of arms richly beleen, and also a hundred archers on horseback, then in passing forward toward Calais, the ordinance shot terribly, and into Calais he was received with procession, and then by the lord Barn deputy there, and the counsel of the town: then was he received by the Mayor and Aldermen of the town, and then of the Mayor and merchants of the Staple, and so conveyed to the chequer, and there lodged.  
On the Monday, he and all the nobles of Spain, Flaunders, & Germany, took ship at Calais and landed at Dover, at four of the Clock at after noon, and with him the duke Daluoy, the Prince of Orange, the County Nas●aw, the County Uascord, the lord Ogmond, and the Marquis of Brandebrough, all in one ship boat. The Cardinal received him on the Sands, accompanied with three hundred Lords, Knights, and Gentlemen of England: themperor embraced the Cardinal, and took him by the arm, and so passed forward and took horses and road together to Dover Castle, where they were lodged. Thenglishe Harbingers diligently lodged the emperors train, every man according of his degree. The king of England was come to Cantorbury, the xxvii day of May, and received by the Archbishopp: and hearing o● the Emperor's arrival, with a small company on the Wednesdaie, ●eyng the ascension even, he road to Dover, and with much joy and gladness the Emperor and he met, and there tarried the ascension day, and on friday, the king brought the Emperor aboard on his new ship, called the Henry grace adieu, a ship of xu C. and rowed about to all his great ships, which then lay in Dover road, the Emperor and his lords, much praised the making of the ships, and especially the artillery, they said, they never saw ships so armed.  
Thesame day at after none, the two noble princes marched forward to Cantorbury, where the Mayor and Aldermen received them, without the town, with a solemn oration, to whom the Emperor's Secretary answered ornatly. Then the Princes with their swords borne naked before them, and the Emperor on the right hand, entered the city of Cantorbury, and so with procession were brought to Christ's Church, where the archbishop and twelve prelate's mitered, received them under a Canapy, and so they offered to the Sacrament, and the Emperor was brought to the bishops palace, where he lay for that night, and the king lodged at saint Augustine's. The morrow after, these princes removed to Sityngbor●e, and the next day to Rochester, where the Bishop received them with the whole Covent, and on Monday they came to Graversende by one of the Clock, where they took their Barges, and there were thirty Barges appointed, for the straungiers, and so by vi of the clock they landed at Grenew●che, the same Monday the ii day of june, where the Emperor was of the king newly welcomed, and all his nobility, and at the hall door the Queen and the Princes, and all the Ladies received and welcomed him: and he asked the Queen blessing, (for that is the fashion of Spain, between the Aunt and Nephew) the Emperor had great joy to see the Queen his Aunt, and in especial his young cousin germane the Lady Mary. The Emperor was lodged in the kings lodging, which was so richly hanged, that the spaniards wondered at it, and specially at the rich cloth of estate: nothing lacked that might begotten, to cheer the Emperor and his Lords, and all that came in his company, were highly feasted.  
The Wednesdaie, the more to do the Emperor pleasure, was prepared a justes royal: on the one part was the king, the Earl of Devonshire and ten more compaignions', all mounted on horseback, their apparel and bards, were of rich Cloth of gold, embroudered with silver letters, very rich, with great plumes on their heads. This company took the field, and road about the tilt: then entered the Duke of Suffolk, and the Marquis Dorset, and ten with them barded, and their apparel was russet velvet, embroudered with sundry knots, and culpyns of gold. The Emperor and the Queen, with all the nobles stood in the gallery, to behold the doing. The king ran at the duke of Suffolk viii courses, and at every course broke his spear. Then every man ran his courses, and then done, all ran together volant, as fast as they could discharge, and when the spears appointed were broken, than they disarmed and went to supper. After supper, the Emperor beheld the lady's dances, and suddenly came to the chamber, six noble men, apparelled in Crimosin velvet and cloth of gold, and a mantel of taffeta, rolled about their bodies, and hooddes and bonnets of cloth of gold, on their heads, and velvet buskyns on their legs: these Maskers entered and danced a great while with the ladies, and suddenly entered six other Maskers with drumslades, apparelled in long gounes, and hoddes of cloth of gold, of which number was the king, the duke of Suffolk the prince of Orange, the County of Nassow, the County of Naueray, & Monsire Egremond. When these maskers were entered, the other avoided and then they took ladies and danced, so that the strangers much praised them, & when the time came, every person departed to their lodging.  
Thursdaie, they that jousted the other day, appointed theimselfes to Tornay, & as the king was arming him, there came to him one George Luffkin and showed him, that there was one come from his Ambassador in France, the king called for the messenger, and delivered his letters, which the king read, and said to sir William Compton, tell the Emperor that I have news, if it pleaseth him to come hither: sir William Compton went and told this to the Emperor, which without delay came to the king, which showed him the letters from sir Thomas Cheney his Ambassador, wherein was contained the definitive answer, made aswell to sir Thomas Cheney, as to Clarenseaux king of arms of England, by the French king, to the kings requests: for you shall understand, that the king of England by his Ambassador, had often times demanded, both his tribute and his lawful debt, and also restitution to be made to his subjects grieved, and farther also the league was broken, by making war on themperor, so that now by the league the king of England should be enemy, to him that first brake, and did take part with the other, yet he had so much compassion, on shedding of Christian blood, that he would not enter war, but show himself a mediator and an entreator between them. And upon this sir Thomas Cheney had o●ten moved the French king▪ & also moved him to take peace with the Emperor for two years, so that some mediation of peace might be ●ntreated, in the mean season: to all this the French king answered, we have well considered your Master's desire, to the which we nothing agreed, nor hold us content with his request. Sir said thambassador, the king my Master shallbe advertised of your answer by me, wherefore I beseech your grace of safe-conduct, to return into England: then said the king, there is an officer of arms comehether out of England, let him come and he shallbe hard, and have an answer, to which thing sir Thomas Chency answered not, but with reverence departed, and so on the xxi day of May, the said officer called Clarenseaux king of arms, came to the French kings chamber at Lions, which was accompanied with many noble men and gentlemen, and then Clarenseux put on his cote of arms, and desired licence to speak, and liberty according to the law of arms, which was to him granted: then he declared that where the French king was bound by league tripartite, to keep peace with the Emperor, and with the king of England, and whosoever first broke, the other two to be enemies to him, to the which league the French king was sworn, which league he apparently had broken, by making war on themperor, by sir Robert de la March and by himself in person. Wherefore the king by that league must be his enemy, and take part against him.  
Also he declared, the French king kept away the kings rents, & debts▪ dew to him. Also that he detained the dower of the French queen. Also that contrary to his promise, he had sent the Duke of Albany into Scot●and: Also that contrary to justice he had imprisoned Merchants, having his safe-conduct, where they should have go in safety, seeing there was no war proclaimed, between him and the king his master: all these articles with many more, the king my master is ready to prove. Nay said the French king, I began not the war, nor sent Robert de Lamarche to make war, but commanded him to the contrary, and or I made war in proper person, his war was open, & he had our town of Cournay strongly besieged, and as touching the duke of Albany, it hath cost me xl M. Frankes, to keep him out of Scotland but I could not let him to go into his own country. This the French king excused his untruth. Sir I am farther charged to tell you, said Clarenseaux that the king my sovereign lord, holdeth you for his mortal enemy, from this d●ie forth & all your adherentes: well said the French king, I looked for this a gre●t while agone▪ for sigh the Cardinal was at Bridges, I looked for no nother, but you have done your message: then the French king rose and departed, and Clarenseaux was conveyed to his lodging, and shortly after, sir Thomas Cheney and he, by safe-conduct, departed and came to Bullein, and there Monsire Fayett captain there, them both stayed till the Ambassador of France, which had lain in England, were clearly delivered out of Calais. The whole circumstance of the demands and deffiaune, and the French kings answer, was contained in the letter, which was brought to the king, which showed it to the Emperor (as you have hard) but while the king and the Emperor looked on the letter, a sudden noise rose amongst both their subjects, that it was a letter of defiance, sent to tem both by the French king, which was nothing so. Thus now was the war open of all parties, between England and France, & Spain. When the two princes had of this matter commoned their fill, themperor called for a horse, and the king himself was armed, an● both the bends that should Tornay mounted on horseback, and themperor in rich apparel of tissue and richly trapped brought the king into the field, and took up his horse, that all men had great pleasure to behold him. The men of arms fell to Turnay, and broke swords and were severed, and after came together again, and fought very valiantly, and when time was, the Heralds cried the disarm, and assoon as the king was unarmed the Emperor and he went to supper, and after supper, the king brought the Emperor into the hall where was a Cupperd of xii stages, all set with great mighty plate all of gold, at the upper end hung three clotheses of estate, and the hall was full of great lights, set on guilt branches.  
When the two Prines were set, and the Queen also, then entered in eight noble men, in Maskers apparel with visers, their garments black Velvet, guarded and embroudered with gold in cut works and over that double Lumberdy Mantels of Satin, folded up on every shoulder, curiously embroudered, these Maskers were half English Lords, and the other ●traungiers. They took Ladies and danced, and suddenly entered eight other Maskers, appareled in rich tynsell, matched with cloth of gold, and on that Turkey Cloaks, rebanded with Nets of Silver, and between the knittynges' Flowers of Gold, and the Mantels were Crimosyn Satin, both the Maskers had hoddes of Crimosyn Satin, these lusty Maskers entered, and revealed lustily, and when they had done, than were there spices brought and wine, and then all persons began to draw to rest.  
On friday, the six day of june, the King and the Emperor, with all their companies marched toward London, where in the way, a Mile from Saint George's bar, was set a rich Tent of Cloth of gold, in which Tent were two lodgings, one for the Emperor, and another for the King, where these two Princes shifted them. And when the Heralds had appointed every man their room, than every man set forward in order, richly appareled in Cloth of gold, Tissue▪ Silver, Tynsell, and Ueluettes of all colours. There lacked no massy Chains, nor curious Collars: an Englishemanne and a straung●er road ever together, matched according to their degrees, before the Emperor and the King, were borne two sword naked, than the two Princes followed in Coats of Cloth of Gold, embraudered with Silver, both of one suit: after them followed the Kings Henxinenne, in Coats of Purple Velvet, pieled and paned with rich Cloth of Silver, and with them were matched the emperors Henxe men, in equal number, in Coats of Crimosyn Uelue, with two guards, the one Gold, and the other Silver: then followed the Captains of the Guards, than the emperors Guard on the right hand, and the English Guard on the left hand, and so in this order they went forward, and in the way the Mayor John Milborne and his brethren, in tine Scarlet and well horsed, met with the Emperor and the king where one sir Thomas Moore knight, and well learned, made to them an eloquent Oration in the praise of the two princes, and of the peace and love between them, and what comfort it was to their subjects, to see them in such smitie, and how that the Mayor and Citizens, offered any pleasure or leruice that in them say, next their sovereign lord.  
When this was done, they came into Southwark, where the Clergy received them, in Copes, with Crosses, and Sensers, and to kept the one side of the street, all the city through. When they came by the Marshalsea and the Kings Bench, the Emperor desired pardon of the king, for the prisoner's, and he at the emperors request, pardoned agreate number of them. When they were almost at the Bridge foot, there was a stay, the King demanded the cause, and it was told him, that the Heralds had appointed, two gentlemen to ride together, one was the Ambassador from the Marquis of Mantua, to the Emperor, and the other from the city of Seines, to the Emperor also, and the city and the Marquis were not friends, the Emperor incontinent sent his Lord Chamberlain to them, saying: that if they would that day do him honour, he would thank them, and if they would not ride as they were appointed, he prayed them to depart. When the Lord Chamberlain had told this message, they road forth and made no more courtesy.  
When they were come to the Draw Bridge, there were set Targets, of the Arms of the Emperor and his Dominions, richly painted, and on the other side, stood one great giant, representing Hercules, with a mighty Club in his hand, and on the other side stood another giant, representing Samson, with the jaw bone of an Ass in his hand. These two Giants held a great Table, in the which was written in Golden letters, all the emperors Style. From the Draw Bridge these two Princes passed, to the mids of the Bridge, where was raised a fair edisice, with Towers embattled and gates, all like Masonry, of White and Black, like touch and White Merbell: above this building was a fair pagiaunt, in the which stood jason all in harness, having before him a golden fleece, and on the one side of him stood a fiery Dragon, and on the other side stood two Bulls which beasts cast out fire continually, & in a towe● on the one side stood a fair maid representing the lady Medea which was very strangely and richly appareled, and above this pageant were written these verses.  
Letici● quantum mimijs prebebat, jason  
Aurea Phrixee vellera nactus ouís  
Leticie quantum tulerat Pompeius et Vrbi  
Host tr●umphato Scípío Romulídum  
Tantum tu nobís C●sar mítíssíme Prínceps  
Intrans Henríci Princípís hospícium  
When they had beholden this pageant they came to the Conduste at Gracious street where was made a bastille with two great gates, one on the one side of the way and the other on the other side, and over these gates and between these gates were made three great towers embattled and vaunted with lopes Lucanes like Masonry, curiously wrought, and in the middle tower was a cloth of estate, under which sat one representing the Emperor, and in the third tower representing the king. And Charlemagne having two. sword gave to the Emperor the sword of justice, and to the king the sword of triumphant victory, & before him sat the Pope to whom he gave the crown of thorn & three nails. About this pageant were set all the arms of the electors of th'empire and these verses in a table.  
Carole Chrístígenum decus et quem scrîpta loquntur  
A magno duc●um Carolo habere genus  
Tuque Henríce pía uírtutís laud refulgens  
Doctrína íngenîo relígíone fide  
Vospretor consul sanctus cum plebe senatus  
Vectos huc fausto sydere gestit ovans  

This pageant was made by the Esterlynges.  
From Gracious street where the Esterlinges stood in good order, the two princes came to Leden hall where overthwart the great street that leadeth to bishop's gate was erected a goodly pageant wonderful curiously wrought, it was xxxviii. foot broad and lxxx. of length, at the foot of the pageant sat John duke of Lancastre called John of gaunt son to king Edward the third. This duke sat in a rote and out of the rote sprang many branches curiously wrought with leaves which by policy dropped sweet water, and on every branch sat a king and a queen or some other noble parsonage descended of the said duke, to the number of lv. images, and on the top stood the Emperor, the king of England and the Queen, as three in the vi. degree from the said Duke. This pageant was made at the cost of the Italians & was much praised. Fron thence they passed the Conduit in Cornhill where the street was enclosed from side to side with two. gates to open & shit, and over the gates were arches with towers embattled set with vanes and scutcheons of the arms of the Emperor & the king, and over the arches were two towers, the one full of Trumpets and the other full of Shawms and shagbuttes which played continually: Between these two towers was a palace, under the rich cloth of estate sat king Arthur at a round table & was served with x. kings, Dukes and earls all bearing Targets of their arms, and when the Emperor and the king were coming thither a Poet said.  
Laudat magnanimos urbs inclita Roma Catone●  
Cantant Ha●ibalem punica regna suum  
Gentis erat Solime rex íngens gloría Dauíd.  
Gentis Alexander gloría príma sue.  
illustrate fortes Arthurifama Britannos  
Illustras gentem C●sar & ipse tuam  
Cui deus ímperíum uícto precor hoste secundet  
Regnet ut ●n terrís pacís amíca qu●es  
When this was said, they came tot he Stocks where was a quadrant stage where on was an Herber full of Roses, lilies & all other flowers curiously wrought, and birds, beasts and all other things of pleasure. And about the Herber was made the water full of Fish, and about it was the Elements, the planets and Stars in their places and every thing moved, and in a type in the top was made the Trinity with the Angels singing, and the Trinity blessed the king & the Emperor, and under his feet was written, behold the lover of peace and concord. And so they passed through the Poultry to the great Conduit in Cheap, where was made on the right hand of the said Conduit (as they passed) in manner quadrant with four towers, a every corner one with goodly types, between every tower was a gallery, which galleries were hanged with clotheses of gold and silver within, & so covered over. The forefrontes of every gallery were hanged with white & green Sarsenet wreathed and with great knots of gold, let down in manner of a valence before the gallery, and under the said galleries were Targets and schutchions of the Emperors and kings arms & devices. In the four towers were four fair ladies for the cardinal virtues so richly beseen that it was great pleasure to behold, every virtue having a sign and token of her property. In the galleries sat children mixed with men and women singing and playing on instruments melodiously, of the which sort one child said these verses following.  
Quinto amplexetur populus te C●sar amore  
Testantur varijs gaudía míxta sonis  
Aera, tube, Lítuí, cantus cithare calamisque  
Consona te resonant organa dísparibus  
unum te celebrant, te unum sic cuncta salutant  
O decus, O rerum gloria C●sar ave.  
When they came to the standard there was made a mighty building to timber with towers set in carbles forced with arches buttand & all habiliments embossed, & the lynterelles enhanced with pillars quadrant & the vaults in orbs with crobbes depending & monsters bearing up the pillars & in the roof was a lover swelling, in the top whereof was a banner of the arms of Spain & England & all the pageant full of scutcheons of arms of the two. princes. At the foot of this pagiant sat Alphons king of Spain richly appareled, & out of his breast a branch of which sprang many kings, queens and princes which sat and were lively persons richly appareled every one with a scutcheon of arms showing their marriages, and in the highest branch sat the Emperor, the king and just u and seven. degrees from the said king of Spain, to whom he said king Alphons said these verses.  
Carole qú fulges sceptro & diademate sacro  
Tuque Henrice fimul stemmata íuncta gerens  
Alter germa●ís, lux alter clara britannís  
Míscens Híspano sanguíne uterque genus  
Víuíte felíces quod uíxit secula Nestor  
Víuíte cumane tempora fatídice  
After this pageant seen & the verses said, they came to the little Conduit in Cheap where was builded a place like heaven curiously painted with clouds, erbes, stars & the jerarchies of angels, in the top of this pageant was a great type & out of this type suddenly issued out of a cloud a fair Lady richly appareled, & then all the minstrels which were in the pageant played & the angels sang, & suddenly again she was assumted into the cloud which was very curiously done, and about this pageant stood the Apostles whereof one said these verses.  
Ob quorum adventum tocies gens ipsa britanua  
Supplex dijs superís vota pr●terque dedít  
Quos ●tas omnis, pueri, íwenesque, senesque  
Optarunt oculis sepe uídere suís  
Venistis tandem auspicio Chrísti Marieque  
Pacís coníuncti f●dere perpetuo.  
Heroes saluete pij, saluete bea●i  
Exhílarant nostros miníma vestra lares  
Yet you must not forget for all the pagiantes how the Citizens well appareled stood within rails set on the left side of the streets and the clergy on the right side in rich copes, which sensed the princes as they passed and all the streets were richly hanged with clotheses of gold, silver, velvet and Arras, and in every house almost minstrelsy, and in every street were these two verses written in letters of gold.  
Carolus, Henrícus, vivant defensor uterque  
Henrícus fídeí, Carolus Eccleste  
Which verses ere also written in other tables in golden letters as ensueth.  

Long prosperity  
To Charles and Henry  
The one of faith  
The other of the Church  
Pricnes most puissant.  
Choose defendant.   
When they were past the little Conduit they came to the West end of Paul's church and there they alighted, & there was a Canopy ready under which they two stood and were received by the archbishop of Canterbury and xxi. prelate's in pontificals and so they offered at the high altar and returned to horseback and came to the Black Friars where the Emperor was lodged in great royalty: All his nobles were lodged in his new palace of Brydewell, out of the which was made a Gallery to the Emperor's lodging, which gallery was very long, and that gallery and all other galleries there were hanged with Arras. The kings palace was so richly adorned of all things that my wit is to dull to deser●ue them or the riches of the hangings or the sumptuous building and gilting of chambers.  
On saturday the king & the Emperor played at tennis at the Bayne against the princes of Orange and the Marquis of Brandenborow, & on the Prince's side stopped the Earl of Devonshire and the lord Edmond on the other side, and they departed even hands on both sides after xi. games fully played.  
On Whitsonday the viii. day of june themperor and the king with great honour both appareled in cloth of silver ●eysed, gounes and coats and all their apparel white except their bonnets, road to the Church of saint Paul & there heard high Mass which was song by the Cardinal which had his travers & cupboard, and before Mass two. Barons gave him water & after the Gospel two. Earls, and at the last lavatory two. Dukes which pride the spaniards sore disdained. When Mass was done they returned to Brydewell where the Emperor was highly feasted. Thesame sunday at after noon the two princes went by water to Westminster and road to the church, and in riding all the sanctuary men cried mercy and pardon, they were so hasty and pressed so near that the sergeants at arms could scase keep them from touching the Emperor and the king: The Cardinal gave them a gentle answer which contented them for a time. They were received with Procession into the Abbey & heard evensong & beheld king Henry the seventhes' chapel & then went into Westminster hall, at the largeness whereof the Emperor much marveled, than they turned to Brydewell and there supped.  
On Monday they dined in Southwark with the duke of Suffolk and hunted there in the Park, and road to the Manor of Richemond to their lodging and the next day to Hampton court, where they had great cheer and from thence on thursday to Wyndsore where he hunted Friday and Saturday and on Sunday at night in the great hall was a disguising or play, th'effect of it was the there was a proud horse which would not be tamed nor bridled, but amity sent prudence and policy which tamed him, and force & puissance bridled him. This horse was meant by the French king, & amity by the king of England & themperor, & other prisoners were their counsel & power, after this play ended was a sumptuous Mask of xii men and xii women, the men had in garments of clotheses of gold and silver loose laid on crimosyn Satin, knit with points of gold, bonnets, whoddes, buskyns, were all of gold, The ladies were of the same suit which was very rich to behold, and when they had danced, then came in a costly banquet and a voidy of spices, and so departed to their lodging.  
Monday, tewsday, and wednesday the princes and their counsel sat most part in counsel, and on Corpus Christi day, they with great triumph road to the collage of Wyndsore where the Emperor wore his Mantle of the Garter and sat in his own stall, and gave to the Heralds CC. crowns: that day both the princes received the Sacrament, and after Mass both swore to keep the promises & league each to other, for the which amity great joy was made on both parties, & after the Mass was ended they went to dinner, where was great feasting.  
On Friday they departed out of Wyndsore, & by easy journeys came to Wynchester the xxii day of june, & in the way thither, the Emperor hunted the Hart. Before the Emperor was come to Wynchester, th'earl of Surray admiral of England with all the kings Navy was come to Hampton, and with him the lord Fitz Water, the Baron Curson, sir Gyles Capell, sir Nicholas Carew, sir Richard Wyngfeld, sir Richard jernyngham, Frances Bryan, Anthony Browne, john Russell, of which many were of the kings privy chamber: These with many more departed from Hampton with xxx ships well manned & ordinaunced in the end of june, noising that they should only scour the seas for safeguard of the Emperor and his navy: But they had privy instructions to go to another place as you shall hear after.  
All this while was the war on the parties of Picardy hot, and the captain of Bullain called Fayet wrote ever mocking letters to the garrison of calais, and said: if the garrison of Calayce would issue out, he would meet with them half way with iiii. M. men. Whereupon sir Edward Guildforde Marshal of Calayce, whom the captain of Bullain called the firebrand, because it was his badge, set forth out of Calayce the xi day of june with xii C. men, & went out of Calayce and sent a pursuivant to the captain of Bullain certifying him that he was coming with his fyerbrand, and bade him keep promise. This officer declared the message to him, but he came not: Forth marched sir Edward till he came to Marguison and tarried to see whether the captain of Bullayne would come or not, and when he saw he came not, he set fire in the town, and the light horsemen forrayed the beasts and pillage, and brent villages all about, which was well perceived in the country a far of, and toward night all the crew came home with good pillage, & on the morrow sir Edward Gyldford delivered a prisoner frank and free, on condition he should tell the captain of Bullain that he had him at Marguison with his fyerbrand, which truly did his message, for the which the captain broke his head: all the castles and fortresses in the English pale were well manned and vitailed and lacked no artillery, so that the frenchmen could do them no harm.  
When the Emperor and the king lay at bishops Waltham they jointly sent letters of defiance to the Duke of Lorraine, as ally and confederate with the French king. The first day of july the Emperor's navy sailed before Hampton, which were C.lxxx. goodly ships. When the Emperor's ships were come, he took leave of the king and had great gifts given him and much money lent to him, & so the vi. day of july he took his ship, so with all his Navy he made sail toward Spain where he arrived in safety the ten day after.  
The king about this very time sent to the city of London to borrow xx. M. pounds, which sore chafed the citizens, but the some was promised, and for the payment the Mayer sent for none but for men of substance. Howbeit the crafts sold much of their plate. This sum was paid, and the king sent his letter promising payment of the same and so did the Cardinal. The poor men were content with this payment and said, let the rich churls pay, for they may well. Like loan was practised through all the realm, and privy seals delivered for the repayment of the same.  
This season the xxi day of may was the city of Geane gotten by the Emperor's captain called Octaviano de Columna, which had with him four M. and, iiii. C. Spaniards .v. M. Italyans, and four M. Lanceknightes: & in the city was taken Porter de Navarro the French kings familiar captain and all the lords of Geane which favoured the French king were taken prisoners or slain, & especially one Octa●iano Faragoso, which ruled there for the French king, was evil punished: The spoil of the city that the soldiers had, was four M. dukates beside the pillage, which was a great thing.  
Now let us return to the lord admiral of England which departed from Hampton as you have heard, and so with his Navy sailed and scoured the seas, and at last came on the costs of Britain, and commanded the wisest Masters and Mariners to boy the haven of Morles, which was done, an so the next night all the fleet came to the haven of Morles in safety & moored their ships together. Then all men were commanded to harness and to advance their standards, & all soldiers to give their attendance on their captains, and then the lord admiral appointed and caused xiiii pieces of ordinance called Faucons to be brought to land and drawn forth with strength of men. Then when all men that should go forward were landed, the lord Amyrall with banner displayed took land on the Estside of the haven the first day of july, and with him a fair band of soldiers, as the lord Fitz Water, the Baron Curson, sir Richard Wyngfelde, sir Richard jernyngham, sir William Barantine, sir Adrian Foskew, sir Edward Donne, sir Edward chamberlain, Frances Bryan, Richard Cornwall, sir Anthony poins, sir Henry Sherborne, and the vice admiral, sir William Fitzwillyam, sir Edmond Bray, sir Gyles Capel, sir William Pyrton, sir John Cornwall's, sir John Wallop, sir Edward Echyngham, sir William Sidnay, Anthony Broune, Gyles Huse, Thomas More, John Russell, Edward Bray, Henry Owen, George Cobham, Thomas Owdayle, Thomas Lovel, Robert jernyngham, Anthony Kneuit, sir John Tremaile, and the Master of the kings ordinance, sir William Skevyngton, and John Fabian sergeant at arms, by whom this enterprise was chief moved as was reported, with many other gentlemen and soldiers, to the number of seven. M. The lord admiral and sir Richard Wyngfeld brought these men in good order of battle, & caused Christopher Morres the master gunner to see all things ready prepared, & then about viii of the clock the said first day they marched toward Morles in good order of battle with banners displayed. The alarm rose in the country and came to the town of Morles whereby the gentlemen of the country showed theimselfes pricking, but when they heard the Guns they fled as though they never used war. They of Morles armed theimselfes & went to the walls and shut the gates and laid ordinance where was most jeopardy. The Englishmen had go five long mile and were now come to the subberbes of the town: then the Englishmen archers shot, and the Brytons them defended: then the admiral commanded the town to be assaulted, than the lord Fitz Water and the Baron Curson quartered the town on all sides: The Englishmen shot with long bows, and the Brytons with cross bows, which defended themselves manfully. Before the port Moruet where is a Meason de dieu, At this gate gave the assault sir Richard Wyngfelde, Nycholas Carew, Frances Bryan, sir John Wallop and all their bends having with them three pieces of ordinaune called Faucons, which the master Gunner often times shot, but the Britons had set the gate full of hacbushes, than the gunner said, have at the wicket, and in the smoke of the guns let us enter the gate, the gentlemen assented, than the said sir Christopher Gunner struck the lock of the wicket, 
Mo●les ass●uted & gotten.  so that it flew open, then in the smoke ran to the gate the said Christopher and the other forenamed gentlemen, and when Christopher came to the gate he found the wicket open & entered, and the gentlemen followed, the Brytons defended themselves, but they were put back or slain, then was the great gate opened and then entered the soldiers that were on the other side of the town. When the Brytons on the walls saw the town gotten, some fled at the postern and some by another way, the best way that they could.  
th'earl of Surray with banner displayed took the market place. Then the soldiers fell to pillage and rifled the chests and aware houses of merchants, for the town of Morles was very rich, and specially of linen cloth, the gentlemen suffered the soldiers to do what they would. When the soldiers had taken their pleasure of the town as much for a truth or more than they could bear away.  
The lord Admiral commanded the trumpets to blow, & commanded all men to set fire in all places of the town (the holy places only except) the fair market place was set on fire, & the subburbes brent ardantly. Wherefore all men were commanded to their standards, and about vi. of the clock the army retreted, and as they passed they brent the villages and places. And when night approached they drew together and and all that night lay on land abiding their enemies. And the next day with honour they took their ships, and when all men were shipped and few or none miss. The lord admiral commanded xvi or xvii ships small and great lying in the haven to be brent. Then they sailed forth and came to anchor before saint Polle de Lion, than he commanded that the foist and other small ships and great boats should be manned to enter into an harborough for ships called pympoll or pympole, which was son done, the boats entered the place & some landed, but then the Brytons were to strong & so they took their boats & bet the Britons on the shore, & the Brytons shot great ordinance at the Englishmen, but it did them no harm, and yet the Englishmen brent a ship of. CC. and many small vessels. When time came the whole fleet sailed into the haven of Breast and with barks and row barges entered the haven and took land, and some Englishmen did so much that they set ●yer in house's near the castle. And even as thenglishmen sailed by the cost, the Brytons them askryed and fortified the landing places▪ yet daily the Englishmen skirmished with the Brytons and came safely to their ships again: with this water was all the duchy of Brytaigne sore troubled.  
When the lord Admiral had won the town of Morles as you have heard. He called to him certain squires whom for their hardiness and noble courage he made knights, ●yrst sir Frances Bryan, sir Anthony Broune, sir Richard Cornwall, sir Thomas Moore, sir Eyles Huse, sir John Russel, sir John Raynsford, sir George Cobham, sir John Cornwalles, sir Edward Rigley and divers other, And after he wrote letters to the king of his good speed: In the which he much praised and all gentlemen and soldiers for their hardiness. When he had sailed a while on the seas, he had letters sent from the king that he should retreyte, and so he came withal his fleet under the Isle of Wight to a place called the Kow, and then he departed from his ship and came to Estamstede the xxi day of july to the king, of whom he was well welcomed you may be sure. And so on mounday the xxiii day of july the king and he came to London to the cardinals place and there sat in counsel to determine what should be done. After this the king dined with the Cardinal the xxiii day of july, where he rehearsed that he had knowledge that the Amyrall of Britain was in Morles with a HUNDRED horsemen and a C. crossbows, and yet he fled, and the king much commended the lord admiral for his pain and hardiness, and praised them of his guard, and specially fifty, which left pylfering and never went from the lord captain.  
On the third day of july while this enterprise was done at Morles, certain frenchmen to the number of CCC. horsemen came near to the castle of Guysnes and kept themself in a close covert and so appeared viii. or x. horsemen and came near Guysnes: out of the Castle came viii. English archers and issued out of the gate and fell with the French horsemen in skirmished: to the Frenchemennes, rescue came iiii. men of arms and skirmished with the archers which were a foot. Then out of Guysnes issued xii. dimilances all Welshemen and ran boldly to the frenchmen in rescue of the footmen, Then the whole bend of frenchmen issued out and set on the Welshemen, the footmen shot while arrows lasted and were feign to fight with sword, the Welshmen kept themselves together and entered into the bend of frenchmen and broke their spears and then fought so with sword that they made away, so that they escaped from the bend of CCC. horsemen, and of the frenchmen were slain three men and u horse, the footmen were overpressed and sold their lives dear, for the frenchmen slew them all and would take none prisoner, they were so angry with the killing of their horse.  
Also the xxv. day of july sir Wylly am Sands treasurer of Caleys and sir Edward Guilforde Martial, with banners spread, issued out of Caleys with xiiii. C. men and went into the French pale looking for Mounsire Foyat which was a great mocker and a coward: But when he appeared not they went to Whitsand bay and set it on fire, and the people fled to the church which was fortified and stood at defence, the body of the church was won and then they took the steeple and some yielded themselves, but the remnant by counsel of a priest maintained so long that the steeple was fired and then the priest cried secure, but it was to late and so the French people was fain to leap the steeple & divers perished, & they that were saved were led to Caleys as prisoners. Farther the xxiii. day of the same month Thwaites a captain of an English ship took land beside Bullein, and went up three mile into the country to a town called New Castle and forryed all the country and in his return set fire on the town & brent a great part thereof maugre the Bullenoys, and with his bows and men which only was vi. score, he put back lxxx. Hagbushes and CCC. men of war of the country and so came to their ship with all the botie and lost no man, notwithstanding they were sore followed to their ship.  
On the vi. day of july the cardinal sat in the star chamber at Westminster where he said, my Lords it is reason that you should know the honourable enterprise done by the lord Admiral and his company in Brytaigne which hath despoiled and destroyed the great town of Morles in Brytaigne with all the villages and country adjoining to the same, which is in the French dominion, which mischief had never risen if Frances the French king had kept his oath and promise. For he is bound that he should never retain the Swyches from the Emperor, nor that he shall not invade any of the Emperor's lands or dominions, which he hath done, for he hath invaded the country of Henaude and Cambrises and taken Heding and Fountraby with many other injuries. For when the king sent me and other to his great costs the last year to Caleys to treat a unity and peace between them, all our sayings were by the French king turned into a mocquery. Also contrary to his promise he hath suffered Duke John of Albany to enter the realm of Scotland to the great peril of the young king, Nephieu to our sovereign lord, and also intendeth to marry the the Queen of Scots contrary to the kings honour. The said French king also witholdeth the kings duties & his sisters dower: wherefore of necessity the king is entered into war, for no prince will suffer the wrong that the French king offereth him as an untrue & forsworn prince, wherefore for your own wealth you must now aid your prince, trusting to punish and chastise him to your great honour and fame.  
Then by commandment were all Frechemen and Scots imprisoned and the goods seized, and all such as were denizens were commanded to show their letters patents, & such as were allowed had all their goods and the other not, and all frenchmen and Scots that had married Englishewomen, the wives and children had half the goods delivered unto them, and every denizen to find surety for his good abearing, and all the other if they would be bailed to find sureties for their truth and allegiance or else to be kept in prison, for the ports were so kept that they could not fly.  
The king now being entered into the wars thought not to sleep and let the French king alone, wherefore by his letters he commanded certain persons with their powers to come to London in August. They that were appointed came accordingly, every man with such a number as to him was appointed, and when they had mustered at London before the kings Commissioners they were near xii. M. men with the Pioneers, and they were sent to the lord admiral which lay at Dover with iiii. M. men, but because harvest was not done, the victual at Caleys was to little for so great an army, wherefore they lay in Kent at towns there a good space, which made victual dear there.  
In this summer the lord Rosse and the lord Dacres of the North which were appointed to keep the borders against Scotland did so valiantly that they burned the good town of Kelsy and lxxx. villages and overthrew xviii. towers of stone with all their Barnkyns or Bulwerkes.  
The king also in this month was credibly informed that the duke of Albany prepared an army royal of Scots and frenchmen to invade England▪ Wherefore the king appointed the Earl of Shrewsbury his lord Steward to be his Lieutenant general against the said Duke and his invasions, which directed his letters to the shires of York, Derby, Stafford, Shropshyre and all other beyond Trent that all men should be in a readiness.  
The xx. day of August the cardinal sent for the Mayor, Aldermen and the most substanciallest comminers of the City of London, where he declared to them that the king had appointed commissioners through the whole realem for England for to swear every man of what value he is in movables, the more to be in readiness for the defence of this realm. And the king for the love he beareth you would have sit with you himself, but for certain other affairs in his wars to be done he is letted, and so hath appointed me your Commissioner. Wherefore in convenient time certify me the number of all such as be worth one hundredth pounds and upward, to the intent I may swear them of their values: for first the king asketh of you your loving hearts and due obeisance, the which shall appear by your conformity to his requests, and when the value is taken the desireth only the tenth part of goods and lands which is the least reasonable thing that you can aid your prince with. I think every one of you will offer no less, as for the spirituality every man is in the shires sworn and shall and will gladly pay the fourth part to the king and live on the three parts. Now to your part I am sure you will not grudge, therefore name me the men of substance and for the meanet sort, meaner Commissioners shall be appointed. Sir said a merchant if it may please you, how shall this tenth part to the king be delivered? in money plate or jewels said the Cardinal at a value. O my lord said the Aldermen it is not yet two months sith the king had of the City xx. thousand pound in ready money in loan, whereby the City is very bore of money, for God's sake remember this that rich merchants in ware be bore of money: Well said the cardinal, this must be done and therefore go about it. So the Aldermen resorted to their Wards and named such as they judged to be of that value, which came before the cardinal and most humbly besought him that they might not be sworn for the true value of their substance for the true valuation to them was unknown and many honest men's credence was better than his substance, and therefore they doubted the peril of perjury. Well said the Cardinal sith you dread the crime of perjury, it is a sign of grace, and therefore I will for you borrow of the king a little. Make you your bills of your own value likely to report your fame and then more business needeth not for you see what two costly armies the king hath ready against both France and Scotland, therefore now show yourselves like loving subjects, for you be able enough. And I dare swear the substance of London is no less worth than two millions of gold. Then said the citizens we would to God that it were so, and the city is sore appaired by the great occupying of strangers. Well said the Cardinal it shallbe redressed if I live: But on Saturday next I shall appoint one to receive your bills, and he that is of credence more than of substance let him resort to me and I will be secret and good to him. Thus the Citizens departed in great agony saying, that at the last loan some lent the fifth part and now to have the tenth part was to much. And here note well that the x. thousand pounds that was lent was not taken as the xx. of every man's substance, but it should be allowed as part of the x. part, and this valuation should perform up the whole x. part. Great was the mourning of the common people as it is ever in such cases of payments. But in the end one doctor Tonnys a secretary to the Cardinal came to the Chapter house of Paul's, and to him the citizens brought in their bills and on their honesty they were received, which values afterward turned them to displeasure.  
The spirituality made suit to the lord Cardinal that no temporal men should sit to examine them, to be made privy to their possessions & goods: wherefore bishops and abbots were appointed commissioners to take the value of their substance.  
In this season was great plenty of victual sent to Caleys, and to the lord admiral were sent Tents and Pavilions some of lxx. lodgings for him and other noblemen.  
The Friday being the xxii. day of August certain Welshemen were lodged at a poor village named Cause, because in Caleys was very narrow lodging, and the same night CCCC. Frenchmen passed by Caleys haven for lack of good watch and came into the same village and set fire in the house where the Welshemen lay, which ran away naked into the marsh and saved themselves, but their horses were taken. This chance happened for lack of good watch.  
When the lord admiral had brought all his men out of the ships and that all the soldiers were come out of England and the ordinance set on land, than came into Caleys haven xiiii. ships out of Spain from the Emperor which set on land CCC. spaniards which were sent to serve the lord admiral and under him they were put. When all things were ready, the lord admiral set in order his battles and for the forward he appointed sir Robert Ratcleffe, lord Fitzwater for Capitayne, and with him divers knights and gentlemen which captain kept his men in very good order.  
After that battle followed the ordinance, artillery and other trusses with victual and all necessaries, & for the captain of the horsemen was appoined sir Edward Gyldford, by whom the currers and vewers of the country were appointed. The middle ward led the lord admiral himself, and in his company the lord Edmond Hawarde his brother, with many worshipful knights, squires and tall yeomen: The last battle was led by two valiant knights of the Garter sir William Sands and sir Richard Wyngfelde, and with them was sir Richard jernyngham with many other. In good order of battle they passed over Newnam bridge the xxx day of August to a place called Calkewell & there lodged between the Wyndmyl & the marish.  
Thesame day came to the lord admiral a certain nombe of wild persons, as men out of service and apprentices that ran from their Masters and other idle persons, and him desired that they might be retained in the kings wages, to whom he answered, that the king had appointed the number of such as should have wages, which was fully complete and advised them to return into England and not to loiter there. Then said a tall yeoman, my lord here be many good fellows that with your favour would jeopard to get or loose, for their mind is to be revenged on the frenchmen enemies to the king and his realm.  
Good fellow said the lord admiral, their minds be good, but if for lack of conduit they should be cast away, it were a loss to the king and a great courage to the frenchmen. Then all the company cried, let us go in the name of God and saint George: Then after counsel taken he gave them a Penon of saint George and bade them adventure (of which they were called adventurers) and farther bade them that if they got any botie they should ever bring it to th'army, and they should be paid to the uttermost, and then he gave them money and commanded them weapons & so the said xxxi day the said adventurers four C. in number and more, set forward before the host, but how they did, you shall hear afterward.  
Monday the first day of September the army removed toward Guisnes, which day was very hot & drink lacked, and water was not near, so that some died for faintness, & this night they lay at Guysnes.  
Tuesday the second day of September the army passed toward Arde: And in the golden Ualay where the king of England and the Frencheking met two years before, there met with th'army of England two captains of the Burgonions, the one called the earl of Egemond the Seneschal of Henaude, and the lord for Bavers admiral of Flaunders with v. C. horsemen, like men of war. The lord admiral in gentle manner received these two captains and their company & so they joined theimselfes to the English army, and the same day they took lodging at Arde south from the town, where they were well vitailed, & there lay wednesday all day, and the burgonions lay under the castle of Mountorrey. The next day they removed to the vale of Lyekes, & there encamped themselves. Sir George Cobham the same day with ii M. men, by the admirals commandment came to the town of Selloys & set fire in the town, & when the town was on fire he assaulted the castle. They within made resistance, but it availed not, for the walls were entered & the soldiers taken, and the castle set on fire, & with gunpowder overthrew the walls: then with hast he removed to a town called Brune bridge and set it on fire, and also brent a town called Senekerke, and also the towns of Botyngham and Manstier & so returned to the lord admiral which gave him great thanks, The frenchmen appeared in plumps, but yet they durst not rescue their towns.  
On saturday the lord admiral removed with the whole army to a ground beside saint Nerbyns and there lay all sunday being the vii day of September, where he sent divers companies out, which foraged the countries & brent many villages as far as they might travail: the lord admiral caused the town of Narbyn to be brent, & took the castle and razed it and utterly destroyed it.  
On Monday the viii day, he removed to Daverne and brent all the towns as he passed, and lying there, he brent the town of Daverne and cast down the castle of Columberge & the castle Rew, but the churches of Daverne and a house of nuns were saved by his commandment.  
Thesame day was brent saint Marie de Boys and all the country twelve mile about was of light fire, the people fled and left towns and Castles full of wine, corn, and all other necessaries, so that in Daverne the Englishmen found great plenty, which or they went away they set a fire.  
The ix. day of Septembre the whole army came before the town of Boyardes in which was a Church more liker a castle then a Church, for it was deep dyched with draw bridges and with Bulwarks fortified and lopes very warlike, The admiral beholding it said, this is like no house of prayer. Then he commanded his people to enter the dyches and pluck down the draw bridges and set fire in the Church, and with gunpowder overthrew it, and brent the town and all the villages adjacent to the same, the people cried and fled, well was he that might save himself.  
The ten day, they came to the town of Uaus, which was nigh the town called Foucamberge and there a company of Frenchmen were askried, for out of a would they showed themselves, but they tarried not long, but without proffer of encounter they departed. Wherefore the whole army took their camp & there lay till the xiii day which was saturday, every day s●ndyng plumps out to set fire in the country, and on that day they took the ●ay to Fring of Flings, and there brent the town and destroyed the castle which was very strong.  
The Sunday being the xiiii day, the lord admiral with his company in great rain and ill wether passed by hills and valleys very painfully, and with great labour came to a town called Blaniow, and there tarried monday all day, & there all day counseled the captains both of England, and Flaunders or Burgon what was best to be done.  
On tewsday in the morning came a trumpet from the Castle of Hedyng and desired to speak with the captain, 
Message from Heding.  which incontinent sent for him: my lord captain said the trumpet, the captain of Hedyng desireth you to come thither and see the place, and on the walls he will bring you good luck, and he prayeth you not to hurt the dear in his park, and for any other hurt you can do him he careth not: well said the lord admiral, I will sand him answer by my trumpet. 
The answer  Incontinent he called a trumpet and bade him go to Hedyng to Mounsire de Bees and to say to him that he would come to the castle of Heding, & if he slay any of my men with his artillery, let him trust me, that if I get the castle I shall save neither man, woman, nor child. So with that message the trumpet departed & declared it to Mounsire de Bees, which said that it was spoken of noble courage, and so the trumpet returned, and the same day the camp was removed and the whole army came about the castle of Heding, 
Hedyng 〈◊〉.  at which time the town of Hedyng was sore infect with pestilence, wherefore a general commandment was given that no man should once come into the town, howbeit some of the Burgonyans did and set fire in the houses.  
When the siege was planted, the ordinance was very light for the ways were so deep and the ground so wet that the great ordinance could not be carried. This thing was well debated by the lord Admiral and the captains. After they had been there xi days, first they considered that the castle could not be obtained without great ordinance, which in no wise could then be carried, and also if they with the light ordinance shooting should spend all their powder and not get the castle than in them might be reckoned great folly, and also they should be in great jeopardy to pass without ordinance, and further the plague began sore in the army, wherefore they determined to leave the siege and return. But while they lay at the town they bet down roffes, galleries, chimneys, and such other things as the light ordinance would beat down, which sore defaced the beauty of the castle. They also destroyed all the dear in the Park, which were fallow dear and left none for the captain. The Englishmen were clearly determined to have assaulted the castle if the Burgonions would have done the same: 
The cause why the castle was not assa●̄ted.  but they refused, which seeing the Englishmen left the assault alone: For though the Englishmen had gotten it, it should have been delivered to the emperors use by the treaty, fbr he claimed it as his inheritance, which caused the Englishmen to leave the assault.  
And so the xxii day of September they reared the siege and set theim selfes in good order of battle and passed still onward till they came to Dorlans and brent the town, 
The siege raised.  and razed the castle, and from thence came to the good town of Darrier and brent and spoiled the same. Thus he brent all the way as he passed: and ever the wether was worse, and men fell sick, wherefore the Burgonions and the Spaniards returned into Flaunders about Betwyn.  
Then the lord admiral saw that it was no time to keep the field, turned backwardly in good order of battle & came to calais the xvi day of October. And while he lay at Calayce he sent out sir William Sands, sir Morice Barkeley, sir William Fitzwillyam with iii M. men, which brent Marguyson which was newly edified and fortified, they brent also the town of saint johnes Rhode & Temple town, & many villages. At this voyage were taken many prisoners xiiii M. sheep, xiiii. C. great cattal as Oxen & kine, & xiii. C. hogs, and vi C. Mares & Horses, with this great botie this crew returned to Calayce in safety.  
Then the lord admiral sent sir John Walop with ix C. men to saint Omers to lie there and at Guysnes, Hams, and at Mark, & at Oy he left another number and left captains to oversee them, & all the soldiers had a months wages paid them & to returned into England.  
The adventurers tarried still and got many good prays, & brought to the garrisons, and lacked nothing: they were much dread of all the common people, for of them they had great prays, and daily learned feats of war which made them the bolder.  
When the lord Admiral had set all things in an order on that side the sea, he took ship & with the Navy came into the river of Thames and so to the king, of whom he was well welcomed & not unworthy.  
In this season were banished out of Southwark xii. Scots which had dwelled there a long season & were conveyed from parish to parish by the constable like men that hadabiured the realm, & on their uttermost garment a white cross before & another behind them. Thus were they conucyed through London Northward till they came to Scotland.  
While the lord admiral was this in France destroying the country, the noble Earl of Shrewsbury lord George Talbot & Steward of the kings household prepared by the kings commandment a great army toward Scotland: for the king was informed that Duke John of Albany (which in the Parliament of Scotland was made lord governor of the realm and of the young king during his nonage) had raised a mighty & puissant host of Scots to the number of, lxxx. M. men as after was well known, which were warlike appointed, & that he with .v. C. frenchmen with handgunnes and other great artillery was coming forward to invade the west Marches of England adjoining toward Scotland. Wherefore the king sent word to th'earl of Shrewsbury, which with all diligence like a noble captain set forward toward York, & wrote to th'earls of Northumberland, Westmoreland and Derby, to the lord Dacres, Lumley, Clyfford, Scrope, Latemer, Ogle, Darcy, Conyers, & to all other gentlemen to be ready within viii hours warning with all their powers, and so in iorniing, he with his power which was great, came to the city of York abiding the ordinance, and the lords and all other things necessary in such a case.  
In the mean season the Scots were come nigh to the city of Carleyle and lodged them nigh the water of Eske not far from Sulway sands, & there made their abode. th'earl of Westmoreland, the lord Dacres, the lord Roos, the lord Mountaigle, with the knights of Lancashere, Westmoreland & Cumberland were ready with xxviii M. men to have given them battle.  
When the Scots saw that they could not come into England with out battle, the lords of Scotland drew to counsel, and amongst all one wiseman said, my lords, hither be we come by the commandment of my lord Governor the duke of Albany, 
The saiyngor a Scottish Earl.  but for what ause the war is we should know: you all remember that the last war was to the realm of Scotland much prejudicial: For king james the four brought the realm of Scotland to the best that ever it was: and by his war it was brought to the worst almost that may be, for by that war was he & his nobility slain, which Scotland sore lamenteth: Wherefore by mine advice let us go to the duke & know of him the cause. Then they all came to the duke's court, & th'earl of Arrayn an ancient man spoke for them all & said, my lord Governor, by your will & commandment here is assembled almost all the nobility of Scotland with their power upon a pretence to enter into England, my lords here would know the cause & quarrel why this war is begun, if it might please your goodness, it should well satisfy their minds  
The duke studied a good while & said: this question would have been demanded or now: 
The answer of the duke of Albany.  For well you know that I for the very love that I bear to the realm of Scotland, of the which I have my name, honour & lineage. I have passed the seas out of the noble realm of France into this realm of Scotland. One great cause to bring you to a unity when you were in division: By reason of which division your realm was likely to be conquered & destroyed. Also the French king by my suits & interession will join with you in aid against th'English nation: & when this war was determined in the parliament, you made me captain, authorizing me to invade England with banner displayed: then was no question demanded of the right or quarrel, & that that I have is by your assent & agreement, & that I will justify: But to answer your demand, my think you have just cause to invade England with fire, sword, & blood, if you be not to for getfull, & without you will bear dishonour & reproach for ever: For you know that this realm of Scotland is our inheritance as a portion of the world allotted to our nation & ancestors whom we succeed: Then where may be better war then to maintain this our natural inheritance, is not daily seen the great invasions that thenglishmen on us make, the great manslaughters & murders with robberies & spoils that they do daily? Is not this a cause of war? To defend the country is the office of a king, the honour of noble men & the very service of chivalry, & the duty natural of the commonalty. For I think it a just quarrel if we might conquer the realm of England & annex it to our realm & make a Monarchy: For sith the beginning of our habitation in this Isle of Britain, that nation & we have been enemies, & us they have ever hated, & yet we have ever withstood them till at the last battle of Branxston where we by chance lost our sovereign lord & many noble men, but that was by treason of his lord chamberlain, & yet I think we won the field: which murder I think all we noble men aught to revenge. Therefore I would that you should courageously advance yourself in this quarrel to get honour & to be revenged  
Then a sad man called the precedent of the counsel said, my lord: Fortune of war is led by him that all leadeth, & he striketh the stroke, we can work no miracles, & here are the lords of England ready to encounter us, and surely they will fight, for their power shall increase daily and ours is at the highest. And if God give us the victory as I trust he will, yet have we not won the field. For ready coming is the lord Talbot earl of Shrewsbury so much dread in France as you know well, with a great puissant army, & there is no doubt but the king of England will sand or bring another army, if we should chance to get the ●yrst battle: if we get the two. field, that will not be without loss of many nobles, by reason whereof the realm shallbe weaker. And if we be overcome, how many shallbe slain god knoweth: They that i'll be worthy to be reputed as traitors to the king & so by wilfulness & foolish hardiness the realm shallbe in jeopardy to be undone, & I say, while the king is within age, we aught to move no war, sith by war we may bring him to destruction. Alas said the duke, here is all the puissance of Scotland: if we return, we shall encourage our enemies, & the realm of Scotland shall ever be rebuked & defamed. All this communication in counsel was written ●y one sir Loather priest & Scot and secretary to the queen of Scots, which was a secretary there in the host at that time, to a Scottish priest that dwelled in London: & farther he wrote that the Scottish king did much for the French kings pleasure to draw the lords of England with their powers toward that party & to put the king of England to charges, so that he should not invade France.  
After this communication the queen of Scots which doubted the sequel of this matter, sent word to the duke & him required to common of a peace with the warden of th'English Marches, which sent an Herald to the lord Daker then warden of the west Marches, the lord Daker agreed, & upon hostages went to the duke of Albany into his camp, where the queen of Scots by that time was come, & so there was an abstinence of war taken for a season: and in the mean time the duke and the queen promised to sand Ambassadors to the king of England to comlude a peace: And thus the Scots returned into their houses. This truce was taken the xi. day of September between England & Scotland this xiiii. year of the king. th'earl of Shrewsbury hearing of the truce by the lord Dacres letters returned with all his company, sorry that he had not go forward on the Scots. In this season the commissioners sat for the loan of the x. part of every man's substance in every shire, the people were sworn and some advanced themselves more than they were worth of pride, not remembering what was coming, and the commissioners did what they could to set the people to the uttermost, which afterward turned the people to much heaviness, & by reason of this, great sums of money were levied, but the most part were not content, because the loan was so suddenly paid. But under the value of .v. pound no man lent a penny. The vii day of October was four M. pound paid to the city of London which was lent for a private cause about the loan of the ten part.  
In this year the bakers of London came and told the Mayor that corn would be dear, whereupon he and thaldermen made provision for xv. C. quarters, & when it was come they would buy none, and made the common people believe that it was musty, because they would utter their own, so that the lord Cardynal was feign to prove it, and found the bakers false and commanded them to buy it.  
The xuj. day of October the king lay at Hitchyn in Hartford shire to see this Hawks ●lye, and by chance, there the kings lodging was on fire & he is great fear, but in no jeopardy, and so the king came shortly to London and sent for the Mayor and divers comyners and to them gave thanks for many kindness which they thought they had well deserved.  
The war thus continuing between the French king and the king of England, there was a valiant capitane Constable of the castle of Hams under the lord Mount●oy called sir Richard Whethyll, the Frenchemen him somuch hated that they devised a policy to take him, & so on Christmasday at night there issued out of Bullain CC. horsemen and CCC. footmen, and somuch they travailed that all together were come to a place where Hops grew, near Hams castle called Cat Hall. When they were come thither, they kept theimselfes covert, and in the morning they broke up the Turn pike by saint Gertrudes: Then sent they into Hams Marsh ix or ten footmen to take cattle. In the castle the alarm rang, but the embushment kept them still close: The constable perceived what the alarm ment, and armed him, & so did his archers, and took his horse, and three gentlemen went on foot by him. The Frenchmen of purpose drived the cattle here & there as though it would not be driven, sir Richard Whethyll pursued them. When the drivers saw him, they drove the cattle into a great field: then were the ambushment of horsemen and footmen between him and saint Gertrudes, and they suddenly broke out on him, and the three gentlemen on foot fought valiantly but they were slain, the knight alighted and fought on foot manfully, but he was borne down with pikes, and sore wounded and so was compelled to yield himself prisoner: by that time were thirty. archers come out of the castle, and when they saw the great number of the frenchmen, than they knew that their captain was betrayed and so returned.  
In this Christmas which was kept at Eltham, the Cardinal made divers reformations for the kings household, and all they that had no masters were commanded to avoid.  
The xxvii day of February sir John Walop knight sent lx adventurers from Guysnes to seek adventures, and they met with a gentleman called Thomas Palmer which went with them. And out of a castle between Bulloyne and Marguyson called Hadyngham came out lxxx frenchmen with Pikes and Crossbows, and set on the same Palmer which him defended.  
Albina his company saving, xxiii. persons were go about to seek their prey. These xxiii persons him manfully succoured & after the frenchmen had slain his horse and wounded him, his company slew iii frenchmen and took xxv. and live which were all hurt & so were thenglishmen, for the frenchmen fought sore. All these prisoners were brought to Guisnes, & the remnant of thadventurers returned with much cattle.  
The last day of February lx Englishmen archers & billmen came to a place called saint Anthony's near to Marguison & entered the houses and fell a spoiling: The Frenchmen were thereof advertised by a spy, & came on & set on a few Englishmen which were together: then with noise other of thenglishmen approached, so they were xl persons. Then came out a fresh embushment of Frenchmen & set on thenglishmen & so slew xi & took xx. prisoners & the other scaped. 
The duke of Albany returned.  About this time the duke of Albany sailed out of Scotland into France, & the French king somuch favoured him, that as it was showed to the king of England for truth, that when the French king road through Paris he road on y● one hand & Richard de la Pole a traitor to England & by parliament attainted on that other hand, & that the duke had asked of the French king u M. horsemen & ten M. Almains, & that he had promised the French king if he had those xu M. men, he would do one of these iii things, either slay the king of England in battle, or else take him prisoner, or else drive him out of his realm. These were shameful brags of a noble man and very foolish.  
You have hard before how truce was taken by the duke of Albany & the lord Da●res for a season between England & Scotland & that Ambassadors should be sent to the king of England, so it was that in October according to their accustomed doubleness they sent iii personages of small behaviour as it seemed▪ as Ambassadors from Scotland: they were smally regarded & shortly departed. Their Commission was to know whether the same time or abstinence of war was by the king assented to or not, 
Ambassade from S●otland.  & other commission had they none. Thus they meant craftily as you may perceive, for in such troublous time they may steal unpunished, which they may not do in time of peace. Wherefore the king to be sure of them sent for Henry the .v. earl of Northumberland & him made warden of the whole Marches which thankfully accepted the same, & so departed lord Warden. But how soever it happened he made suit to the king & his counsel & never left, till he was discharged of the same, & then th'earl of Surray lord admiral of England was made general warden, & the lord Marquis Dorset was made Warden of thest Marches & Myddil, and the lord Dacres of the west Marches: which iii lords sped them thither the vi. day of March for the defence of the borders. For refusing of this office th●rle of Northumberland was not regarded of his own tenants which disdained him and his blood and much lamented his folly, and all men esteemed him without heart or love of honour and chivalry.  
The king out of hand sent commissions to gather the loan, this was called the practising of the loan, 
The ●oane gathered.  which sore emptied men's purses. In the same month were musters taken through the realm & every ma commanded to be ready within a days warning to do the king service in harness, which caused every man of honesty to buy harness and weapon.  
The lord Marques Dorset warden of the East Marches between England & Scotland accompanied with sir William Bulmer and sir Arthur Darcy and many other noble men, the second day of April then being shear thursday entered into Tyvedale & so ten mile into Galoway and brent on every side towns and villages, and the Scots in great number showed themselves on the hills & did not approach, & so he all that night tarried in the Scottish ground & on good Friday returned with their botie which was four M. head of neat into England, when they had brent Grymslay, Mowhouse, Dufforde mills, Ackeforthe, Crowling, News manner, Midder Crowling, Marbottel, Low Bog, Sefforth Manner, Myddyl rig, Primsed, Broket, Shawes Haruel, wide open Haught & other towns & villages, & yet lost not many men.  
The xu day of April began a Parliament at the black Friars in London, & that day the Mass of the holy ghost was song, all the lords being present in their Parliament robes. And when Mass was finished the king came into the Parliament chamber and there sat down in the seat royal or throne, and at his feet on the right side sat the cardinal of York & the archbishop of Cantorbury, & at the rail behind stood doctor Tunstal bishop of London, which made to the whole Parliament an eloquent Oration, declaring to the people the office of a king. first he must be a man of judgement according to the saying of the Prophet David Deus judicium tuum regi da, etc. 
The Oration of Doctor Tunstal bishop of London.  Also he must be a man of great learning according to the saying of the Prophet, Erudimini qui iudicatis ●erram. According to which sayings he said that God had sent us a prince of great judgement, of great learning, & great experience, which according to his princely duty forgot not to study to set forward all things which might be profitable to his people and realm, lest might be laid to his charge the saying of Seneca Es rex & non habes tempus esse rex? Art thou a king and hast no time to be a king? which is as much to say, as art thou a king and dost nothing profitable to thy people? Art thou a king & seest the people have an insufficient law? Art thou a king and wilt not provide remedy for the mischief of thy people? These things have moved the kings highness to call this his high court of Parliament both for the remedy of mischiefs which be in the common law, as recoveries, foreign vouchers and corrupt trials. And for making & ordering of new statutes which may be to the high advancement of the common wealth, wherefore he willeth he commons to repair to the common house and there to elect them a speaker, or their common mouth, and to certify the lord Chancellor of the same, which should thereof make report to the kings most noble grace, which should declare his pleasure when he would have him presented before his person. This was the cause of the parliament he said, but surely of these things no word was spoken in the whole parliament, and in effect no good act made except the grant of a great subsidy were one, but according to this instruction the commons departed to the common house and choose for their speaker sir Thomas Moor knight & presented him the saturday after in the Parliament chamber, where he according to the old usage disabled himself both in wit, 
The Oration of sir Thomas Moore.  learning, and discretion, to speak before the king, & brought in for his purpose how one Phormio desired Hannibal to come to his reading, which thereto assented, and when Hannyball was come he began to read, de re militari, that is of Chivalry, when Hannyball perceived him, he called him arrogant fool, because he would presume to teach him which was master of Chivalry, in the feats of war. So the speaker said, if he should speak before the king of learning and ordering of a common wealth and such other like the king being so well learned & of such prudence & experience might say to him as Hannyball said to Phormio. Wherefore he desired his grace that the commons might choose another speaker: The Cardinal answered, that the king knew his wit, learning & discretion by long experience in his service: wherefore he thought that the commons had chosen him as the most meetest of all, and so he did admit him. Than sir Th●mas Moor gave to the king his most humble thanks, and desired of him two petitions: The one, if he should be sent from the commons to the king on message & mistake their intent, that he might with the kings pleasure resort again to the commons for the knowledge of their true meaning: The other was, if in communication & reasoning any man in the common house should speak more largely then of duty he aught to do, that all such offences should be pardoned, & that to be entered of record, which two petitions were granted, and so thus began the parliament and continued as you shall hear.  
Because an evil chance happened to the great rebuke of all christian princes, 
The Rhodes besieged.  I intend briefly to declare the same miserable chance. In the beginning of this year Sultan Solyman Pac called the great Turk which was but the viii. of the line of Ottoman, the first that took upon him to be a great captain or ruler. And to whom Sultan Selyme his father had lost thempires of Constantinoble, Trapesonde, Alexandry, & Babylon, with many divers kingdoms & realms: which Sultan Soliman the year before had gotten the town of Belgrado being the key of Hungary. Because the saw all the great princes in Christendom now at discord, 
Why the turk cou●ted the Rhodes.  thought it most for his honour & profit to make war on the Isle of the Rhodes and to take the same, which Isle had been kept by the space of. CC.xiiii. years by the brethren or knights of the order of saint johnes of Jerusalem. divers things moved him to take this enterprise, One was because this Isle stood so that the religious of the same oftentimes took & destroyed his ships as they came with gold and other riches from Egypt, Sirie & other Estparties to Constantinoble, so that by them of that Isle he sustained more hurt then by all Christendom, because the said Isle stood in the entry toward Constantinople. Another motion was because his father when he died charged him to assay to take the Rhodes for to be revenged of the shame that they had done to his grandfather Mahomet the great Turk which was with dishonour beaten from the siege of the Rhodes. But the greatest occasion of all was the exhortation of a great counsellor of the religion called Andrew Amyral borne in Portyngale, which knew the whole estate & in what case the town stood in: The cause why this Andrew Amyral bore malice to his religion, was because after the death of Friar Fabrica de Laretto lord master of their religion, he was not elected to that honour, but one Philip de Uyllyers de Lisle Adam of France was named to be lord Master, wherefore the said Andrew provoked the Turk to come to the Rhodes.  
The great Turk seeing so great an occasion offered & desiring honour, & also knowing the fortress of the Rhodes to lack munitions (for surely the brethren of the said order were both of such wealth & pride, and also lived after such an ungracious & godly fashion, that they took neither heed of their vow & solemn profession, nor also did for●se the thing to come, so that the great wealth of them, & their evil living blinded them, so that they thought the Turk durst not once attempt to set on their garrison, & so they being elevate in this point of pride, left their town unfurnished and so were suddenly surprised as you shall hear) wherefore the said Turk coverty provided for iii C. sail, in the which he all his carried artillery & all other things necessary: in the which army were lx M. miners and pioneers prepared for the only intent to dig & mine: all the rest of the army of the Turk came by land to a place called Fysco, which standeth so directly against the Rhodes that a fire many be seen from the one side to the other, from which place the Turk sent letters to the abovenamed Philip de Uylliers lord Master of the said religion signifying to him that he would have the said Isle for the great damage that they had done to him & his people, 
The Turke● letter.  and if they would yield to him the said Isle, he promised on his faith & by Mahomet his first prophet, they should have no damage nor hurt by him, & that they that would departed should go in safety, & they that would tarry & serve him should have good wages, & if they refused this to do, he swore that he would subvert the walls of their fortress and destroy them all and make them slaves, which letter was dated at Constantinople the first day of june. The said Lord Master and his company were greatly abashed of this letter, but yet like hardy gentlemen they intended to defend them, and made all the preparations that they could do in so short a space, and wrote to all princes christian of their need and distress. But the Turk like a wily serpent knowing the great division amongst the christian princes, so that he knew that they could send no succours to the Rhodes, sent CC.M Turks which arrived in the Isle of the Rhodes on Mydsomerday, which was the feastful day of the Rhodians in honour of S. John baptist which sudden coming sore abashed the rhodians being but vi C. knights and u M. other meet to bear arms: yet of noble courage and trusting in God, they determined to defend the enemies of God, and the xxviii. day of july the Turk arrived there in his own person, which much encouraged his people.  
When the Turk was arrived, he bent his ordinance toward the town and did no great harm, when he saw that the walls were of that defence that ordinance did little harm, he caused all his Pioneers to cast earth one bank over another still till they came within a bowshot of the wall, 
The mounts.  and although that many of the pioneers were slain with ordinance of the town, they never ceased till they had made a bank of earth higher by ten foot then the wall of the town, and they there laid their ordinance, so that no person durst stir on the walls or bulwark, and thus with mountains of earth was the town environed and behind the mountains lay the Basheaux and chief captains of the Turk which were ever ready to take their advantage, and daily they shot into the touney and bet down houses and slew the people in the streets, for they upon this mount might easily see into the town. Beside this, 
The mines.  the Turk caused so many mines mines to be made in divers places, that they within were not able to make countermines for lack of people, insomuch as women were set a work to dig and carry, by reason whereof a great part of the walls were overthrown, and if they within had not made countermines the town had been gotten within a short space.  
Also the Turks in September gave to the rhodians four great assaults like valiant warriors, 
The assaults  but the Christian men within, so valiantly defended them, that at every assault they lost at the least ii M. men, and at the fourth assault they lost ten M. Turks and more.  
The great Turk seeing the loss of his men at the assaults, sent for Mo●staffa Basshaw, through whose counsel he took on him this enterprise and much blamed him that he had made him believe that he might have the town within xii days or in a month at the most wherefore in the fury he would hue put him to death, if the other Bass●awes had not entreated for him: but in conclusion the Turk determined clearly to raise his siege and to departed, and so had done if that same night sir Andrew Amyrall that you heard of before and a jew being within the Rhodes had not written letters and shot them out on quarrels into the Turks army. By which letters the Turk knew the necessity of the town and feebleness of the people, which caused him to change his purpose. 
Treason espied.  But this treason was espied, and the traitors taken and put to terrible execution, And the Turk caused so many mines to be made, that although some took none effect, yet by some he overthrew both Bulwarks, walls and towers, so that he might enter into the town: and so on saint Andrew's even he caused a great assault to be given, which was very fierce, but yet the Christian men so valiantly defended them, that they slew three thousand Turks and more, and kept them from entering that day, but the Citizens of the Rhodes after this assault, came to the lord Master, and prayed him to have compassion of them, their wives and children, and showed him that if the town were taken by assault, (as it was like to be) that they all should be cruelly murdered, the Lord Master much regarded his honour, and comforted the people with fair words, but by chance about the same time, the great Turk sent a letter into the Rhodes, willing them to deliver the town, and they all should have their lives and goods, and they that would tarry, should tarry in quiet, & they that would depart, should safely departed.  
When this letter was known, than the people cried out on the lord Master, to take the offer, wherefore he calling all his counsel together seeing that it was not possible to keep the town long, both for lack of artillery and victual, and also because his number was so minished, that scace he had soldiers to keep the walls: wherefore he by great advice determined to take the Turks offer, and so sent to him two of his religion, for the farther conclusion and assurance of the same, 
The yielding up of the Rhodes.  which well entertained them, and had writings sealed of all things that they desired, to which two knights. Aymeche Bassaw swore by his faith that there was slain at the siege lxiiii thousand Turks, and xl thousand dead of mortality and more.  
And so on Christmas day, the great Turk himself entered into the Rhodes, and took possession thereof, and the lord Master and all his religion, the first day of january took ship and sailed to Candy, and s● in conclusion came to Rome, and there declared his chance and adventure. Thus was the town and the isle of the Rhodes, taken by the great Turk, which was a great succour to all Christian men, resorting into the Este parts of the world, which chance was much lamented thorough all Christendom, and much blame put in all Princes, because they sent no succour nor aid to the Isle.  
And this year the bishop of Duresme died, and the king gave the bishopric to the Cardinal, and he resigned the bishopric of Bath, to doctor John Clerk master of the Rolls, and he made sir Henry Marney his vicechamberleyn lord Privy Seal, & after created him lord Marney. In th'end of this year, doctor Blithe bishop of Chester, was attached for treason, but he acquit himself. And about this season, the Cardinal of York being Legate, proved testaments, and did call before him, all the executors and administrators, of every Diocese within the realm, so that the bishops and ordinaries, did prove no great wills in their Diocese, except he were compounded with, not to their little disadvantage. Also by his power Legantine he gave by proventions, all benefices belonging to spiritual persons, by the which doing, he not only had the hatred of the spirituality, but also he ran into the danger of the Praemunire, which he sore after repent, as it shall appear in the xxi. year of this king.    

¶ The xu year.  
THe Parliament being begun, 
The xv▪ year.  as you have hard before rehearsed, the Cardinal accompanied with diverse lords, 
The Cardinall●s oration.  aswell of the spirituality, as of the temporalty, came the xxix. day of April into the Common house, where he cloquently declared to the commons, how the French King Frances the first, called the most Christened king, had so often times broken promise with the king of England, and his well-beloved nephew Charles the Emperor, that the king of his honour, could not longer suffer. For first he declared, that the meeting of thesay two princes at Guysnes, the said French king was sworn, to keep all the articles contained in the tripartie league, made between him, the Emperor, and the king of England, sith the which time, he hath made war on th'emperor's dominions by Robert de la March his captain. He also hath with holden the tributes and other payments, which he should pay to the king of England, for redemption of Tornay and Tirwin, and not with this content, hath not alonely rob and spoiled the kings subjects, but also hath sent John duke of Albany into Scotland, to make war and to invade this realm, wherefore the King of necessity was driven to war and defence, which in no wise could be maintained, without great sums of money, 
The demand  and he thought no less than viii C.M. ●. to be re●●ed of the fifth part of every man's goods and lands, that is to say. iiii.ss. of every pound, for he said that the year following, the King and the Emperor should make such war in France, as hath not been seen.  
After that he had declared his matter at length, exhorting the Commons to aid their prince, in time of necessity, he departed out of the common house. The morrow after, sir Thomas More being speaker, declared all the cardinals oration again to the commons, and enforced his demand strongly, saying: that of duty men aught not to deny to pay iiii. ●. of the pound. But for all that, it was denied and proved manifestly, that if the fifth part of substance of the Realm, were but viii C. M. ●. and if men should pay to the king, the fifth part of their goods, in money or plate, it was proved, that there was not so much money out of the kings hands, in all the realm, for the fifth part of every man's goods, is not in money nor plate: For although five men were well moneyed, five thousand were not so, the gentleman of lands, hath not the fifth part of the value in coin: the Merchant that is rich of Silk, wool, Tin, Cloth, and such merchandise, hath not the fifth part in money, the husband man is rich in Corn and cattle, yet he lacketh of that some. Likewise viteilers and all other artificers, be rich in household stuff, and not in money: and then consequently, if all the moeny were brought to the kings hands, than men must barter cloth for victual, and bread for chief, and so one thing for another: then consider that after this valuation, the king hath had by the way of loan ii ●. of the pound, which is four C.M. ●. and now to have four ●. of the. ●. which amounteth in the whole xii C.M. ●. which first and last is vi ●. of the. ●. which is almost the third part of every man's good, which in coin cannot be had within this Realm, for the proof whereof was alleged, that if there were in England, but xu M. parishes, and every parish should give a. C. mark, that were but xu C.M. mark, which is but x. C.M. ●. and how many parishes be in England on with another able to spare a. C. marks, out of cities and towns: and where it is written, that in England there be xl M. Parish Churches, it was proved that there were not xiii M. parish churches at this vaie. Then account the whole some cannot amount above ten C.M. ●. and the king demandeth viii C.M. and he according to this valuation▪ hath had four C.M pound, therefore it was thought, the some was impossible to be levied, and if all the coin were in the kings hands, how should men live: Also the king had of the spiritual men the last year, iiii.s. of the pound.  
After long reasoning, there were certain appointed, to declare the impossibility of this demand to the Cardinal, which according to their commission, declared to him substantially the poverty and skarcenes of the realm: all which reasons and demonstrations, he little regarded, and then the said persons, most m●kely beseeched his grace, to move the kings highness, to be content with a more easier some, to the which he currishly answered, that he would rather have his tongue, plucked out of his head with a pair of pinsons, then to move the king, to take any less some: with which answer, they almost dismayed, came and made report to the common house, where every day was reasoning, but nothing concluded.  
Wherefore the Cardinal came again to the common house, and desired to be reasoned withal, to whom it was answered, that the fashion of the neither house was, to hear and not to reason, but among themselves. Then he showed the realm to be of great riches, first, because the kings customs were greater now, than they were before time: also he alleged sumptuous buildings, plate, rich apparel, of men, women, children, and servants, fat feasts, and delicate dishes, which things were all tokens of great abundance: with which repeating of men's substance, as though he had repined or disdained, that any man should far well, or be well clothed, but himself, the commons greatly grudged. And when he was departed out of the house, it was proved, that honest apparel of the commodities of this Realm, abundance of plate, and honest viands, were profitable to the realm, and not prodigal.  
After long debating, the Commons concluded to grant ii s. of the pound, of every man's lands or goods, that was worth twenty pound, or might dispend twenty pound, to be taken for the king, and so upward of every twenty s. two. s. and from xl s. to twenty pound, of every twenty s.xii. s.xii. d. and under xl s. of every head, xuj. years and upward four d. to be paid in two years. This grant was reported to the Cardinal, which therewith was sore discontent, and said, that the lords had granted iii s. of the pound, which was proved untrue, for in deed they had granted nothing, but hearkened all upon the commons.  
Then a knight called sir John Huse of Lincolnshire, said, to please the Cardinal somewhat, let us gentlemen of fifty pound land and upwards, give to the king of our lands xii d. of the pound, to be paid in three year: with which motion diverse gentlemen were sore discontent. And when the question was asked, ten or xii of the gentlemen said yea, and when the nay should be asked, the commons said nothing, for they would not condemn, nor let the gentlemen to charge themselves, and so by ten or xii persons the gentlemen were burdened, with xii d. more than other, for the which grant, sir John Huse and much evil william.  
A●ter this grant made the xxi day of May, because of Whitsuntide the Parliament was prorogued to the tenth day of june: During which prorogation, the common people said to the Burgesses, sirs, we hear say you will grant four s. of the pound, we advise you to do so that you may go home, with many evil words and threatenings.  
And in this season, the Cardinal by his power legantine, dissolved the Convocation at Paul's, called by the archbishop of Cantorbury, and called him and all the clergy, to his convocation to Westminster, which was never seen before in England, whereof master Skelton a merry Poet wrote. Gentle Paul lay down thy sword: For Peter of westminster hath shaven thy beard.  
When the parliament was begun again, the landed men of fifty pound and upward, seeing that they were charged, with xii d. of every pound of their lands, moved, that all such as were worth fifty pound in goods and upward, should pay also xii d. of the pound, in the four year. At the which motion was much reasoning, & at the last the xxvii day of june, the question was asked, and doubtful it was, whether the yea or nay were most, then was the house divided, and all the commons severed theimselfes, from the knights of the sheres, so that one yea part remained only the knights of the shire, and the commons stiffly affirmed that the mocioners of this demand, were enemies to the realm. At the last the Speaker called them all together, and after long persuading, and privy labouring of friends, it was agreed that xii d. of the pound should be paid the fourth year, of fifty pound in goods.  
After this the parliament thee▪ xxxi. day of july, was adjourned to Westminster, and there continued till the xiii day of August, and that day at ix. o● the clock in the night dissolved. During the time of this Parliament the xxvii day of April, was Sir Arthur Plantagenet, bastard son to king Edward the fourth, at Bridewell created viscount Lisle, in the right of his wife, which was wife to Edmond Dudley beheaded.  
In this season was true word brought, that on Christmas day last passed, the strong town of the Rhodes was delivered, to the great Turk called Sultan Soliman, with the whole Island, to the great hurt of all Christian nations: the causes of the loss, was the ●uill living of the brethren or knights, and negligence of provision for the defence, and the envy and treason amongst themselves, as it is written and reported.  
This year Cristierne King of Denmark with his wife, which was sister to the Emperor Charles, and his three children, with xviii ships arrived in Flaunders, clean banished out of his realms and dominions, by his uncle Frederick Duke of Ho●st, & his own subjects, for his cruelty as is written. Which Cristierne with his wife, was well entertained of the Duchess of Savoy, and a pension assigned to him to live on, in Brabant and Holland. During the time of his there sojourning, he made much suit to come into England, to see and speak with the king, which request was to him granted, and so he and his Queen, with four gentlewomen, 
The King of Denmark's coming into England●.  and a train of forty persons, poor and evil apparelled, landed at Dover the xu day of june, where he was nobly received, by the earl of Devonshire, and the bishops of Excester, and Rochester, and diverse Knights and esquires, and so brought to Grenewiche: where the King and the Queen, standing under their clotheses of estate, received in the great hall of Grenewiche, king Cristerne and Queen Isabella his wife. And he dined with the king, and she with the queen, both set under the cloth of estate, and were sumpteously served, of all delicate viands.  
And when he had sojourned there a season, every day feasted at the Court, he was conveyed to London, and lodged at Bath place, where he hearing of the watch in London, on saint Peter'S even, desired to see it, and so was accompainied with the duke of Suffolk, the Earls of Oxford, Es●ex, and Kent, and diverse other lords and ladies, and brought into the Kings head in Cheap, where the city of London made to him and his wife a costly banquet. And when he had seen the watch, he said, I would to God I had so many Archers, Pikes, and halberdiers, as I saw this night, than I trust I would punish such, as have wrongfully dispossessed me, of my realm and country. And after he had solaced himself in London, he resorted to the king, of whom he had many great gifts, and likewise had his wife of the queen her aunt▪ and so took their leave, and were conveyed to Dover. And when he had been in England xii days, he took shipping, and sailed again into Flaunders, praising much the king of England and his Court.  
During all this season, and session of the parliament, the war was fierce, both between England and France, and England and Scotland, in so much that each part, did asmuch as in them lay, to hurt the other. For on the borders of Scotland, lay the valiant Earl of Surrey, great Admiral of England, and the Marquis Dorset, and his three brethren, sir William Co●●ton, and sir William Kyngston, with diverse other knights and esquires, sent to them by the king, which daily invaded the Realm of Scotland, and threw down the Castle of We●orberne, the castle of West Nesgate, the Castle of B●akkater, the tower of Mackewalles', the Tower of Est Nesgate, and many other, and brent to the number of xxxvii villages, and haried the country from the Este Marches to the West, and never had skirmish: but they oftentimes showed themselves in plumps, waiting their advantage how be it in all this journey, were few Englishmen lost. Wherefore the Lords perceiving, that the Scots intended not to make any army into England, fortified the frontiers on every part, with men and all things necessary for defence, for stealing or other small roads▪ After all which things set in a perfectness, they returned toward the king, and came to the end of the Parliament.  
In this season, 
A ship sunken with stone in ●alice haven.  the frenchmen having a great desire, to have the kings town of Calais, devised first to destroy the haven, by the which they supposed, that Calais might have been lightly gotten, for fault of rescue. Whereupon they jaded an old ship of four C. ton, with great Cane stone, in the port of Deep, which ship had no mast, but came with a forsaile, as though the mast had been cut, and cast over the board in the sea in a tempest. And when she came before Calais, every man that saw her, thought she had been wether driven, and lost her mast by tempest, and so about ten of the clock at night the xxiiii day of May, the said ship came before Calais haven, as though she would entre for harborough, and so was entering and miss the channel, & turned to the sands, toward Rise bank, and the Frenchemen supposing, that they had been in the very channel, launched out their boat, and suddenly set the ship on fire, and leapt into their boat, and so scape by the shore. When they of Calais saw the fire, they were sore troubled, and at the last when the water was go, they perceived the ship consumed, and the goodly Cane stone lying whole.  
Wherefore the lord Barnes deputy of Calais, the lord Barkley lieutenant of the castle, the lord Sands thresorer of Calais, and other commanded all the labourers that might be gotten, to break the remnant of the ship, and to carry away the stone, and so thesay stone was brought to Calais: whereupon thesay captains sent a letter, to the captain of Bull●ine, by Calais pursuivant at arms, desiring him to give thanks, to Monsire Lodowyke captain of Deep, for the sending of for fair a ship, and goodly stone to Calais, which stone thesay lords sent word, they had received into the town of Calais, and that it did them much profit, for the fortification of thesay Town, desiring him to send more, and they would receive it on the same price. To the which letter, the captain of Bulloyne answered, I have nothing lost, nor they have nothing gotten of me, tell him that hath lost, with which answer the pursuivant departed. Whereupon thenglishmen being grieved, there issued out of Calais an. C. light men of war, called adventurers, and came near Bulloyne, and obtained a great botie, whereof the garrison of Bullein being advertised, issued out and followed the Englishmen, and sharply them encountered. The Englishmen shot so, that the French men which were five hundred, lighted and fought sore, so that as it appeared evidently, that there were dead on the ground xlvi frenchmen, and xxii Englishmen, and the frenchmen took twenty Englishmen prisoners, the residue of the Englishmen kept them together, and so came to Calais, the captain of this enterprise was on Lathebery.  
The lord Sands thresorer of Calais, intending to be revenged on the frenchmen, called the counsel of Calais to him, and declared to them how that the frenchmen, and in especial Monsire de Bees captain of Bullein, daily imagined to destroy the English pale, and that they on the English part, had nothing done yet against them: wherefore he advised them all to do some act, and he himself would be present, and foremost man, and their leader and captain. Whereupon it was concluded and commanded, that every man should be in a readiness, at the founding of a trumpet, upon which warning, thesay lord Sands the ix day of july early in the morning, sent forth two hundred light horses, through the English pale, to stop the people from going, the one toward the other, lest his enterprise should be askried, and so the people were kept in all that day, and in the evening about seven of the clock, he himself with a captain called Guiot, Thomas Palmer, Ripton. Ralph Broken and other, set forward with light ordinance and victual, and embattled themselves in good array, and marched toward Sandifelde by a xi of the clock, and there refreshed themselves, and in good order, they came to the Water of Sclaukes, not far from Bullein, which was the tenth day of july.  
When they were askried Alarm was rung all the country, and the captain of Bullein sent forth lxx men of Arms, and four hundred footmen with morris pikes, crosebowes, and hand guns, wherefore captain Guyot was sent with his bend of horsemen, to aid th'English footmen, which were far behind, and Captain Ripton, was appointed to fight with the frenchmen, and sir Thomas Palmer, and Ralph Broken, with the remnant of the horsemen, stood for a stolen. Then captain Ripton proffered forward with the Spears of Calais, and the Frenchmen came on valiantly, than began a sore skirmish, the Frenchemen both horsemen and footmen, defended the passage at the water of Sclaukes, which is but a gut made by force of land water, but after long fight, the Englishmen got over the water by pure force, and took the Frenchemens' standard, and a gentleman, which was a man of Arms of Bullein, called Charles be Maruiel, and ever sir Thomas Palmer and Ralph Broken, stood & aided where necessity was most. Thus this skirmish continued, from four of the Clock in the morning, till ix. of the clock, before None, and ever the frenchmen increased, but at the last they retreited themselves toward Bullein, in which return diverse of them were slain. Or the skirmish was ended, came the lord Sands with the footmen, with his spear on his thigh, and this helm on his head, and greatly encouraged his company: during which conflict, diverse of Picardy had gathered them together, and had taken the church of Odirsaell, which was well fortified, and a strong place: whereof the Lord Sands being advertised, he marched thither ward, and in the way burned all that might be brent, and sent an officer of Arms, to them that kept the church of Odirsaell, to yield the church to him; which to him answered▪ that they would stand at defence: then he commanded an assault, which quickly was done, and the frenchmen defended themselves, with hand gonnes, crosebowes, and pikes, so that the Englishmen could not enter. Then the lord Sands commanded a curtal, which he had with him, to be shot to the church, and pierced it through: then they within saw that their defence could not hold, yielded themselves be by and goods. Out of the Church came lxxii frenchmen, which were taken as prisoners, and all the goods which they had carried into the church were taken for a botie. Thus by one of the clock, the said tenth day of july, was the church of Odirsaell taken.  
In this while also, had the frenchmen manned the steeple of Odyngham, which was a very strong tower, much like a castle, to whom the lord Sands sent an officer of arms, to command them to yield the fortress, to whom they answered, that they were frenchmen, and to him they would none yield, and if he came thither, they would withstand him: whereupon he and his army marched thither ward, and about four of the clock at after none, he assaulted the steeple, and the Frenchmen themselves valiantly defended, but suddenly by a chance unknown, the steple was a sire, and the frenchmen fled down to the choir, than the Englishmen lightly entered the body of the church, & assaulted the French men, which cried mercy and yielded theimselfes, and at twelve of the Clock at midnight the assault ended, and there were yielded out of the church forty prisoners.  
After which time, the Lord Sands encamped himself, and made good watch for fear of enemies, & in the morning called to him all the priests, which were in both the churches, and stood at defence, and said to them, that they aught not to be men of war, and notwithstanding he had them as prisoners, yet for God's sake he released them, admonishing them, that if ever after they were taken at defence, they should be hanged on the next gallows: after which monition done, he delivered them freely.  
About viii of the clock in the morning, he marched forward in good order of battle, and came to the Castle of Hardyngham, the which he brent and spoiled, and so the xi day of july, he and his company which passed not xii C. men, of which he had lost but only xii returned to Calais with great store of bestial and pillage.  
This▪ same season, the French king sent an army of xviii M. men, towards the parties of Flaunders, which secretly enterprised to take a place called Newdike, which is a strong passage, between France and Flaunders, kept by the flemings, whereof they being advertised, a●●eised a great power of xiii M. and came to the passage, and slew of the frenchmen vi C: then the frenchmen recoiled, and severed theimselfes: some went to Mount Orry, and some to saint Omers and some brent the subbarbes, they within Mount Orry defended themselves, and hurt the captain of Bulloyne, called Monsire de Bees, and slew his horse: wherefore the frenchmen went thence, and brent a village called Arkus: thus was all the ●rountiers full of frenchmen, in somuch that in the month of August, they bet into the town of Guisnes, the scourers and the scout watch, whereof began Alarm, and the Frenchmen which were many in number, a lighted as though they would give assault maintenant, and fiercely proffered toward the ditches, but when the ordinance began once to shoot, it was no need to bid them go. Then the Englishmen courageously followed the chase, but suddenly out came an embushement of frenchmen, and took two Englishmen, and thus all the army of France, removed to Gyngate beside Tyrwyn.  
The French king seeing the king of England, daily more and more encouraged to make war on him and his dominions, and that the Scots did nothing to his pleasure, for lack of the Duke John of Albany, whom the Scots called their governor. He therefore caused great preparation to be made, on all parties for men, ships, harness, and artillery for the sending of the Duke John of Albany into Scotland, which Duke of a great presumption promised to the French king, to drive the king of England out of his realm, which promise was not kept.  
The King of England, hearing that the Duke of Albany, should pass into England, to make war on his realm, thought to have him met on the seas, and therefore he prepared, a fleet of tall and strong ships meet to encounter with thesay Duke and his power, and made Admiral of that journey, sir William Fitz willyam, and with him sir Frances Brian, sir Antony Pounez, Sergeant , John Hopton, William Goustone, Anthony Knivet, Thomas West & other which with great diligence, lay in wait to meet with the said duke of Albany, and as they sailed on the French cost, they determined to land, to do some harm to Tray Port, and as they hovered there, they were espied: then the captain of the town fired the beakens, sent for aid of all the fortresses about and strengthened and manned the town very warlike. This notwithstanding, sir William Fitz William and other captains, left not their enterprise, and so the xxiii day of August being Sondaie, at seven of the clock in the morning, they took land in the haven of Treyport, at whom the frenchmen shot out ordinance, quarrels and stones, the English men in the boats shot likewise, and encoraged by their captains, assaulted the frenchmen in their bulwarks, the frenchmen them valiantly defended, and th'English captains as men without fere, them assailed and yet the number was nothing equal, for the Englishmen were but seven. C. men, & the Frenchmen vi M. For the well fighting of the French men, their bulwarks were taken, and their ordinance sezed, and all that were about, fled to the town of Treiport, and ever thenglishmen followed shooting arrows at them, and slaying them, in which skirmish Sergeant Rot had his bow in his hand stricken with a Gone. Then the captains ●ried saint George, to the gates of Treyport, than every man a●●unced forward, and as they were going, Christopher Morres master Gon●er, espied a piece of a Mast, which he caused to be taken up, and then Anthony K●euet, and Frances Neudigate with their men, ran with the said mast to the gate, but the gate was so strong, that it could not be broken: and also at every loupe late a piece of ordinance, which continually shot at the Englishmen, which caused them to leave the gate, and then they set fire in the subbarbes, which was a fair str●te, and all was brent▪ and while the subbarbes brent, the Englishmen went to the haven, and would have had out the ships, but water lacked, wherefore they set fire on them, and brent there seven fair ships bestoe other. All this while was there skirmishing at the gates, and much murder on both sides, for the frenchmen in fitting from their bulwarks to the town, lost lxxx people, and many were hurt with arrows. The men of the country came thither still, in somuch as the number become very great, which sir William Fitz William perceiving, caused his trumpet to blow a retreat, and with such prisoners, pillage, and ordinance as they had gotten, they returned to their boats, and the captains sent their soldiers before, the frenchmen perceiving the Englishmen returned, issued out and found on land, Frances Neudigate, Thomas Wagham, Sergeant Rot, and other Captains to the number of twelve, and ran hastily toward them in great number, which perceiving that, bended themselves to fallen their lives dear Sir William Fitz William perceiving the great jeopardy that they were in, turned his boat toward the land, and discharged his ordinance, & with much pain saved these gentlemen, and them took into boats, notwithstanding a great number of frenchmen, which were in the water to let him: and thus the whole army returned to their ships, after they had been v●houres on land, and brought with them xxvii pe●es of fair ordinance, which were in the bulwarks, & lost of their men not fully twenty persons, and then every captain took his own ship, and coasted the seas, ever looking for the duke of Albany, but they heard no tidings of him.  
In the Parliament (as you have hard) it was concluded, 
Journey of the 〈◊〉, of Su●●●l●●e.  that the king of necessity, must needs make strong war on the realm of France, wherefore the noble Charles duke of Suffolk, was appointed as Captain general, to pass with an army royal into France, in th'end of August, which with all diligence, prepared all things necessary, for such a royal enterprise: and for the furniture of this army, there were appointed to give their attendance on him, the lord Montacute, and sir Arthur Po●e his brother, the lord Herbert son to the earl of Worcester, the lord Ferreis, he lord Marney, the lord Sands, the lord Barkeley, the lord Powes, and Baron Curson, and of knights, sir Richard Wyngfelde, chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, sir John Ueer, sir Edward Nevell, sir William Kyngston, sir Richard Welson, sir Andrew Wynsore, sir Robert Wyngfeld, sir Anthony Wyngfeld, sir Edward Guyldford, sir Edward Gryvell, sir Edward Chamberlein, sir Thomas Luce, sir Euerard Dighby, sir Adrian Foscew, sir William Skevyngton Master of the ordinance, sir Thomas Cheiney, sir Richard Cornwall, sir William Cortney, sir William Sidney, sir Henry Owen all these lords and knights, with many other knights and courageous E●quiers, & active gentlemen, came according to the kings command dement at last, with all their people and retinue to Dover, where they mustered at several times▪ as they passed to the sea, and so the number taken, that is to say, of dimy Lances vi C. of archers on horseback two. C. of Archers on foot three. M. of bill men five. M. of pioneers and labourers ii M.vi. C, and when the view was taken on the other side of the sea, there were adjoined to this number xvii C. which might be spared out of the fortresses, and krewes of Hams, Guysnes, and Calais, so that all the army were xiii M. and an. C. well harnesed, and apparelled for the war, the pioneers only except: but the duke himself arrived at Calais the xxiiii of August, with his retinue and counsel, abiding the army, and caused all things, as victual and other, to be prepared for the same.  
Much commoning was in England, whether this army should go because that no man, except a few, knew the secretness: some said to Bull●●n, some to Paris, and so every man judged, according to his own opinion, as the common use is.  
In this season, because the mortality was great in Calais, the duke of Suffolk caused his army to be lodged in tents and pavilions, upon the fair green beside saint Peter's Church, for their more health, and he accompanied with diverse noble men, the viii day of September ●od● to Grau●lyng, & thither came to him Cristerne king of Denmark and the lord I●il●ten, captain general of Flaunders, which amiably enterteigned thesay duke, and after they had secretly commoned of diverse matters, concerning diverse armies to invade France, in sundry places, the duke took leave of the king and other, and came to Calais.  
While the army lay without Calais, they daily came into the town, and so it happened that a simple fellow cut a purse, 
Ariot at ●alice.  as he made to buy apples, which incontinent was taken, and brought to the majors house to ward, which thing diverse Welshmen perceiving, and not knowing what appertained to justice, ran in great companies to the majors house, and would have broken the house, the Officers of the town entreated, and Welshmen more and more approached, the number of the Welshemen were so great, that the watch of Calais struck Alarm. Then the Lord deputy and the Lord Sands, did all that in them say, to bring them to conformity, but they were so rude that they nothing them regarded, 
The Sacrament.  the priests brought forth the blessed Sacrament, which also was not regarded. Wherefore the Lord Ferreis was straightly commanded to appease their rage, for with him they came thither, which with great pain and entreaty them appeased: and then all the Welshemen were commanded to the field, and to departed the town & so were all other captains, & after diverse of the head rioters were appreh●ded & sore punished for example. And when all things necessary were prepared the duke issued out of Calais & took the field, & ordained his Marshal, & captain of the vanguard the lord Sands, captain of his right wing sir William kyngston, and captain of his left wing, sir Eueraid Dighby, sir Edward Guyldford Marshal of Calais, was captain of all the horsemen, sir Richard Wingfeld, captain of the rearward: then the duke with all his army, as captain of the middle ward, with standards, banners and pennons, displayed, marched forward in good order of battle, & came to a place called Kalkewell, and there lodged the xix day of September In which place diverse soldiers, of Carters and up land men, which were unmeet for the war, (for every thing to them was pain) fell sick and deceased, wherefore the duke gave them leave by passport to return.  
And on the xxii day of September, he took up his camp and came to Hamswell, and there pitched his field, he thus lying in abode for the army of Flaunders, which promised to join with him, which as then were not come to. s. Omers. He intending not to lie still idly, s●nt Clare●seux king of Arms, to summon the castle called Bell castle, to yield to him, or else he would destroy it with fire and sword, the officer of arms did his message accordingly, to whom the Captain answered, that he would deliver no castle to the duke, & if the duke came thither, he should nothing get, for he said he was sure of such rescues, that should not be to the duke's advantage: which with this answer returned toward the duke and in the way he met the lord Sands, & the lord Ferreis, in array of battle, with .v. C. horsemen, & i M. footmen, to whom he rehearsed the answer, than said the lords we must compel him, if otherwise he will not. Then the master of th'ordinance was commanded to prepare for a batrie, which was done, & thither came. u.c. horsemen of Burgonions, & .v. C. footmen, than th'ordinance with great difficulty was brought near the castle, & all though it were night, the gonnescesed not & bet the place sore, they within defended the best that they might, & when the day begun to spring, the lords caused to blow to th'assault, which hearing the captain of the castle said to his companions, that they were not able to abide th'assault, & that their succours failed them, wherefore of necessity they must deliver the castle, whereto they agreed, and so he yielded the castle, his life only saved, and all other at the mercy of the duke, which pardoned them, and took them as prisoners, and delivered the castle to sir William Skevyngton, which was shortly razed down to the ground, the xxvii day of September.  
Monday being the xxviii day of September, there was a proclamation made in th'army, how that France's duke of Bourbon, & Constable of France, was become friend to the king of England, & enemy to the French king▪ & was sworn to the king of England, & had in his wages for the king of England ten M. Almains to invade France, or to let the French kings purposes, & for this intent to him was sent money in no little some, but the common people said, that never was Frenchman true to England, how be it he was true as long as he lived.  
To make this proclamation more apparent, you must understand that in this season the French king was ruled by his mother the Countess of Angulesme and the admiral of France called lord Bonyu●t which as was reported and said, loved the said lady as his paramor, of which all the court of France spoke much. These two persons so ruled the king, that what they said was done, and no judgement nor sentence passed in the Parliament at Paris without their assent, so that nothing was done without them, at which thing the nobles of France sore disdained and especially the lord France's duke of Bourbon and Constable of France which having a suit for thearldom of Montpelyer could not be heard speak nor his counsel neither. At the l●st he being sore displeased with this unkind and unjust handling, came to the French king beseeching him of justice & favour, which flattering him said, that all that was in his power to do he would gladly accomplish, & other answer had he none, & to increase his grudge the more, the French kings mother made a title to the whole Duchy of Bourbon & Avernus, and the admiral & she so enticed the king that he said openly that the Duke of Bourbon shortly should be as poor as the meanest gentleman in France, which words reported to him caused him to hate mortally the French king and his mother, and so in displeasure departed into his own country. The king of England being hereof advertised, sent to the duke of Bourbon a knight of his Chamber called sir John Russell a man well languaged, which wisely and covertly so behaved himself, that he came to the duke to Molyns and knew all his intent how he would forsake his king, and serve the king of England & the Emperor against the French king, and thereupon took his other The French king not mistrusting the allegiance of the duke of Bourbon sent to the Duke to prepare him to go into italy, for he had prepared a great army to pass the mountains against the duke of Milan, in which army he had vi M. men of arms, and xxv M. footmen The duke hearing hereof feigned himself sick, and the French king passing by Molyns visited & comforted him: to whom the duke promised to come shortly after to Lions with all his power, and caused an horselitter to be carried empty, three days amongst a certain of his soldiers as though he were ●here, but he himself fled secretly into the county of Burgoyne pertaining to the Emperor, where he retained ten M. Almains to invade France assoon as the French king was passed the mountains.  
When the French king heard of this, he sent the admiral into Italy with his army, & sent his great Master to seize all the duke's lands. Of all these doings sir John Russell brought true word, for he was present with the Duke, and also saw the French army, and returned unespied, wherefore he deserved & had of the king and his counsel great thanks. Whereupon the king caused the proclamation to be made in the army, that they might know that all the power of France should not trouble them. For what with the wars of Italy and for the duke of Bourbon's power they might do what they lust & be unfought withal which so proved after. Which tidings much encouraged th'English soldiers.  
After this proclation, there were tidings brought to the army for a truth, that one Hierome Uicount, a great familiar friend with the duke of milan enticed by the French king, had almost slain France's duke of Milan with a dagger behind at his back, with the which doing the French king above all persons feigned himself to be most displeased. The morrow being the xxix day of September the duke with his whole army removed to Arde and there lodged, & the last day of September he removed to a village called Alrke, and from thence the first day October he came to a village between Tyrwyn and saint Omers called Esqwerdes or cords, where the duke lay and encamped himself abiding his enemies.  
Now must I return to tell you what was done between England and Scotland this same season. While the Duke of Suffolk was thus invading the realm of France. The Scots thinking the war turned into France, and that nothing should be attempted against them, began to rob and spoil on the Marches of England, whereof the king hearing sent again thither the valiant earl of Surray treasurer and admiral of England, which in all hast sped him to the west Marches and sent for an army of vi. M. men, & with banner displayed entered by the dry Marches beating down castles & fortresses on every side. And although the Scots be men of high courage, yet they seeing the wise conduct of the noble earl of Surray and his chosen company, durst not once encounter with hi●, and so he passed quietly through the dales, till he came to the strong town of jedworthe, in which lay a great garrison of Scottishmen which did all the hurt they could to the Englishmen, and hardly in great number skirmished with thenglishmen, so that on both parts divers were slain, but in the end the Abbay, Castle, and town of jedworth were brent and all razed asunder in the open sight of the Scots. And after this he would not return but encamped himself in the Scottish ground abiding battle, and lay there from the xxii day of September to the xxv day. D●ryng which time time he sent the lord Daker of Gyldersland to a strong hold of Doncar called Fernhurst, the which castle stood very evil to come to, for the ways were hilly, stony, and full of marshes, and the Scots had bend their ordinance that way: yet for all that the Englishmen so fiercely set on that they got the castle, notwithstanding that the Scots fought valiantly, and many of them were taken, as Dan Car the lord, the lord of Gradon and divers other which was there taken, and so the lord Daker returned with his prisoners, and then he was ordained to keep the watch that night which set his watches & his wards surely. In the night suddenly. CCC. good geldings broke out of a pasture, which were in custody of the said lord Dacres camp, and as beasts wood and savage ran enraged, and notwithstanding that men did asmuch as they might to stop them, yet they ran as though they were in array of battle, whereof the noise in the night was so great, that the army souned alar me, the horse still in array ran to the camp, where the earl lay and bore down many persons in their way, and so suddenly ran away whether it was unknown: the lord Dacres men said that the devil was seen amongst them: and after the third day the Earl returned into England,  
When the Earl of Surray departed from the borders in August as you have heard heretofore: The Scots wrote to the duke of Albany of all their affairs, which was coming into Scotland. But when he heard that the Navy of England lay in wait to fight with him, he durst not adventure, but sat still: And when he heard there was no captains of name on the borders of England toward Scotland, he devised by policy that all his ships should be removed to the haven of Breast, and said himself and caused it to be noised that he would not sail into Scotland that year. So ran the voice all the coasts of Normandy and Britain, and so passed till the end of Septembre.  
The king of England was informed by such as knew none other, that the Duke of Albany had broken his journey, and would not pass that year into Scotland. Wherefore the king of England in the midst of September caused his ships to be laid up in havens till the next spring: The duke of Albany being thereof advertised boldly then took his ships and shipped his people, and with lxxii sail in sight passed by the West parts of England and coasted Wales, & so with great labour landed at Kyrcowbre in the West part of Scotland with all his people the xxi day of September which were in number iii M. or there about, and with him was the traitor Richard Delapole.  
When it was known in Scotland that the lord Governor was landed, much gladness there was amongst the people. Then the duke was highly received and his people well cherished, and then began a parliament. The king of England hearing that the duke of Albany was landed in Scotland and was unfought withal, was not a little displeased, and suspected that such as informed him that the Duke would not pass that year, had deceived him, but there was no remedy: Wherefore he made provisions and put all things in a readiness, if he would attempt any thing against him and his realm.  
The Duke of Albany Governor of Scotland being in the Parliament of the realm, with great eloquence declared to them the love and favour that France's the French king bore to the realm of Scotland, insomuch that he being advertised of the great murders, slaughters, & burnynges done by the Englishmen, thought that he suffered no less hurt and damage than they did, accounting himself one of their membres, and them likewise the membres of him and his realm, and for the revenging of the same, he to be partner as their member, & for the more credit he showed the French kings favourable letter, affirming his declaration. When the letters were read, there start up a Baron of Scotland called the lord Forbos, which said: the realm of Scotland for the love of France suffereth great pain as daily doth appear, for our nobles be slain or taken, our commonalty murdered, our lands overrun, our houses & fortresses brent & razed, the profits of our own lands we lose: which mischief we need not to have had, but for the love of France, & what helpeth France? A far friend is not soon fet? A mighty nieghbor may be a cruel enemy. I affirm this, if we would keep amity with the realm of England we were out of all these dangers. God forbid said the duke of Albany that Scotland ever should seek a new friend or pro●er their amity, to the destroyers of their country and nation, but you my lords of Scotland are sufficient of yourself to maintain your lands, liberty, & freedom against your common enemies thenglishmen. And therefore now let us together revenge the hurts done to us & our country: And I on mine honour shall go with you, and therefore I have brought with me both treasure, men, and artillery into this realm. I think not but we shall so do that all Christendom shall speak of our noble conquest. To the duke's request all the court of Parliament agreed and then were commissions sent through Scotland & cries made that all men should assemble at Doglas dale with victual for xxviii. days. The Scotes in all hast prepared, so that the lords were come to the place appointed the xviii. day of October, with victual, guns, & all other artillery, and so came by easy journeys to the river of Twede on a ground beside Hume castle, & from thence came to Cawdestrene & there lodged.  
All this doing the king of England knew well, wherefore with all diligence he caused to be assembled the people of the North part beyond Trent, whero● there were iii M. bearing coats of arms with their power and strength, which all were commanded to resort to the earl of Surray with speed. The noble Marquis Dorset Thomas was appointed to keep Berwicke with vi. M. men, jest the Scots thereto would lay siege.  
The duke of Albany which lay on the frontiers hearing of the Earl of Surreyes' preparing▪ sent to him an Herald promising him of his honour to give him battle, and if he took him in battle he would put him to courteous ransom & his body to be safe: To whom the earl answered, that much he thanked the duke of his offer, and that he would abide battle, ●msyng him that he would give him battle if he durst abide: and if that the said duke were taken prisoner by him or his men he would strike of his head & sand it to the king of England his Master, and bad that he should trust to none other, at which answer the duke of Albany and the Scots took great despite.  
The earl of Surray being at Alnwyke, to him came th'earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, the lord Clyfford, the lord Dacres, the lord Lumley, the lord Ogle, the lord Darcy, and many noble Knights▪ squires and yeomen, to the number of xl M. And from the kings court was sent to be at the battle sir Nicholas Carew Master of the horse, sir Frances Bryan, sir Edward Baynton and divers other. All this army lay on the borders abiding the Scots coming into England, which lay still in Scotland and did nothing till the last day of October being Saturday. The night before the Scots had sent over the water into England iii or four M. men, to lay siege to a little castle called the Castle of Work, which standeth near the border: the great ordinance of Scotland sore bet the castle, and Dan Car and the frenchmen which came out of France with the duke of Albany gave to the castle a strong assault: within the castle was sir William Lyle with a HUNDRED persons, but the Scots were so many in number, that they got the uttermost ward called the Barnkyns where the beasts and barns were, which seeing, the captain scent in all haste to the Earl of Surrey advertising him of their distress, which in all hast assembled his captains to rescue the castle, thereby hoping that Duke John of Albany would enter into England. The Frenchmen and Scots lay still about the castle continually shooting ordinance Sunday & Monday the first and second day of November, and then the Scots thinking the place assautable, courageously set on the castle and by strength entered the second ward. Sir William Lyle perceiving that the Scots had gotten the false brayes and that nothing remained but only the inner ward or dungeon, said to his company, sirs for our honour & manhood let us issue and fight with the proud Scots and stately Frenchmen, for more shall our honour be to die in fight, then to be murdered with guns, to the which his company that were left agreed: for of his. C. men he had lost almost xl at the other assaults. Then they issued out boldly and shot courageously as men that shot for a vantage, and with shooting and fighting they drove their enemies clean out of the place & slew of them and chief of the Frenchmen CCC. which lay there dead in sight when the Earl came thither, beside such as died of wounds & were drowned. Then the Scots removed their ordinance, in great haste over the water, and by that time was the Earl of Surrey come with v. M. men on horseback & all his great army followed & was very sorry that his enemies were go, & much praised sir William Lyle for his valiantness.  
When the duke of Albany & the lords of Scotland knew that the earl of Surrey approached with his puissant army, they thought it not convenient to jeopardy all the nobility of Scotland in one field, considering their chance x. years before, and therefore they concluded to return, and so on the said second day of November in the night the duke with all his army retreated more for his surety then honour.  
The horsemen of Scotland kept the fords that no man should pass to grieve the footmen as they returned, and when all the baggages were go they cast themselves in a plump and returned.  
When the day appeared, than the Englishmen might plainly see the Scots how they fled fifty men's thickness, many a lusty Englishman would feign have followed them on horseback, and so would th'earl of Surray with all his heart, but his commission was only to defend the realm and not to invade Scotland, which thing him sore displeased. Thus broke up the great army of Scotland to the great rebuke of the duke of Albany & the nobles of Scotland which ii year together had made brags & assembles and durst not abide battle. The Scots made much brags that they had beaten down the walls of Work castle, but they spoke nothing of their men that they left there, nor how cowardly they returned & would not abide. After this return queen Margaret of Scotland & mother to the young king, sent to her brother the king of England for an abstinence of war to be taken between the realm of England and Scotland to th'intent that some way might be taken, that an amity might be had between them: which request to her was granted, and so the great army of England was dissolved and the Earl of Surrey returned to the coast.  
In this season the Emperor Charles sent to the king of England ii Mules trapped in crimosyn velvet curiously embroidered, 
A pre●ent sent b● the Emperor to the king.  all the bukcles, stiroppes & all such other garnishynges were silver & gilt of marvelous cunning work. He sent also xl Jennets full goodly to behold trapped with russet velvet richly wrought, and four spears, & ii javelins of strange timber & work richly garnished, and .v. brace of greyhounds: and to the queen he sent two Mules with rich trappers and high chairs after the Spanish fashion, all these presents wet thankfully received both of the king and queen.  
Now let us return to the Duke of Suffolk which lay at cords or Esqwerdes the twenty day of September & thither came to him the arm of Flaunders, whereof was captain the lord of I●il●teyne which had with him of Spaniards, Almains, Cleves and other iii M. footmen and .v. C. horsemen well appareled for the wars in all points.  
The duke of Suffolk being thus furnished passed forward in weet wether making bridges & ways, ever looking for battle, & on the xvii day of October he sent the lord Sands Marshal of his army, and with him iii M. men to a good town called Anchor which accompanied with divers knights & gentlemen in good order of battle marched toward the town. The Frenchmen perceiving the Englishmen coming toward their town, fled out as fast as they might, and left the town desolate: then entered the Englishmen and had there a great botie and took the cas●le called Bone guard▪ and therein put a garrison of Englishmen, whereof was captain the lord Leonard Grace brother to the Marquis Dorset to conduct vitailers to the army, which now was far from any succours of the English part. In this town was an abbey of Monks which received humbly the lords and nobles of England, which to them did no hurt nor damage, and then they returned to the duke.  
After this, the xix day, the Duke with his army passed to a village called Qwede: and there, after long counselling it was determined that the whole army should pass to a s●rong town and well fortified called Bray, which town was well ordinaunced and had in it xvi C. men of war, the captain thereof was called Adrian, and for succours to the town were come Mounsire Po●tdormy, the Viscount Larnerdam, the Viscount Turraine, Mounsire Applyngcort, & Mounsire Dampney, with u C. horsemen, so that in the town beside the inhabitants were ii M. good men. This town standeth on the river of Some xxiiii English mile from Arras, and xiiii. miles above Amyas: This town was well diched and strengthened on every side.  
The twenty day of this month the Duke commanded all his great ordinance to be brought by four of the clock in the morning before the town of Bray, they that had the charge thereof so manfully acquitted them that notwithstanding all the damage that their enemies could do, brought the ordinance before the town at the hour appointed. Then each part shot dreadfully at other, but the English gunners shot so well, that the walls of the town were beaten down & razed with the ordinance, insomuch that by ix of the clock the town was made assautable. Then the duke caused to blow to th'assault. Then the Englishmen & flemings & Burgonions leapt forth quickly, and notwithstanding that the ditches were deep, yet they so courageously entered by the good comfort of the lord Sands & other noble men that they got the dishes. The Frenchmen perceiving that the town should be gotten, hastily made trains of gunpowder from street to street & house to house, saying that the Englishmen after their entry into the town would fall to pillage, & then suddenly sudden fire should destroy them. This was the provision of the Frenchmen: by this time the Englishmen were entering on the walls, and the Frenchmen stood yet at defence with pikes, crossbows, handgunnes, & halberdes, but they were to week, for on all parts entered thenglishmen and suddenly the Frenchmen fled and the Englishmen followed and killed and slew in every part.  
Now you must understand that this town of Bray standeth on the river of Some which is there divided in divers branches & between every branch is a marish ground, where on the farside of yetoune was fortified a Bulwark full of ordinance to keep the passage over the water, & the Frenchmen had loosed the planks of the bridge near a mile above Bray, & the horsemen of France passed by a mile which was to the Frenchfotemen a great aid, for they stood & kept the passage till the footmen were come over the bridge, & then they plucked away the planks of the bridge, so that noman should follow, but ever thenglishmen followed & cast planks on the bridge & passed over the bridge, in which passing divers were drowned, but with great travail all men passed, horsemen & footmen, & fiercely assaulted the Bulwark and took it with all the ordinance, & in it was taken captain Adrian and captain Ulterlew. The English horsemen followed the Frenchmen & divers of them were slain and taken, sir Robert jernyngham broke a spear on the lord Pountdormy. The lord Leonard Grace did valiantly that day. You must remember that when the Frenchmen issued out of the town, they forgot not to lay a match to the train of gunnepouder which they had made, which in short space set the town all on fire, so that when thenglishmen returned again, all was on fire, so that there they ha● little profit but wine, which to them did great pleasure. This was the town of Bray taken and destroyed the xx. day of October.  
The duke considering that little succours were for him and his soldiers in the town of Bray because the said town was consumed with fire, he therefore commanded the bridges to be well repaired for to pass over the great river of Some into the realm of France: and when the passage was sure, the lord Sands the xxi day of October in the morning was priest to pass over with the vaward. Then some gentlemen said that they would pass no farther forward, & divers soldiers were on the same opinion. It was asked why they should fear, and they answered that if they were passed over the river▪ they were past all succours and victual, none could be brought to them. By reason of this noise the soldiers stayed, which the lord Sands perceiving, said to the Welshmen which were evil willing to pass the river: sirs said he, behold what I do, and with that he took a banner of saint George & said, as many as love the king of England & be true to him and to the crown, follow me▪ and then he and sir William Kyngston set forward and passed the water, which there tunneth in three streams, than all other persons courageously followed, and the ordinance and victuals.  
After the forward followed the duke and all his battle: At this time the army was sore minished by reason many were diseased and from the host departed, so the host was not of that strength that it was at the setting out of Calayce. When thenglishmen were passed, then followed the Burgonions in good order, and so that night this army came to a town called Kappe and there encamped theimselfes, all the inhabitants were fled both out of the town and Castle: there thenglishmen found HUNDRED ton of wine, & other good pillage. The garrison that lay at Anchor knowing that the duke was passed the river of Some, razed the town & castle, and came & joined with the duke's army at Kappe.  
There the duke caused proclamations to be made in the army that all the people of France that would victual the army of England should be well entreated & have their victuals well paid for, and safe going and coming, by the which proclamation the host was well vitailed, for the people of the country resorted with all things necessary.  
The Duke thus lying at Cap sent to the town of Roy to yield them to the king of England. The town perceiving that their power was not able to withstand the great army of the Duke, assented to deliver the town to the Duke. This was a strong town well walled, dyched and ordinaunced but not manned, the Duke sent thither sir Richard Cornwall and other with four C. men to receive the town, which went thither in good array and had the town to them delivered and then they set the banner of saint George in the highest part of the town, and full well this garrison kept the town of Roy till the duke came thither with his whole army.  
The Duke & his army the xxv day of the said month removed to a village called Lyhome, & had there great pillage: for this town was much haunted of merchants and there kept great markets. The next day he removed to Davenker, and the▪ xxvii. day he removed and came before the strong town of Mountdedier, where for defence of war lacked neither ditches, walls, nor bulwarks: The horsemen of the English army road about the town to view it, at whom the captains caused divers pieces to be loosed which showed well their strength. The duke sent an officer of arms to summon the captain to deliver the town: the officer departed, & with him a trumpet which blew before the gate, but no person would answer, because they would have no Summons made to them: the officer of arms returned and made report. Then the Duke's skyrers made proffer afore the town, out of the which issued a great company of horsemen and skirmished with the Duke's horsemen and fought valiantly, but at the last xl of the horsemen were taken, with which the lord Roche Baron captain of the town was sore displeased, yet he thought him able to maintain the town against the whole army. Then the Duke of Suffolk pitched his field and laid his siege round about the town of Mountdedier and kept good watch and ward on every side: which thing the lord Roche Baron perceiving comforted his men of war and bade them not be afraid but to be of good courage, and said that the Duke there should get ●othyng. When the Duke had thus planted his siege, he considered that he was far from rescue, and that lying still and nothing ● oing was not profitable, he knew also by report of the prisoners that in the town of Moundedier were two thousand footmen, and one thousand horsemen, wherefore he sent for all the lords and captains of his a●my and much praised their hardiness and said that the noble courage that he saw in them did much advance him to set forward in all things, the praise whereof should be to them and not to him, and therefore now he encouraged them again to continued still in their valiant doing, for with God's grace he intended to bend his ordinance the next morning before the town, to the which all the lords agreed and praised much the duke's courage and forwardness.  
Then was sir William Skevyngton knight, Master of the ordinance commanded to prepare for the battery, which with all diligence made trenches, and prepared all things meet for the purpose. In this season sir John Walop knight had with him almost a M. proper men and hardy, having little wages or none which lived alonely on their adventure, wherefore of some they were called adventurers, of some they were called kreekars. These men were light, hardy, and politic, and by their manhood and hardiness had rob many towns, taken many prisoners, with great booties, & daily brought to the army Horses, Mares, victual, cloth, corn, & other necessaries which might not be misled. Of this company the frenchmen and especially they of villages & passegers were sore afraid, for they were never idle but doing some thing in one part or other. The lord Pountdormy, or Pountreny hearing Mountdedyer was besieged, called to him divers great lords & captains to the number of .v. C. men of arms and dimy lances, and a great number of footmen, intending to bring gunnepouder and other necessaries to the town of Mountdedier: & as they were thither coming by night, Thomas Palmer, captain of the scout watch of th'English army them askried and skirmished with them although they were more in number: manfully fought the frenchmen, but for all that they were compelled to flee back, and then Englishmen them followed and slew divers, and two spears were broken on the brother of the lord Pountdorny, but by the swiftness of his horse he saved himself, and in this chase were HUNDRED prisoners taken which much rejoiced the Englishmen.  
When the Master of the ordinance had all things ready, at the hour of four of the clock in the morning he discharged the ordinance continually in such fashion, that by viii. of the clock the xxviii day of October the walls were made low & the town assautable. All which while, the great ordinance shot still out of the town till the walls & town were beaten down. The captain of the town perceiving this, called to him all the captains, declaring to them that their town was in four hours made assautable, and that surely the Englishmen would assault the town which should be to their confusion, wherefore he asked their advise what was best to be done, all they answered, do as you will: Then he went into a tower & caused a trumpet to blow and set forth a banner of truce. Then the duke commanded the ordinance to cease. Then sir William Skevyngton came to the walls & demanded what they would, & the lord Roche Baron said, that if it pleased the duke for the love of the king of England & his honour, to grant to him & tother gentlemen that were there, licence to departed with life, bag & baggage, they would deliver the town of Mountdedier. Then sir William Skevyngton made report to the duke, which thereto consented, saying: they be men of war, their riches is not great. Then the lord Sands and divers other we appointed to receive the town, & so they entered & set their standards on the top of the gates, & took the keys of all the strong houses, towers, and Bulwarks. The frenchmen were ready to departed with trussages and carriages, with Crossbows, Pikes, & Handgunnes, with which doing the lord Sands and the Englishmen which were within the town were not content, & said that the Frenchmen should pass without weapon: on this point was much alteration and the frenchmen were stayed, but the lord Roche Baron gave many fair words and passed forward with a read standard, with a white cross before him, that seeing sir Thomas Palmer, ran to the standard and plucked it in pieces. Then said the Lord Roche Baron that it was ungently done: To whom he answered that he should bear no standard there like a conqueror. Then after long disputation the frenchmen said, that it was promised them that they should have their weapons and baggage, and so upon that they were suffered to departed. The footmen likewise had a standard before them which was rend by sir Robert jernyngham. The number which departed truly accounted, were two thousand footmen, five hundredth horsemen and odd well and warlike appointed, and they left much baggage behind them, because they saw the Englishmen so fast come into the town, they were in fear of loss of all.  
When the Frenchmen were departed, the duke with his whole army entered the town and there the Englishmen found fine f●the●beddes, nappery, coverings, and much household stuff, and especially of wine great plenty, and there the army tested till the last day of October, and then were all the gates of the town razed and thrown down, and all the Bulwarks likewise. Then the duke caused all the ordinance to be taken and so removed to the town of Roye, where ●e and all his army rested for a while: whereof they were glad, for they had travailed sore, and the wether was wet and cold. On the feast of all saints called Alhalon day, the Duke in the chief Church of R●y made knights the lord Harbert, the lord Powes, Oliver Manners, Arthur Pole, Richard Sands, Robert jernyngham, Robert Sailsbury, Edmond Benyngfelde, Richard Corbet, Thomas Wentworthe, William Storton, Water mantel, George warrant, Edward Seymour after earl of Hartford, and now Duke of Somerset, and most worthy Governor of the kings majesties person and Protector of all his realms, dominions and subjects.  
The morrow after, the army removed to a place called Needle, there the Burgonions began to wax weary, and so did the Englishmen, for every day was foul wether and rain both day and night. Wherefore divers companies fell to grudging saying, now you may see that by our removing we shall be led from place to place all this winter, which is to the utter loss of our lives: for daily we see that of our company dieth no small number (and truth it was that some died but not many) they said farther, the Burgonions have the great gain and do jest for it, for they have wagons and carry their booties to their country, which is near hand, and we go before and ●ight, and we have no means to convey any thing into our country for lack of carriage, and so we beat the bush and they take the birds. This grudge was seized by gentle words for a time.  
In these journeys was commonly spoken that the duke of Bourbon with his ten M. Almains would have invaded France and so joined with this army, but the truth was contrary, for he turned his host another way and went into province and laid siege to Marcelles, whereof the duke b●yng advertised, not a little mused, and also seeing his men daily fall seek, was sorry, and yet he so comforted them that every man was glad to follow his will and intent.  
On the vi day of November the lord Sands being captain of the forward, and the duke of the middle ward, and sir Richard Wyngfeld captain of the rearward came in order of battle priest to fight, to a village called Ueane and there rested for that night, and the morrow after the whole army returned again over the water of Some, & came to a place called Beaufford: At this passage the duke made knights John Dudley, and Robert Utreyght esquires.  
The viii. day the duke removed to a place called Mount saint Martyne a very meet place for an army, and then was the duke's iustructions looked upon by the captains, and they perceiving that they heard nothing of the duke of Bourbon's coming, aid nor counsel, all they thought and determined to sand the lord Sands in post to the king, to declare all the case as it stood & their necessity according as he himself known and saw in all points: which lord Sands took great pain and made good diligence toward the king, and while he was riding, the duke removed his army to a place called Permount & there lodged for a time to rest, and the army was well vitailed, but ever the W●●shemen muttered and grudged more and more.  
After the great rains and winds that had fallen, came a fervent frost, 
A great frost.  so sore that many a soldier died for cold, some lost fingers and some toes, but many lost their nails of their hands, which was to them a great grief. The duke all this notwithstanding remembering that he came not thither to lie still, the xiii day removed to a place two mile from the castle of Bowhen and still it frised, insomuch that the master of the Ordinance was compelled of necessity to set the wheels of his ordinance on hardels for sinking. In the morning the Welshemen set out a shout and cried, home▪ home, the krekers hearing that, cried hung, hang. For which matter division was like to have fallen, but by policy it was ceased. Sir Edward Gyldfod captain of the horsemen viewed the castle of Bowhen or Boghan, which ever was thought to be impregnable, but he judged it might be won, for the castle was environed with Marryses, so that to no man's judgement it was possible to win it: But now he perceived that the frost was so great and strong that it might be besieged, & all that night it fresed again: wherefore he desired the Duke to give him leave to assault it which thereto agreed. Then he caused the ordinance to be set forth over the marish. When they within the castle perceived that the marish failed them, they were sore dismayed. Then sir Edward Guildeford shot three great pieces at the castle, and the castilian shot three pieces again. Then as the English gunner's were preparing to the battery, the captain seeing his castle could not hold, by reason that the ma●ishe failed, and that he could defend none assault, deliver the castle to him to the behoof of the Emperor and the king of England, and after a small communication had between the said sir Edward Guyldforde and the captain, the captain with all his retinue departed leaving behind the ordinance of bombards, curtawes, & deiny curtaux, slings, canons, volgers, and other ordinance, there were lxxvi. pieces, plenty of pellettes & powder. The duke of Suffolk perceiving that this castle stood on the border of Henaude: Wherefore the more to please the Henawers he made captain of the same castle of Boghan the Seneshal of Henaude, to the behoof of the Emperor and the king of England. In this place the army was evil vitailed, because the frenchmen had stopped the water of Some, that no victual should pass over the river: wherefore the Duke sent to them of Henaude & specially to them of Ualencien to have aid of victual, which of their little sent to the army a little, but yet it did them some service, and all this while the fervent frost with bitter winds continued, which caused many people to die: yet still lay the army abiding the answer of the lord Sands, which as you have heard road in post & somuch travailed that he came to the king of England to his castle of Wyndsore and there declared to the king his message, which was that his people which were in the French ground abode much misery, for the wether was wet, the ways deep, long nights and short days, great journeys and little victual, which caused the soldiers daily to die. Also they trusted when they passed the seas according to their instructions to have had aid of the Duke of Bourbon (of whom sith their departing they never heard word) wherefore the Duke of Suffolk and other nobles of your army have sent me to your highness to declare their state and condition, their good will to tarry, & the evil chances which daily happeneth to them by God and not by their enemies. Well said the king all this we knew before your coming: wherefore we have appointed the lord Mountioy with vi M. men to pass the seas for the relief of our army, which lord Mountioy is almost in a readiness: For we will in nowise that the army shall break.  
Then the king came to Westminster to the Cardinal's place & there received letters from the duke of Suffolk by sir Robert jernyngham of the getting of the castle of Boghan or Bowen: wherefore incontinent it was by the king and his counsel determined that the lord Mounjoy should make speed, which did such diligence that many of his soldiers were come to London well harnissed and weponed ready to pass the seas. Wherefore the king sent in all hast sir Robert jernyngham again to declare to the duke the kings pleasure and what aid was coming toward him. But or sir Robert jernyngham could come to the duke the army was removed from Bohan and brent the town, and so came to the city of Ualencine in Henaude, & there laid up their ordinance and from thence came to the city of Turnay (which then was under the Emperor and out of the French kings hands) and so took their journey homeward thorough Flaunders and the army there broken and dispatched. But when the duke met with sir Robert jernyngham at Bridges in Flaunders and knew the kings mind and intent, he did what he might to retreat the soldiers, which could not be, for many Englishmen shipped at Andwarpe, and many at Sluyes, and at Newport and other havens, and they that were at Calayce were stayed for a time, but when the Duke saw that he could not bring all his army together scarcely the four part, he then licenced the remnant to departed. Of this breakyngup of the army were letters sent to the king, which incontinent stopped the lord Mountioy and sent his men into the country again. The Duke and other captains hearing of the Kings displeasure, were sore abashed, and did writ to their friends that they had perfit knowledge that the Duke of Bourbon had broken up his camp for the extremity of the Winter, and also showed that their soldiers died, and vita●l failid, which caused them to break the army, for of truth the soldiers would not abide: with which reasons the king was somewhat appeased and so on good hope the duke came to Calayce the xii day of December, & there abode long, till their friends had sued to the king for their return. And when it was granted and that they were returned, the Duke and the captains came not to the kings presence in a long season, to their great heaviness and displeasure: But at the last all things were taken in good part and they well received and in great love, favour, and familiarity with the king.  
While the Duke of Suffolk was in France and the Earl of Surrey on the Marches of Scotland, the Cardinal sent out commissions in the month of October through the realm, that every man that was worth xl l. should pay the whole subsidy before granted out of hand & before the days of payment. This payment was called an Anticipation, 
An Anticipation.  which is to say a thing taken or a thing coming before his time or season: This term was new to the commaltie, but they paid well for their learning, for their money was paid out of hand without delay.  
The king this year kept his Christmas solemnly at his castle of Wyndsore and thither came to him the third day of january the earl Pountiver of the royal blood of Brytaigne and pretending to be duke of the same, which was near cousin to the duke of Bourbon & banished France. This earl came hastily from the duke of Bourbon & was well entertained and feasted of the king, and after answer made to him by the king, he went to the Cardinal to Hampton court, and so with great speed returned to the said duke into the country of Province.  
In the same season was brought to the court a gentleman of Scotland called Andrew Stewart taken on the sea with divers letters by one Water jago a yeoman of the kings, with divers letters from the duke of Albany to the French king, by reason whereof the king knew much of their counsel. This gentleman paid ransom and was very soon redeemed.  
The xix day of january vi. fair ships of France well appointed, met with a ship of the kings of England called the Kateryne Galley a ship of xl ton, the captain whereof was one John Mariner, with a small company, for many of his company were a land: But he so encouraged his men that all fear was set aside, and ever as the frenchmen approached, they bet them of with arrows pikes, & fighting, & still this continued from four of the clock in the morning till ix of the clock, & ever on the cost of England, and the Englishmen did the best they could to save themselves: For by that time she had spent her powder, arrows with shooting, & her bills with hewing, & her pikes with keeping them of from coming aboard, and all the company almost sore hurt, and the captain wounded to the death, so that they had no other remedy but to sail. This chase was perceived by one called captain Markam, captain of the bark of Sandwyche, which manfully called his men together out of Sandwyche haven & with good wind came to rescue the Kateryne Galley. The vi ships perceiving that, left their chase & made with the Bark of Sandwyche. The captain courageously comforted his men and made the quarters of his ship defensable. The Frenchmen set on fiercely, and their tops were higher than the top of the English ship. Out went the ordinance, quarrels and darts of the French ships: the Englishmen shot fiercely again and when the frenchmen proffered to enter, the Englishmen bet them of with bills. The frenchmen at last with a great gun bet down the top of the bark & slew the men in the same, and lastly they struck down his Mast. This conflict continued from ten of the clock till two at after noon. Then he could make no shift, but to sail: and ever the Englishmen shot arrows, & while thenglishmen had any arrows the frenchmen durst not enter: But when their arrows were spent, the frenchmen came aboard all at ones & entered the bark. In this fight were slain of Frenchmen out of hand xxvii and lxxx sore hurt, and of the English were slain xxiii What should I say, the Englishmen fought valiantly, but they were to weak for vi tall ships. Wherefore they were taken and brought to Deep for a prize, but the Frenchmen said they never bought prize so dear. After this John Maryner captain of the Kateryne galley died, and many frenchmen that were hurt died at Deep, so that neither part wan greatly.  
In the last month called December were taken certain traitors in the city of Coventry, 
An insurrection moved at Coventry.  one called Frances Philippe schoolmaster to the kings Henxmen, and one Christopher Pykering clerk of the Larder, and one Antony Maynuile gentleman, which by the persuasion of the said Frances Philip, intended to have taken the kings treasure of his subsidy as the Collectors of the same came toward London, and then to have araised men and taken the castle of Kylingworth, and then to have made battle against the king: wherefore the said Frances, Christopher and Anthony were hanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyburn the xi. day of Februarye, the residue that were taken, were sent to the city of Coventry and there were executed. One of the kings Henxmen called Dygby which was one of the conspirators fled the realm, and after had his pardon.  
The xvii day of january there was a Fair or market at the town of Marguyson in the French kings dominions beside Calayce, and for defence of the people and their merchandise, there were appointed CC. men in harness well weaponed: The soldiers of Guysnes hearing of this, departed in the night & came near to the town of Marguyson and closely kept themselves till the Market was fair & at the best, than the Englishmen which were lxx archers and bills, set suddenly on the Market, that seeing the frenchmen stood manfully at their defence with handgunnes and pikes, but the Englishmen shot so wholly together that they drove the Frenchmen out of the town, and would for succours have taken the Church, but the Englishmen were between them and the Church, so that they had none other remedy but to flee and many frenchmen were slain. Captain John de Pound, and captain John de Babage and divers other were taken prisoners, and divers merchants that were there to cell their goods were also taken, and all their goods brought in Frenchemennes' wagons to Guysnes and no Englishman slain but divers were sore hurt.  
The first day of Februay the valiant knight sir Robert jernynghan and with him fifty demylaunces of the garrison of Calayce skoured the country to Odirsaell & there took a HUNDRED head of beasts, by that doing an askey rose through the country, whereby the frenchmen gathered together to the number of xii score, and or sir Robert and his company came to Houndyngbrige they were beset round about, so that of necessity they must fight, the Frenchmen set on with handgunnes, crossbows and pikes, and for a while there was a strong encounter, but the Englishmen as m●nne desperate (because of the number) fought so fiercely that they caused the Frenchmen to give back and slew many of them and took xiii prisoners, & in the chase they took seven. more which made up xxi Then the said sir Robert returned with his botie and prisoners and lost noman, but almost all were hurt.  
The ten day of March the king having a new harness made of his own devise and fashion, sucheas no armourer before that time had seen, thought to assay the same at the tilt, and appointed a justes to serve him. On foot were appointed the lord Marques Dorset and the Earl of Surrey, the king came to the one end of the tilt, and the Duke of Suffolk to the other: then a gentleman said to the Duke, sir the king is come to the tyltes end. 
〈…〉  I see him not said the Duke on my faith, for my head piece taketh from me my sight: with these words God knoweth by what chance, the king had his spear delivered him by the lord Marques, the vi●er of his headpece being up and not down nor fastened, so that his face was clean naked. Then the gentleman said to the duke, sir the king cometh, than the duke set forward and charged his spear, and the king likewise unadvisedly set toward the duke: the people perceiving the kings face bore, cried hold, hold, the duke neither saw nor heard, and whether the king remembered that his viser was up or no few could tell: Alas what sorrow was it to the people when they saw the spleters of the duke's spear strike on the kings head-piece: For of a surety the duke struck the king on the brow right under the de●ence of the hedpece on the very coyffe s●u●l or bas●enetpece whereunto the barbet for power and defence is charneld, to which coyffe or bassenet never armourer taketh heed, for it is evermore covered with the viser, barbet and volant piece, and so that piece is so defended that it forceth of no charge: But when the spear on that place lighted, it was great jeopardy of death insomuch that the face was bore, for the Duke's spear broke all to shivers, and bore the kings viser or barbet so far back by the country buff that all the kings headpece was full of spleters. The Armourers for this matter were much blamed, and so was the lord Marquis for the delivering of the spear when his face was open, but the king said that none was to blame but himself, for he intended to have said himself and his sight. The duke incontinently unarmed him, and came to the king, showing him the closeness of his sight, & swore that he would never run against the king more: But if the king had been a little hurt, the kings servants would have put the Duke in jeopardy.  
Then the king called his Armourers and put all his pieces together and then took a spear and ran vi. courses very well, by the which all men might perceive that he had no hurt, which was great joy and comfort to all his subjects there present.  
In the end of Februarye four French ships chased the fisher boats of Rye to the very shore, and when the flood was go, would have taken the boats and came a land with pikes, but the fishers threw stones, and one archer shot and slew a Frencheman which held up a basket and bad shoot englishman shoot, and the Englisheman shot through the basket and slew him, and so they saved their boats, and when the flood came, the frenchmen set up their sails, and as they were passing, the Englishmen of war met with them and took two of the said ships, and the other two fled.  
In this year the king sent the lord Morlay sir William Hosy knight and doctor Lee his Almoner to Done Ferdinando archduke of Austrice and brother to the Emperor Charles with the order of the Garter which in the town of Norryngberge received the same, where then were all the princes of germany assembled at a counsel or Diet, against the bishop of Rome, against whom the germans put a HUNDRED griefs.  
The xiii. day of April one Captain Breerton one of the captains of the adventurers at Guysnes with xvi tall men came to village called Waste and there took a booty of beasts, by which taking an askry rose, and by chance certain of the garrison of Bulleyn were then abroad and by the cry of the people came where the Englishmen were, the frenchmen were CC. horsemen and with great cries environed the Englishmen about, so that the Englishmen could make no defence. Then captain Brearton called to the captain of the frenchmen and said, sir I am a gentleman & this enterprise was mine, I have brought these good fellows to this jeopardy, wherefore we yield us all prisoners to you, and so they delivered their weapons, the captain was a gentleman and gently them received, then to the men of war drew all the pe●santz or churls of the country nigh hand to the number of seven. or viii. score, which desired to buy the Englishmen that were taken, the Frenchmen were content and took money, than the Englishmen were delivered to the uplandish people, and the men of war road away.  
When the men of war were departed the ribalds with pikes, javelins, 
captain Brearton murdered.  and knives, fell on the Englishmen which had no weapon and them slew all xvii. and cut them in pieces the most shamefully that ever was seen.  
When knowledge hereof was brought to the captain of Guisnes sir John Gage, he sent for the adventurers willing them to revenge their captain's death. So all the adventurers the xiiii. day gathered together to the number of xl archers and pikes, and by good guide the next day in the morning they came to the same village of Waste & there took xxxvii. prisoners and most part were at the murder of Brearton and his company, 
The murder revenged.  and of the xxxvii. they slew xxxvi. and so they left one and carried him with them, but or they departed they set the town on fire and spared nothing, their ire was so great: the men of war of France costed the Englishmen, but they would not meddle with them in that rage.  
When they came to Guysnes they swore the Frencheman that was left on live to declare their message to the captain of Bullein, which was that after that day they would save neither man, woman nor child that came to their hands for the great cruelty that the peysantzes had done to captain Brearton and his company, with which message the Frenchmen were discontent & said that the villains deserved to have vengeance for their cruelty.  
In this year through books of Emphimerydes and Pronostications made and calculate by Astronomers, the people were sore afraid for the said writers declared that this year should be such Eclipses in watery signs, and such conjunctions that by waters & floods many people should perish, insomuch that many persons vitailed themselves and went to high grounds for fear of drowning, and specially one Bolton which was Prior of saint Bartholomewes' in Smythfeld builded him an house upon Harow of the hill, only for fear of this flood, 
Bolton prior of saint Bartholomewes'.  and thither he went & made provision for all things necessary within him, for the space of two months: But the faithful people put their trust and confidence only in God. And this rain was by the writers prognosticate to be in February, wherefore when it began to rain in February the people were much afraid, & some said now it beginneth, but many wisemen which thought that the world could not be drowned again, contrary to God's promise, put their trust in him only, but because they thought that some great rains might fall by inclinations of the stars, and that water mills might stand still and not grind, they provided for meal, and yet God be thanked there was not a fairer season in many years, & at the last the Astronomers for their excuse said that in their computation they had mistaken and miscounted in their number an hundredth years.  
The Emperor charles which also was enemy to the French king, seeing the great army that the king of England his confederate had in France, thought it was to him honourable to make war also on that part of France that joineth to Spain, & in especially he imagined how to recover the town of Fountraby, which the frenchmen before that time had gotten: wherefore he assembled a great puissance and made captain the lord Barnardine de Belasco Constable of Castyle, which with great diligence came before the town of Fountraby which was strongly fortified and the captain thereof was a Naveroys: but when the captain and his company saw the town besieged with such a puissance, and also that the sea was so narrowly kept that they could not have victual nor succour, they determined to give up the town: but yet the captain of a high stomach shot out his ordinance and sent his trumpet to the captain of the spaniards to know what prisoners he had of his, and for the communication thereof he desired abstinence of war till he had communed with the counsel of the Spanish host, which to him was granted. Then was communication for five days and nothing ended, for the spaniards were haute on the one side, and the frenchmen proud on the other side, but on the vi. day it was concluded that the town should be delivered with ordinance and artillery and all the men of war to departed with bag & baggage and so the xxvii. day of February was the town of Fountraby brought again to the hands of the Emperor, & he that was captain of Fountraby was afterward restored to his lands in Naver by the Emperor and become his man.  
The bishop of Rome called Pope Clement seeing the great wars that were this year on all parties and in especial between the Emperor & the king of England on the one party against Frances the French king and his alyes, sent an archbishop of the realm of Naples first to the French king, and after to the Emperor, which declared to the French king the manifold mischiefs that rise by war, the great stroke of vengeance that God will strike for unjust war & specially for the death of innocentes and effusion of christian blood, and showed farther that the said French king made daily war on the Emperor and the king of England without cause, but only because he himself would do no right to them nor to their subjects.  
The French king after counsel taken answered, my lord Legate we assure you that we make no war, but war is made on us, and we stand at the defence, notwithstanding our right is kept from us both the duchy of Myllain and realm of Naples by the Emperor and the usurped duke, to the which we have good title, and the king of England warreth on us without cause, notwithstanding that we have given him and many lords o● his counsel divers fair pensions, not because we be afraid of him, but because we would have his love and amity, and when we perceived that he took part with the Emperor our mortal enemy, we withdrew our pensions as with right we might, & now with all his power he would conquer our good will, which is against reason, and we claim nothing of him. Well said the ambassador, I will speak first with the Emperor and after with the king of England, & then I will declare to you their rights and demands, with which the French king seemed to be content.  
Then the said ambassador took his leave and in post came to the Emperor in Spain, & there exhorted him to peace with many goodly reasons, affirming that the war was unjust and without reasonable cause made on the French king as the said king affirmed. Then the Emperor like a noble prince answered, that the wars were never of his beginning: For the French king or he wist had taken the town of Fountraby, and also had sent an army to conquer the realm of Nauer●e, & not with this contented, retained the Swyches which be the Emperor's subjects and caused them to be enemies to th'empire, and he also withheld the duchy of haut Burgoyne, and the county of Arthoys with divers other countries and signories belonging to him: Wherefore his quarrel was always just, and because the college of Rome should perceive the whole cause of his wars, he delivered to the said ambassador a seedule, with which he departed, refusing all gifts which the Emperor offered him, and came again to the French king and rehearsed to him all the Emperors saying, but the French king himself highly excused and said that he might not lose that that his predecessors left him, and so the bishop of Rome's ambassador took his leave and came into England.  
After this Legate was departed from the Emperor's court, there came thither an Ambassador from Portyngale, which highly behaved himself, and when he came to the Emperor's speech, he proudly said: 
The proposition of a Portyngale.  Sir you that are the greatest prince of Christendom aught above all men to do justice and right, and to do wrong to no man, and where it is well known that by the labour, study, and learning in Cosmography and Astronomy of us only portingalings, the trade to the parties of Ind or India's were first sought and found, and the first labour in that behalf was ours and the great innumerable riches which was spent for the searching and finding of the same, was employed & spent by the king of Portyngale and his progenitors, by which travail we have won strange lands, whereby all Christendom is greatly enriched with jewels, stones, and pearls and other strange commodities. How can it then be thought just or righteous that any other person should take from us that commodity that we have so dearly bought? Yet most puissant lord and mighty Emperor, your subjects daily travail thither and wrong fully take away our gain, which never laboured nor took pain for the finding or searching of the same, wherefore of justice you must command your subjects not alonely to leave their trade thitherward, but also to make to us portingalings a sufficient recompense for the harms that we have sustained.  
When the Ambassador had said, 
The Emperors answer.  after a little deliberation the Emperor answered. The very poverty of your country of Portyngale is such, that of yourselves you be not able to live, wherefore of necessity you were driven to seek living, for lands of princes you were not able to purchase, and land of lords you were not able to conquer. Wherefore on the sea you were compelled to seek that which was not found: And where you say that you have found lands, I say those lands found you by shipwrekes of the sea being cast thereon before you thought of any such ground, & so sought farther for succours in necessity, yet they say not that you have them won, but they have won you. And where you would that our subjects should not repair thither, we ascertain you that no man shall prohibit our subictes to sail where they list for their advantage. For our subjects may be warned no place by them with whom I have peace and amity: for he is mine enemy and no friend that letteth my liberty: Well said the Ambassador, and we will let your subjects to pass thither. Nay said the Emperor, we will not try so far, for I am able to disturb your doings nearer hand. But for a surety you portingalings be enemies to all Christendom, for to the Indyans you carry nothing but coin, which is hurt to all countries, wherefore at this time you may departed, till you be better advised. After this answer given to the portingalings, they offered great sums of money to the Emperor to leave his trade into the Indyans, but he thereto in nowise would agreed.   

The xvi year.  
IN the beginning of this xuj. year the king lay at his manner of Newhall in Essex, and there kept the feast of saint George & hearing that the bishop of Rome's Ambassador was coming into England removed to his Manor of Grenewyche where the said Archbishop and legate came to him & was highly entertained, which declared wisely and eloquently the message & intent of his master, which was to make a peace and concord between the princes of Christendom, & especially between the Emperor, the king of England & the French king, & for that cause he had been with the Emperor & also with the French king, which as he said affirmed that without cause the king of England made on him war, considering that he to th'intent to have the more amity & favour of you & your nobles hath liberally given to you & them honourable pensions, which by no duty as he affirmeth you can nor may claim, but of his benevolence and bounty. Also he sayeth that you claim his crown, realm, and possessions, which toucheth him highly, and of yours he claimeth nothing, and therefore he thinketh of right you aught not to make him war. Wherefore may it please your highness to tell me your mind and I shall it declare to the whole court of Rome God willing and forget nothing.  
Then the king called to him his counsel & after divers consultations had, the Ambassador was sent for, & there was showed to him many records, proving the king of England to be inheritor to the realm of France by blood & also so confirmed by divers Charters in the time of king Charles the seven. And as concerning the pension, to him was showed divers Charters, that it was no Pension of friendship but due rent for the duchess of Normandy & Guyan and the countries of Aniew & Maine which are the king of England's very inheritance. furthermore there were showed to him divers bonds of the said French kings for the payment for the city of Turnay & other duties which he aught to the king of England, all which articles to fulfil, the French king hath oftentimes been required by Ambassadors, & yet he ever dissembled & would not conform himself to reason: of all these things were notes written & delivered to the bishop of Rome's ambassador, which took his leave of the king & returned in post accompanied but with iii persons. By reason of the coming of this Ambassador men hoped the peace should ensue, but it succeeded not this year: for the third day of May the garrison of Bullein with divers other in the most secret wise that could be came to a place within the English pale called Sentricas & suddenly struck up a drum or drounslade: the people hearing this in the night were sore abashed, some fled naked & some clothed, the most part fled to the Church, and the frenchmen them followed & took xxi prisoners and then set fire on the Church: By this time was all the pale raised which thing the frenchmen perceiving left their botie and returned in all haste with their prisoners to Bullein.  
In this season the lords of Flaunders lay at the siege before Tyrwyn and were likely to have taken it by famine, whereof the French king being advertised assembled an army of xxii M. horsemen and footmen under the conduct of the Duke of Uandosme and the lord Pountdormy, and the French king himself came down to Amyas and there caused it to be noised that he would besiege the town of Ualencyen in Henaude, where the Duke of Suffolk the last year had left the king of England's ordinance. The king of England hearing of this, said, that if the French king besieged Ualencyen, he in person would go thither for to rescue his ordinance. The lord fines and other lords of Flounder which lay before Tyrwyn with ix. M. men were advertised of the French army, but because of the fame that the host should go to Ualencyen, they sent for no more succours.  
When the frenchmen had all things ready, they left the way to Ualencyen and took the way directly to Tyrwyn. When the lords of Flaunders perceived that they were sore abashed & then they knew that they were deceived, and that they were not able to abide the puissance of the French army. Wherefore they raised their siege, & put themselves in order of battle on the Southest side of Tyrwyn: the French army passed forward the vi. day of May toward Tyrwyn and made no semblance to fight: Howbeit some of them skirmished with the horsemen of Flaunders, but they at the last entered the town, whereunto they were welcome, and the lords of Flaunders departed sore displeased but there was no remedy. Then ran a brute that the French army would lay siege to Guysnes: wherefore the king caused men & all other things to be put in a readiness for the speedy rescue thereof if it had so chanced. But the frenchmen took a better advice.  
In this month of May sir Robert jernyngham captain of Newnam bridge communed with Christopher Coo, a captain of divers English ships that kept the sea, which then was in Calayce haven for victual and said, captain Coo you know how the Bulleners have visited near to Calayce the English pale and have burned Sentrycas. If you will promise' to set many of your men a land at the haven of Bullein the xix day of may, I with as many as I can furnish will meet with you there in base Bulloyne at the time and hour between us appointed, to the which the said Christopher agreed and faithfully promised, and so prepared accordingly every thing necessary and so sailed toward Bulleyn, sir Robert jernyngham sent word of this enterprise to sir William Fitzwillyam captain of Guysnes to know if he would aid any part toward this journey, which sent word that he would be at the same adventure himself: then all the gentlemen desired him to be captain of that enterprise, which he thankfully and weth heart received: then all the men of war and the adventurers and the Bailie Mark assembled together, so that when all were come together they were. CCC. horsemen, and of the country and Mark iii C. and of the adventurers. C.lx and so one and other they were seven. C. men. All these persons met at an hour appointed at Sandyngfelde: the night was short so that it was day or they came near Bullein all set in good order of battle, but they were askried before they came near Bullein, and so it chanced that Christopher Coo with his ships which had wind at will was come with his four ships before Bullein somewhat before day, the Bulleners that kept the watch him espied, & then he manned his boats and with men and ordinance stretched toward the land, by that time was all base Bullein in harness ready to defend the Englishmen from landing, but captain Coo did what he might, and almost all the people of Base Bullein were on the shore, that seeing the garrison made them ready and bend their ordinance. Sir William Fitzwillyam hearing the guns toward the havenside knew well that Christopher Coo was in his business, and so encouraged every man to do well and marched forward with asmuch speed as might be, insomuch that all the Englishmen were on the hills before Bullein in sundry plumps, than i●●ued out the horsemen of Bullein between the castle and Cardons tower, the light horsemen of the English part them encountered, there was a good fight, the frenchmen shot with Crossbows, and the Englishmen with long bows, and the great ordinance shot terribly, the Englishmen approached the town walls, this skirmish was ●●erse & ever the archers aided the horsemen. While the horsemen were thus skirmishing, the viii. score adventurers which were hardy & valiant men cast themselves about & came to base Bullein, and there they were hardly received of the Frenchmen, yet notwithstanding they lost their barriers and the Englishmen entered, there was shooting on all sides and a strong fight. The Frenchmen cried Bullein, and thenglishmen saint George Calayce: but at the last the Frenchmen were driven back and many slain, & xliiii. taken prisoners, and so they returned to their captain sir William Fitzwillyam. All this while was Christopher Coo on land on the sea cost and bet the Frenchmen up to the town, and when the tide turned he with all his came again in safety to their ships. The English horsemen after long fighting took three of the frenchmen of arms and the other recoiled to the town. By this time by reason of the Alarm was all the country of Pycardye raised and much people resorted to Bullein on all sides, which doing sir William Fitzwillyam wisely perceiving, by the sound of a trumpette brought all his men together in a plump, and then sent them hither and thither to fet his drifts of beasts that were near in the country on every side, which was quickly done, for the adventurers brought Oxen, Cows, Horses, and many other pillages, and brent the granges and villages, and so met together, and with their botie returned in safety.  
The tewesdaie following, being the last day of May, sir William Fitz William, with a. C. and fifty horsemen, and the adventurers, and a hundred other persons more, came to a place called Samer de Boys, the said captain wisely considered, that in that place the frenchmen had diverse times lurked, and taken at advantage the Englishmen, wherefore he laid his horsemen, and his archers on horseback in a wood, in a wait if the frenchmen followed the stolen: then he sent forth the adventurers, which passed farther than the captain would that they should have done, and suddenly they were askried: then on came the frenchmen, the adventurers swore, that they would not flee, but bend theimselfes to defend their enemies, which were iii C. horsemen. The Frenchmen knew well their hardiness, but yet they called them crackers, which by missounding, was commonly called Krekers, for a surety these men were hardy, and full of policy, and very far●e would jeopard, the frenchmen sent about a valley i C. of the best horsemen, and ii C. footmen, than wer● the Krekers between two bends of the Frenchmen: sir William Fitz William, being assured of the conduit of the frenchmen, much doubted the chance of the adventurers, wherefore in great haste sent for his stale of horsemen, that he had left covered: and the Frenchmen that were before the Krekers, came and set on very fast, in hope of their horsemen, that were go about an hill in the valley. The Englishmen them valiantly defended, then as the horsemen had compassed the hill, the adventurers were come on a plain: then the horsemen that were come to sir William Fitz William, set on the French horsemen, there was a hard and a fierce encounter, for the Frenchmen fought sore, but at length they fled, and in the chase were taken lvi horsemen, and xliiii slain one and other, & many Englishmen sore hurt and diverse slain, thus the Krekers scaped a narrow hazard.  
In the same season on the second day of May, sir Thomas Palmer one of the Captains of the frontiers, was riding to his friend, master Jerome of Burgon, captain of Turnahan, and with him twenty English men on light horse, and as he road, he suddenly espied xxx horsemen, of the garrison of Tirwyn and Bullein, they were near together or the Englishmen espied them: then there was no remedy, but to encounter, sir Thomas Palmer well comforted his company, and then the French men set on with great force, and truly they fought long, without one having any advantage of the other, but at last the frenchmen began to faint, and a little to withdraw themselves, that perceiving the English men, set to them courageously, and so they slew three out of hand, and vi men of arms taken prisoners, and eight dimy lances, with which prisoners the Englishmen returned to Guysnes, and kept not their purpose to Turnahan, for all were hurt or wounded.  
In june, sir William Fitz William, captain of Guysnes, sir John Walop, and sir John Gage, secretly called to them ix C. men of war such as they trusted, and on Midsummer day, passed the low country of Picardy, unto the castle of Hardynghan, or Rigsam and they carried with them but one piece of ordinance called a Curtal, this gone they bent against the Castle, which was well furnished with harness, ordinance, and all other artillery, and things needful, and the captain also was a valiant and hardy gentleman. The Englishmen ever shot that piece and removed it from place to place with great pain, and in conclusion made a batery of the walls, so that they might assault it, than the trumpet blewe to assault, and the captain with his company stood at defence: then sir John Wallop, and sir John Gage with the adventurers or krekers entered the ditch, and the archers shot at every loupe arrows and the frenchmen likewise shot quarrels: the Englishmen set up laders to the walls, but the frenchmen threw them down, at this assault was slain a gentleman called Butler, and xu other Englishmen, but for all that, the assault was not left, for some climbed by pikes, and some amended the ladders, and cried again to the assault: but sir William Fitz William chief captain of this enterprise, perceived that they lacked engines and other things, ●or the speedy assault of the castle, and not willing to loose his men without cause, caused them to stay, while he and other captains counseled together, and as they were concluded once again to attempt the assault, they hard news that two thousand horse men, and two thousand footmen, were at hand to fight with them, they then perceiving that ix C. men being weary, were no power to encounter with four thousand frenchmen, they in good order returned to the English fortresses.  
Monsire de Bees Capiiain of Bullein, well considered all the enterprises, that the Englishmen had done in Picardy and France, now of late: he determined to requited them, to his honour and fame, and for that purpose, sent for the earl of Dammartyne, the lord Pontremie, and the lord Chastillion, which concluded, to enter into the English pale, and to show themselves before Calais. Wherefore they assembled all the men of arms and soldiers, of the garrisons about, and so they were viii C. good horsemen, and with pikes, gonnes, and crossbows viii C. footmen: and when all this company was assembled, Monsire de Bees as captain of this journey, with the other lords, the fourth day of August with banner displayed, came toward Calais in the evening: and the next day in the morning by six of the Clock, they came to a village within the English pale, called Bonynges. Then the Alarm rose through all the English pale, and so came to Calais. These lords of France sent out their fore-riders, to search and over see the country, and then they laid an embushement of iii C. horsemen, at the said town of Bonynges, and with that bend abode Monsire Pontremie, and Monsire de Bees road to Kalkewell with. iiiC. horsemen, and there tarried with them, the earl of Dammartine with iii C. fresh horsemen, and all the footmen with banner displayed, road and foraged all the Country, of which three hundred spears, they let one. C. go at large, and kept the residue with them.  
When the Alarm came to Calais, every man made to horse and harness. Then sir Robert jernyngham with lxxx horsemen with all speed, road out of Calais to behold the company of the frenchmen. And he sent forth his light horsemen, which met with the skourers of the French men, and because the frenchmen seemed a few in number, the English for●riders proffered toward them, which fled toward Sandiffeld, and the Englishmen chased after, not being of knowledge of the ●mbushementes, that lay at Bonynges and Kalkewell.  
When sir Robert jernyngham saw his light horsemen chase, he followed after softly, to keep his horse in breath. Then suddenly the French men that were in chase returned, for some of their aid was near them. When the Englishmen which passed not xvi horse, saw the frenchmen return, they encountered with them manfully, but to the frenchmen came still more and more, so that the Englishmen were constrained to fly another way, to the high land in great jeopardy, for the Frenchmen them pursued, but by the help of the light geldings, the Englishmen got the sea side, or sea sands beyond scales: then were the Englishmen glad and returned, and fought with the Frenchmen hand to hand, for the frenchmen behind followed not the chase, but only twenty horse men, and with pure fighting the Englishmen took one of the French horsemen, and came with him to Calais, and so were saved.  
When sir Robert jernyngham saw his men in chase (as you have hard) and saw that they were in great jeopardy, he advanced for their rescue all that he might, which was the saving of the light horsemen, for the Frenhemen left them, to encounter with sir Robert jernyngham, and so it was that he went so far forward, that the frenchmen were between him and Calais. And when he saw all the bends, and embushmentes break out, he said to his company: sers, saint George to borrow, let these French galantes know what we Englishmen be: Sir said his company, they shall buy us dear. Then he marched toward the high land: Then approached a great number of horsemen of France, the Englishmen them valiantly received, and manfully defended, but ever the Frenchmen came fresh and fresh, so that the Englishmen being weary, and oppressed with multitude, were feign to fly: and in this chase was taken Thomas Cheiney an Archer, whose horse was tiered, and two other archers on horseback, one called George Kar and the other rowland Atkynson, and three other of the English pale, sir Robert and the remnant, saved themselves the best that they could.  
When sir Robert was returned, the frenchmen souned their trumpet, and re●uled to Bullein, and sent word to Calais, that they would visit them oftener. Sir Robert jernyngham remembering this chance, thought to be revenged of the same, & so advising himself, to what place he should repair, he remembered that whensoever the Englishmen made any journey to Margyson, the frenchmen would fly over the water or creak▪ to a high ground by boats, and there as it were in an island, save themselves, because on that side they might ever have succours, for the creke or water, is beyond the town from Calais. Therefore thesay sir Robert caused five great boats to be carried in wagons, and so he with other captains, of Calais and Guysnes, to the number of iii C. footmen with the Krekers▪ & lx horsemen the xii day of August, with banners displayed, took their way to the town of Margison, and in the night the light horsemen gave Alarm to the town of Bullein, and took two soldiers prisoners, and brought with them certain cattail to their company. Then thenglishmen marched forward, toward Margyson, that seeing the frenchmen, took their boats in trust of the water, and passed over, the Englishmen perceived that, and launched their Boats, and so like adventurers entered, and by force passed▪ and so more and more, till. C.lx were passed over: the country began to gather, so that the frenchmen were three hundred, which fought with the Englishmen, and would have letted the boats to land, but the archers on the other side drove than back, and the Englishmen slew at the first encounter lx men, and took forty prisoners, yet the frenchmen that fled met with new succours, and then began a new battle, and the Frenchmen fought hardly, but at th'end they fled, the most poorest of the people, on the other side of the water, fled to the Church, and abode at their defence, than was there fire set in the church, than the frenchmen leapt out of the church, to their destruction, for of three hundred there was saved but sixty on live.  
The whole power of Bullein was come down, near to the place: but when they perceived that it was to late, and that the Englishmen were returned they came no farther. This was sir Robert jarnyngham even with the frenchmen, and brought a good botie, and many prisoners to Calais, which sore grieved the captain of Bullein.  
The frenchmen perceiving, that they got little at the Englishemennes' hands, thought to take their advantage of the flemings, where fore they assembled of the garrisons, of Bullein and Tirwyn, u C. footmen, and three hundred horsemen, and so in good order marched toward saint Omers, and they sent to go aforraging i C. footmen, and as many horsemen, and the rest kept themselves in a stolen. These frenchmen came by Arkus, nigh to saint Omers, and foraged all the country, the Alarm sprang all the country to Turnahan, the captain of gentleman sent word to sir William Fitzwillyan, Captain of Guysnes, that the frenchmen were abroad, which made answer, that if the frenchmen came near to him, surely he would speak with them, with which answer the captain of Turnahan being encouraged, sent forth. CC. Flemmynges on foot, still the frenchmen marched toward gentleman, the flemings that were sent from Turnahan, marched toward the way, where the frenchmen should come, thinking that when the captain of Guysnes had set on them, that then they would have lain in the chase at the receipt  
thesay captain of Guisnes valiantly marched forward, with a. C horsemen, and four C. footmen, intending to meet with the Frenchmen, and suddenly as he was passing forward, word was brought him that the earl of Damarten, with the garrisons of Mustrel and Abuile, to the number of vi C. horsemen, were coming forward toward Guysnes. This hearing sir William Fitzwillyam, swore that the earl should not take pain to come to Guisnes, for he would meet him on the way: by this mean he left his first enterprise, & marched toward th'earl of Damartin  
The frenchmen of Tirwyn, being thereof advertised by a spy, called all the people together, and with their botie came on forward toward Turnahan, and suddenly they askried the poor flemings, which were sent out of the castle of Turnahan, and when they perceived the French men, coming toward them, they turned their backs, and fled like sheep: the frenchmen followed apace, and slew the most part of them, for few escaped.  
The captain of Guysnes came to a fair green, five mile from Guisnes, and there in good order of battle, tarried for the Earls coming, which hearing that the captain of Guysnes, was ready to receive him, made his return backward, without any thing doing: when the captain knew the truth of the earls return, he then with all haste, sped him to meet with the frenchmen, that were coming to Turnahan, and in the mean way, he hard tidings of the chance of the flemings, and how the Frenchmen were re●uled toward Tirwyn, which adventure sore him displeased, but there was no remedy, wherefore he returned to Guisnes again, very sorry that the frenchmen, went away unfought withal: The frenchmen little meddled after this time, wherefore let us now return, and show what wars were kept on the frontiers, between England and Scotland, in this season.  
The xxi day of May being trinity Sondaie, u C. Scots in the morning by several fords, entered into England, and lay covertly by the high way, to distress merchants and merket men, that should pass to Berwick, that day to the fair: for every trinity Sunday, there is kept a great fair, which the Scots knew well, and as they lay thus lurking, they rob many merchants, and took rich prisoners, but at the last they were perceived, than the Alarm rose, and people begun to gather, the Scots drew together toward Branxston, & thenglishmen them assailed, which so manfully them defended, that if the young lord of Fulbery, had not come with one. C. light horsemen, the Scots had go away with their botie, but then began a sore fight, many were hurt on both sides, and some slain, and at the last the Scots fled, and in the chase there were two hundred Scots taken prisoners, and the residue fled and saved themselves.  
After this the .v. day of july, sir John a Fenwicke, Leonard Musgrave, and bastard Heron, and diverse other, gathered together ix C. men and entered into Scotland, in the country called the March, & rob and spoiled all the country, and by chance the same season, the Scots had assembled two thousand men, to invade England, and none of these knew of other, till they by adventure met together. Then began a strong medley, for the Scots fought valiantly a great while, and the Englishmen them hardeli assailed, and at the last by fine force, caused them to leave the ground and fly, and in the flight were taken. CC. Scots, and many slain, of the which prisoners diverse were gentlemen sir Ralph of Fanwicke, Leonard Musgrave, and bastard Heron, with thirty. other Englishmen well horsed, followed so far the chase, that they were passed rescues of their company, which perceiving the Scots suddenly returned, and set on the Englishmen, which oppressed with multitude, were soon overcome, and there was taken sir Ralph a Fanwicke, Leonard Musgrave, and six other, and bastard Heron, and seven other slain, the remnant by chance escaped: the other Englishmen with their two hundred prisoners, returned safely into England: the slaying of the Bastard Heron, was more pleasure to the Scots, than the taking of the two hundred was displeasure, they hated him so.  
The vii day of july, the lord Maxwell of Scotland, and sir Alexander Iorden, with banners displayed, and Scots to the number of four thousand, entered into England at the West Marches by Carleile, and began to burn on every side: then the Englishmen assembled on every side, and so they were in number ii M. men, and fiercely set on the Scots, there was a great fight, for the space of an hour, at the last the Englishmen broke the array of the Scots, and them discomfited, and took. CCC. Scots prisoners, the Englishmen that had taken prisoners, went away with their prisoners: For sir Alexander Iorden and his son and diverse other were taken prisoners, and by their departing, the company of the Englishmen was much minished. The lord Maxwell being a politic man, perceived that, & suddenly called his people together, and them encouraged, and began a new skirmish, and recovered all the prisoners almost, and took diverse English men prisoners, this was the chance of war.  
After this journey, in the Court of Parliament of Scotland, was much commoning of the wars, which were between England and Scotland: some of the nobles said, that France never did so much good to Scotland in twenty years, as Scotland had lost by England, in one year, for the love & cause of France: wherefore they thought it convenientto make a perpetual league of amity, with the king of England, and to leave the French kings part. Other nobles which had pensions in France, declared the old amity between France and Scotland, and how the French king, brought up many gentlemen of Scotland in his Court, giving them great livings, which the king of England would not do: they also alleged the franches, and privileges that the Scots have in France, and specially they showed, that if the king of Scots should break with France, & then if it happened the king of England, to invade Scotland, which being without aid of any friend, might well by the power of England be conquered. After many long reasons it was thought expedient, to sue to the king of England for a truce, which was done, & a truce granted till. S. Andrew's day.  
This year the first day of September, was doctor Thomas Hannibal Master of the Rolls, received into London, with earls, and bishops, and diverse other nobles and gentlemen, 
A Rose brought from Rome.  as Ambassador from Clement bishop of Rome, which brought with him a rose of gold, for a token to the king: the people as he passed▪ thought to have seen the Rose, but it was not showed, till he came to the king to Wynsore, on the day of the Nativity of our Lady, on which day, after a solemn Mass song by the Cardinal of York, the said present was delivered to the king, which was a tree forged of fine gold, and wrought with branches, leaves and flowers, resembling Roses: this tree was set in a pot of gold, which pot had three feet of antic fashion: the pot was of measure half a pint, in the uppermost Rose, was a fair Saphier loupe pierced, the bigness of an acorn, the tree was of height half an English yard, and in breadth it was a foot. thesay Ambassador in delivering the same rose, made an oration, declaring the good mind, love, and favour, that the bishop of Rome bore to the king, in token whereof he sent him that present, which the king thankfully received, and delivered it to him again, and so he bore it open before the king, from the College to the great chamber, and there delivered it to the Master of the jewel house, and so there ended his Legation.  
Before this time in the month of july, Lord Archebalde Douglas earl of Anguish, which had married the Queen of Scots, sister to the king of England, and was sent into France by the Duke of Albany, and there kept, contrary to his will and pleasure, and from thence hardly escaped, and came to the king of England, to his manner of Grenewiche, and there besought him of his aid & comfort, to whom the king made a gentle answer. This Earl was not in the favour of his wife the Queen of Scots, wherefore she caused him to be sent into France: some said that she loved the duke of Albany, better than him, but what soever the matter was, she wrote to the French king, that if th'earl ever came again into Scotland, that the French king should have no pleasure in Scotland, that she might let, so that the earl being in France, was in jeopardy of his life. Wherefore secretly he fled and came into England, as you have hard, and one day at the Castle of Wynsore he declared, that in the counsel of France, when he was there, they happened in communication, to talk of the wars that were then, between the Emperor and the French king, and between the king of England and the French king: there was a Lord of the counsel, that stood up and said, it were better that one person suffered, rather than all the Realm should be daily in this mischief. Then was it asked, what he meant by that one person, he answered, that if the French Queen, which was lame and ugly were dead, that then ways might be found, that the French king should marry th'emperors sister, and to have with her the Duchy of Milan, and then with the money of her marriage, the king of England should be paid, and so a peace might be concluded: to this no answer was made, but whether this were true or false, for a truth the French queen was dead the xxvi day of july, & was buried at. s. De●ise  
The duke of Bourbon this Summer, made sharp war on the French kings dominions, and did high enterprises: wherefore the king of England sent his letters, to diverse lords and gentlemen in this season the tenor whereof ensueth. Trusty. etc. For asmuch as (our Lord God be thanked) our army, under the leading of our cousin the duke of Bourbon, hath not only entered the realm of France, gaining and attaining many towns, cities, Castles, and places, with the whole country of Province, without any resistance, of our ancient enemy the French king, but also goeth daily marching, and continually doth chase, and drive before them such men of war, as our said enemy hath prepared for his defence, in resistance of our cousin the Duke of Bourbon, and our said army. In such wise that it is thought undoubtedly, now to be most convenient time and season, either in our person (although the year be somewhat past) or by a lieutenant, with a puissant army to invade France, on the other side, both for the recovering of the Crown and to compel our said enemy, to knowledge his obstinate, wilful, and cronious demeanour, wherefore we will and command you, to be ready with such power as you be able to make, upon the next Proclamation to be made, dated the tenth day of September.  
After which letters sent forth, every man made preparation accordingly, and the people murmured and said, that it were much better, that the king should maintain his wars, with his own subjects, and spend his treasure on them, then to trust the Duke of Bourbon, being a stranger to spend his money.  
The king being at Wynsore, to him came sir Anthony Fitz Herbert one of the justices of the Common place, a man of excellent learning in the law, as appeareth by his works, sir Ralph Egerton knight, doctor Denton Deane of Lichfeld, which in the beginning of this year, were sent as Commissioners into Ireland, which so wisely endeavoured theimselfes, that they reform many injuries done in the country, and brought diverse of the wild Irish, by fair means to a submission, and made by the Kings authority, the Earl of Kildare deputy of the land, before whom the great Oneele bore the sword: and the Lord Piers Butler, called earl of Ormound, which was deputy of Ireland, was by thesay Commissioners, made high treasurer of Ireland. And when they had set all things in good order, in the month of September they took shipping, and in the same month came to the king, which gave them his hearty thanks, for their good doings.  
In this month the king sent Master John Magnus' Priest, and Roger Ratcliff Esquire into Scotland, for the surety of his nephew the king of Scots, for diverse lords of Scotland, wrote to the king that they doubted the surety of their king, because the duke of Albany, which was heir apparent to the realm of Scotland, had the king in governance, & also they thought, he being a Frencheman borne, should not rule their realm: wherefore they amongst themselves, murmured sore in this matter. The Duke hearing, that the Lords of Scotland, had written to the king of England, and also that they repined and grudged at his doings, suddenly with all the treasure that he could make, departed from Scotland, and sailed into France, with which departing the commons were nothing sorry, and soon after his departing, the Ambassador of England, were joyously received into Scotland, and there thesay Ambassadors tarried, till March twelve month▪ in which time, there were many conclusions driven, between the two realms: now let us return to France.  
The xxiiii day of September, three horsemen of the garrison of Bullein, which well knew the haven of Calais, came at a nepe tide, and passed over Calais haven, by Rise bank in the night, and went behind the Est Windmill, and then took land, and went to a little village called Middilwaie, and passed the Turn Pikes, and entered into a Whelers' house, and took the man and the wife, and twenty l. in money sterling, and went a way clear without askrie of perceiving of the watch of Calais, and no man witted where they were become, till the Trumpet of Bullein brought word, and demanded the ransom.  
The last day of September, fifty light horsemen of Calais, apperteigning to sir Rober jernyngham, road toward Bullein, and passed the water of Margyson, and came to the water of Sclakes near Bullein where suddenly they encountered lx Frenchmen, of the garrison of Bullein, there was shooting with long bows and crosebowes, on every side strong was the fight, but at the last the frenchmen fled, the Englishmen followed, and took three light horsemen, and when they perceived the Alarm on every side, they put themselves in array, and with their botie came to Calais.  
Thesame day sir Thomas Palmer, with lx horsemen of Guysnes, encountered with the captain Bertram, leader of the horsemen of th'earl Dammartyn, with lx horsemen, there was a strong fight two hours together, but in the end the frenchmen fled, and the Englishmen followed, and took xviii prisoners, and xvi good horse, and with this bot●e they returned to Guysnes.  
In this busy season, the adventurers hearing what the horsemen, on their parties had done▪ and inespecial perceiving that th'English horsemen had taken good prisoners, commoned amongst theimselfes, what was to be done, than one of their captains said openly: sirs you see how long we have been here, and wages we have none, our living riseth on the gain of our enemies, and sith our beginning, we have had good chance in all our enterprises, God be thanked: now the Winter draweth near, let us now adventure to get some good botie▪ to make us merry with, in the cold wether, and if you will, we shall enterprise a thing, that I trust to us shallbe profitable. Then all the company cried turthe turth. Then with a banner of saint George, they marched toward a village, lying toward Mustrell, having only xxv light horsemen, to be their skou●e●s, and they were not fully two hundred men. This company following their skourers, went far on, and had gotten a fair botie, of Oxen, Cows, and other bestial, and were near at their return, and by chance the same day, was the earl of Dammartyn, and the captain of Mustrell, with the power of the Duke of Uandosme, going toward saint Omers, to burn and destroy that country, and for that purpose they had gathered together xu C. horsemen, and viii C. footmen, howbeit the footmen were a large mile behind the horsemen.  
The Frenchmen on horseback, espied the English horsemen, which perceiving the great number fled, and as the said Frenchmen marched forward, they espied the adventurers on foot, & made toward them: thenglishmen seeing the great number of the horsemen, studied to get some hedge, or strong place to fortify them, but there was no such place in sight, and also they had no such time so to do, wherefore the Captain said: Good fellows and brethren, we have of long time been called adventurers, now is the time come of our adventure, the frenchmen will not ransom us for nothing, we be amongst them so feared: if any thing save our lives, it must be God and our hardiness, and therefore said he, if you see me begin to fly, slay me out of hand. Then every man cried God mercy, and kneeled done and kissed the earth, and struck hands each with other, in token not to depart, and then made theimselfes priest to the defence.  
The Frenchmen came on, on every side, thenglishmen shot their arrows, and defended them aswell as they could: the Frenchmen perceiving that the Englishmen, kept themselves so close, caused diverse of the horse men to light a foot, and so they did, and fought with their spears against the pikes, and shot with Crosebowes on every side. Alas the while, for while the Englishmen had arrows to shoot, they were not broken, but close without peril, but when their arrows were spent, the Englishmen fought valiantly, and slew many frenchmen that lighted on foot, but in the conclusion the horsemen entered, and killed them all in manner because there were so many of their company s●ain, and took few of them prisoners. 
The end of the adventurers  This was th'end of these compaignions', called the krekers or adventurers, which were as hardy men, as ever served prince or captain.  
The Duke of Bourbon, with the Marquis of Picardy, in the month of October, with a great puissance, laid siege to the strong town of Marcell in Province, and lay there a great space. The French king raised a great army, and swore that he would raise the siege, whereof hearing the Duke of Bourbon, sent for the Marquis of Piscare, and his other captains, and declared to them that his intent was, to give the French King battle: the Marquis of Piscare said that the French kings puissance was great, and theirs small, and said: although the duke of Bourbon, which was a banished man from his country, had no other remedy to revenge him, but by battle, yet he said he would not put all the Emperor's men, of the which he had the guide, in such a hazard till the remnant of the emperors power were come. Well said the duke of Bourbon, than you do not as you have written, both to the Emperor and to the king of England, which shallbe a reproach to your honour: Nay said the Marquis, I will keep me from reproach. Then said doctor Richard Pace, Ambassador for the king of England: my lord you have had the King my Master's wages, I would be glad to hear what way you would take: I will tell you said the Marquis, the French king hath a great army go into Italy, & he himself followeth with another, not to come to fight with us. I dare assure you: but only to take the Duchy of Milan unprovided, which shall do him more pleasure than he had slain all us. Also the Emperor shall lose, more than ten Marceles be worth, and the French kings power shallbe more elated, that he will not set by the Emperor, nor the king of England. Therefore my advise is, to break up this siege, and with all speed to prevent him in Italy, and if we be entered the towns, and put munitions in the same, he shall lie a cold in the fields, and then you shall see what shall become of him, when his beasts die, and his victual spent. To this counsel the duke and all the Captains agreed, and so broke up the siege, and with all hast departed into Italy, and fortified all the towns in the Duchy of Milan, with men and other necessaries.  
The French king hearing of this, with all his army passed the mountains, and Camped near to Milan. It chanced in this month of November the xiii day, about the town of Calais, there fell a great mist, in which mist the Frenchmen came to a village called Kause beside Newnan bridge, & took xl beasts, than the Alarm was brought to Calais, which hearing the Marshal of Calais, called to him sir Robert jernyngham, and they had with them i C.xx. horsemen, and sent sir Anthony Broune to tell the captain of Guysnes, what they intended to do, but they ●aried not for the company of Guynes, but marched so far forward, that they came to the water of Sclaukes, which is near Bullein, and there they set their stale. And in the morning betime, they sent forth a gentleman called Richard Lamberd, with twenty light horsemen on swift geldings, and they came by Moon light near Bullein, and then they saw the men of Bullein and other there about, put out there be●tes into the field. Then the Englishmen with great diligence, brought all the beasts together, and so began to drive them together, toward their embushement. Then the Alarm began at Bullein, and the men of war issued out of the town, and fought with thenglishmen, their horses were fresh: wherefore they had a great advantage, but inconclusion three French men were slain, and their horses taken, and so the light horsemen came with their cattail, near to the embushement, and the frenchmen followed, that seeing the Englishmen that kept the stolen, came in all haste and rescued their light horsemen, and drove the frenchmen back, and then made return with their beasts, and as they were returning, they had word brought to them, how that sir William Fitzwillyam, captain of Guysnes with his retinue, were besieging a pile called the castle of Capell, wherefore they sped them thither in all haste, and when they were come thither, the captain of Guysnes them heartily welcomed, and then they concluded to give an assault to the Castle, and so with good courage set on, the frenchmen defended it very valiantly a great while, but at the last the Englishmen got over the ditches, and scaled the walls, but the frenchmen still them defended, till the Englishmen had gotten to the highest of the dungeon, and then was there slaying a pace▪ For there were liii. persons slain out of hand, in revenging the great obstinacy of the frenchmen, and the castle was razed and brent. Then sir William Fitzwillyam with his botie, and sir John Wallop Marshal of Calais and sir John jernyngham returned, he to Guysnes, and they to Calais. Thesame day xiiii Burgonions, and xiiii Spaniards, all horsemen of Guysnes, came to the Church of Falske, not far from Durnam at high Mass time, and there drew their sword, and so much did, that all the men in the church, to the number of fifty, yielded theimselfes' prisoners, of the which number they took eight persons with them, which should be gauges for the remnant, & with these viii they came to Guisnes  
The xix day of December were received into London, lord Gilbert Kevet Earl of Castles, sir Robert Cockeburne bishop of Dunkel, and the Abbot of Campskenell, Ambassadors from james the fifth king of Scots, by the bishop of Lyncolne, the lord of saint Ihones, and diverse other noble men, and were conveyed to their lodgings at tailors haul.  
The xxiii day of December, thesay Ambassadors were conveyed to Grenewiche, accompanied with thesay lords by water, a●d when they came to the utter gate, they were received of the officers of the house, and so passed through the haul, which was well furnished with people, and so through the uttermost chamber, into the great chamber of presence, where they were received and welcomed, of all the princes and nobles of the realm, and within a short space the king came forth, and set himself in a throne of three steps high, under his Cloth of estate, which was veri rich, but his apparel was exceeding rich, both of goldsmiths work & pearl, and stone, which the Scots well advised, & then they wisely and humbly made their obeisance, and the bishop in good plain latin made a solemn Oration, in the which he declared, that although the realm of Scotland and he, had often times hard the renown and fame of him and his Court, both for the gifts of grace and nature, which were in his person, yet he said that his princely countenance, his lovely favour, which he himself did see, did much surmount the fame & name, which he hath hard of report. He declared further, that although fortune had him favoured, in conquering of regions, and vanquishing of battles, yet that thing was not so honourable to him, nor profitable to his realm, as was a good peace, which pleaseth both God and man, and for that cause he showed, that king james the fifth his nephew, and fellow to the king of England, had sent them his Ambassadors, to entreat a peace, so that a convenient marriage might be made, between him and the lady Mary, daughter to the king, which should be a link necessary, to knit together the realm of Scotland and England, in perpetual love and amity.  
To which Oration, the bishop of London doctor Tunstal answered and said: that the king was at their desire, content to have peace upon reasonable conditions, and as touching marriage of his daughter, he would so answer them, that they should be contented. Then the king rose from his place and welcomed them, and all the honest persons of the train, and after communication had, they took their leave for that time, and so took their barge and came to London.  
Before the feast of Christmas, the lord Leonard Grey, and the lord John Grey, brethren to the Marquis Dorcet, sir George Cobham son to the lord Cobham, William Cary, sir John Dudley, Thomas Wyatt, Frances Pointz, Frances Sidney, sir Anthony Broune, sir Edward Seimour, Oliver Manners, Percival Harte, Sebastian Nudigate, and Thomas Calen Esquires of the Kings household, enterprised a challenge of feats of arms, against the feast of Christmas, wherefore they sent Wyndsore herald, on saint Th●mas day before Christmas, into the queens great chamber, the king being present, which herald had a coat of arms of read silk, beaten with a goodly Castle, of four Turrettes silver, and in every turret a fair lady, standing gorgeously apparelled: the herald after that the Trumpet had blown, said, where the king our sovereign Lord, of his bountiful goodness, hath given to four maidens of his Court, the castle of Loyalty, to dispose at their pleasure, thesay maidens have given the custody thereof, to a captain and fifteen gentlemen with him, which captain sent forth me his Herald called Chasteau Blanch, to declare to all kings and princes, and other gentlemen of noble courage, that thesay captain will near to his Castle ●aise a Mount, on which shall stand an Unicorn, supporting four fair shields.  
The first shield shallbe White, and whosoever toucheth that shield shallbe answered six courses at the Tilt, by them of the Castle, with hosting harness and double pieces.  
The second shield, Read, betokening the Turnay, and whosoever toucheth that shield, shallbe answered ten strokes at the Turnay, with the sword, edge and point abated.  
The third shield yellow, signifying the Barriers, and he that toucheth that shield shallbe answered twelve strokes at the Barriers, with the sword, edge and point abated.  
The fourth shield blewe, betokening the assault, with such weapons as the captain of the Castle shall occupy, that is, Morris pike, sword, target, the point and edge abated.  
Also thesay captain and his company promise, to defend the said Castle against all comers, being gentlemen of name and arms, and the assaulters to devise, all manner of engines for the assaulting, edge toll to break the house and ground, only except, and also that no other weapon shallbe used, but such as the patron shallbe set up, by thesay Unicorn, and that no man meddle with fire within or without, but the matches for gonnes, and every prisoner taken on either party, to pay for his ransom iiii yards of right satin, & every captain xiii▪ yards.  
According to this Proclamation was the Mount, and all things devised sumpteously, with a great craggy branch, on which were hanged the shields of the arms of the captain, and all other of the Castle. For this enterprise there was set up, in the Tilt yard at Grenewiche a castle square every way twenty foot, and fifty foot on heigh, very strong and of great timber, well fastened with iron, the embatelinentes, loupes and every place where men should entre, were set with great rolls, and turned assoon as they were touched, so that to seeming no man could entre the towers, nor embatilmentes. On the North and south sides, were two great ditches xu foot deep, from the brink to the bottom, & they were very stepe, and between the ditch and Castle, was set a pale, which was rampaired with earth so step and thick, that it was not likely to be gotten. On these ditches were two draw bridges, on the West side was a great rampire or bank, very stepe without and within, and like to a vamure of a fortress, by the vamure the ditches were xxiiii foot deep When the strength of this castle was well beholden, many made dangerous to assault it, and some said it could not be won by sport, but by earnest. The king minded to have it assaulted, and devised engines therefore, but the Carpenters were so dull, that they understood not his intent, and wrought all thing contrary, and so for that time the assault was prolonged, and all the other points of the challenge held, for the morrow after saint John the Evangelists day in Christmas, came out of the castle▪ six men of arms of the castle, on horseback armed at all points with their spears ready to discharge, and so came to the end of the Tilt, abiding all comers. Then suddenly entered into the field, two ladies on two palfreys, in great robes of purple damask, leading two ancient knights, with beards of silver, in the same apparel, and when they came before the Queen, they put up a bill to her, the effect whereof was, that although youth had left them, and age was come, and would let them to do feats of arms: Yet courage, desire, and good will abode with them, and bade them to take upon them to break spears, which they would gladly do, if it pleased her to give them licence. When the Queen and the Ladies had seen the bill, they praised their courage, and gave them licence.  
Then the knights threw away their robes, and then it was known that it was the King, and the Duke of Suffolk, whose bards and bases were gold, embraudered with purple, silver, and Black, very curiously. After them followed the Earl of Devonshire, the Lord Montacute, the Lord Roos, sir Nicholas Carewe, sir Frances Brian, Henry Norreis, Anthony Knevet, and five other, every man ran eight courses, in which courses the king broke seven spears. Every man that day did well, so that the Scots much preised the men of arms of England▪ but most of all they praised and marveled at the kings strength, for they saw his spears were broken with more force, than the other spears were  
When all the courses were roune, the king and all the other disarmed them, and went to supper, and after supper the king having with him, the Ambassadors of Scotland, came into the queens chamber, where after that the Lords, and diverse Ladies had danced, there came in a Mask of xvi all apparelled in cloth of Gold, rich tynsell and crimosyn velvet, cut, slit, and tied very curiously, their buskins and shoen were gold, caps and whoddes all gold, rich and not counterfeited: of this number the King and the Duke of Suffolk were two, than the Masker's took ladies, & danced a great season, and that done was brought in wine and spices, and the strangers well cherished, & after that conveyed toward their lodging. And as they went they asked a gentleman which accompaignied them, if all the war time the king and the lords were so merry, or had had such joyous pastime, or kept such royal household, or were so well apparelled: for in their country they said, in time of war, was nothing but wailing and mourning, and also they thought that the realm of France, is not a realm to sport with, nor to Mask with. The gentleman answered, that the king and his court, used them still all the war time, as they do now, for they set not by the French king one bene. For the king of England may sit in his chair and damage the French king, for the Lords and commonalty of England, pray for the continuance of war, for by the wars of France they win, and lose not, at which saying the Scots much mused.  
friday the xxx day of December, th'earl of Castles one of the Scottish Ambassadors took his leave, and departed toward Scotland: for to common with the Counsel of Scotland, for things which were not in their commission, and left behind him the Bishop of Dunkell, and the Abbot of Campskenell: some said th'article was, that the Scots should forsake the French king, & that the king of Scots should come into England, but whatsoever it was, every man knew it not.  
The second day of january, there was much talking of the assault of the Castle, and so after long debate, sir Frances Brian, and Frances Point;, enterprised to defend the West bray of the Castle, with Pike Target, ●nd Sword, point and edge abated, against sir George Cobham George Harbert, John Poyntz, and William Knevet, and when they were all armed, the Trumpets blewe, then toward the braie marched the four gentlemen, with pikes and sword, and cried harr, harr, there was foining, lashing, and striking, they within fought mightily and when any without climbed up the bank, they within bet them down they within were sometime beaten down almo●●e: but surely they fought valiantly, and then they seized for a while.  
Then began the assault again, and George Harbert and William Knevet, hel●e them two within so hard, that they could scant put their heads over the bray, or bulwark. While they two thus still fought, their two fellows, sir George Cobham, and John Poyntz, with their sword digged holes in the bank to climb up, but or they had done, their two compaignions' were fought out of breath, than sir Frances Brian and Frances Poyntz fought with the other two that digged, and then on came tother two, that had breathed themselves, then ●ierce was the fight, and John Poyntz got footing in the bank above, and took hold of the pa●e, and fought hand to hand, with Frances Poyntz his brother, and ever George Harbert sustained him, at the bank with his pike, sir Edward Cobham got the bank, and fought hardly, but at the la●● he was overthrown, but up he got again, and courageously got the pale▪ they two within fought valiantly, but they were over matched, for t●ei that fought at the pale without, by aid of their fellows got over the pale, and then was the battle ended. I think that there was never battle of pleasure▪ better fought then this was.  
The next day after was another fight, of four and eight, which was sore ●oughten, and at last the bray taken, and when the combats were disarmed, suddenly all the young persons without, threw stones at them within the ca●●le, and they at them, and many honest men which threw not were hurt, and with much pain they without were apeised, and no man knew how nor why, this hurling began.  
The fifth day of january, all the knights of the castle, came to the ba●●●ers to abide all men, thither came the king and many other lords and gentlemen, and that day by them of the castle, were delivered lviii gentlemen, & lviii battles fought valiantly, the king himself fought courageously, and so did all the other. The eight day of February, the gentlemen of the castle following their challenge, came into the field, ●eady to answer all comers. To this turnay came the king his base and bard were cloth or silver, and black velvet ruffed and not plain, and over that was a work of purple velvet, embraudered richly with gold, cut in knots or ●ol●es fastened, so that it bossed out and frounced very stately to behold, after the King came xix other richly apparelled, the King and Sir Anthony Broune Turnaied together, and the King with his sword, point and edge abated, had almost cut his poldron, his strokes were so great. Then every man turnaied as his course came, and many a sword was broken, and many a good stripe given, and when every man had stricken the full number of twelve strokes, they were severed and then they disarmed.  
In this month the Cardinal was Legate, by his power Legantyne, would have visited the friars observants, 
The observant Frie●s would not obey the Cardinal.  but they in nowise would therein condescend, wherefore xix of the same religion, were accursed at Paul's Cross, by one of the same religion, called Friar Forest. Of this Friar Forest ye shall here more here after, in the thirty year of this King.  
In this season the French king was in Italy, with all his nobility, and to him was Milan yielded, but because of pestilence he would not enter, but departed and laid siege to the strong town of Pavia, whereof was captain a valiant Spaniard, called Anthony de Leua. The French kings mother being Regent of France, perceiving that the king her son, with all his good Captains were in Italy, doubted that the king of England, in the next Spring time would invade France. Wherefore she by the avice of the counsel of France, did so much with the king of England, that her Stuard of household called John jokin, had a saveconduit to come into England, which was kept close in the house of doctor Lark, a Prebendary of saint Steuens, and every day privily spoke with the Cardinal, & so secretly he remained, till the xxiiii day of january, at which day came to London, the precedent of Rouen called Monsire Brynyon, as an Ambassador from Frances the French king, and was lodged with John jokyn: this John jokyn was kept privy, because that no man should know, that there was any man of France, here to solicit any cause for the French King, which after grew to great trouble. For he showed himself to strangers, which favoured the French party, and so at last it was openly known, to the kings counsel, and almost to all men: but when the Emperor's Ambassador knew this dark dealing, he mused not a little and said, that the Cardinal did drive privy drifts, & that by his means only, John jokyn was come into England, to entreat a peace in secret manner, or the kings friends might know it, and all people said, that John jokyn was but a cast away of jeane, and had no living to live on, but of the lady Regent, and marveled why he should be kept close, & so much cherished of the Cardinal. For this keeping close of this jokyn, Englishmen were rebuked at the Mart in Flaunders, and Brabant. The Emperor's Ambassador and the bishop of Rome's Ambassador also sore murmured, why this John jokyn should be kept as a spirit in close, considering that there was open war between the two kings, and feared that the kings counsel should be corrupt. This John jokyn was much with the Cardinal, but never was seen with the King nor his counsel, but for all the secretness, Monsire Pratt th'emperors Ambassador, knew all the offers that he made for peace (which in deed were very great) and how he had offered pensions, to diverse young men about the king, of the which some were very glad, & so the noise be reason of such offers ran, that a peace was likely to ensue in short space.  
Monsire Pratt wrote of this matter, in all haste to the Emperor, in the which letters he highly commended the king of England, for his steadfastness: but he said some of the kings counsel, loved neither the Emperor nor the king of England, and wrote to him farther, all the manner of the secret keeping of John jokyn. These letters at last were brought to the Cardinal, by what chance it was not openly known, and so he sent for Monsire Pratt, and declared to him the matter, which answered him, that he was counsellor and Ambassador to the Emperor, and that it was his part, to assertein the Emperor of every thing, that was or might sound prejudicial to his majesty, but howsoever that his answer was taken, he was not favoured with the Cardinal, but he said openly, that it was not well meant to the Emperor, to stop his packet with letters and to open them, and the spaniards said, that the Emperor sent them not into England to sleep, but to do him service. The bishop of Rome's Ambassador wrote to his master, that peace was likely to be concluded, between England and France, and willed him to be the first friend to the French king, rather than the second. Of which writing came harm after, as you shall hear.  
In this month tidings came to the King, how the Marquis of Piscaire in Italy, had gotten from the French king, a castle called the castle. S. Angel, which was a great fortification, of his siege at Pavia.  
There was in this month a Fleming in Hedding Castle, which came often times to saint Omers, & promised them if they would come to Hedding, he would deliver the Castle: upon his word they of saint Omers, 
Treason at Hedding cas●le.  gathered together seven hundred footmen, and five hundred horsemen, and pointed with the spy, that the fourth day of February, they would come thither, and when the false knave knew the day, he told Monsire Pontdormie, Captain of Hedding, which incontment filled the castle with men of war, and laid busshementes on every side, and had laid the ordinance, all on the one side of the Castle, that way that the flemings should come. The men of war of saint Omers, were conveyed by their spy, mistrusting nothing, to a postern, which was little used, and when there were as many in, as the frenchmen thought sufficient, they let fall the Portcolis: Then Monsire Pontdromie, cried, slay, slay, than the flemings witted that they were betrayed, and put themselves to fight for their lives, that seeing Monsire Pontdromie, commanded to fire the ordinance in such haste and fury, that the flame was so great and fierce, that it brent thesay Lord Pontdromie, and xxvii of his compaignions' all gentlemen, the train was so hastily fired, that they had no leisure to avoid. In the fight ten of the flemings we● slain, and thirty kept themselves so hardly together, that their lives were granted them, and so was taken as prisoners, the remnant that entered leapt over the castle wall, and so saved themselves, and told news to their horsemen, which were without, which hearing the mischance, returned toward saint Omers.  
Sunday the fifth day of March, 
Ambassadors of, Flaunders.  were received into London, Monsire de Beaver lord of Camphor, Admiral of Flaunders, & the Precedent of Malynes', called Master John de la Coos, and Master John de la Gache, as Ambassadors from the lady Margaret, in the name of the Emperor, for causes of the low countries, of Brabant, Flaunders, and Zelande: and on Tewesdaie they were brought to the king to Bridewell, which nobly them entertained, and then they showed how th'emperors majesty, had commanded them to obey the king of England, as protertor and governor, wherefore they and all theirs, were at his commandment, & if they had done other wise, and not obeyed him as their governor, they asked him mercy, than the king and they talked together secretly, and then they departed. These Ambassadors demanded three things.  
First, they demanded the lady Mary the kings only daughter, to be delivered to them out of hand, and she to be named Emprise, and to take possession of all the low countries, and to be governor of the same, this article was not agreed to, for causes.  
Also that all such sums of money, as the King should give with her in marriage, for a dower to be made to her, should be paid incontinent this article was also denied.  
Thirdly, that the king of England himself, should pass the sea a●d made war in France, the next Summer, to this the king said he would take advisement.  
Thursday the ix day of March, at vii of the clock in the morning there came a gentleman in post, from the lady Margaret governess of Flaunders, and brought letters, showing how that the xxiiii day of February, the siege of Pavia, where the French king had lain long, was raised by force of battle, and the French king himself taken prisoner, and how by the Duke of Bourbon, the Uiceroy of Naples called Myngnovale, and the Marquis of Piscaire, and other of the Emperor's captains, the whole power of France was discomfited, & how the duke of Albany with seven thousand men, was going to Naples, and how the bishop of Rome was become French, against the Emperor, and had sent his cousin in aid of the French king, with a great power. Thesame day the precedent of Rouen & John jokyn, were going to the Court (for they had not yet spoken with the king) and in Holborn in their way was tidings brought them, of the taking of the king their Master, and of the loss of the field, which hearing this misauenture, returned to their lodging sorrowful, and within short space, returned to the Regent of France. It was thought surely that the king of England, would have had peace with the French king, if this chance had not happened, for all the people of England, grudged against Flaunders, for their evil entreating, in the time of war, and also the king was displeased with them, for enhaunsing his coin there, which was a cause that money was daily conveyed out of the Realm, and many other causes there were of grudge.  
〈◊〉 the xi day of March, 
A triumph for the taking o● the French King.  in the 〈◊〉 of London for these tidings, were made great ●iers and triumph, and the Mayor and Aldermen road about the city with Trumpets, and 〈◊〉 ●yne was laid in diverse places of the city, that every man might 〈◊〉, and on Tower hill the Ambassadors of Rome, of Flaunders, and 〈◊〉, had a great ba●ket made in a goodly ●ent, which pleased them 〈◊〉, and as they returned homeward, all the streets were full of harnessed men and Cressettes, attending on the Constables, which they praised much.  
Sondaie the xii of March, the king accompanied with the Ambassadors, of Rome, of the Emperor, of Scotland, of Venice, of Milan and Florence, road in his estate to Paul's church, and there the Cardinal sang Mass, and a xi prelate's waited on him in pontificals, and after Mass was done, the quere sang Te deum, and the minstrels played on every side, and when all was done, the king returned to Bride well, and there kept a solemn dinner. The bishop of Scotland was much marked this day, for whensoever he came to the Court, before this time his apparel was sumptuous, his whodde was ever velvet or crimosyn Satyn: but after the taking of the French king, he wore only black Chamlet, by which token men judged his French heart.  
From the ix day of March to the xvi day, the king had no more letters, of the manner of battle of Pavia, and that day he received a letter from the Duke of Bourbon, by a gentleman called Gropayne: when the king had red the letter, 
The true report of the taking of the French king.  he came into the queens Chamber, and there thesay Gropayne declared the manner of the siege, and how well it was planted, and how th'emperors men entered the French camp by force, and threw down their bastiles, and fought with the Frenchmen, within their Camp, and took their king prisoner in the same, and many other which was marvel. For when the French king entered Italy, he had in his guard xi C. men, and of spears furnished two M.ii C.l. and of light horsemen eight hundred and twenty and of footmen lvii M. and of these the Duke of Albany had but eight thousand, so that there remained with the French king xlix M.ix. C. and fifty men, whereof was taken xiiii M. and more, beside the great riches, and the goodly ordinance which were xii great Bombards of brass, and xxiiii great Canon pieces xxiiii double Curtalles, four double Canon pieces, two middle Canon pieces, and eight other pieces. After the field was done, the French king was put in the custody of the Uiceroy of Naples, which much comforted him, and praised his valiantness, and prayed him to be content, for he should have a gentle end, than he desired to writ to his mother, which was to him granted, the very words were these.  
To advertise you of my infortunate chance: Nothing is left but the honour, and the life that is saved, and because some other news shall recomfort you, I have desired to writ to you this letter▪ the which liberally hath been granted to me: beseeching you to regard the extremity of yourself, in ensuing your accustomed wisdom. For I hope that at length God will not forget me, to you recommending your little en●antes and mine, supplying you to give safe conduct, to pass and return from Spain, to this berar that goeth toward the Emperor, to know in what wise I shallbe entreated, and thus right humbly to your good grace, I have me recommended: This subscribed by your humble and obedient son Frances.  
This season the Cardinal being in the kings favour, 
The Cardinal f●rst begun to suppress ●bbeies.  obtained licence to make a College at Oxford, and another at Ipswyche, and because he would give no lands to the said Colleges, he obtained of the bishop of Rome, licence to suppress and put down diverse abbeys, Priories, and Monasteries, to the number of wherefore suddenly he entered by his Commissioners, into thesay houses, and put out the Religious, and took all their goods, movables, and scarcely gave to the poor wretches any thing, except it were to the heads of the house, and then he caused thexcheter to sit, and to find the houses void, as relynquished, and found the king founder, where other men were founders, and with these lands he endued with all his Colleges, which he begun so sumptuous and the scholars were so proud, that every person judged, that th'end would not be good, as you shall hear, five years hereafter.  
The Earl of Castles which was sent into Scotland, 
The Scotte● returned into Scotland.  returned into England, the xix day of March, but because the French king was taken, his commission for the most part was determined, and so he and all his company took their leave of the king, and without any reward returned into Scotland, the fourth day of April.  
In this month of March, the King sent Cutberd Tunstall Bishop of London, and sir Richard Wyngfeld, chancellor of the Duchy of Lancastre, and Knight of the Gartier, into Spain to the Emperor, for great causes concerning the taking of the French king, and in especial for wars to be made on France, on every side. For so the king of England and his counsel, were agreed and determined: and the same month the Ambassadors, departed again into Flaunders.  
The counsel remembering that it was determined, that the king in proper person should pass the sea, they considered that above all things, great treasure and plenty of money, must needs be had in a readiness: wherefore by the Cardinal were devised strange Commissions, 
Commissions.  and sent in the end of March to every shire, and Commissioners appointed, which were the greatest men of every shire: and privy instructions sent to them, to say and order the people, and the tenor was, that the sixth part of every man's substance, should without delay be paid in money or plate, to the king, for the furniture of his war: wherefore the Cardinal●, as chief Commissioner for London, sent for sir William Bayly knight, 
The proposition of the Cardinal.  than Mayor of the city, and the Aldermen, and diverse head Comminers, and said to them in manner following. You the kings well-beloved friends and subjects, of the city of London, I must declare to you, how the king contrary to his own mind and will▪ but compelled of ve●ie force, is determined to enter into a new war, & for the more explanation of the truth, you shall understand, that after that Frances the French king that now is, had obtained the Crown and sceptre o● the realm of France, he most humbly sued to the king our Master for peace, love, and amity, promising upon the Evangelists, to keep the league then concluded, and also to pay to lady Mary queen dowager of France, her due pension and doware, to her granted by king Lewes her husband. After this he by his Ambassadors, humbly desired the city of Turnay, which king Lewes before time had lost: the king which would that the city of Turnay, should be no cause of grudge, between him and the French king, consented that for certain sums of money, it should be delivered. And farther the more to bind amity between them, the king was content, that a communication of marriage should be had▪ between the dolphin of France, and the lady Marie Princes of England, yet for to entreat more love, familiarity, and acquaintance, the king to his great cost and charge passed the sea, and met in person with the French king, thinking that by reason of personal sight and actual communication, that more stable and farm love, should grow between them, then by writing, at which time it was undoubtedly thought, that there could be no more love be knit, between two persons. There were covenants amde and sworn, and the king our Master said to the French king: 
The saying of the King of England.  Brother, now that you and I be this knit, I require you to keep ferme peace, & amity, with my nephew themperor: and also suffer not Duke John of Albany▪ to go into Scotland, for putting the young king my nephew, in jeopardy of his person, wherefore if you love men, in especial keep these two articles: if you observe these articles, and all other covenants between us agreed, I assure you there had never prince a surer friend, than you shall have of me. 
The oath of the French King.  Then the French king mayed his hand in ●ine (said the Cardinal) and swore by the oath of a king, he would observe & keep firmly, these points with many more, and after the Kings were departed, and that the Emperor was come to the king to Calais: the French king sent Monsire de la Roche ba●on with letters, declaring that he was in perfect league and amity with the Emperor, and this not withstanding, he within less space then half a year, sent Robert de la March, to invade the emperor's land, and made war in Nevert & other places. The king over Master hearing this, of his mere charity sent me, and other nobles with a great train to Calais, to know by whom the war began, for he promised to be enemy to him that broke first. To which place came from the French king, his chancellor, and Monsire de la palace, and many other noble men. And from the Emperor came his chancellor, and the lord Chevers, and there in open counsel, the Emperor's Ambassadors, did show the French kings letters, signed and sealed, by the which he enforced and began the war: to which point the French Ambassadors could not answer. What should I say, the war was open on both parties, I sent to the French king Ambassadors, to entreat peace, but in nowise he would consent: wherefore I with my company returned. In the mean season (although I doubted nothing, the French kings faith toward our Master) yet, or a more surety, I obtained a saveconduit for the English merchants, that they should go to Bordeaux, and upon surety of that our Merchants passed, yet he contrary to his saucconduit, took the Merchants goods, and put their bodies in prison, which the Turk would not have doen. The king sent gently to him, his herald Clarenseux, desiring him to redress all these enormities, and to pay him his sums, of money, due to him and to the Queen his sister, for her dower, which to do he refused and denied, which things you know, the king of his honour might not suffer. Wherefore mightily he hath these three years, kept war continually both on land and sea, and invaded France with two armies royal, and bet their towns, castles, and fortresses, destroyed the people, and passed the water of Somme, and proffered battle to the frenchmen, in their own country, and hath brought the country, in such penury and wretchedness, that in many years it will not be recovered.  
And the more to hurt and damage the French king, the king hath in wages the Duke of Bourbon, which was the greatest strength on the French part: by whose power and aid of other, which had great sums of money, of the king our Master, the French king in person is now taken, and all his nobles in effect, before Pavia, and kept as prisoner to the Emperor and the king our Master, and that for great reason: for our Master sent sir Gregory de Cassado his Ambassador to the Uiceioy of Naples, and to the Duke of Bourbon, and the Marquis of Piscaire, with a hundred thousand Crowns, so that they would fight with the French king: For the which money they assented, and so gave battle, in the which they slew xii. thousand men, and drowned vii thousand, and xiii thousand taken prisoners, and now sith God hath given us victory, the king remembering the saying of the Poet that saith: It is more mastery to use victory gotten, then to get it, thinketh it necessary now in all haste, to make an army royal, and he in person to pass the seas, and to recover his right inheritance, both of the Crown of France as of Normandy, Guienne, Gascone, anjou and Maine, the writings whereof comprehending the very title, you may see here present if ye list, but I doubt not but you know them well enough. And now I ask you this question, whether that you think it convenient, that the king should pass with an army or not, for the king will do by thadvice of his subieetes: to the which many said yea, yea.  
Well said the Cardinal, 
The Cardinal's demand.  then must he be made able to go like a prince, which cannot be without your aids, & for to show you what the Archbishop of Cantorbury and I, which be primates of the realm have done, we have given of our lands, and all lands apperteigning to the church the third part, ●nd the temporal lords, have given of lands and goods, the sixth part, and to ●●opa●d their bodies in pain and travail, and now sith they which shall 〈◊〉 their lives, doth proffer the sixth part, what should they geum which abide at home? For soothe I think that half your substance were 〈◊〉 little, not meaning that the King so asketh. For he demandeth only no more, of finny. ●. the sixth part, and so upon every l above fifty l to what some soever it amount to, the sixth part that is iii d four s. of the l and from twenty l to fifty pound, & so upward ii s. and viii d of the pound, and from twenty pound to twenty s. xii d of the pound, and this to be levied according to the first valuation, as appeareth by your own valuation, which is out a small matter, to the thing that is meant. Then they being astonished, at last y● one said, my lord sith the last valuation, diverse Merchants be decayed, by the seas, and suretyship, and other ways, so that valuation cannot be had. Then answered the Cardinal, sers, speak not to break that thing that is concluded, for some shall not pay the tenth part, and some more, it were better that some should suffer indigence, than the king at this time should lack, and therefore beware and resist not, nor ruffill not in this case, for it may fortune to cost some their heads: 
The cardinals ●●●ea●●nynges.  But I will speak to the king, to be good to you, so that if he go not over the sea in person, than you shall have your money redelivered, but first let the money be gathered and lay it where you will, and if the king need it not, you may take it again.  
When the Cardinal had thus persuaded the Mayor, and his brethren and other head Cominers, they took their leave, and every day after by the space o● fortenight, he sent for a certain number of Comyners, and told them like tale, but some spoke such words to him, and some going from him, that they were sent to ward.  
Now were Commissioners sent to the clergy, 
The saying of the clergy.  for the fourth part of their lands and movables, and in every alsembly the priests answered, that they would pay nothing, except it were granted by Convocation, other wise not: for they said that never king of England, did ask any man's goods, but by an order of the law, and this Commission is not by the order of the law: wherefore they said, that the Cardinal and all the doers thereof, were enemies to the king, and to the common wealth. This infamy was spoken in preachings, and every where.  
When this matter was opened through England, 
The grudoe of the common people.  how the great men took it it was marvel, the poor cursed, the rich repugned, the light wits railed, but in conclusion, all people cursed the Cardinal, and his coadherentes as subversor of the Laws and liberty of England. For they said, if men should give their goods by a Commission, than were it worse than the taxes of France, and so England should be bond and not free.  
It happened at reading in Berkshire, that the Commissioners sat for this money to be granted, and the people in no wise would consent to the sixth part: but of their own mere mind, for the love they bore to the king, they granted the twe●neth part, that is twenty d. of the pound, the Commissioners hearing this, said they would send to the Cardinal, desiring him to be content with this offer, and so the Lord Li●e wrote the letter, so that six Richard Weston would bear it, the which letter at the request of the gentlemen of the country, the said sir Richard took upon him to carry, & road to the Cardinal: which therewith was sore grieved, and said, but because that the lord Live wrote, that the matter was but communed of, and not concluded, it should cost the lord Lille his head and his lands should be sold to pay the king the values, that by him and you fo●ishe commissioners he had lost, and all your lives at the kings will: these words sore astonished sir Richard Weston, but he said little.  
Then the Cardinal wrote letters, to ●l Commissioners of the realm that they should keep their first instruction, and in no wise to serve one jot, upon pain of their lives and every man to be valued, according to the valuation taken in the xiiii year. This la●●e point sore touched the city of London, for the Cardinal in the xiiii year, sent one Doctor Tunes his secret Chapelein, to the Chapter house of Paul's, pron. ●●yng to the Londoners, that whatsoever they valued themselves at, that no man should know it, but the king, the Cardinal, and he, upon which promise, many persons for their more credit, and to be the higher esteemed valued theimselfes at a greater substance than they were worth▪ thinking never to lend or pay by that confession, for the loan and the subsidy were paid, according as men were sessed, and not by Mas●er Tunes book, when men valued themselves, not knowing what should succeed.  
Now in this time was that subtle valuation, laid to their charge, which when they perceived, they murmured much and said, they would pay nothing, except the kings laws, under which they were borne, so determined it: But this notwithstanding, Commissioners went out to every shire, for the levy of thesay money, but for all that could be persuaded, said, lied, and flattered, the demand could not be assented to, saying, 
The 〈◊〉 o● the people.  that they that sent forth such Commissioners, were subverters of the law, and worthy to be punished as traitors. So that in all the realm were bills set up, in all places: Some bills saind, that the king had not paid that he borrowed: Some said that the Subsidy amounted triple, more than he had bestowed: other said whatsoever was granted, no good came of it: and other said that the Cardinal sent all the money to Rome, thus was the muttering through all the realm, with curses and weepings that pity it was to behold.  
During this season that the Commissioners sat, and that the bishop of London, and other the kings Ambassadors, were abiding wind to sail into Spain to the Emperor (as you have hard rehearsed) Mon●ire Pratt, the emperors Ambassador, which was sore angry for John jokyns coming into England, as you have hard before, departed privily out of the Realm of England, the ix day of April, without speaking with the king, or the Cardinal, and so much did by safe conduct, that he passed through France in post, and came to the Emperor before the Ambassadors of England came thither, and whether it was by his report or otherwise, the accustomed favour that themperor and his counsel showed to the Englishmen, began then to decay, and to show theimselfes unkind to the English nation, without cause, as you shall here after perceive.  
In this year the king following of his hawk, 
The jeopardy the lying was 〈◊〉  leapt over a ditch beside Hychyn, with a poll and the poll broke, so that if one Edmond Mody, a footman, had not leapt into the water, & lift up his head, which was fast in the clay, he had been drowned: but God of his goodness preserved him  
This year at Whitsontyde, died Thomas Duke of Norfolk, and honourably buried at The●ford in Suffolk.   

¶ The xvii year.  
IN the beginning of this xvii year, 
The xvii year  the Commissioners in all shires sat, for the levy of the sixth part of every man's goods, but the burden was so grievous, that it was de●ied, and the commons in every place were so moved, that it was like to have grown to a rebellion. When this mischief was showed to the king, he said that he never knew of that demand, and therefore with great diligence, he sent his letters to the city of London, and to all other places, in the which the king gently wrote, that he would demand no some certain, but such as his loving subjects would grant to him of their good minds, toward the maintenance of his wars: wherefore the Cardinal, the twenty & six day of April, sent for the Mayor of London, the Aldermen and counsel of the same, with the most substantial persons, of the common counsel, and when they were come to his place at Westminster, he said: the king our lovereigne lord, most graciously considereth the great love, zeal, and obedience, which you bear unto him, a●d where like loving subjects, without any grudge or againsaie, of your loving minds you have granted the sixth part, of all your goods and substance, freely to be p●●ed, according to the first valuation, the which loving grant and good mind, he so kindly accepted, that it was marvel to le. But I my sel● do consider the great losses, and other charges that daily hath, & doth to you grow, and that notwithstanding, any loss or charge that happeneth to you, yet you never withstood nor againsai●d, any of the kings demands or Commissions, as it appeareth now of late, of which doings, 
The saying of the Cardinal to the Londoners.  I have highly the king informed, for the which he gave you hearty thanks. Then I kneeled down to his grace, showing him both your good minds toward him, and also the charges, that you continuelly sustain, the which at my desire and petition, was content to call in, and abrogate the same commission, & where he by reason of your own grants, might have demanded thesay some as a very debt, yet he is content to release and pardon the same, and will nothing take of you, but of your benevolence: wherefore take here with you the kings letter, and let it be red to the commons, and I doubt not but you will gladly do, as loving subjects should do.  
Here note, that if the Cardinal had not said, that the king had released and pardoned the first demand, the citizens would have answered the Cardinal, that they never made no such grant, and for a surety no more they did not: and so they held their peace, & departed toward London, sore grudging at the lying of the Cardinal, and openly saying that he was the very cause, and occasion of this demand, and would pluck the people's hearts from the king.  
The xxviii day of April, 
The common counsel.  in the Common counsel of the city, was red the kings letter, according to the effect above rehearsed, wherefore the citizens sent four Aldermen, and xii Cominers to Hampton court to give thanks to the lord Cardinal, which for business as was said could not speak with him, wherefore they returned not content. Then every Alderman assembled his ward, in their places accustomed, & gently moved them of a benevolence, to be granted to the king, the which they openly denied, saying: that they had paid enough before, with many evil words.  
The viii day of May, the Cardinal again sent for the Mayor and his brethren, which showed them what they had done: then said the Cardinal, you have no such commission to examine any man, I am your Commissioner, I will examine you one by one myself, and then I shall know the good will that you bear to your prince, for I will ask of you a benevolence in his name. Then was it answered to the Cardinal, by a counsellor of the city, that by the law there might no such benevolence be asked, nor men so examined, for it was contrary to the statute made the first year of king Richard the third, also some persons coming before your grace, may for fear grant that, that all days of their life they shall repent, and some to win your favour, will grant more than they be able to pay of their own, and so run in other men's debts, so that by dreadful gladness, and fearful boldness, men shall not be masters of themselves, but as men dismayed, shall grant that that their wives and children shall sore rue. The Cardinal hard this saying very patiently, and answered: Sir I marvel that you speak of Richard the third, which was a usurper and a murderer of his own nephews: then of so evil a man, how can the acts be good, make no such allegations, his acts be not honourable. And it please your grace said the counsellor, although he did evil, yet in his time were many good acts made not by him only, but by the consent of the body of the whole realm, which is the parliament. Then sir William Bayly lord Maior, kneeled down and besought his grace, that sith it was enacted, by the common Counsel of London, that every Alderman should sit in his own ward, for a benevolence to be granted, which he perceived to be against the law, that the same act by the same common counsel, might be revoked and no otherwise: well said the Cardinal, I am content. But now will I entre into the kings Commission: You Mayor, and you Master Aldermen, what will you give? my lord said the Mayor▪ I pray you pardon me, for if I should entre into any grant, it might fortune to cost me my life: your life said the Cardinal, that is a marvelous word, for your will toward the king, will the citizens put you in jeopardy of your life, that w●re strange: For if they would that way, then must the king come with ●●rong power them to oppress, wherefore speak no more such words, 
The flattering of the Cardinal.  and with that he studied a little and said: My lord Mayor, let you & your citizens, if you be grieved with any thing, in this demand, humbly and after a good fashion come to me, and I shall so entreat you that you shallbe content, and no displeasure arise, & so I pray pou show your neighbours, and so the Mayor for that day departed.  
The Mayor did wisely not to assent to grant to any thing, for although he and the Aldermen had assented, the common counsel would never have assented. So on the next morrow▪ it was declared to the common counsel, that their act that was made that every Alderman should sit for a benevolence to be granted, was against a statute law: whereupon the said act was annulled: and then was it declared, that every man should come to the Cardinal, and to grant privily what he would, with this saying the citizens were sore grieved, than the Mayor gently showed them, how he durst warrant, that they should be entreated gently, and exhorted them to go thither when they were sent for, which saying nothing pleased them: and then in a fury they would have had Richard Gresham, and John Hewster Mercers, and Richard Gibson Sergeant at arms and Merchant Tailor, banished out of the common counsel, and so without answer made, what they would do, they departed home.  
In the same season through all the realm, this demand was utterly de●●ed, so that the Commissioners could bring nothing to pass, and yet they assayed both by fair ways and ●ou●e: ●ome spoke fair and flattered, other spoke cruel and threatened, and yet could not bring their purpose about. For in Kent the lord Cobham was commissioner, and handled men roughly, and by reason one John S●udder, answered him ●●ubbishly, he sent him to the tower of London: For which doing the people muttered, and grudged against the lord Cobham, and said expre●●y that they would pay no money, and then they began to account the loans and sub●edies granted, so that they reken●d the kings Treasure innumerable, for they accounted that the king had taken of this realm, twenty fifteens, sith the xiiii year of his reign, and in this grudge, they evil entreated sir Thomas Bullein at Maidestone.  
In Essex the people would not assemble before the commissioners in no houses, but in open places: and in Huntyngdon shire, diverse resisted the commissioners to sit, 
Insu●●●●eccion in Suffolk.  which were apprehended, and sent to the Fl●te.  
The Duke of Suffolk, sat in Suffolk this season in like commission, and by gentle handling, he caused the rich Clothiers to assent, and grant to give the sixth part, and when they came home to their houses, they called to them their Spinners, Carders, Fuller's, weavers, & other a●tificers, which were wont to be set a work and have their livings by cloth making, and said, sirs we be not able to set you a work, our goods be taken from us, wherefore trust to yourselves, and not to us, for otherwise it will not be. Then began women to weep, and young folks to cry, and men that had no work, began to rage, and assemble theimselfes in companies. The Duke of Suffolk hearing of this, commanded the Constables, that every man's harness, should be taken from them, but when that was known, than the rumour waxed more greater, and the people railed openly on the Duke of Suffolk, and sir Robert Dru●ie, and threatened them with death, and the Cardinal also, and so of Lanam, Sudbery, Hadley, and other ●ounes about, there rebelled four thousand men, and put theimselfes in harness, and ●ang the bells Alarm and began together still more: then the duke of Suffolk perceiving this, began to raise men, but he could get but a small number, and they that came to him said, that they would defend him from all perils, if he hurt not their neighbours, but against their neighbours they would not fight: Yet the gentlemen that were with the duke did so much, that all the bridges were broken, so that their assemble was some what letted.  
The duke of Norfolk, high treasurer and Admiral of England hearing of this, gathered a great power in Norfolk, & came toward the commons, and of his nobleness he sent to the commons, to know their intent, which answered: that they would live and die in the kings causes, and to the king to be obedient: When the duke witted that, he came to them, and then all spoke at once, so that he witted not what they meant. Then he asked who was their Captain, and bad that he should speak: then a well aged man of fifty years and above, asked licence of the Duke to speak, which granted with good william. My lord said this man, whose name was John Grene, si●he you ask who is our captain, for sooth his name is Poverty, for he and his cousin Necessity, hath brought us to this doing, for all these persons and many more, which I would were not here, live not of ourselves, but all we live, by the substantial occupiers of this country, and yet they give us so little wages, for our workmanship, that scarcely we be able to live, and thus in penury we pass the time, we, our wives and children, and if they by whom we live, be brought in that case, that they of their little, cannot help us to earn our living, then must we perish, and die miserably. I speak this my lord, the cloth makers have put all these people, and a far greater number from work the husband men have put away their servants, and given up household, they say, the king asketh so much, that they be not able to do as they have done before this time, & then of necessity, must we die wretchedly: wherefore my lord, now according to your wisdom, consider our necessity. The Duke was sorry to hear their complaint, and well he knew that it was true: then he said, neighbours, sever yourselves asunder, let every man departed to his home, and chose forth four, that shall answer for the remnant, and on my honour I will sand to the king, and make humble intercession for your pardon, which I trust to obtain, so that you will departed, than all they answered they would, and so they departed home.  
At the two dukes requests, commissioners of great authority were sent to them, than the Duke of Norfolk, and the Duke of Suffolk came to Bery, & thither came many people of the country, in their shirts, and halters about their necks, meekly desiring pardon for their offences: the Dukes so wisely handled themselves, that the commons were ●ppeised, & in especial one Master jermyn, took much pain in riding and going, between the lords and commons: then the demand of money seized in all the realm, for well it was perceived, that the commons would none pay.  
After this, the two dukes came to London, and brought with them the chief captains of the rebellion, which were put in the Flete, and then the king came to Westminster▪ to the Cardinal's place: Whereupon this matter, 
The sore woods of the king  he assembled a great counsel, and openly he said, that his mind was never, to ask any thing of his commons, which might sound to his dishonour, or to the breach of his laws, wherefore he would know of whom it was long, that the commissions were so strait, ●o demand the sixth part of every man's substance: 
The 〈◊〉 of the Cardinal.  the Cardinal excused himself & said, that when it was moved in counsel, how to make the king ●●●he, the Kings Counsel, and especially the judges mayed, he might lawfully demand any some by Commission, and that by the assent of the whole counsel it was done, and took God to witness, that he never maligned nor desired, the hindrance of the Commons, but like a true counsellor, devised to enrich the king: And the spiritual men say, that it standeth with God's law, for joseph caused the king of Egip●e, ●o take the fifth part of every man's goods, but because every man layeth the burden from him, I am content to take it on me, and to endure the same and 'noys of the people, for my good will toward the king, and comfort of you my lords, and other the kings counsellors, but the eternal God knoweth all. Well said the king, some have informed me that my realm was never so rich, and that there should never trouble have risen of that demand, and that men would pay at the first request, but now I find all contrary, than every man held his peace.  
The king was sore moved, 
The King sore moved.  that his subjects were 〈◊〉 stirred, and also he was informed of the denial, that the spiritual men had made and of their sayings, wherefore he thought it touched his honour that his counsel should attempt, such a doubtful matter in his name▪ and to be denied both of the spirituality and temporalty, for although some granted for fear, before the commissioners, yet when they were departed, they denied it again. Then the king said, I will no more of this trouble: Let letters be sent to all shires, that this matter may no more be spoken of, 
The Pardon of the great demand.  I will pardon all them, that have denied the demand, openly or secretly: Then all the lords kneeled down, and heartily thanked the king. Then letters were sent to all commissioners to cease, with instructions how to declare the kings pardon. In which declaration, was showed, that the Cardinal never assented, to the first demand, and in the instructions was comprehended, that the lords and the judges, and other of the kings counsel, devised the same demand, and that the Cardinal followed the mind of the whole counsel, these two points were contrary one to another, which were well marked. And farther the instructions were, that at the humble petition, and supplication of the Cardinal, thesay great sums, which were demanded, by the kings authority royal, were clearly pardoned and remitted, wherefore the Commissioners willed the people to pray for the Cardinal: but the people took all this for a mock, and said God save the King, for the Cardinal is known well enough, the commons would hear no praise spoken of the Cardinal, they hated him so much.  
The xix day of May, 
The saying to the Mayor of London.  the Cardinal sent for the Mayor and his brethren, and certain comminers, and made the Mayor to ●it down by him and then declared, that where the king was determined, in proper person to pass the sea into France, for which cause he asked of the citizens of London, and his other subjects, an aid toward his charges, to which request (he said) that the Londoners were at all times conformable, like loving subjects, but sith the king considereth, the great fall of the French King, which is yet prisoner, and that daily he hath suit made to him for peace, greatly to his honour and profit, for I trust that all his right and title, shallbe to him delivered, which thing once agreed I trust you shall have peace, and therefore at my 〈◊〉 request, the king hath pardoned you, of all the ●●●mes of money, that of you were demanded: and if his grace had not passed the seas, although the money▪ had been gathered, surely it should have been restored again, and consequently the king thanketh you as hastily, as any prince may thank his subjects: and for asmuch as peace▪ is not yet concluded, I counsel you to show yourselves, enemies to the Frenchmen, and so say that you be the kings, 
The prea●●e fear of the Cardinal.  body and goods at his will and pleasure, so that your loving minds towards him, may to the Frenchmen appear, you wots well what I mean said the Cardinal. Then the Mayor and his company kneeled doun●, and most hattely thanked the king and him, and so departed. The next day, all this was rehearsed to the common counsel, which humbly thanked the king for the pardon: but two things them sore displeased, one was that the Cardinal bade them say, they were the kings body and goods, they said that they used no dissimulation, for they would not say they were the kings, but they thought and were the kings in deed, and not in saying: the second was, that the Cardinal excused himself, that he was ignorant of the first commission: For all they knew and were present, when he himself made to them the first mo●ion, & whatsoever was said by the Recorder, in his excuse, was taken as a cloak for the rain, & a dissimulation or a mock. For wisemen perceived all the handling of the matter: after the king had pardoned every offender.  
The xxix day of May the lords sat in the Star chamber, and the ●her were brought one Devereux, a gentleman of Huntyngdom shire (which would not suffer the commissioners to sit, as you have hard) & John Scudder of Kent, these two were brought from the Tower, bore footed in their shirts through London, to the Star Chamber, and there the Cardinal showed them their offences, with terrible words: and after that he showed the kings mercy, extended to them and declared their pardon and so they were delivered.  
The morrow after being the xxx day, were the chief of the rebels of Suffolk, brought to the Star chamber bar, and there the Kings counsel learned, laid sore to them their offence, but the Cardinal declared for them the kings pardon: then the kings Attorney, asked surety for their good abering, they answered that they could find none, than said the Cardinal I will be one, because you be my country men, and my lord of Norfolk will be another, and so they were discharged, and had money to bring them home: Now here is an end of this commission, but not an end of inward grudge and hatred, that the commons bore to the Cardinal, and to all gentlemen, which vehemently set forth that Commission and demand.  
In this troublous season, the uplandish men of Germany, called the bowers, ●ose in a great number, almost an hundred thousand, and rebelled against the princes of Germany, of which a great number were slain and destroyed.  
In April last passed, the Tyndale men, with the aid of the Scots, to the number of eight hundred, did daily great robe●ies in England. For to repress this nest of thieves were sent, sir Richard Bulmer, and sir Christopher Da●res, with a great company of Englishmen, and to them diverse men came, and submitted themselves, but the great thieves kept them in the mountains of Cheviot, and daily skirmished with the Englishmen, and could not soon be taken: but after long lying abroad, they severed and many of them were taken.  
In this very season the frenchmen, kept a great number of men of war, at Bullein and there about, and the .v. day of May four hundred horsemen, embushed theimselfes in the Forest of Guysnes, and the same day lxxx horsemen of the Crew of Guysnes, road forth seeking adventures, the frenchmen let them pass, till they had them at advantage, than they issued out and cried, kill, kill, then Englishmen them valiantly defended▪ almost two hours, but at the last the frenchmen▪ oppressed them with multitude, and broke their array, and slew fifty of them, the remnant saved themselves: this chance was nothing pleasant to the English captains. But the frenchmen were of surmounted by this journey, that the twenty day of May, the men of war of all the garrisons in Picardy, assembled together, and came within the English pale to Aunderne, and so to Calais: the frenchmen were of such number that all the English pale was spread over: At Baiyngham the frenchmen drove away the cattle: the Englishmen thought themselves to week to encounter with them, which were the whole strength of all Picardy. And so on the ascension day, there came to Newnam bridge, thr●e hundred horsemen, and there set a stolen, but with ordinance they were made to go back. Then came four hundred Frenchmen to the Turn pike, and they had gotten all the cattle together. The bend of sir Robert jernyngham, seeing the frenchmen so near Calais, set forward not past lx horsemen, and they fiercely set on the frenchmen, which fled, and they chased them, and rescued all the cattle, that the frenchmen had taken, and with great difficulty, brought them to the Marsh beside Calais.  
The xxviii day of May .v. C. horsemen, and xvi C. footmen, came to a village called Froyton, within the English pale, and many adventured over the Water to have taken all the cattle in the Marrishes, of Hamnes, Guysnes, and Calais, which were of great number, but the frenchmen that made the adventure in the night, were askried and s●ain all save two. Then the frenchmen returned in a great fury, and swore that they would once rob the Marrisses or else they would die for it, and so returned to Bullein, whether were come of new, five. C. horsemen called Stradiats, which fortified well the French parties, in so much that they passed in number five times the Englishmen.  
You have hard before, 
Riot ac Beggam.  how the Cardinal suppressed many monasteries, of the which one was called Beggam in Sussex, the which was very commodious to the country: but so befell the cause, that a riotus company, disguised and unknown, with painted faces and visures, came to the same Monastery, and brought with them the Canons, and put them in their place again, and promised them that whensoever they rang the bell, that they would come with a great power, and defend them. This doing came to the ear of the kings counsel, which caused the Canons to be taken, and they confessed the captains, which were imprisoned, and sore punished.  
The Cardinal about this season, by his power Legantyne, sent a Chappelein of his, called Doctor John Alein, a man of more learning than virtue, or good conscience, to visit all places religious: this priest road in his gown of velvet, with a great train, and was received into every Religion with Procession, as though the legate had been there, and took such great sums for his visitation, that the religious sore were grieved, and murmured much against it, and in especial, for they were charged with great sums of money to the king, and now this sudden visitation or ‡ predation, 
Predation, that is a robbery.  clean shaved them. The common people spoke much against this, and also they said, that then Cardinal by Uisitations, making of abbots, probates of testaments, granting of faculties, licenses, and other pollynges in his Courts legantines, had made his threasore equal with the kings, & yet every year he sent great sums to Rome: this was their communication, ever against the Cardinal, and his high authority, & the spiritual men most disdained it.  
You shall understand, the king in his fresh youth, was in the chains of love, with a fair damosel called Elizabeth Blount, daughter to sir John Blunt knight, which damosel in singing, dancing, and in all goodly pastimes, exceeded all other, by the which goodly pastimes, she won the kings heart: and she again showed him such favour, that by him she bore a goodly man child, of beauty like to the father and mother. This child was well brought up, like a Prince's child, and when he was vi year of age, the king made him knight, and called him lord Henry Fitz Roy, and on Sondaie being the xviii day of june, at the Manor or place of Bridewell, thesay Lord led by two Earls, was created Earl of Nottingham, and then he was brought back again by thesay two Earls: then the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, led him into the great chamber again and the king created him, Duke of Richemond and Somerset: 
The creation of the duke of Richemond.  & the same day was the lord Henry Courtenay Earl of Devonshire, and cousin germane to the king, was created Marquis of Excester, and the lord Henry Brandon, son to the duke of Suffolk and the French Queen the kings sister, a child of two year old, was created Earl of Lincoln, and sir Thomas Manners lord Roos, was created Earl of Rutland, and sir Henry Clifford, was created Earl of Cumberlande, and the lord Fitz Water sir Robert Radclif was created Uiscount Fitz Water, and sir Thomas Bullein, treasurer of the kings household, was created Uiscount Rocheforde, and at those creations, were kept great feasts and disguisynges.  
After this the Cardinal took upon him, as the kings chief counsellor, to●e a reformation in the order of the kings houshode, wherein he made certain ordinances. He also made all new officers in the house of the Duke of Richemond, which was then newly begun: Also at that time he ordained a counsel, and established another household, for the lady Mary, then being Princes of the realm, so that all thing that was d●en, was done by him, and without his assent, nothing was done: he took so much upon him, and made the King believe, that all things should be to his honour, and that he needed not to take any pain, so that to him was the charge of all things committed, at the which wise men becked, and light men laughed, thinking great folly in his high presumption. And at this time, thesay Cardinal gave to the king, the lease of the Manor of Hampton Court, which he had of the lease of the lord of Saint Ihones, and on which he had done great cost. Therefore the king of his gentle nature, licenced him to lie in his Manor of Richemond at his pleasure, and so he lay there at certain times: but when the common people, and in especial such, as had been king Henry the seventhes' servants, saw the Cardinal keep house in the Manor royal of Richmond, which king Henry the seventh, so highly esteemed it, was a marvel to here, how they grudged and said, see a Bochers' dog lie in the Manor of Richemond: these with many approbrious words, were spoken against the Cardinal, whose pride was so high that the nothing regarded, and yet was he hated so most men.  
In this season the French kings mother, Regent of France, and the three estates of the realm, assembled together, concerning the estate of their realm: First, they sent a solemn Ambassador or themperor, with articles (as they thought reasonable) for the deliverance of the French king and also for a peace, they sent also a messenger to the king of England, for a safe conduct for an Ambassador, to be sent into England, for a treaty of peace, which to the messenger, was granted and delivered.  
Then came over as Ambassador from France, John jokyn now called Monsire de Uaux, which as you have hard in the last year, was kept secret in Master Larks house, and when he came into England, he was welcomed of the Cardinal, and there between them were such communications, that at the suit of thesay John jokyn, a truce was concluded, from the xiii day of july for forty days, between England and France, both on the sea and beyond the sea. Full well witted John jokyn, what he meant, when he desired peace for forty days, for in that season the Pikardes, might have a quiet harvest, to carry in their Corn, which they should not have, if the garrisons of Calais and Guysnes: and other within the English pale, had not been restrained from war, and also the Fishermen of Deep, Bullein, and Traiport, had quiet fishing, by this truce, for the navy of England, was come home to harborough, this truce grieved the men of war on both parties, it was so sudden that they witted not well what to do.  
When the flemings hard tell of truce, and that they were not comprehended in the same, they began to rail and said, that the king 〈◊〉 England▪ had not done truly with them, to take a truce without their knowledge: the Englishmen answered, that they had no Ambassador in England, and if that they had had any, they should have been made privy, but the king would send them no word of his affairs, if they would not send to know, for he aught their master, nor y●t them such service.  
The frenchmen in this season, enterprised to enter into Flaunders, by New dike, but they were manfully defended by the flemings, and because the frenchmen passed by the English pale, and had nothing done to them, the flemings were sore displeased, with the Engl●shemen of Calais.  
In the latter end of july came into England, Monsire Bryond chief Precedent of Rouen, and was brought to the cardinals presence, at the Manor of Richemond, and when his Commission was showed, 〈◊〉 was doubted whether the authority were sufficient, because the▪ king his Master was prisoner in Spain: but then he showed authority given to the Lady Regent, and certain nobles of the realm of France, by the French king in open Parliament, before his going into Italy for all things that ●id or might concern his Realm, during his absence. When the Commission was thought reasonable, then was rehearsed to the frenchmen their double●es, their unsteadfastness, and how they had behaved theimselfes toward the king of England: then they answered if we have offended▪ you have us punished, for you have br●nt our towns, slain our people, destroyed our country, so that you have brought the low parties, to a long misery without recovery, and therefore sith we be the lesers for our offence, yet we sue for peace, lest we be more punished. After long consultation, they offered many offers: first, to pay all such sums of money as were due, both for the yearly tribute, and also for the city of Turnay, and the French queens dowar, and farther to recompense the king o● England his expenses done in the wars.  
During this treaty, word was brought to the king of England, that there was a truce suddenly concluded, between the realm of France and the ●adie Margaret, Duchess of Savoy, and governor of Flaunde●s and the low countries, for the space of .v. months, so that no ●ntercourse should be between them for merchants, but by safe conduct, and that this Proclamation was proclaimed at saint Omers, the ●irste day of August, ●herupon the king was contented, that a peace should be taken from the xiiii day of August, to the first day of December, which was proclaimed in London: and by this truce every Englisheman without savecondute, might pass into France, & they likewise into England. When this truce was proclaimed, the people 〈◊〉 & said, now hath the frenchmen gotten their fishing quictly, and if they had been kept from that, they had been undone▪ and so with ●aire words they help themselves, which 〈◊〉 we have war again, shall hurt us, for this Herring shall vitaill their towns the next year. This the common people talked, but it was to no purpose.  
This year the king sent Doctor Henry standish, 
Ambassadors into Demmark  Bishop of saint Ass, & sir John Baker knight into the realm of Denmark, to comen and entreat with the nobles of the country for the reduction of king Cristierne, to his realm, Crown, and dignity, but all that could be said or persuaded, could not bring the Danes to any reason, they hated him so for his great cruelty, and in especial for the great tyranny that he committed at Stokeholme in Swethen, where he desired a great number of his nobles to a banquet, and after the banquet, struck of their heads. When the Ambassadors of England saw that they could not bring him in again: they than began to require, that his son might have the crown and dominion, which never them offended, and was of progeny borne of lady Isabella, sister to the Emperor Charles the .v. which also made great labour and instance for the same: but the Danes answered they would none of his procreation, for they said, the son would follow the father, or else at the lest he would revenge his father's wrong, and so with this answer they departed.  
So much did the Ambassadors of France, both by offers and entreaties, that the king of England and his counsel, did condescend to a peace, and the more sooner because they saw if war should continued, money must be demanded of the commons, which had liefer rebel then pay any more money, as you have hard in the last year. When peace was concluded, then were Proclamations of the same, sent to every city and good town, and the viii day of September, this peace was proclaimed solemnly with a Trumpet through the city of London, the effect whereof was, that upon humble suit and large proffers, made by the lady Regent of France, & the three estates of the same, a peace, league, & amity was concluded, between both the kings of England & France, and their countries and subjects, so that the subjects of either realm may lawfully pass and repass, into the other's realm and dominions, to buy and cell frankly and freely, without let or interruption, and that this league in no wise, was a breach of the league taken with the Emperor and the lady Margaret, governess of Flaunders in no point, but that thesay Emperor and lady Margaret, and all other the kings old and ancient confederates and allies, were comprehended in the same, and for due restitution to be made to the Frenchmen, there was appointed the reverend father, Cutberd bishop of London, and forrestitution to be made to the Englishmen, was appointed the chief Precedent of Rouen.  
And on the xi day of September, was a truce proclaimed in Spain, in the town of Uale Dolito, between themperor and the French king, from that day to the end of December next ensuing, at which time the Emperor had not seen the French king, which was conveyed by sea out of Italy into Spain, to a Castle called Madrill, and there remaygned: and shortly after fell sore sick, and was in great jeopardy, for the which the Frenchmen cared little, for they said that if he died, they should pay no ransom, and then their realm should be quiet.  
This peace between England and France, nothing pleased the flemings, wherefore when they had drunk well, they spoke largely, and boasted how they had victailed the English armies, and found them carts and carriages, and thought it not kindly done, to refuse them as old friends & make peace with old enemies, but they did not consider what money the Englishmen left in their country, nor how the Frenchmen for dread of the Englishmen, would not invade Flaunders, so that they lived quietly, all this they considered not.  
In the same month this peace was proclaimed, in Paris, Lions, Rouen and Amias: by this peace the king of England, should receive at certain days twenty hundred thousand Crowns, which then was four hundred thousand pound sterling, of the which one payment of fifty thousand pound was paid in hand. After this peace taken, all the men of war, that were about the retinue of Calais, Hams, and Guysnes, we called home, and the ships brought into the havens, and many a Kreker witted not how to live.  
In the month of October were sent into France, sir William Fitz-Willyam treasurer of the kings house, and doctor Tayllor, as Ambassadors from the king of England, & were received through France very honourably, and by long journeys at the last, came to the city of Lions the xxiiii day of November, where to them were presented, Wine, Fish, Flesh, and Ware, and they were visited with diverse noble men. And on the xxvi day they were conveyed to the Court by two Earls, and at the gate received with two Cardinals, and so brought to the lady regent, which with much honour them received, and then they delivered the kings letters, which she took in great reverence, and so with her counsel, departed into her privy chamber, and there tarried almost two hours, and then came out again, to whom Doctor Tailor made an eloquent Oration in Latin, of the commodities of peace, and declared that the king his Master for very love, and not for no dread nor need did condescend to peace. To whom the bishop of Besanson, chancellor to the Lady Regent made answer, and that done, the Ambassadors were feasted, and served with men of great estate, and after that they were conveyed to their lodgings.  
And on Sondaie next ensuing, the Ambassadors were conveyed to the Court, 
The league sworn.  and from thence the lady Regent and all the Court, road solemnly to the Cathedral church of Lions, and there a Cardinal sang a solemn Mass, and after that Mass was done, the Lady Regent took the two Ambassadors, the one on the right hand▪ and the other on the left hand, and so went up to the high altar, and there she laid her hand on the Canon and Crucifix of the Mass book, and there swore to observe, fulfil, and keep, all the articles and agreements, concluded in the league and treaty of peace, by her commissioners. And when this was done, the bishop of Bisanson made an eloquent sermon, taking for his antitheme. Quis est homo qui vult vitam, diligit dies videre bonos, Inquire pacem. etc. In this sermon he much praised the king of England, which assented to peace and lauded the Cardinal, whom he called the Legate of God, for counselling him to peace: for now was France free, and aall hostility seized, and when this sermon was done, Te deum was song, and then the Trumpets blewe, and all other instruments Musaicall, and then the Lady Regent, with all her train returned to the palace, & there were the Ambassadors highly feasted, and then sir William Fitz William took his leave, and came shortly into England, leaving behind him Doctor Tailor, which tarried there till the French king was delivered.  
When the articles of peace, were known to themperor and his counsel, full well witted they that the king of England now would be friend to the French king, wherefore he and his subjects, showed themselves more strange and unkind to the Englishmen, than they had been accustomed. In somuch that the English merchants, put up a supplication to the Emperor, showing him how their goods were taken, by letters of Mark, their ships restrained, new impositions taken of them, and most of all they complained, that by an act made in Spain called Premetica which ordaineth that every cloth, should be of a certain number of threads, the clotheses of England there could not be sold, to the great hindrance of the English merchants: For the clothiers of England, know not the number appointed by the statute, and when they make cloth, they know not to what country that cloth shallbe sold, of these things the English merchants desired a redress.  
At a day appointed the Englishmen had an answer delivered them in writing, containing certain articles. The first, if any wrongs be done unto you, our justice is open in every place. The second, as touching letters of Mark, we will be advised by our counsel. The third, as touching your ships, we freely grant that you shall have our friendship liberally, so that with your own ships and goods, you may go at your pleasure, passing or making abode. And as touching customs, or Impositions of new: The accident may 'cause us so to do, but that shallbe in suspense. And finally as touching our Premetica, made by the lords of our counsel, and by us affirmed, we will not break, but we will suffer to the intent that you English Mer●hauntes, may bring true and well made cloth, for the which you shall be the better welcome: this was the very answer that the English merchants had, of the Emperor and his counsel.  
In this Winter was great death in London, wherefore the Term was adjourned, and the king for to eschew the plague, kept his Chrstmas at Eltham with a small number, for no man might come thither, but such as were appointed by name: this Christmas in the kings house, was called the still Christmas. But the Cardinal in this sea●on, lay at the Manor of Richemond, and there kept open household, to lords, ladies, and all other that would come, with plays and disguising in most royal manner: which sore grieved the people, and in especial the kings servants, to see him keep an open Court, and the king a secret Court.  
The Cardinal came to Eltham the viii day of january, and tarried there till the xxii day. In which season the Cardinal, and other of the kings counsel, sat for a direction to be taken in the kings house, and first it was considered, that the great number of the yeomen of the guard were very chargeable, and that there were many officers far stricken in age: which had servants in the Court, and so the king was served with their servants, and not with his own servants, which was thought not convenient Wherefore first the officers servants, were put out of the Court, and many old officers were put to live in their countries, but the king of his bounty enhanced their livings, for he that had three pound wages, had six pound annuity, without attendance, and he that had xl s. had four pound, and so every man after that rate, and young men were put in their rooms. Then was there lxiiii of the guard, which had xii d. the day checked, put out of that wages, and they had vi d. a day unchecked, and should devil in their countries & come not at the court, till they were sent for except it were for suits: in the which the Cardinal promised them, to be their helper: Alas what sorrow, & what lamentation was made, when all these persons should departed the court Some said that poor servants were undone and must steal: Some said that they were found of the revertions of the officers service, so that for them was nothing more set out at the bres●er, and it was great charity to ●ynde them. Other said that the yeomen of the guard, which were put out, were now not able to find themselves and their horse, to do the King service. Other said, that now they would poll and pill in their countries, & oppress the poor people, thus every anm had his saying.  
At this season the Cardinal made many ordin lynx's, concerning the kings house, which be at this day called the statutes of Eltham, the which some said were more profitable than honourable.  
This month of january was a peace concluded, between the realms of England and Scotland, for three years and six months, of the which the Scots were very glad, and especially the borderers, for they were sore hurt by this war.  
This year the king on Shrovetewesdaie, kept a solemn justes at his Manor of Grenewiche, he himself and xi were on the one part, and the Marquis of Excester with xi were on the other part: the Kings bard and base and all his bend, were of cloth of gold and silver, richly embraudered, with a man's heart in a press, with f●ames about it, and in letters were written, Declare le nose, in English, Declare I dare not, the marquis and his bend were in Grene Velvet, & c●mosyn satin embroidered with hearts burning, and over every hat a Ladies haned coming out of a cloud, holding a garden water pot, which dropped silver drops on the heart: 
〈…〉  At this justes was many a spear broken, and by chance of shivering of the spear, sir Frances Brian lost one of his ●yes. After these justes, the king made to the Queen, and lords and ladies a costly banquet, and did service to the Queen, and ladies himself.  
In the month of February the xi day being Sondaie, the Cardinal with great pomp, came to the Cathedral Church of Paul's, on whom Bishops, abbots, and a great number of doctors, gave their attendance and there he sat in pont●●●calibus, under his cloth of estate 〈…〉 cloth of Gold: and there on Friar Barnes a Friar Augustyne 〈…〉 
〈…〉  for certain points of heresy, as the Bishops said: and two merchants of the Stilierd bore faggots, for eating flesh on ● friday▪ and there the bishop of Rochester Doctor Fisher, made a sermon reproving Martin Luther's opinion, a Friar of Germany, which wrote against the power of the Bishop of Rome, and in his sermon he spoke so much honour of the Pope and his Cardinals, and of their dignity and prehenminence, that he forgot to speak any thing of the Gospel, which he took in hand to declare, which sermon was much praised o● the Cardinal and bishops, wherefore the Cardinal gave to all the people his benediction, and then departed.  
All this year was continual suit made to the Emperor and his counsel, by the Lady Regent of France, and all the realm there, for the deliverance of Frances the French king, and after many communications which took none effect, was sent into Spain of Ambassade, the noble lady Margaret, late duchess of Alaunson, sister to the French king, with a great company of nobles and honourable personages. Themperor Charles met thesay lady in the Market place of the cite of Toleto, and her right heartily welcomed, and after that the Duchess and her company, had refused to agreed to certain articles, which the French king had offered himself, thesay Duchess had licence of the Emperor, to go to Madrill, where the French king was kept as prisoner, and there to know his mind. When she was there, she & other devised such a way, that the French king should have scaped, and post horses were laid every where: this was not so secret, 
〈…〉  but the Emperor was thereof, informed, and took certain frenchmen, which confessed how all things should have been brought to pass. The Duchess of Alaunson hearing that this privity was opened, on post horses with all speed returned into France, leaving the whole matter at large.  
But for all this the lords of France, ceased not daily to sue, for the deliverance of their sovereign lord, and at last to the Emperor was delivered a book for the French kings deliverance, for the Emperor said he would nothing demand of him, for having him he had more than he could give him. Then the French king and his counsel, offered a book containing many articles to the Emperor: and when the Emperor had well understand the contents of the same, he said to the French Ambassadors, is this the full will and agreement of your Master, they answered yea: well said the Emperor, if this be his own offer, I trust that he will keep it. Then themperor thought best to bring the French king to more liberty, and to visit him himself, which he had not done but in the time of his sickness. Where the xiiii day of February, the Emperor accompanied with the great Constable of France, the Duke of Enphantaso, the Duke of Civil, the Duke of Nas●o, the Duke of Aluoy, the Duke of Alberkirke, the Duke of Medena, the Duke of Massedonia, the Marquis of Aguler, the Marquis Uillas●āea, the Marquis of Sturgus, the Earl of Barselona, the Earl of Bonivent, the Earl of jeniver, the Earl of Salenas', the Earl of Arrowffe, the Earl of salvator, and xii Bishops, and a great number of nobles, came to the castle of Madrill, to whom was the French king brought with a noble repair, to whom the Emperor made lo reverence, and declared to him how all victories, consist in the hand of God, and where great debate, war, and strife, had land continued between them, he said it was the very handy work of God, to deliver him to captivity, so that by his restaint of liberty, a general peace should be concluded through all Christendom, and now sith you have offered us reasonable conditions, we intending not your punishment, nor restraint of your liberty have gently rece●ued your offers, signed with your own hand, which all your nobles shall hear red.  
In primis, the French king swore to keep peace, both by land and by water with the Emperor and his subjects, of all lands, territories, or dominions, belonging to the Emperor or the Empire.  
Item, thesay French king clearly renounced, all the right, title▪ or interest which he had or pretended, to the realm of Naples, or the kingdom of Scicile.  
Item, thesay French king clearly renounced his right and title, to the Duchy of Milan, and the Conntie of Ast.  
Item, the same king surrendered into th'emperor's hands, the whole Duchy of Burgoyn, the County Charoloys, with all castles and lordships appertaining to the same, with all manner of sovereignty, apperteigning to the crown of France by reason of the same.  
Item, thesay king surrendered & relased, all the sovereignty which he claimed of the Counties of Flaunders and Arthoys, and tother low countries, so that they from thence forth, should never sue to any Parliament of France by appeal, or resort, the Counties of Guysnes, Arde, and Bullonoys alway except.  
Iten, he released all the right & title, that he had to the city of Tournay and Turnesyns, and to the towns of Heding and Arras, with all Castles and dominions apperteigning to the same, with the title of the sovereignty and resort of the same, to the parliaments of France.  
Item, he swore and promised, never to help or aid the Lord Dalbrethe, called the king of Naverr by covin or other wise, against themperor or his heirs nor successors.  
Item, that he nor none other by his assent, should maintain, aid or comfort Charles Duke of Geldres, nor maintain sir Robert de la March, by no means against the Emperor, or his countries, or dominions.  
Item, he promised at his own costs and charges, to find five hundred men of arms, and ten thousand, footmen, to do the Emperor service, whensoever that he took his journey toward Rome, for the obteigning of his crown and sceprer Imperial, and to pay their wages for six months.  
Ite, he promised to be enemy to all persons, which would go about or intend in any wise, to let or disturb thesay journey to Rome.  
Item, he promised to discharge the Emperor against the king of England, for the so●me of two hundred thousand Crowns, which he aught then to the king of England, and to deliver the Emperor a sure acquittance for the same, which amounteth in starling money. ●l. M. l.  
Item, he released all the pensions, which he claimed of the realms of Naples & Scicile, which was yearly a hundred thousand dukattes.  
Item, for the surer performance of all these articles, it was agreed th●t the French king should at his departing▪ deliver into the Emperor's hands, the Dolphin of Uien, and Henry Duke of orleans, his two elder sons, which should remain in Spain, till that all these articles were performed: and if after he came into his realm, the three estates of France, would not condescend and agreed to these articles, which he had offered and sworn, than he should shortly come again into spain, and yield himself prisoner again, and his children then to be redelivered into France.  
Item, for the more fortification of this concord, and for the more amity to be had between the two princes and their realms, the Emperor offered in marriage to the French king, the noble prince's lady Elinor late Queen of Portyngall, with a great dowar, and offered to him with her in marriage three fair lordships, called Ansames, Maconoyes, and Barsur, the which the French king joyfully accepted: But this offer was conditionally, so that the whole agreement took effect, or else not. Some said as you heard before, that the French Queen was poisoned for this intent: but evil tongues never said well. To all these articles and many more, the French king swore before the Emperor, and all his nobles the xiiii day of February.  
In the time of this entreaty came into Spain, Charles Duke of Bourbon which appealed the French king, that he contrary to all right and justice, had procured and imagined, the death and destruction of thesay Duke without any cause, but only to possede his soveraigneties and dominions, by reason whereof, thesay Duke was compelled to live in exile, out of his country, and that the Regent of France, contrary to justice had proclaimed him a traitor, and seized all his goods and lands, wherefore he desired that the French king, might to him make a condign recompense: to whom the Emperor answered, that a prisoner might not be appealed: but yet for his good service, the Emperor did so much, that an article was concluded, that the duke of Bourbon should be restored to his first title, state, honour, and dignity, and to all his other Duchess, Counties, signiories, and Dominions, and there the French king freely pardoned to him all offences, and swore that all process, proclamations, impetitions, had or done against him should be void, annulled and repealed, and farther the French king, in recompense of all wrongs done to him, and for the restitution of his goods, promised and swore to pay the same duke. CC. thousand crowns, with all the rents, and profits received of the lands of thesay duke, in the time of his exile. When all these articles were concluded, sworn, and appointed, the Emperor judged that the French king, would never love the Duke of Bourbon, and that by some new found fault, or by some privy enemy, he might be brought to confusion: wherefore of his noble liberality, considering the good service that the duke had done to him, and might do if he were of possessions and dominions, gave unto the Duke the whole Duchy of Milan, so that thesay duke should find yearly four thousand footmen, and five hundred men of arms, and pay to the Emperor yearly four thousand Ducats, but he never obtained the possession, for lack of the investure or creation: Also the Emperor gave to the Uiceroy of Naples, the Duchy of Boysee, and the County of Ast, and many great rewards for his good service.  
This peace thus concluded between the Emperor and the French king, was openly proclaimed through all Spain, France, Flaunders and the emperors dominions, whereof their subjects were glad, and made fires & triumphs through all their countries. The king of England like wise, which was included in the same League, was very g●ad of the peace, and caused the Cardinal and all the nobles and prelate's, to assemble at the Cathedral Church of saint Paul, and there was Te deum song, and the Cardinal gave benediction to all the people, and that night ●ites was made through all London. The common people said as they thought: some said the peace was honourable to the Emperor, and other said, the French king would not keep his promise, when he was once delivered, and so it proved.  
The king of England hearing that the French king was at a point to be delivered, sent a knight of his chamber, called sir Thomas Cheyney, to the French king, ce●tefiyng him of the great gladness the he ha● of his delivery, & also the comfort that he had for the conclusion of peace: of which kind remembrance, the French king much rejoiced. The French king took his leave of themperor, & took his journey into France ward, and came to Uictoria, in which season the fame went, that the Dolphin which should have been delivered, as one of the hostages for the French King his father was deceased, and so the French King was stayed for xv. days, till the truth was known: other said that the cause was that there were between Fontrabie and Bayon xxx M. men, and doubted jest if he had been brought down to Fountraby, he might have been rescued: but whatsoever the cause was, he was restraigned as you have hard.  
And at the last when the day came of his dilivery, 
The deliue●●● of the French King.  and he was discreetly moved, that he should not speak to his children, for fear that lamentation and sorrow might in such wise rise, that hurt might ensue of it. When the day was come that he should be delivered, there was between the borders of France and Spain, a Lake of no great deepness, in the mids whereof was laid a great empty boat at an anchor, and at every shore was another boat, and when the French king was come to the bank, he entered the boat on the Spanish side, and six Spaniards with him, and like wise on the French part the two Prince's sons to the French king, entered the other boat and six Frenchmen with them, and so both the boats came to the boat lying in the mids, the French king entered at the one end, and his children at the other, and passed through the great boat, and even in the midst of the boat they met, and he with his hand blessed them, without speaking of any words, but sadly regarded them, and so he entered into the boat with the frenchmen, and his children into the boat with Spaniards, and each of them were shortly at the shore, and mounted on horseback, and the French king road to Bayon, where he was nobly received, almost of all the nobles in the realm, and in especial of his mother: and his ii children were 〈◊〉 to Fountraby and so upward, and were well cherished in all things, by the great Constable of Spain and his wife.  
Thus was Frances the French king, conveyed into his realm the xxi. day of March, which was taken the xxiiii day of February, the year last passed.  
After that themperor had concluded, & taken his leave of the French king, he road to the fair city of Civil, and there he with great triumph married lady Isabella, daughter to king Emanuel of Portyngall, 
The marriage of themperor.  with whom he had great threasures and sums of money, and great friendship of the Portyngalles', for he had xi hundred thousand Ducats with her marriage. When this marriage was known in England, the Englishmen sore murmured, that the Emperor being at Wynsore, in the xiiii year of the king, had faithfully promised to marry, the lady Mary, daughter to the King of England. But for a very truth the Emperors counsel was not content with the answer made to Monsire de Bevers the last year, and so counseled the Emperor, not to tarry for the lady Mary which was young: and also they said that she was begotten of the king of England by his brother's wife. And also an act was made in Spain, that he should not departed the country, till he had issue. All these things were laid to him, which caused him to incline to marriage, and seeing the great offer that the king of Portyngal made to him, he was there to agreeing, and so married the lady Isabella, sister to king John of Portyngall.   

¶ The xviii year.  
THE xxviii day of April, 
The xviii year.  in the beginning of this xviii year, came to the Court to Grenewiche, Monsire Brenion chief precedent of Rouen, & John jokyn now called Monsire de Uaux, which Precedent of Rouen, before the King set in a Throne, and accompanied with all his nobles, and the Ambassadors of Rome, of the Emperor, of Venice, and Florence being there present, made in the Latyn tongue a solemn oration, the effect whereof was that he showed, 
The oration of the Precedent of Rouen  how dreadful the wars had been between the realms of England & France, what great loss the realm of France, had susteigned by thesay wars: He declared farther of what power the king of England was of and what conquest he might have made in France, the king being prisoner, & knowledged the king of England's right in the wars, and their wrongs, where he humbly thanked him of his pity and compassion that he had on them in their neccss●●●e and a●●●ic●ion, that he would consent to peace. To this Oration the Chan●eller of the Duchy of Lancastre, by name sir Thomas Moore made answer saying: that it much rejoiced the king, that they first considered, how by his power he might have oppressed, and how by his pi●ie he had relieved them: wherefore the would here after that for kindness, they should show him none unkindness, but inviolately to keep that league which was concluded.  
The next day after being Sondaie, 
The peace sworn.  the Cardinal song a solemn Mass, in the kings chapel of Grenewiche, and after Mass the king swore before the French Ambassadors, the four Ambassadors above rehearsed being present, that he should keep the peace and league concluded, between him and his brother and perpetual alley the French king, during his life and a year after, and after Mass to all Ambassadors was made a great feast.  
In the month of May was a proclamation made, against all unlawful games, according to the statutes made in this behalf, & commissions a warded into every shire, for the execution of the same, so that in all places, Tables, Dice, Cards, and Bowls, were taken and brent. Wherefore the people murmured against the Cardinal▪ saiyug: that he grudged at every man's pleasure, saving his own, but this Proclamation small time endured: and when young men were forbidden Bowls, and such other games: some fell to drinking, and some to feretting of other meu●es Coneys, and stealing of Dear in Parks, and other unthriftiness.  
Because all this Summer the King took his pastime in hunting, and nothing happened worthy to be written of: I will return to the French king, now comen again into his realm.  
When he was at Paris he said and wrote to the Emperor, that he would observe & keep his promises in every point, but what he thought I will not judge: For shortly after he set ●urth a book, called the appollogie or defence against the convention or agreement made between the Emperor and him at Madrill, alleging that he was compelled to make that agreement, or else he should never have been delivered: He alleged farther that the layers of his realm clearly determined, all promises and covenants made by any person to his own hurt, with him that is more of power than he to be made by compulsion, and so of none effect and not to be performed. He also said that the governors of the Law, determined that no oath or promise is of any effect, where a man is in jeopardy of life, or of perpetual imprisonment or bondage, and most in especial when it is done by compulsion or threatening. Moreover he said that he might give away nothing apperteigning to his Crown, without th'assent of his peers, and the three estates of his realm (to the which he was sworn at the time of his Coronation, which would thereto in no wise assent, and therefore he said that his oath and promise was void, and so he declared to the Uiceroy of Naples, being then with him as Ambassador for the Emperor, and offered for his ransom to pay asmuch money as ever French king paid, with diverse other articles of new devised.  
When these articles came to the Emperor, he them refused and said, that he had desired nothing impossible of the French King, and if he might not or would noy keep, the appointment between theun made, yet he bade him keep that point of covenant, which only depended in his will, that was that he should yield himself prisoner again, and so he should have his children delivered: and then he would reasonably comen with him, of new articles of agreement, and as to he appollegie set forth by the French king, that his oath and promise was void, and made by compulsion and threatening, it was answered by another book called the Refutation or Overcoming of the apology, of the convenntion of Madrill. Which two works were so eloquently set forth, with such and so many persuasions and allegations, both on the one part and the other, that it would cumber a wise man (except he were perfectly indifferent) to judge to which part he should most incline, and give credence, therefore I leave it at large.  
After that the French king was delivered, and the peace concluded, the Emperor was fully determined to pass the seas into Italy, and so to Rome, and there to be crowned Emperor, whereof hearing the bishop of Rome, called Pope Clement the seventh, a man of great wit and vice, and of little virtue or learning: much doubted in himself what damage might come to him, if the emperor had both Naples, Scicill, and the Duchy of Milan, and also were crowned Emperor. Wherefore he sent to the Uenicians, and to the Florentines, and to Frances Sforce duke of Milan, which had committed treason against themperor, and was deprived by iudgeme●t of his name & dignity, and the same given to the Duke of Bourbon, but yet by power he kept much of the possession: and declared to them, by what puissance the Emperor would come into Italy, and what great possessions he▪ had there, at every end of Italy, so that if he were once crowned Emperor, he would look to have the signiory of all Italy: wherefore they consulted and debated for their own surety, how to banish him and his all Italy by power: and as they were debating of this matter, they hard word how the French king was returned into France, and sought all ways and means, how to break with the Emperor. When they saw so open an action offered to them, with all diligence they sent their several Ambassadors, that is to say, the Pope twain, the duke of Venice called Andrew Gritty, one (which was his secretary) and the florentines one, and the Duke of Milan one, these five Ambassadors came to the French King, and delcared what joy and gladness their masters had of his safe return into his realm, and then they showed to him how they by the Bishop of Rome's exhortation had devised a league, which should set a perpetual peace between all princes christian, and for the more expedition, they had set forth and agreed upon articles, for the whole league. When the French king saw the articles it was as he would have it, for he thought by the whole power of the confederates, his children should be delivered, & he yet again once to have a meddling in Italy: wherefore with great gladness and solemnity he entered into the league, and swore to keep it, and gave to the Ambassadors great rewards.  
The first article of this league was that themperor, the king of England, and all other kings and princes, might enter into the same, and if the king of England would, he sold be admitted as protector of the same league.  
But yet the Emperor should not be admitted, till he had delivered the French kings children, having a reasonable somme of money for the same, nor before he had restored the Duke of Milan to his whole Duchy, frankly and freely, and all other persons of Italy, in like manner as they were before the last wars began: Nor he shall not once come into Italy for his Coronation or other wise, but with such a train as the Pope & the Duke of Venice shall think convenient, and that with in three months after he hath entered into this league, he shall pay to the king of England, all such sums as he aught him before the time  
Item, if themperor would not enter, then the said confederates should assemble a great army in Italy, according as every one should be assessed, and this army to be mainteigned, till the Emperor's power were driven out of Italy.  
Item, that the Emperor shallbe warned, to deliver the French kings children, and to fall to a reasonable point with him, which things if he deny to do, than the confederates certify him, that they shall never cease till he be brought to reason.  
Item, that a great navy should be prepared on all the coasts of Italy at the common costs of the confederates.  
Item, that Frances Sforce shall enjoy the Duchy of Milan, paying yearly to the French king fifty thousand Ducats, & the French king never to claim the same.  
Item, the French King or the Duke of orleans his son, shall have the County of As●.  
Item, if he Emperor be expelled out of Naples and Scicil, than the realms to be at the gift of the Pope, paying yearly to the French king lxxv. thousand Ducats.  
Item, if the king of England will take upon him as Protector of this league, than he or his son (the Duke of Richemond) to have a duchy or a principality in the realm of Naples, to him & to his heirs, to the some of thirty thousand Ducats at the lest, and the Cardinal of York to have a yearly pension of ten thousand Ducats. This league was concluded at Cogmace or the xxii day of May, in this year.  
When this League was thus concluded, it was sent to the King of England, which with great deliberation like a wise prince, consulted much with his counsel of this weighty matter, & when all things were fully perceived, he answered to th'ambassadors, that he thanked much the confederates of their good will, but he would not enter into the league, because he would be an indifferent entreator between both parties and a mean for a peace: and so he wrote to the Emperor, which heartily thanked him, and took it for great kindness: this league was called the holy league of Clement. When the Bishop of Rome saw that this league was concluded, because he would show that he and the confederates, had just cause of war against the Emperor, for things done in Italy, he sent to him a letter, dated at Rome the xxiii day of june: in the which letter he most craftily laid to the emperors charge, what he had done for him before he was Pope, & sith he was promoted to that dignity, he left nothing unremembered, that either he had friendly meant or actualy done to the Emperor: and accused him of much unkindness, and in especial that he would not pardon Frances Sforce duke of Milan, at his request. He accused him also of the covetous desire which he had, to have or obtain the whole Monarchy of Italy, with many other pretty inventions: for which causes he said he was compelled, for the surety of all Italy, & in especial for the church of Rome, to join himself with great Princes, and to make war for the defence of the same. This letter was delivered to the Emperor with all speed, to whom the Emperor answered by a letter, dated the xiiii day of September, containing xxiiii sheets of paper, in such wise that all wise men may see by the same, that the romish bishop accused th'emperor, where he should have blamed himself, for the Emperor laid a great number of ingratitudes and untruths to him, and clearly avoided all things, that he laid to his charge. The Pope sent his Ambassador another letter, that if the first letter were not delivered, than he should retain it, but as God would, for manifesting of the truth, the letter was delivered ten days before.  
After the first letters written, the holy father of Rome raised in all hast an army of eight thousand footmen, with a valiant company of horsemen, which passed the river of Poo, and joined themselves with the power of the Uenicians, whereof was captain Frances duke of Urbine, and so they all together marched toward Milan: and in the mean season they had sent Octavian Sforcia Bishop of Aretyne, which for the French king should retain xiiii M. Swysses, and they were coming out of Swyserlande, to join with the army of Italy. Thintent of this army was to drive all the Emperor's power, out of the Duchy of Milan, but all their devices proved contrary, as you shall after plainly perceive. For you shall understand, that although the French king was taken before Pavia, a year & more before this time, and all the frenchmen driven out of the Duchy of Milan, yet the Emperor left not the duchy without an army, for he left there Anthony de Leua, which was captain of Pavia, at the siege laid by the French King, and Fernando Daval and Alphons his brethren, two valiant captains, but Fernando died, the more pity: these captains had with them Spaniards and Almains and other, to the number of eight or ten thousand, and lay still till the new confederacy set forward, and especially they were sore moved with Frances Sforce duke of Milan, which had the possession of the most part of all the fortresses of the duchy, that he would ●e one of the confederates: wherefore they thought best to begin with him and to get the possession out of his hand. Wherefore Alphons Daval sent for all th'emperor's army together, & they came all together to war, & when he was there, he sent for Moron chief counsellor with the duke of Milan, which mistrusting nothing came to him, and there he laid to him how the Duke his Master was false to the Emperor, and Moron it denied, than he was kept there as a prisoner, whether it were by cautel or no I cannot tell, but he wrote to the Duke, that he perceived that the Emperor was like to prevail, and advised him for avoiding of all mistrust, and also to show himself the veri friend of the Emperor, and his obedient subject, to deliver all the strong holds into his captains hands: The Duke hearing this counsel, and willing not to have the enmity of the Imperial captains, assented and delivered to Davall all the fortresses that he had, except the castles of Milan & Cremona, which he said he kept only for the health of his body, because he had been long sick.  
Then Davall with his power of Almains & Spaniards came to the city of Milan & lodged his people in every house, & fearing that the duke imagened some thing by keeping of the two strongest castles, for if he delivered those two castles to the army of the confederates, the Emperors captains & people should be in great danger, wherefore he gently with great persuasion desired to have the keeping of the castle of milan, which the duke would in nowise assent, mistrusting, that then he should lose the duchy & all, wherefore Daval with all speed laid siege to the castle, the duke being with in. During the time of this siege, the captains ever took money & other things from the Citezyns which sore thereat grudged and said that they would suffer it no more, and so as an almaine came to a smith for a docate, the smith cried help, & with that the town rose: then the captains came into the city to see what was done, the soldiers that kept the siege seeing that, ran into the city and there was much entreating on both parts.  
The duke hearing the noys in the city & seeing the besegers go, came out of the castle, thinking that his friends had come to his rescue, but when he saw no succour, and hard the 'noys seized, he entered the castle again. When the Captains had long entreated the people were once contented, but by means of one seditious fellow they began again, & there was a sore fight, but the night came so fast on that both the parts severed themselves.  
The citizens sore grieved with the spaniardes said openly that shortly they trus●ed to see all th'emperors friends driven out of Italy, & with many ill words rebuked the souldiaiss: and when they came into the city they hurt them.  
Anthony deleva and Davall, perceiving this▪ devised how to be revenged, wherefore in the evening they entered with a thousand spaniards & other, & slew one citizen & set his head on a poll & caused it to be borne afore them & set, iii or iiii, houses a ●ire, which when the citizens perceived they were greatly afeard and ran to harness, and cast down stones and bars, but the hand gonnes shot so fast at them, that they durst not look out: the Almains set fire in many houses, lest they should have leisure to fight, and some of the Spaniards that kept the towers, slew the citizens. Alas the city was in great peril, and that well perceived Leua and Davall, for if the remnant of the Spaniards had come in, the whole city had been burned or utterly destroyed▪ wherefore they caused the soldiers to cease, which were content, for they had been in harness from the sun set, till nine of the clock the next day.  
In this season th'army of the confederates, made haste to help the duke of Milan, & in the mean way the city of Lawde was yielded to the duke of Urbino: Davall went thither with a small company to rescue the city and when he saw that it was past rescue he returned▪ saying: it were better to lose Lawde, then Milan, & so brought all his people to Milan.  
The Emperor from time to time was advertised, of all things done in Italy, wherefore with great diligence he sent the duke of Bourbon thither, with ten sail, and landed at Savona, & brought with him ten M. men, whereof the Milliners were very glad, & besought him to be good to them, to whom he gave many good words & swore, and prayed God that his brains might be stricken out with a gone, except he did deliver them shortly of their great burden, and oppression of the Spaniards, so they would deliver him xxx M. ducats, for the wages of the soldiers that he had brought with him, which wish was thought to have happened to him at Rome, for breaking of his promise: for after he had received the money, for a little space the Milliners were in good quiet, but shortly after, they were worse than afore, in so much as some substantial men, for fear of their lives, hanged themselves.  
When the Milliner's hard how the city of Lawde was taken, and the Spaniards put out, they thought that .v. M. Spaniards and iii M Almains, and no great number of horsemen, being without wages and victual, could not defend so great a city long, against the whole power of the princes confederate▪ While the power of the confederates, were slowly coming to Milan ward, the duke and his company lacked victaile, wherefore of necessity, when they saw the watch negligently kept, they sent out of the castle. CC. men, which with strength passed the siege, and came to the army of the confederates, and showed them in what case the castle was in, which bade them be of a good cheer, and so they marched forward toward a gate of Milan, called Rome gate, and John de Medici's which led the forward, shot six gonnes at a tower to have overthrown the same, and so to have entered in by that way. The Emperor's men came to the place, and not only defended the same, but valiantly set forward to fight with their enemies, and skirmished with them very sore. The Italians seeing that the Spaniards were so fierce. thought it not best to fight with them, but to tarry till the Swysses were come, and then they thought themselves sure of victory: and so with shame enough, they returned to Meligia.  
After his return, the imperials fortified the city in many places. The duke of Millein seeing that he lacked victaile, and that his succours had failed him, sent to the duke of Bourbon word, that he would deliver the castle, so that he should be bound to no farther inconvenience: so they agreed that he and his, should have their bag & baggage, and should have the city of Come for his abode till he were tried of themperor, of the accusations against him alleged: 
The castle of Milan yielded to themperors use.  upon which condition he yielded the castle, & went directly to th'army of the confederates. And after the he went to Come, according to his appointment: but the Spaniards which kept the town, would not suffer him to enter, wherefore of necessity he was compelled to return, to th'army of the confederates, & there become enemy to th'emperors many All this Summer th'army of Italy got nothing, but the city of Lawde, and they durst not fight with the spaniards, wherefore they went & besieged Cremona, in the which were i M Almains, and .v. C. spaniards. All the Swisshes and viii M of the Pope's men, & all the horsemen of Malatesta, were sent to the siege, whereof was captain the said Malatesta Ballio Perusine, which, as he would have entered the castle was salin, and i M. men and more of his bend: wherefore the duke of Urbyne, and the whole army of the Uenicians were sent for, which made so great a number, and had such ordinance, that they within began to treat, and by appointment delivered the city.  
After this, the whole army of the Italians or confederates, determined clearly to besiege Milan, but suddenly the bishop of Rome sent for his army (for what cause you shall here after) and also they hard say, that George Fronsberge a valiant captain an Almain, which served th'emperor in his last wars: was coming with. x●ii. M. Lanceknightes, which were paid their wages afore hand, for four months, to aid th'emperor's part When the confederate army hard this, they were astonished, and durst not enterprise the siege, but at a certain Abbay, two mile from the city of Milan, they made a fortification for iii M. footmen, and five hundred horsemen, to lie surely all winter, to suffer no recourse to come to the city, which city was all this Summer season well fortified and victaled.  
After the Pope's army was departed at Cremona, as you have hard, there came to th'army of the confederates. Michael Anthonio Marquis of Saluce▪ as captain general for the French king, and brought with him iii M. Eascons, and .v. C. men of arms, and, xv. C. light horses, according to the league. Then this whole army hearing that the Almains were coming forward, with great ordinance, and a great number of horsemen, and had passed the straights of the mountains maugre the Uenicians, and that Couradine Lepontine, which had delivered up Cremona with i M. Almains, was joined with captain George. When th'army of the confederates were well informed of this great army that was coming toward Milan, the captains clearly determined to meet with them, and by battle or otherwise, to let them from passing the river of Poo, or to join with th'emperor's army, wherefore they marched forward, and found that the Almains were come into the territories of Mantua: then the duke of Urbyn, & John de Medi●s cousin to the Pope thought to weary the Almains with light skirmishes, but John de Medi●●s skirmished so near th'army, to get him a name above other, that he was it with a gone, and so shortly died. Then the Almains came to Florenciola and there took counsel, & thought it not best to sojourn all winter in the Duchy of Milan, because all thing there was scace, by reason of the continual wars: wherefore they determined to take the Pope's towns, as author of all the mischief and war, and surely they had taken the town of pleasance, if th'army of the confederates had not strongly, both with men and artillery, fortified the town.  
While all these things were a doing, there continued a great hatred between the bishop of Rome, & the noble family of Column in Rome all which family was Imperial, in so much that the Bishop said to Pompey Cardinal of Column, that he would take away his cardinals hat, 
An answer of a Cardinal to the Bishop of Rome,  and tother answered if he did so, that he would put on a helmet to overthrow his three crowns. When this malice had long continued, the Bishop of Rome began to lack money, to maintain his wars, and sore he feared the Columes his domestical enemies, & so of his own motion began to break the matter with Ascayn Column, son to Prospero de Columna, in name of the whole blood of the Columes, saying: that it were more convenient for both parties to agreed, then to abide the chance of battle, to the which they both were parties (for the Columes had men of war in th'emperor's battle, as the bishop had in th'army of the confederates) than every day to retain soldiers at home each for fear of other, to their great charges and loss. Ascaine hearing this, said he would speak with his kindred, and so did: and this communication had taken effect, and Hugo de Moncado had not been. For this Hugo was a little before sent from themperor to the Pope, with certain articles to conclude a peace, to the which the Pope would not agree, saying he came to late, & when he saw the bishops proud answer, & perceived him enemy to his master, he then sought an occasion, to oppress the bishop & his power, and so moved the Cardinal of Column, and Ascain Column, to invade Rome with a sudden fray, & to take Pope Clement or he were ware.  
They being glad to please themperor, gathererd secretly ii M. soldiers, and entered Rome with such speed, that they wet at. S. John Laterence near to the Pope's Palace, or any man spied them, than began a cry, the Cardinal of Column cometh with a great power. The Pope thinking it to late to send for aid, fled by a secret vaw●e to the castle Angel, and with him fled Cardinals, Bishops, & other of his palace, to a great number, so that there was not victaile enough, for them all. The bishop Clement saw that shortly he and they, should be famished in the castle, sent to Hugo de Moncado, which had declared that he was th'author of this act, not minding to hurt the Pope, but to make him th'emperors friend, or else to 'cause him to surcease, for doing themperor any damage, and to the said Hugo he offered, to keep peace with the Emperor and his confederates for four months, & in the mean season to treat a peace, and also to call his army again over the Poo, and for the performance of this, he delivered to the Columes good hostage, and returned his army from Cremona, as you have hard before, and so he was delivered at large: Now will I leave the Emperor's army lying in Italy, and speak of a great mischief that fell in Hongary.  
The great Turk Sultan Soliman Pac, hearing of the strife and war that was between Christian princes, imagined that his time was come, to do some great act in Christendom, wherefore he assembled a puissant army of. C.xx. M. men, and entered into Hungary, sore destroying the country. Whereof hearing Lewes king of Hongary, a courageous knight of xxvi year of age, with a small number marched forward in june, and was on the great army of the Turks or he witted, and so with good courage joined battle, but he was oppressed with multitude, and was compelled to fly into a marish, where he horse & man were drowned and many other with him, his body was found after & buried. The saying was that he was betrayed, by an Earl of his own, called John de Uoada, & so it was likely, for the Turk afterward made him king of Hongary, 
The King of Hongary slain  but he enjoyed but one part of it called Trāsiluan●a: for Fernando th'emperors brother, which had married the sister & heir of king Lewes the was slain, kept the chief part of Hongary. The great Turk himself was not at the fight, but when he hard that the king was slain, he rejoiced much, & spoiled the country, & brought many a Christian soul into captivity to Turkey. Of this victory he wrote to the Uenicians, as to his friends, which letter was read openly in Venice, before Doctor Pace Ambassador there for the king of England, but whether they were joyous or sorrowful of the tidings, I cannot well tell you.  
This summer was great grudge against merchant strangers in London in somuch the if the matter had not been well pacified, much business might have followed, the cause of the grudge was this, there was an act made in the four year of king Henry, the no stranger should bring in no wine nor woad in an aliens ship: so the thenglishmen after the went to Tholose, and brought much woad to London, & served all the clothiers repairing to London: & now in this year by means of gentlemen about the king, the ●●rangers had licence to bring in woad in strangers bottoms, so that all London was full of their woad, & also they sent their woad into the country, so the thenglishmen's woade in London lay unbought: wherefore sir John allen knight being Mayor, sent for a great sort of strangers, which were the chief merchants of all, & showed unto them what gains they had gotten in the city, by reason whereof they should advance the city, & not hurt it, wherefore he willed them to sell their woad to the merchants of London, & they should be paid in continent, & not to resort to other places in the country with their woad, to the hindrance of the Londoners. The strangers proudly answered the Mayor▪ the they would seek every place for their advantage, & so in mocking manner departed. The Mayor perceiving thee, called a comen counsel in the month of August, and there were many bills laid against the strangers, & at last it was enacted, that no citizen nor freeman, ●hould buy nor cell in no place, nor exchange nor meddle with certain strangers, called Anthony Bonuice, Laurence Bonvice, Anthony Uivald, Anthony Caveler, Frances de Bard, Thomas Calnecant▪ and a great sort more whose names I let pass, and if any person did meddle or occupy with them, contrary to this act, he should lose his freedom, and liberty in the city of London: by which act the strangers were so bridled, that they came to a reasonable point and conclusion.  
In this season the angel noble was just the sixth part of an ounce Troy 
The first enhancing of the Angel.  so the six Angels were just an ounce, which was xl s. sterling & the Angel was worth ii ounces of silver so the six Angels were xii ounces, which was but xl s. in silver: but in Flaunders, Braband, and Zealand, the Angel was worth vii ss four d. so the merchants daily carried over much money, to the great hindrance of the merchandise of this realm, for most men carried gold, & when it was there, it was loss in every noble viii d. to bring it hither again: & when thenglishmen spoke to the rulers there, to leave thenhauncing of the kings coin, they laughed them to scorn. The king & his counsel perceived to what end this enhauncement in Flaunders, if it were not met with shortly would bring the riches of this realm: wherefore in the month of September, he by Proclamation, enhanced the Angel to viii s. iiii. d. and the Royal to xi s. and the crown to four ss and four d. and this Proclamation was made through all England: and to bring out of Flaunders to great nober of English gold which was there, 
The second enhancing.  the king by Proclamation again, the fift day of November, enhanced the Angel to vii s. vi. d. and so every ounce of gold should be xlv s. and that an ounce of silver should be iii ss ix d. in value.  
This year on Michaelmas even, Thomas Hind which was chosen shrife before, was called to take his oath, but he made default, wherefore on Sunon Rice was chosen which refused, then was one George Robinson Mercer chosen, which took his oath not to be able. The commons were in such a fury, the they swore the they would have a Mercer. Master Nicholas Lambert an Alderman & Grocer, which had a dispensation for the shrievalty for the year, seeing this discord, said to the commons, masters, although my time be not come, yet to appease your strife, if you will choose me, I will take it, & so he was chosen with great thanks. In this season a sudden rumour begun in Spain, that themperor would have war with king of England, whereof hearing th'English merchants, which lay in Spain at diverse ports, concluded to send to doctor Edward Lee, Ambassador for the king of England in themperors' court to know the certainty, which gently answered them▪ that he trusted the there was no such cause, of the which they should be afeard, for the king his master & themperor, were yet in perfit love▪ & amity, and farther he sent them word, the the king of England was not entered into the league of Italy with the confederates, as they would have him, for he laboureth to make a universal peace, which he could not convenlently do, if he were protector or a contractor in the league, this answer he sent to them from Granado, the .v. day of September.  
In the month of December, the king kept a solemn Christmas, at his Manor of Grenewiche, with great plenty of victaile, Revels, Masks, disguysynges, and banquets: and the xxx day of December, was an enterprise of justes made at the tilt by six gentlemen, against all comers, which valiantly furnished the same, both with spear and sword, and like justes were kept the third day of january, where were. CCC. spears broken. That same night, the king and many young gentlemen with him, came to Bridewell, & there put him, and xu other, all in Masking apparel, and then took his Barge, and towed to the cardinals place, where were at supper a great company of lords and ladies, and then the Maskers danced, and made goodly pastime, and when they had well danced, the Ladies plucked away their visors, and so they were all known and to the king was made a great banquet.  
The xiii day of january came to the court, Don Hugo de Mendosa, a great man borne in Spain, of a noble family, this person was se●t as Ambassador from the Emperor, to the king of England with large commission, for themperor put it to the king of England's determination, whether his demands which he required of the French King, were reasonable or not, and for the declaration thereof, and for to know the king of England's request and entreaty concerning the peace, was this noble man sent into England, which many times consulted with the king and his counsel, and he tarried here two years full.  
This Christmas was a goodly disguising played at Greis inn, 
A play at Gray's inn.  which was compiled for the most part, by master John roe, sergeant at the law twenty year past, and long before the Cardinal had any authority, the effect of the play was, that lord governance was ruled by dissipation and negligence, by whose misgovernance and evil order, lady Public weal was put from governance: which caused Rumour Populi, Inward grudge and disdain of wanton sovereignty, to rise with a great multitude, to expel negligence and dissipation, and to restore Public wealth again to her estate, which was so doen. This play was so set forth with rich and costly apparel, with strange devices of Masks & morrishes that it was highly praised of all men, saving of the Cardinal, which imagined that the play had been devised of him, & in a great fury sent for thesay master roe, and took from him his Coif, and sent him to the Flete, & after he sent for the young gentlemen, that played in the play, and them highly rebuked and threatened, & sen● one of them called Thomas moil of Kent to the Flete, but by the means of friends Master roe and he were delivered at last. This play sore displeased the Cardinal, and yet it was never meant to him, as you have hard, wherefore many wisemen grudged to see him take it so heartily, and ever the Cardinal said that the king was highly displeased with it, and spoke nothing of himself.  
In this year the second day of March were received to London, 
Ambassadore from the French King  with a great company of noble men, the bishop of Tarbe Frances visount of Touraine, & master Anthony Uescy, second precedent of Paris, as Ambassadors from the French king, & so brought through London to the Tailors hall and there lodged, and afterward were conveyed to Grenewiche to the king, where they were right haitely entertained, & after their letters read & their requests haro, they departed for a season to London.  
On shrouetewes●aie, 
A justes.  the king himself in a new harness all guilt, of a strange fashion that had not been seen, and with him viii gentlemen all in cloth of gold of one suit, embroidered with knots of silver, and the Marquis of Excester, and viii with him in blue velvet and white saten, like the waves of the sea, these men of arms came to the tilt, & there ran many fresh courses, till cc.lxxxvi spears were broken▪ and then they disarmed and went to the queens chamber, where for them was provided a costly banquet.  
The French Ambassadors having their recourse to the king and his counsel, much laboured to have in marriage the Lady Mary daughter to the king▪ and after long counselling, that matter was put in suspense because the precedent of Paris, doubted whether the marriage between the king & her mother, being his brother's wife were good or no: of this first motion grew much business or it were ended, as you shall here, afterward. The common people repugned sore against that demand, for they said that she was heir apparent to her father, and if he should die, they would have no Frencheman to be king of England, and thus the common people spoke, as their minds served them.  
While the French Ambassadors lay thus in London, it happened one evening as they were coming from the black Friars, from supper to the Tailors hall, two boys were in a gutter casting down rubbish, which the rain had driven there, and unware it a lackay belonging to the viscount of Tourain, and hurt him nothing, for scantly touched it his cote, but the French lords took the matter highly, as a thing done in despite, and sent word to the Cardinal, which being to hasty of credence, sent for sir Thomas Seimer knight, lord Maior of the city, and in all hast commanded him upon his allegiance, to take the husband, wife, children and servants of the house, and them to emprison, till he knew farther of the kings pleasure, and that the ii boy's apprentices should be sent to the Tower, which commandment was accomplished without any favour: For the man and his wife, and servants, were kept in the Counter till the sixth day of May, which was six weeks full, and their neighbours of gentleness kept their house in the mean time, and one of the apprentices died in the Tower, and the other was almost lame: of the cruelty of the Cardinal, & of the pride of the frenchmen, much people spoke, and would have been revenged on the frenchmen, if wisemen in the city had not appeased it with fair words.  
On the xiiii day of March were conveyed from London to Grenewiche, 
Ambassadors from the King of Hong●●●●.  by th'earl of Rutland and other, the lord Gabliel de Salamanka Earl of Ottonbrough, John Burgrave of Siluerberge, and John Faber a famous clerk after bishop of Uien, as Ambassadors from Don Fernando, brother to the Emperor, newly elect king of Hungarye and Beam, after the death of his brother in law king Lewes, which was slain by the Turk the last Summer, as you have hard before: this company was welcomed of the high Officers, and after brought into the kings presence, all the nobility being present, and there after great reverence made, 
An Oration made by Master Faber.  thesay Clerk Master Faber made a notable Oration, taking his ground of the Gospel, Exiit seminare semen suum, and of that he declared how Christ and his disciples went forth to sow, and how their seed was good that fell into the good ground, and brought forth good fruit, which was the Christian faith: and then he declared how contrary to that sowing, Machomete had sown seed, which brought forth the evil seed, and showed from the beginning, how the Turks have increased in power, what realms they had conquered, what people they had subdued even to that day: he declared farther what acts the great Turk then living had done, and in especial he noted the getting of Belgrade, and of the Rhodes, and the slaying of the king of Hungary, to the great rebuke (as he said) of all the kings christened: he set forth also what power the Turk had, what diversities of compaignies, what armure, what captains he had, so that he thought, that without a marvelous great number of people, he could not be overthrown: Wherefore he most humbly beseeched the king, as Saint George's knight, and defender of the faith, to assist the king his Master, in that Godly war and virtuous purpose To this oration the king, 
The answer  by the mouth of sir Thomas Moore answered, that much he lamented the loss that happened in Hongarie, and if it were not for the wars, which were between the two great princes, he thought that the Turk would not have enterprised that act, wherefore he with all his study would take pain, first, to set an unity and peace throughout all Christendom, and after that he both with money and men, would be ready to help toward that glorious war, asmuch as any other prince in Christendom. After this done the Ambassadors were well cherished, and diverse times resorted to the Court, and had great cheer and good rewards, and so the third day of May next ensuing, they took their leave and departed homeward.  
This season the fame went, 
Themperor's letter to the French king.  that themperor had written to the French king, admonishing him to regard his oath and promise toward God, and his honour and fame toward the world, alleging that if he kept his promise toward him, that he should find him such a friend, that all France should rejoice of it, & if he would not keep his former promise, which he made and swore at Madrill, he took God to witness, that he would never leave the war, till fire and sword had brought him to accomplish his promise, or else to drive him out of his realm & dominions with strength and puissance, which letter the French king nothing regarded saying that the Emperor the next year should have war enough.  
The fame went and letters came to London, that the Emperors army in Italy the xii. day of April had met with the Uenicians as they were going homeward, and that between them there was a cruel fight & by fine force the Uenicians were put to plight, & no marvel as the Uenicyan answer, for they sai that by cause there was a peace concluded for six months between the bishop of Rome, and Hugo Demountcado, and that the viceroy of Naples was come to Rome to confirm the same truce, therefore they sent their ordinance and harness and looked for no war, but only tarried together till they were paid there wages, and so unprovided they were set on and overcome.  
In the end of this year the people were sore troubled with poverty for the great payments of money that were passed, and also in winter in the seed season fell such abound ans of rain in September, Novembre & Decembre, and on the xuj day of janiver fell such a great rain that there of ensued great floods which destroyed corn, fields, and pastures: and drowned many sheep and beasts: then was it dry till the xii day of April and from thence it rained every day or night till the third day of june, and in May it rained, thirty. hours continually with out ceasing which caused great floods and did much ham, so that corn sore failed the next year as you shall perceive hereafter.   

The xix, year,  
THis time a bill was set up in London much contrary to the honour of the Cardinal, in the which the Cardinal was warned that he should not counsel the king to marry his daughter in to France, for if he did, he should show himself enemy to the king and the Realm with many threatening words: this bill was delivered to the Cardinal by sir Thomas Seimer Mayor of the city, which thanked him for the same, & made much search for the author of that bill, but he could not be found, which sore displeased the Cardinal, & upon this occasion the last day of April at night he caused a great watch to be kept at Westminster & had there cart guns read● charged & caused diverse watches to be kept about London in Newington. S. jones street, Westminster. S. Giles, Iseldon, & other places near London, which watches were kept by gentlemen & their servants, with householders & all for fear of the Londoners because of this bill. When the citizens knew of this, they said that they marveled why the Cardinal hated them so for they said that if he mistrusted them, he loved not them, & where love is not, there is hatred, & they affirmed that they never intended no harm toward him, & mused of this chance, for if .v. or vi lewd persons had made Alarm in the city, them had entered all these watch men with there train which might have spoiled the city without cause, wherefore they much murmured against the Cardinal & his undiscrete doings.  
Sunday the fift day of may was a solemn Ma●se song at Grenewiche the Cardinal and the archbishop of Canterbury with ten prelate's mitered being present, and there the French Ambassadors, in the name of the French king there Master, swore to observe the peace & legave concluded between them for the term of two princes lives, & there openly the bishop of Terby gave to the king hearty thanks for the great favour he showed to the king his master, in the time of his visitation (as he called it) that is to were when he was in prison, for he said the king by his mercy had conquered the whole hearts of the realm which he could not do by strength. Thembassadors also desired as you have hard, the marriage of the lady Mary for the duke of Orleans ii son to the French King. Some said she was meet for him ●elf: but many a man marveled why she was denayed for the second son, seeing that in the ten year of this king it was concluded that she should marry the Dolphin being the first son: but this demand was not concluded nor answered but deferred because of her tender age, till another time. For the more entertaining of the French ambassadors the king caused a solemn justes to be done by sir Nicholas Carew, sir Robert jernyngham, sir Anthony Broune, and Nicholas Haruy, the valiant esquire as challengers: which were apparelled in bases and bards all of one suit, the right side was rich tissue embaudered with a compass or roundel of black velvet and in the compass a right hand holding a sword, and a bout the sword were pens and pieces of money of diverse coins, all embrawdered, under the hand was embraudered Loialte, and on that side of the bard was written in embraudery, By pen, pain nor treasure, truth shall not be violated. The otherside of the bases and bards were of cloth of gold and cloth of silver. When these four chalengars were come to the tilt, than entered the Marquis of Excester and xiii with him all armed and barded and based of one suit: that is to say, the right sides cloth of gold cut in clouds engrailed with Damask gold, the otherside cloth of silver set with mountains full of Olive branches, made of gold all moving. These men of arms ran many a fair course with little missing, for with in two hours and a half, notwithstanding that it reigned apace, they broke iii hundredth spears at the lest, and when night approached they disarmed and went to the court.  
The king against that night had caused a banquet house to be made on the one side of the tilt yard at Grenewyche of an hundredth foot of length and xxx foot breadth, the roof was purple cloth full of roses and Pomgarnettes, the windows, were all clear stories with curious monneles strangely wrought, the jaw pieces and crests were karued with Uinettes and trails of savage work, and richly gilted with gold and Bise, this work corboling bore the candelstykes of antyke work which bore little torchettes of white wax, these candlesticks were polished like Aumbre: at the one side was a haute place for herawldes and minstrels: this house was richly hanged and therein was raised a cupboard of seven stages high and xiii foot long, set with standing cups Bolles, Flagons and great pots all of fine gold: some garnished with one stone and some with other stones and pearls, on the other side was another Cupboard of ix stages high, set full of high pots flagons and bowls, all was massy plate of silver and guilt, so high & so broad that it was marvel to behold: at the neither end were two broad arches upon three Antic pillars all of gold, burnished suaged and graven full of Gargills' and Serpents, supporting the edifices the Arches were vaulted with armory, all of Bice and gold, & above the Arches were made many sundry Antikes & devices: In this chamber, was three ewery boards, one for the king, another for the queen, & the third for the princes: the first board had ix great ewers, and basins all gilt, and plain, the second board had seven great gilt basins chased, & three pair of covered basyns, chasid all gilt with Cups of assay, they were so great that every Lord grudged to bear them: the third ewery had ix basyns and two pair of covered Basines, and cups of assay, this ewery was all of gold, & the Ba●ins were so massy that they troubled sore the bearers: The hole supper was served in vessel of gold: to rehearse the fare, the strangeness of dishes, with devices of beasts & fowls it were to long, wherefore I will let pass over the supper with songs & minstrelsy. When supper was done, the king, the queen and the ambassadors washed, and after talked at their pleasure and then they rose and went out of the banquet chamber by the foresaid Arches, & when they were between the uttermost door and the Arches the king caused them to turn back & look on that side of the Arches, and there they saw how Tyrwin was besieged, and the very manner of every man's camp, very cunningly wrought, which work more pleased them than the remembering of the thing in deed. From thence they passed by a long gallery richly hanged into a chamber fair & large the door whereof was made with masonry, emba●ayled with jasper, and within that a porch with a type, and crokettes gilded, this chamber was raised with stages .v. degrees on every side, & railed & countrerailed borne by pillars of Azute, full of stars & flower delice of gold▪ every pillar had at the top a basin silver, wherein stood great branches of white wax, the degrees were all of Marble ●oler, and the rails like white marble: in the midst of this Chamber, was a gate, the Arches whereof stretched from side to side, this Arch was figured masonry on water tables with haunses receiving pillars wrapped, being Dormants Antic, & over the gate stood the pictures of Hercules, Scipio, julius, ●ompe●▪ & such other conquererours, the ventes and embowes were of very strange work, with leaves, balls, & other garnishinges, all gold, and in the hole arch was nothing but fine Bice & gold, the roof of this chamber was conninglie made by the kings Astronimer, for on the ground of the roof, was made the hole earth environed with the Sea, like a very Map or Cart, and by a cunning making of another cloth, the zodiac with the xii Signs, and the five circles or girdelles and the two poles appeared on the earth and water compassing the same, and in the zodiac were the twelve signs, curiously made, and above this were made the seven planets, as Mars, jupiter, Sol, Mercurius, Venus, Saturnus, and Luna, every one in their proper houses, made according to their properties, that it was a cunning thing and a pleasant sight to be hold.  
When the king and the queen, were set under their clotheses of estate which were rich and goodly, and the ambassadors set on the right side of the chamber, than entered a person clothed in cloth of gold, and over that mantel of blue silk, full of eyes of gold, and over his head a cap of gold, with a garland of Laurel set with berries of five gold, this peron made a solemn Oration, 
An Oration.  in the Latin tongue, declaring what joy was to the people of both the realms of England and France, to here and know the great love, league, and amity, that was between the two kings of the same Realms giving great praise to the king of England for granting of peace, and also to the French king for suing for the same, and also to the Cardinal for being a mediator in the same: and when he had done, than entered eight of the kings Chapel with a song and brought with them one richly apparelled: and in likewise at the other side, entered eight other of the said Chappel bringing with them another person, 
A dialogue,  likewise apparelled, these two persons played a dialog th'effect whereof was whether riches were better than love, and when they could not agree upon a conclusion, each called in three knights, all armed, three of them would have entered the gate of the Arch in the middle of the chamber, & the other iii resisted, & suddenly between the six knights, 
The fight at barriars  out of the Arch fell down a bar all guilt, at the which bar the sir kinghtes fought a fair battle, and then they were departed, and so went out of the place: then came in an old man with a silver beard, and he concluded that love & riches, both be necessary for princes (that is to say) by love to be obeyed and served, and with riches ●o reward his lovers and friends, and with this conclusion the dialogue ended.  
Then at that neither end, 
A rich mount  by letting down of a courtaine, appeared a goodly mount, walled with towers and vamures all gilt, with all things necessary for afortresse, & all the mount was set full of Crystal corals, & rich rocks of ruby cureously conterfaited & full of roses & pomegranates as though they grew: on this rock sat eight Lords apparelled in cloth of Tissue & silver cut in quater foils, 
Maskers  the gold engrailed with silver, and the silver with gold, all lose on white satin, and on their heads caps of black velvet set with pearl and stone, they had also mantles of blame saten: and then they suddenly descended from the mount and took ladies, and danced divers dances,  
Then out of a cave issued out the lady Mary daughter to the king & with her seven ladies, all apparelled after the roman fashion in rich cloth of gold oftissue & Crimosin tinsel bendy & their heres wrapped in calls of gold with bonetes of Crimosin velvet on their heads, set full of pearl and stone: these eight Ladies danced with the eight Lords of the mount, and as they danced, suddenly entered six personages, apparelled in cloth of silver and black ●●nsell satin, and hoods on there heads with tippetes of cloth of gold▪ there garments were long after the fashion of Ireland, and these persons had visers with silver beards, so that they were not known: these Maskers took Ladies and danced lustily about the place,  
Then suddenly the king and the viscount of Torayne were conveyed out of the place into a chamber thereby, & there quickly they ii and six other in masking apparel of cloth of gold and purple tinsel satin, great, long, & large, after the Uenicians fashion & over them great robes, & there faces were vizard with beards of gold: then with minstrelsy these viii noble personages entered and danced long with the ladies, and when they had danced there fill, than the queen plucked of the kings visar, & so did the Ladies the visars of the other Lords, & then all were known: them the king gave to the viscount of Torayn, the masking apparel that the king himself were & also the apparel that the viscount himself masked in, which were very rich, for the which he thanked him.  
Then the king queen and the ambassadors, returned to the banquet chamber, where they found a banked ready set on the board, of so many & marvelous dishes, that it was wonder to see, than the king sat down and there was joy, mirth and melody: and after that all was done the king and all other went to rest, for the night was spent, and the day even at the breaking.  
The morrow after the ambassadors took there leave of the king, and had great rewards given them and so came to London, and there rested two days and so departed in haste homeward.  
These two houses with Cupbordes, hangynges and all other things the king commanded should stand still, for three or four days, that all honest persons might see and behold the houses & riches, and thither came a great number of people, to see & behold the riches & costly devices  
After that the ambassadors of France were departed the king sent an other ambassade into France (that is to say) Sir Thomas Boleyne knight, viscount of Rochforth, and Sir Anthony Broune knight, which came to Paris to the bishop of Bath, which lay in France as ambassador for the king of England, and then these three went to the court and saw the French king in person swear to keep the league & amity concluded between him and the king of England, and there they had great cheer and masks showed unto them, but little rewards were given, & so the viscount Rochforth returned into England, & so did the bishop of Bath shortly after, leaving sir Anthony Broune behind for a ligier.  
In this month of May the ten day the king sent sir Frances poins knight, 
An ambassad sent to th'emperor.  as ambassador from the king of England, to Charles themperor & with him he sent Clarenseaux, king of arms, to demand the one half of the treasure & ordinance which was taken at Pavia, for somuch as that war, was made as well at the kings charge, as th'emperor's charge: he demanded also the duke of Orleance, to be delivered to him, & also it was demanded that th'emperor should deliver the bishop of Rome which was taken this month as you shall here, and also should bring his army out of Italy, and if he refused to do any of these points, than Clarenseauxin the kings name of England should make to him defiance.  
When it was known that war like to be between the Emperor and the king of England, the commons of England sore lamented the chance, for all merchandise were rest rained to pass in to any of th'emperors dominions, & he merchants were desired by the Cardinal to keep their martes at Caleis, to the which in nowise they would assenf.  
This same month the king sent two fair ships, well manned and vitailed, having in them divers cunning men, to seek strange regions: 
Ships sent to seek strange Rigions.  and so forth they set, out of the Tha●is, the twenty day of May, if they sped well you shall here at their return.  
The xxii day of May came in post to the king out of France the bishop of Tarbie, which was here in the beginning of this month, this bishop brought to the king of England, the articles which the French king now offered to the Emperor, which were contrary to the articles sworn at Madryll in the xvii year of the king, and farther he moved the king of England to be enemy to th'emperor, which request (as well men say) was much furthered by the Cadinall, because of the wars in Italy, between the Pope & th'emperor: this bishop made short tarrying with the king, for in post a ga●●e he returned to Paris, to sir Frances poins, & Clarenseaux, which tarried there for him, & so they all took their jodway toward Spain.  
Now will I return to the duke of Bourbon, and themperou●s army, which all the last winter lived ingreat poverty, with our clotheses, victaile or wages, so that they were in manner desperate, & so went toward Parme & Bononie, belonging to the Sea of Rome. The bishop of Rome hearing this sent a messenger to the duke to redeem the Pope's towns, so that they should not be spoiled nor hurt: the duke and the captain axed three hundredth & fifty thousand Ducats, for saving of the Pope's land, & if they might have so much money, they would departed to Naples: but when they saw that they could have no money, they with all speed turned toward Florence the xxii of April, whereof hearing thee Romans they were glad, for they thought that the Florentines would hold good war with them, & than the Pope & the Romans would give the looking on: but the chance turned, as you shall here after.  
For a surety the duke of Bourbon thought to have gone to Florence for this cause, for there was a gentleman in Florence called Peter de saluiata which had a brother that served themperor in his wars, which promised to deliver the city, for he determined to 'cause the commons to rebel in the city 'gainst the heads, & in the mean season the duke's company should scale the walls: when this Peter knew that th'emperors arm Army was come to a place called Le Chase, within twelve mile of the City, to bring his purpose to a conclusion, he with such as he had trained to him, cried in the City: Liber●ate de populo, that is in English Liberty of the people: with which voice the people stirred and came to the Palace in great number, and there they took the vi Lords of the counsel which had the rule of the public wealth of the City (as they call it) and slew one of them: The Family of Medici's, which were the Pope's kindred, were at this time sore a frayed. Thus this Peter de Saluiota, with the Commons gate the Palace and rang the comen bell. In this season was in Florence a capitain of the French kings called Frederico de Bodsoo, he had with him iii C. men: and when he saw this rebellion, he came to the Commons and said: Sirs, if you continue in this case, your fair City is like to be subverted, for your enemies be at hand: which notwithstanding that you bear some favour to th'emperor as appeareth, yet their neediness and poverty is such, that without mercy they will rob, 〈◊〉 and slay you, your wife's & children, and set fire on your beautiful City.  
This Capitayne moche steyed the City, notwithstanding that twenty or more persons were slay in the ruffle, yet they were well avoided, and sodeyngly entered into the City the Duke of Urbyne, which lay but vi mile from Florence, and xviii mile from th'emperors army whom he had coasted, but he thought no advantage to meddle. This Duke brought with him▪ v. M. footmen, and vi C, horsemen, and when he was entered the City, a cry was made that all things was pardoned, so that every man departed home and delivered his weapon, which was done: and thus the City was appeased, the xxviii day of Apryll.  
All this doing within the City was unknown to th'emperors army, for it was beyonne and ended in four or .v. hours, and so for lack of knowledge, this enterprise was lost, which was happy for the florentines. Sore displeased were th'emperors Captains when they knew of this chance, and also how the Duke of Urbyne was entered into the City of Florence for their defence, but they could not do with all. And so shortly they departed and came to the City of Seynes xxx mile of, and there they lost their great ordinance, and took counsel to go to Rome (notwithstanding the truce concluded between the Pope and the Uiceroy of Naples, & Hugo de Moncada, as you have heard) and so much they traucyled by nights and days, commonly passing xl, mile, day and night (Their good will was such) that the vi. day of May, with banners displayed, they came before the City of Rome being saturdaye the some day: and sunday the Romans made Bulwarks, Rampires, and other defences, and laid ordinance on the walls, and shot at them without fiercely.  
The Duke of Bourbon determined that it were not best to lie still without, 
Rome assaulted.  and be slain with ordinance, considering that they were all naked people, and without great ordinance: wherefore he determined to take the chance & to give the assault, & so manfully they approached the walls between the Burgo novo & old Rome. But the romans valiantly defended them with handgnnnes, pikes, stones, & other weapons, so that the enemies were fain to retreyte. Then the Romans were glad, & set many fair banners on their Towers & Bulwarks, and made great shouts: Which seeing the Duke of Bourbon cried to a new assault. Then the Drumslades blew, & every man with a ladder mounted: & at the ●yrst encounter, again the romans put them a little back: Which perceiving, the duke of Bourbon cried: God & th'emperor. Then every man manfully set on, there was a sore fight, many an arrow shot, & many a man felled: but at the last the emperors men got the wall: & between every assault fell a mist, so that they within could not see what part they without would assail, which was profitable to th'emperors party: At the three assaults were slay iii C. Swyshes of the Pope's Guard In this last assault was the Duke of Bourbon stricken in the thigh with a handgonne, 
The Duke of Bourbon slain,  of the which he shortly died in a chapel of s. Syst, whither his Soldiers had brought him▪ And this chance notwithstanding the Army entered into Rome, & took the Pope's Palace & set up th'emperors Arms. The same day that these three assaults were made, Pope Clement passed little on the emperors Army: 
●urse of the Pope.  for he had accursed them on the saturday before, and in his curse he called the Almains Lutherans, & the Spaniards Murrain's or moor: and when he was hearing of mass, suddenly the Almains entered the Church, & slew his Guard & diverse other. He seeing that, fled in all haste by a privy way to the Castle s. Angel: & all they that followed him that way & could not enter, were slay, and if he in that fury had been taken, he had been sleine. The Cardinals & other prelate's fled to the castle of s. Angel, over the bridge, where many of the comen people were overpressed and drowned as they gave way to the Cardinals & other estates that passed toward the castle for secure.  
The Cardinal of Senes, of Sesaryne, of Tudertine, of jacobace & of the Ualle, tarried so long, that they could not get to the castle for multitude of people: wherefore they were compelled to take another house, called the Palace of s. George, where they kept themself for a while, as secretly as they myngt. You must understand, that through the City of Rome, runneth a famous river, called Tiber: and on the one side of the river standeth the Castle s. Angel, or the Borough of ss, Angel: & the other side is called Burgo novo, or the New Borough. This bridge is called, the bridge of sixth, which lieth directly before the Castle. At the end of this bridge was a wondrous strong Bulwark, well Ordinaunced & well manned. The emperors men saw that they could do nothing to the Pope nor to that port of the City but by the bridge, determined to assault the Bulwark: & so as men without fear, came on the bridge: & the romans so well defended them, that they slew almost four M. men. That seeing the Prince of Orange, & the Marquis of Gnasto, with all speed gave assault, and notwithstanding that the Romans shot great ordinances, handgonnes quarrels, & all that might be shot: yet the Imperial persons never shrank, but manly entered the Bulwark & slew & threw down out at the loupes all the Romans that they found, & after razed the bulwark to the ground. The Pope was in the Castle Angel and beheld this fight, & with him were xxiii Cardinals, of which one called the Cardinal Sanctorum quatuor, or the Cardinal of Pouche was slain, & with him were a. M. Prelates & Priests .v. C. Genglemen .v. C. soldiers: wherefore immediately the captains determined to ley Siege to the Castle of s. Angel, jest they within might issue out & turn them to damage: wherefore suddenly a Siege was planted round about the Castle. 
Rome spo●●●●  In the mean srason the soldiers fell to spoil, never was Rome so pilled neither of the Goths, nor Uandales, for the soldiers were not content with the spoil of the Citizens, but they rob the Churches, broke up the houses of close religious persons, & overthrew the cloisters & spoiled virgins, & ravished married women: Men were tormented if they had not to give every new asker or demander: some were strangled, some were punished by the privy members, to 'cause them to confess their treasure. This woodness continued a great while, & some man might think that when they had gotten so moche, than they would cease & be quiet, but that was not so, for they played continually at dice, some .v. C. some a. M. ducats at a cast: & he that came to play jaded with pla●e, went away again almost naked, & then fell to ryfeling again. Many of the Citizens which could not patiently suffer that vexation, drowned themselves in Tiber: The soldiers daily that lay at the siege, made jests of the Pope, sometime they had one ridyng● like the Pope with a whore behind him, sometime he blessed, & sometime he cursed, and sometime they would with one voice call him Antech●ist. And they went about to undermined the Castle, and to have thrown it down on his head, but the water that ennironeth the castle dispointed their purpose. In this season the Duke of Urbyne with xv, M. men came to aid the Pope: but hearing that Rome was taken he ●aried, lx. mile from Rome till he heard other word. The Marquis of Saluce, & sir Frederico de Bodso with xu M. footmen & a. M. horsemen were at Uitarbe the x, day of May. Where they hearing that the city of Rome was taken also tarried. The cardinal of Column came with an army of Neapolitans to help th'emperors men: but when he saw the cruelty of the soldiers, he did little to help them, but he hated them much  
The bishop of Rome was thus besieged, till the viii ideses of juli, at which day he yielded himself for necessity & penury of all things in the castle. And then he was restored to give Graces & grant Bulls as he did before: but he tarried still in the Castle saint Angel, and had a great number of Almains and spaniards to keep him: But the spaniards bore most rule in the Castle, for no man entered nor came out of the Castle but by them. When the month of july came, corn began to fail in Rome, & the pestilence began to wax strong: wherefore the great Army removed to a place called Naruya, xl. mile from Rome▪ leaving behind them such as kept the bishop of Rome.  
When they were departed, the spaniards never were contented till they had gotten the Almains out of the Castle of s. Angel, & so they had the whole custody of the Pope. This Rome continued in peace till Septembre, till the Army came again from Naruya: for then the almains swore, that they would set the City and all on fire, except the Pope would pay them their full wages.  
The bishop of Rome was somewhat astonied, and sent to comen with them, only two archbishops & two bishops & two Gentlemen: These six persons, the almains took as pledges, coutrarye to the Pope's meaning, & said: they would keep them there till they were paid, & so put them in a strong chaumbre, in the Palace of s. George: and every day almost they would bring them forth openly, and scold and chide with them, & make them believe that they would hung them if they were not paid. And so they kept them imprisoned in a chamber and xxiiii watched every night without the chambered door, & xiiii all day likewise: 
An Escape.  and yet for all that watch, they got out at a chimney, on saint Andrew's eve, and were no more seen of them.  
This escape was sooner known of the spaniards that kept the Pope, then of the Almains that watched the door. The Almains were so wood with this chance, that they came to the Prince of Orange their general Capitayne, & demanded money of him, in such rigorous manner, that he was fain secretly to flee to Senes: & then for him they chose Capitayne, the Marquis of Gnasto, which governed them till February, that he brought them to Naples.  
About the xxviii day of May, there were letters brought to the King of England from the French king, of part of this trouble: but sunday, the second day of june, the King received letters at the Castle of Wyndsore, by the which he perceived all the order & manner of the sacking of Rome, & taking of the Pope, in manner & form as you have heard: Wherefore the King was sorry, & so were many Prelates: but the Commonalty little mourned for it, and said that the Pope was a ruffyan, & was not meet for the room: wherefore they said that he began the mischief, & so he was well served. But the cardinal which took this matter highly, called to him the Prelates & the Clergy, and much mourned the fall of the Bishop of Rome, and saw how the people grudged against the spirituality, for their great Pride, Pomp, & ill living: Wherefore he came to the King, & said: Sir, by them only calling of God, you be made defender of the Christian faith: Now consider in what state the Church of Christ standeth: See how the head of the Church of Rome is in captivity: See how the holy farthers ●e brought into thraldom, and be without comfort, now show yourself an aid, a defender of the Church, and god shall reward you.  
The king answered, 
The kings answer,  my Lord, I more lament this evil chance then my tongue can tell, but where you lay that I am defender of the faith, I assure you, that this war between the Emperor and the Pope, is not for the faith but for temporal possessions and dominions, and now sith bishop Clement is taken by men of war, what should I do? my person nor my people cannot him rescue, but if my treasure may help him, take that which to you seemeth most convenient: for the which offer the Cardinal thanked the king on his knee, 
The thr●a●or gathered,  and there upon the Cardinal caused to be gathered together of the kings treasure xii score thousand pound, which he carried over the Sea with him, as you shall hear after.  
Then the Cardinal sent commissions, as legate to all bishops, commanding that they should 'cause in every parish Church, solemn processions to be made for the relieving of the Pope, and moved the people to fast iii days in the week, but ●ew men fasted, for the priests said, that there commandment was, 
prayer and fasting,  to exhort the lay people to fast and not to fall themselves: & the lay people said, that the priests should first fast, because the very cause of the fas●yng, lwas for a priest, but none of both almost fasted.  
This season began a fame in London that the kings confessor, being bishop of Lyncolne, called doctor Longland, & diverse other great Clerks had told the king that the marriage between him & the Lady Katheryn, late wife to his brother, prince Arthure, was not good, but damnable & the king here upon should marry, the duchess of Alencon, sister to the French king at the town of Caleis this summer, & that the viscount Rochforth had brought with him the picture of the said Ladi, & that at his return out of france the Cardinal should pass th● See to go into France to fetch her  
This rumour sprung so much, that the king sent for sir Thomas Seimer mayor of London & straightly charged him to s● that the people should seize of this communication, upon pain of the kings high displeasure.  
But whatsoever the Commons talked, it was concluded by the king and his counsel, that the Cardinal should pass into France, as his high ambassador, but for what cause no person knew but the king till his return.  
Then was much preparation made at Calleis, for the receiving of the Cardinal, but the common saying was that the king would come to Caleis & meet with the French king, & ●or the cause such preparation was made▪ but he ca● not there at all, & always the people commoned as they durst of the kings marriage.  
The three day of july, 
The Cardinal rideth towerde France.  the cardinal of York, passed through the city of London, accompaigned with many Lords & Gentlemen, to the number of twelve hundredth horse, toward the Sea side, and at Cauntorburie he rested, & there to the people declared the destruction of Rome, & how the Pope was in captivity with many Cardinals: wherefore he caused a Litany to be song by the monks of Christ's Church, after this manner. 
A new fond Litany  S, Maria, or a pro Clement papa. S. Petri ora pro Clement papa. & so forth all the litany: them he exhorted the people to fast & pray for his deliverance which fewdid.  
The xi. day of may, the Cardinal with all his train, took shipping at Dover, and the same day landed at Caleis, where he was received with procession, and with the hole garrison of the town.  
When the Cardinal was landed, 
Barrels of gold  there were set on land xvi barrels all full of gold of the kings money, which were delivered to the captain of the castle in charge: of this money the people much grudged, & said this money shallbe spent out of the realm, & yet Englishmen shall have no part nor profit of it, but only it shallbe spent for the cardinals pleasure and the French kings, and the Pope's profit.  
The Cardinal was so sore displeased with the Emperor for keeping the Pope in prison (although it were against his will & knowlege●) that he imagened all the ways and means possible how to hurt & damage th'emperor & therefore he set for thenglish merchants, willing them to keep the mar●e at Caleis, but they answered that the town of Caleis, was a town of war, & all merchants must have liberty at all hours of the night, in the mart season, which they could not have at Caleis: also the haven is not able to receive great Hulks, and Carikes that come to a mart: 
T●e Mart to be kept at Calais.  but some merchants to please the Cardinal, brought their clotheses to Caleis, and so caused their friends of Andwarpe to come to Caleis, & to say, that they had bought the merchants clotheses, & there at Caleis paid the custom, & so carried them, to the town of Andwarp at th'english men's charge, & there sold them to the great loss of thenglishmen.  
While the Cardinal lay in Calleis, the French men daily resorted to Calleis, to welcome the Cardinal, and suddenly there upon a noise sprang that Calleiss should be delivered, to the French king, which vain saying, made many men muse,  
But the xxii day of juli, the Cardinal departed out of Calleis, & with him was the lord Cutberd Tunstal bishop of London, the Lord Sands, Chamberlain to the king, the Earl of Derby, sir Henry Guildforde, sir Thomas Moore, with many knights and squires, to the numbered of xii C. horse, & in the carriages lxxx wagons, & lx moils and sumpter horses & at Sandifelde, met with him the county Brian governor of Picardy, & Monsir de Bees, captain of Bullein, with four C men of arms, well appareled, with banners displayed & all well horsed, which with trumpets & melody received the Cardinal, & at Marguison there met him the Cardinal of Lorayn, 
The receiving of the Cardinal to Bole●yne.  & vi bishops, & xl. gentlemen, well furnished, & in their company four C. horse, and so they road forth to Bullein where the burges them received.  
And at the gate was made a pageant in the which was a Nun called holy church, & three Spaniards & three Almains had her violated, and a Cardinal her rescued, and set her up of new again.  
another Pageant, was a Cardinal giving a Pax to the King of England and the French king, in token of peace, another Paegant was the Pope, lying under, and the Emperor sitting in his Majesty, and a Cardinal pulled down the Emperor, and set up the Pope.  
When wise men saw this Pagiaunt, they smiled & said, well can the French king flatter, for hard it were for one Cardinal to subde him that hath pulled down the master of all Cardinals.  
Many words were spoken in reprove of this pageaunt, but still with great triumph road these ii cardinals together, to the Abbey under a Canopy born over them, & there lodged.  
The morrow being the three & twenty day he with all his train removed toward Muttrel, & ii mile without the town there met with him the bailiffs, there to him was made a solemn oration, & when he came to the town he was received with the Clergy, & there the Englishmen had straight lodging, the number was so great, & so the morrow he removed toward Abbevil where he was received of the Bailiff and advocates of the town, and then of the garrison of men of war of the town, and there was he received with procession, and pageants to his praise under a Canopy, and so brought to the Church, and after to his lodging, and all the Canapies were set with T C for Thomas Cardinal, and so were all his servants coats.  
The third day of August in the City of Amias, came the French king in a cote of blakce Velvet upon white Satin, and tied with laces agglated with gold, and with him, the king of Naver, and the Cardinal of Bourbon, the great master, the Duke of Uandosme, Monsir de Guise, and Monsir Uaudemount his brother, and the French kings mother▪ with many Lords and Ladies, which were there solemplie received.  
And on Sunday the four day of August, the Cardinal came fro Pickqueny toward Amias, in which town he lay the night before, and in the way he was received with the provost of the City, and many honourable personages of the city, and after the●● came the justices and advocates and with an eloquent oration saluted him, and when he was with in half a mile of the town, the French king himself with all his Nobles met with him, and lovingly embraced him, and welcomed him and after took all the Nobles of England, by the hand, and so brought the said Cardinal to Amias: where for him were devised many Pagiauntes, to his praise, and ever he was called Cardinalis pacificu● the Cardinal pacific, and so was written at the gate of his lodging.  
The French king brought the Cardinal to his lodging, & he would have brought the king to his Court again, but he would in nowise suffer him, but left him in his lodging and the same night the Cardinal road to visit the French kings mother, & there he had long communication and so departed to his lodging.  
The .v. day of August the Cardinal with the great estates of France was conveyed to the French kings Court, where he was receined of the French kings guard, and in the first Chambre he was received of Knights & gentlemen, In the the second Chambre, of Earls Barons and bishops. In the third of Ladies' in which chamber the king lay on a bed, and his mother sat by him, because he had a sore leg. Then the Cardinal showed his commission, which was very large, and in that was none but he alone: the Bishop of London and the Lord Sands, were in another commission, but that was not showed than, nor they called to counsel. There was the Cardinal highly thanked of the great love that he bore to the house of France: Then he & the French Lords fell to counsel, first concerning the Articles of peace, & for the surety of performance of the same, and so that day they sat four hours, and so every day was the Cardinal in Counsel with the French kings Counsel, till the xxviii day of August, at which day was made in the Cathedral Church of Amias, for the Cardinal of England a place on the North side of the Church for his Traues, & directly in the mids of the quere was a curious chapel wrought of carved wood all gilt set for the French king and his mother, which was covered with Crimosyn velvet, richly embroidered and hanged with clotheses of Antic making, set with pearl & stone, very curiously: The Mass was song by a Cardinal, and after Mass, the French king and divers of his Lords, were sworn to keep the league, & then was a great Charter sealed on the high aultare, & delivered to the Cardinal by the kings own hand, and then the Cardinal of England gave to them all (as he said clear remission) and then was Te deum song, and so they all departed.  
Now will I leave the Cardinal still at Amias in counsel, and return to Sir France's Poynes, & Clarenceaux which were at this time arrived in Spain, in the town of Uale Doli●e, the third day of july, where they found Doctor Le● the kings Almoner: there ambassador for the king of England, & with him tarried till the sixth day of july, & then Sir France's Poynes was brought to his presence, and delivered the king his master's letter, and beside that prayed his Majesty to consider what the king of England had done for him sense his tender age, how that he holp him● at all times with money and treasure, and how that at such time as the Lords of Spain would not receive him as there king during his mother's life, yet by the kings mean and his great labour and cost▪ he was to that Realm received: And also how the king of England had always defended and protected the countries of Flaunders, Brabant, and zealand, against all persons, and in the quarrel of th'emperor he had strongly invaded the Realm of France so that by his invasion at home, th'emperor had obtained great victory in foreign places, which he could not have done, if all the whole realm of France had been without any enemies at home: wherefore the king him as reason would, the one half of the profit of the battle of Pavy and also for his part he required the duke of Orleance to be delivered to him, and also to pay to the king, forty thousand pound, which he aught to him as money lent, towards his charges: and farther that he should deliver the Pope, and make him a reasonable amendss, & no farther to make war on him or his dominions. 
The emperors answer  The Emperor after this demand, answerered, sir we assure you that the love of our uncle of England, toward us and the manifold benefits that we have received of him and by his means we shall never forget, and although our power be not able to recompense the same, yet our good will shall never fail, to endeavour us to do him pleasure: and as concerning his letters we with our counsel shall take advice, and we trust you shall have a reasonable answer, during which time, you may repose you, and allthings necessary shallbe at your commandment: with this answer, Sir Frances departed at this time. When it was known in Spain, that the king of England was allied with the French king, the Spaniards spoke largeli and said that they cared not for the king of England, and said farther that all this was the drift of the Cardinal, and by reason hereof the English marchanntes were evil entertained in Spain, but the Emperor perceiving this, gave a general commandment, that all Englishmen should be orderid and reputed as his loving friends.  
In this very month, tidings was brought to the Emperor, how the inhabitants of Turnei conspired to destroy Monsire Delanoys their captain, and devised to bid him to a banquet, & so to ●●ey him & all that loved the Emperor, but as God would, he had knowledge of this treason, and took the chief Captains, and did on the sharp execution for fear whereof many fled into france.  
The Emperor within a day or twain called to him Doctor Lee, & Sir Frances poins the king of England's ambassadors, & said, my lords, we have perceived the king your master's requests, which be great and of a weighty Importance, wherefore we intend with all speed to writ to the king our uncle, and when we have received answer from him, we shall deliver you of such things as you demand, praying you in the mean season, to take patience, and so for the time they departed.  
By this time was it known that the Cardinal of England was with the French king, & full well knew the Emperor that the Cardinal would do all for to aid the French king and to damage him yet had he a great pension of the Emperor.  
The English Merchants fearing the sequel of this matter, conveyed away there goods daily out of the emperors dominions: but still the English ambassadors came to the emperors Court, and one day the Emperor said to them, my Lords, I marvel how the King mine uncle is moved against me & my subjects, I assure you I will no war with him, I trust in his faithful promise, & his accustomed goodness, & his people I take as my friends. If he love the French king I may not so do, for he to me is untrue & keepeth no just promise, and we never compelled him to make any offer, but his offer was of his own motion and he also sworn to maintain the same, which he now refuseth, and to our great prejudice hath persuaded against us our dear uncle of England by perverse imaginations, which I trust will never be our enemy. This many times the Emperor would comen with the English ambassadors which lay in Spain.  
But now must I return to the Cardinal of England which lay at Amyas, there was great counselling from day to day: first how the Pope should be delivered and the sea of Rome brought to a quietness: Secondarily how to bring the Emperor to some reasonable agreement so that the French kings children might be delivered. It was well considered that themperor had a great ●ordell by reason of the said ii hostages, which fordele might perchance so stomach him that he would agree to no new conditions nor agreements. The it was answered on the otherside that if a great army were sent into Italy which might drive the Emperor's power out of Italy, than that army should set the Pope a● liberty & also drive themperor to come to their purpose, or else he should le●se both the realms of Naples & Scycylle, and the duchy o● Myllayn and other dominions, wherefore the French king determined to ●end an army royal into Italy under the conduct of Mounsire Omyt de Law●rick earl of Foys, which was appointed afore in june to go to the borders of Italy with a small number, but now to him was assigned viii. M. Bretons with notable captains of the same country, and viii. M. Normans with like captains, and viii. M. Gascoynes, and vi. M. Burgonions, iii M. Savosyns, viii. M. Swyches and Almains, and vi. M. Pycardes of which men were u M. horsemen under the conduct of Mounsire Ealyas, & in this army went sir Robert jernyngham & John Carew of Hakam and lxxx. other English gentlemen which were sent thither by the Cardinal from Amyas. When this army was assembled, the Cardinal delivered the king of England's money that he had brought out of England in barrels as you have heard, 
English ●oney deliu●red.  with which money was this army paid two months before hand, and the remnant was delivered to sir Robert jernynghan which was called treasurer of the wars. In this army were iii M. carriage men, and adventurers four thousand, so that when they were over the mountains they were lix. M. men, and some writers say HUNDRED thousand. This army was called in Latin Excercitus Angli● et Gallorum Regum, pr● Pontifice R●mano liberando congregatus, that is to say, the army of the kings of England, and France gathered for the deliverance of the bishop of Rome, and so was this army reputed. Although few people knew at the beginning in England of the conveiing of the money over the sea, yet when the English coin was the common payment of the army it was then openly known: then many men said alas, so much money spent out of the realm, and of this charge the realm shall not be one penny the better, the king hath had of us a loan and that is not paid, and the great subsidy was granted to make the king rich and now is that money to help our old enemies and the Pope which never shall do us good, this the people spoke and much worse. While the Cardinal was with the French king, the Pope sent to him a bull and made him Uycar general under him through all the king of England's dominions, and there by a bull he created Anthony de Prato bishop of Sens and Chancellor to the French king a Cardinal with great solemnity. The Cardinal for his solace road with the French king to Compeigne and Mountdedier, and was ever highly feasted of the king and his mother and of the Chancellor of France, and of all the nobility. The was it concluded by the Cardinal & the French kings counsel what articles of offer should be sent to the Emperor, which if he refused then open defiance to be made to him in the name of both the kings: The profters were these.  
❧ first that the French king should pay for his ransom xxv. M. crowns which amounteth to u M. pound sterling, one writer calleth it two millions of crowns.  
The second to release all the pension that he had in Naples with all the right of the same.  
The third, that he should never claim title to the duchy of Myllain. That iiii, that he should release the superiority of Flaunders for ever & the right that he had to the city of Turnay.  
The u to release all the homages of all other persons within the said countries.  
The vi to withdraw his army out of Italy.  
The vii to forsake the aid of the Swyches against the Emperor.  
The viii. to take no more the part of Robert de la March against the Emperor.  
The ix never to aid the king of Naverne against him, although he had married the kings sister.  
The ten never to aid the duke of Gelder nor to challenge the same duchy.  
The xi to aid the Emperor with ships and men to his coronation.  
The xii to marry lady Elinor the queen of Portyngale sister to the Emperor.  
The xiii that the dolphin should marry the said queens daughter.  
The xiiii that if the French king had any children male by the said queen, than the duchy of Burgoyne to remain to the said child bring a male.  
The xu that the French king should be friend to the Emperor & his friends, and enemy to his enemies.  
These with many other articles which were not openly known were sent to the bishop of Tarby and the viscount of Thorayn ambassadors to the Emperor from the French king. And other articles were sent to the king of England's ambassadors being in Spain: first to move the Emperor to take a reasonable peace with the French king.  
Also that the king of England would release to him all the sums of money due to him aswell by themperor Maximilian his grandfather as by himself, and take the French king as debtor for the same.  
Item if the Emperor would not thereto agreed, than the French king should marry the lady Mari daughter to the king of England and they both to be enemies to the Emperor.  
When all these things were concluded, the Cardinal took his leave of the French king and his mother (which told him that a noble ambassade should be shortly sent again into England from the realm of France for fortifying of all conclusions) and so the said Cardinal with great rewards returned with all his train & by journeys the last day of September he came to Rychmond to the king of England and there ascertained the king of all his doings, but so could no lord that then was in Commission with him, for they knew nothing of all his doings, which sore grieved their stomachs.  
The Cardinal which much rejoiced in this peace, came the first day of the term into the star chamber & there by his commandment were present the lords spiritual and temporal of the kings counsel, and the Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London, and the judges of the law, & all the justices of peace of all shires then being at Westminster. And then he said, how much is the realm of England bound to God for the high peace that now is concluded? A high peace, yea such a peace as was never concluded between no realm, for by my labour and industry I have knit the realms of England and France in such a perfit knot that it shall never fail, for the three estates of France (which here we call a Parliament) have affirmed the same, and therefore now my lords be merry for the king shall nevermore charge you with wars in France, nor the Mayer and other merchants shall never be charged farther with expenses, so that with exactions for wars of France you shall no more be charged, for the king shall have no need, because that he by this league shallbe the richest prince of the world, for I assure you he shall have more treasure out of France yearly then all his revenues and customs amount to, yea and count his wards, forfeits and all such casualties. Now sith you have such an honourable peace & such a profitable peace how much be you boū● to him which hath brought this peace about● for this is a peace in secula seculorum. And because this peace is so noble it is sealed with a seal of gold, and so he caused all there present to look on the seal, which was the very great seal of France printed in fine gold: at this tale many a man after laughed to think how the Cardinal lied, for they knew that that he said was for his own glory, and nothing should follow as he said.  
The French king according to his appointment sent the lord Annas of Momorancy great Master of his house and after that high Constable of France, and the bishop of Bayon, the chief precedent of Rouen and Mounsire de Hunyers, as his Ambassadors to the king of England accompanied with lx. gentlemen well appointed, which the xiiii. day of October landed at Dover whose servants demeaned themselves so in passing through Kent that much business was to lodge them in London, but the Cardinal commanded corporations of the city to provide lodging for them which was never seen before, whereat the people murmured sore, saying that the Cardinal was all French. So on the xx. day of October the said ambassadors were met on Black heth by the marquis of Exeter, the bishop of London, the Uycount Rocheford and lord Mountioy with many men of honour & gentlemen to the number of u C. horses and more. The Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London and the chief comminers on horseback in their gounes met the said ambassadors at S. George's bar & there was made to them a solemn Oration, & so from thence they were conveyed through London to the bishop of London's palace & there and near there about they were well lodged.  
The citizens of London presented them with u fat oxen, xx. sheep, xii. Swans, 
A present ge●●n by y● 〈◊〉 to the French ambassadors.  xii. Cranes, xii. Fesantz, iiii. dosyn Patriches, xx. loaves of Sugar, Comfettes & other spice and wax, and viii. hoggesheades of wine with many other things which I cannot rehearse.  
On tewsday being the xxii. day or September, the said ambassadors were conveyed by water to Grenewyche, where before the king sitting under his cloth of estate the foresaid Mounsire Bayon precedent of Rouen made an eloquent proposicon in the which he much thanked the king for sending so high an ambassador as the Cardinal was, a man of such prudence & wit as it appeared by the knitting of the league, that like to him could none be found, for by his only mediation the ii princes were accorded so surely as never were princes before that time, so that by this confederation the Pope & his Cardinals which were in captivity & thraldom should by the power of these ii princes be delivered & all the Emperor's power should be clean banished & driven out of Italy, and the Pope should be restored to his old estate and dignity again.  
When this Oration was done & an answer made to the same, the king welcomed all the gentlemen of France & then they had wine and spice brought to them, whereof they took part and drank & so departed to their barge. Daily these ambassadors repaired to the cardinals place and there were highly entertained, & the morrow after S. Symons day & ●ude the bishop of Bayon & a great number of the Frenchegentlemen dined at the majors feast, & so they tarried in London till Al●alonday, on which day the king accompanied with the ambassadors of France & all his nobility road to the Cathedral church of S. Paul where the Cardinal sang Mass, & after mass done the people were desired to pray, that by their prayers Pope Clement might the sooner be delivered out of captivity: and when that wa● done the king of England before the 〈◊〉 swore to keep and perform the league. The common people said what ●ede all this swearing, the French king was once sworn and all his nobility, yea & all his good towns, but yet they broke with us, and so will they again when they see an advantage.  
For the more love to be engendered between these two princes it was concluded that the king of England should elect the French king knight of the noble order of the Garter, 
The French king knight of the Garter.  and that the French king should elect the king of England companion of his order of saint Mychel, which ●leccions passed on both parties. Wherefore in all speed the king sent sir Arthur Plantagenet Uycount lisle & bastard son to king Edward the fourth, Doctor Taylor Master of the Rolls, sir Nycholas Carew knight Master of the kings horses, and sir Anthony Broune knight, & sir Thomas Wryothesley knight bring Garter king of arms of the order, with the whole habit collar and habilimentes of the order, which order he received on sunday the x. day of November in the city of Paris & road in the said habit from the house of saint Poule to our lady church and there heard a solemn Mass & dined in his rob of the order, having with him th'ambasssadors of England, and the same night he made to them a banquet & so the next day they departed. In likewise the self same sunday the king at Grenewiche received the order of saint Mychel by the hands of the great Master of France and Mounsire Huniers compaignions' of thesayd order: 
The king of England knight of the order of saint Mychel.  and they all there aware the Mantles of the said order which were of cloth of silver embroidered with France's knots & kocle shells & the colour was of the same devise having hanging before the breast the image of saint Mychel, and in these Mantles they went down to the chapel to Mass and there heard Mass, which was ●ong by a bishop, & after Mass they returued to the kings chamber where was made a great feast, and after dinner which was late they were conveyed into the tyltyard and there were justes of pleasure xii. against xii. which valiantly furnished their courses till they had broken HUNDRED staves, and then they departed, for night was suddenly come.  
Then the king brought the Ambassadors to the new banquet chamber which was hanged with a costly verdor all new, the ground thereof was all gold and the flowers were all of Satin silver of that by the brightsomenes of the gold, the flowers appeared so freshly that they seemed as they were growing in deed, the cupberdes of gold and guilt plate with the eweryes, the same I over pass because you have heard thereof in the beginning of this year. Then the king, queen & ambassadors sat down to supper & were served with lxxxx. dishes, all the galleryes and chambers were full of lords, knights & gentlemen, & the ga●rates above full of French lackays & verlettes which were plenteously served.  
After supper was done, the king led the ambassadors into the great chamber of disguisynges, 
●he banquet house.  & in the end of the same chamber was a fountain, and on the one side was a Hawthorne tree all of silk with white flowers, and on the other side of the fountain was a Mulberry tree full of fair berries all silk, on the top of the Hawthorne was the arms of England compassed with the collar of the garter of S. Mychel, & in the top of the Moulberie tree stood the arms of France within a garter. This fountain was all of white Marble graven & chased, the bases of the same were balls of gold supported by ramping beasts wound in leaves of gold. In the first work were gargylles of gold fiercely faced with spouts running, The second receipt of this fountain was environed with winged serpents all of gold which griped the second receipt of the fountain, & on the sommit or top of the same was a fair lady, out of whose breasts ran abundantly water of marvelous dilicious saver. About this fountain were benches of Rosemary fretted in braids laid on gold, all the sides set with roses in branches as they were growing about this fountain, On the benches sat viii. fair ladies in strange attier & so richly appareled in cloth of gold embroidered and cut over silver, that I cannot express the cunning workmanship thereof. Then when the king and queen were set, there was played before them by children in the Latyn tongue in manner of Tragedy, 
A play.  the effect whereof was that the pope was in captivity & the church brought under the foot, wherefore S. Peter appeared and put the Cardinal in authority to bring the Pope to his liberty and to set up the church again, and so the Cardinal made intercession to the kings of England and of France, that they took part together, and by their means the pope was delivered. Then in came the French kings children and complained to the Cardinal how the Emperor kept them as hostages and would not come to no reasonable point with their father, wherefore they desired the Cardinal to help for their deliverance, which wrought so with the king his master and the French king that he brought the Emperor to a peace, and caused the two young princes to be delivered. At this play wisemen smiled & thought that it sounded more glorious to the Cardinal then true to the matter in deed.  
When the play was done and iiii. companies of maskers danced, the king, the great master of France, the duke of Suffolk, the marquis of Exeter, sir Edward Newel and other three appareled in cloth of gold and purple Tynsell satin set with cut work of cloth of silver plyghted gourd fret and folded each cloth upon other, and one plucked under another very richly: they had also mantles of crimosyn Satin cast about them Bauderike wise, so that the other garments might largely appear, and then they entered with noise of minstrelsy and took the ladies that sat about the fountain and danced with them very lustily, and when they had danced enough then they put of their visers and were known, and so with disport all this night passed.  
The next day the great master and all his company took their leave of the king (except the bishop of Bayon which abode as Ambassador in England) and were highly rewarded, 
The ambassadors departed  and so passed to Dover and took ship there and landed at Bullein.  
After that the Frenchmen were departed the commons spoke sore against the Cardinal & said that the frenchmen did never good to England, and for the Cardinal's pleasure we should forsake out old friends and receive our old enemies. When the Cardinal heard of these sayings he was not content, wherefore he sent a Commission to the Mayor of London to command all men not to talk of the kings affairs & business or of the queen, or of the kings counsel. And if any person spoke or talked of any of these matters, than he to be taken & brought to the Cardinal. When this commandment was once known, every man mistrusted other and noman durst break his mind to other.  
In this month of November the Cardinal as legate called the whole clergy before him a Westminster & there he said that all the abusions of the church should be amended, 
Arthur, B●lne● Geoffrey Lome and Garret.  but he did nothing thereto, but abjured Arthur, Bylney, Geoffrey Lome, and Garret that spoke against the Pope's authority and his pomp and pride.  
By reason of the great rains which fell in the sowing time & in the beginning of the last year, now in the beginning of this year corn began sore to fail throughout the realm, insomuch that in the city of London, 
A great dearth of wheat.  bread for a while was very scant and people did starve daily for bread, for wheat so failed that none could be gotten for money. Saving that the king of his goodness sent to the city of his own provision vi. C. quarters, or else for a week there had been little bread in London, yet was the scarcity more than the dearth: For then wheat was only at xu.s. the quarter & from thence it rose to xx. s. and after to xxvi. s.viii.d. the quarter. Men said that the negligence was in sir Thomas Seymer knight then Mayor. Many substantial men would have made provision for their houses, but they feared left the commonalty would have taken it from them. Then were commissions sent into all shires and commissioners appointed to see what wheat was in the realm, and the commissioners ordered that no wheat should be conveyed out of one shire to another, which commandment had like to have raised trouble, and specially the city of London with the same was sore aggrieved, for they had no arable ground to sow, but must make provision with money, which provision was them denied in divers shires by that commandment, whereat the citizens grudged, so the Mayor and Aldermen seeing that the people began to murmur, came to the Cardinal & moved him of the mischief that was like to ensue: either the people must die for famine or else they with strong hand will fetch corn from them that have it.  
To whom he answered that they should have wheat enough out of France, for the French king said to me ꝙ the Cardinal that if he had but three bushels of corn in all France, England should have twain so much he loveth & regardeth this realm: with this answer they departed & every day looked for French wheat but none came: and farther such wheat as the merchants of England had brought and shipped in Normandy and other places were there restrained, so that the relief there failed, but the gentle merchants of the Styliard brought from Dansk, Breme, Hamborough and other places great plenty, & so did other merchants from Flaunders, Holland, and Friesland, so that wheat was better cheap in London then in all England over. Then the people said, see how we had been served by the frenchmen in our necessity if th'emperor's subjects had not helped us. For this kindness the common people loved themperor the better & all his subjects. The king of his goodness hearing that the wheat in France was stopped, mused not a little, & so for comfort of his city of London he lent M. quarters, for the which they both thanked him and prayed for him. Then within short space the merchants of London so diligently made provision in all places for Wheat & Rye, that after Christmas they lacked none, and all the parties adjoining to them were feign to fetch wheat of them and none to them was denied, notwithstanding their unkind commandment given that the Londoners should none have of them.  
Now let us speak of the army that the lord Lawtrick had into Italy at the charges of the king of England & the French king for the deliverance of pope Clement. The lord Lawtrick after that his whole army was come to him to Lions, & that all things necessary were in readiness, than he set forward with great diligence: but or he had passed the mountains the Uenicians army was come into Lombardy abiding the coming of the frenchmen, & in the mean season they marched toward th'emperor's army which lay at the city of Myllain. Whereof hearing Anthony de Leua with viii. C. Almains and Spaniards on foot, & as many Italians marched forward to meet with them, & by force caused them to take the town of Meligna for refuge, where he hearing that John de Medici's with a great number were coming toward the Uenicians, he in the evening or his enemies were, ware suddenly set on the said John de Medyces, which began to set his men in an order, but he was so enclosed that he could do nothing, but took his horse and fled and le●t his company alone, which were slain almost all, and lost four great pieces of ordinance, which Anthony de Leua car●ed with him to Myllam. In which season the lord Lawtrick with his army was pas●ed the mountains and was come to the city of As●er abiding the Swyches, where he heard tell how that Lewe Earl of Lodron with a great crew of Almains was come to the town to Boskenye Alexandry with money and victual to aid the Almains that kept alexandria: wherefore he sent his horsemen to stop them that they should not pass to Alexandry, and after them he followed with his whole army and besieged them in Boske which a certain days defended, but at the last they yielded the town, & become soldiers to the lord Lawtrick. In this same season Andrew Dorye admiral of the French navy lay before the haven of Gone and kept the Genoese from all merchandise and victuals which to the city might repair, & in especial he letted certain ships of corn which lay at Pont de Ferry between Gone and Savona to come to Gene. The Genoese which lacked corn and were on the land side besieged by a citizen of their own which was on the French part called Cesar Fulgosus, imagined how to bring the ships of corn into the city, and when they saw that Andrew Dorye had but xvii. Galyes. They prepared vi. galeyes to fight with Andrew Dorye, During which fight the ships with corn should entre y● haven. When the galeys were abroad, a sudden tempest rose with such a violence, that Andrew Dory was ta'en to take the port of Saunona for his succour, and so the ships or corn came safe into the haven of Geane, & all the galeys in safety: this good was fortune to Geane at this time.  
When the citizens of Geane were thus vitailed, they took to them good courage and in warlike manner issued out against Cesar Fulgosus which knew well that they had little more than three HUNDRED Spaniards that could skill of the war, & as for the remnant were neither of stomach nor of experience in war, wherefore he boldly set on them, and while they were fighting without, the citizens within which be ever mutable, suddenly cried France France, which ●lamour came to the ears of Adurnus which was imperial, wherefore he retired back into the city to appease the rumour, but their enemies followed them in such haste that both entered together and, so Geane was become French. Then thither came the lord Lawtrick and put there a captain with a retinue for the safe keeping of the city. Then Adurnus duke of Geane which was in the castle with divers of the Emperor's friends and lacked victual & saw no comfort of rescue, yielded the castle upon condition to departed with bag and baggage & so they did. In the mean season certain Frenchmen which were left at Boske defaced the town and then came before Alexandrie, & there kept a siege volant that no aid nor succour should come to the town, till the whole army were assembled to besiege the town. But for all that purpose, by the Dounes of Alexandrie, Albericke Barbian with v. C. soldiers came into the town which much comforted the garrison there which was in manner dismayed because their aid at Boske had failed them. The Frenchmen besieged the town and bet it with ordinance and they within manfully defended it and made new countermures so that their enemies could not enter without jeopardy. But at the last the Uenicians brought thither great pieces of ordinance which so sore bet the walls that Baptist Lodryn the captain saw that he was not able to defend it & so he delivered the town upon this composition that he & his should departed with bag & baggage, & he nor his to wear no harness against the French king nor his confederates by the space of vi. months. Then the lord Lawtrick delivered the town to Frances Sforcia according to the league, which Frances put there a convenient garrison. Thence the arm removed to Belgrasse which to them was yielded & also delivered to the duke of Myllain, & from thence they removed toward the city of Myllain, whereof herring Anthony de Leua fortified that of Myllayn and sent Lewes Barbyan to defend the city of Pavye.  
When the lord Lawtrick was with in viii. mile of Myllayn, he suddenly returned toward Pavy, which men judged to be done for the displeasure that was done there to the frenchmen when their king was taken, & so the xix day of September they besieged Pavye, and daily between them were great skirmishes, but at last they bet the walls so with great ordinance that they made the town assautable. Then the Frenchmen threw into the dyches faggots and empty pipes and shortly entered the town. The captain perceiving the town entered, opened the gate and yielded himself prisoner. Then the Frenchmen clue and killed on every side, rob and spoiled houses and churches & spared no person nor place, and of cruelty ransomed one man u or vi. times, & the Gascoynes which were most cruel set fire in the fair houses & had brent the whole city if the lord Lawtrick after seven. days spoiling had not commanded them to case. When Pavye was thus taken & spoiled the lord Lawtrick determined with the Cardinal Innocent Legate of Bonony, which was come for the● deliverance of the Pope incontinent to pas●e to Rome and to drive away all the Emperor's power from thence, and to restore the pope to liberty.  
F●aunces Sforcia duke of Myllayn hearing of this determination came to the lord Lawtri●k to Pavye and required him first to rid the duchy of Myllayn of th'emperor's soldiers rather than to go forward and leave his enemies behind him. The lord Lawtrick answered that he was of the same opinion, but the commission that he had of the French king and the king of England was, that with all speed he should go forward to deliver the bishop of Rome, which done he faithfully promised that he would return and expulse all the Emperor's power out of Lombaroy, and in the mean season he would that the duke and the Uenicians should besiege Anthony de Leua in the castle of Myllayn. Duke Frances seemed to be content with this answer, but yet he perceived that the French king cared not for his restoring jest he should be imperial. So for that time the duke dissembled the matter & took possession of the city of Pavye▪ When the lord Lowtrick had lain xuj. days at Pavy, he dismissed the Swyches which in no wise would go with him to Rome, wherefore he marched forward with his own army & came to pleasance where he concluded a league with Alphons duke of Farrer & Fredrick marquis of Mantua, so that then he knew well that he might well pass in safety: & then in good order of battle he marched toward Rome for the finishing of his enterprise. But or he was passed out of Lombardy themperor had sent letters to y● B. of Rome & excused himself that he neither willed nor commanded such mischief to be done, & straightly commanded his captains to deliver him. The prince of Orange & other captains of th'emperors hearing his commandment, took agreement with the pope & his Cardinals● & so he & xii. Cardinals were bound to perform certain articles to the number of xi. & then he was delivered out the Castle saint Angel the ten day of December and was conveyed to Oruyet, 
Clementpope delivered.  where after, he had paid certain money for the soldiers wages he was put at full liberty & the Emperor's people departed from him, and thence he removed to Ancona. When tidings was brought into England of his deliverance the Cardinal in great haste caused Te deum to be song on Newyeres day in the kings chapel and declared openly that he was escaped & said not delivered, which made many men to muse: and on sunday the .v. day of january the Cardinal with great triumph came to the church of saint Paul in London, and on him attended divers prelate's of the clergy and there Te deum was sung again, and after that doctor Capon openly declared how that bishop Clement had been long kept in distress by fault of tyrants and infidels and so kept as prisoner to the behoof of Charles the Emperor, till now of late through the prayers of good Christian people he was escaped the hands of his enemies, for which cause he wylled all men to give thanks to God: That night were great fierce made in the kings court and in all London. Shortly after this truth was known, that the Pope was delivered by composition and not freely escaped as the Cardinal had blown abroad, but men said that he could not leave his lying.  
While the lord Lawtrick was continually going forward to deliver people Clement, he was credibly informed at Bonnony that he was delivered and at his liberty, wherefore he thought his journey void to go to Rome to do nothing, he therefore determined to turn toward Naples and to take the city if it were not fortified or replenished with men of war, & so according to this purpose he journeyed forward with great diligence. The Emperor's captains perceiving the Frenchemennes' intent caused all their soldiers to departed out of Rome in the beginning of February (which was against the mind of the soldiers) and so came into the realm of Naples and fortified certain towns as they passed, and so came to a town called Troy and there they tarried: This removing was to them very profitable. For if they had tarried at Rome they had been set on with the Italians on the one side, & the Frenchmen on the otherside, that by every man's judgement they should all have been taken or slain. The lord Lawtrick departed from Bonnony to Inmole and so to Fayance Forlicke, Pezere, Senegal, Ancone, Ravenna, Loret and to fern which is at the foot of the mountains of Sybylles in the duchy of Bresse parcel of the realm of Naples, in which town were certain nobles of that country which seeing the army so puissant departed thence to Naples. As the army passed the mountains in the Lent season, there died of very cold v. C. Gascoynes and more, and so with much pain they came near to Troy in Puylle the xv. day of March, where the Spaniards and the Emperor's army lay. Sir Robert jernynghan of England which was captain of the light horsemen, knowing their enemies so near, desired the lord Lawtrick that he with his company might assay the Spaniards. The lord Lawtreck (whether it was for lack of courage or that he were corrupted by money) in no wise would suff sir Robert jernyngham to fight, but said he would take them at a more advantage shortly, which answer sore grieved sir Robert, in somuch he said he would accuse him, to both the kings their Masters.  
The Spaniards which lay at Troy, thought to entre Naples before the frenchmen, and so on the xxi day of March being Saterdaie, they removed and came to Naples, & fortified the city, which was happy for the Emperor, for surely if the Frenchmen had come first, they had been Masters of the city. After the Emperor's people were departed from Troy, as you have hard, the frenchmen besieged it, and within a xi. days it was to them yielded, and from thence they removed to Melphe, a strong little town, where they show & put to flight four M. Spaniards but they lost many of their men there, so that this town was not to them very profitable: Sigh the army was entered into the realm of Naples there was ever some sickness amongst them, and in especial there reigned amongst them a sore whore fever, of the which many gentlemen died or they came to Naples, for at the town of Verse there died sir Richard jernyngham, & John Carew of Hackam, two valiant captains, sent thither by the king of England and diverse other, which two gentlemen be there buried.  
When the frenchmen had taken Melphe, they removed to Bonivent and from thence to Magdelon, where they lay all Easter: and after Easter they came before the city of Naples, and first they took the palace that standeth without the city, very pleasant to behold, and after that was taken, they planted their siege round about the city, and cast trenches, and made fortificacions, for the defence of sudden invasions of their enemies: all the whole army lay in an open plain ground, without coverture very near the city, by reason whereof, they were sore cumbered with heat and drought, whereupon ensued great mortality and death, for if they had lain on the hill side near covert, they had lain more wholesomly, but their intent was to lie near the ●words●, to the intent to keep their enemies strait, and therefore they planted their ●words● the plain, which turned them to much displeasure and disease. Thus was the siege planted before Naples, in the beginning of April, & continued till the xxvi day of August next ensuing, and then by mean of mortality they removed as you shall here.  
While the lord Lawtreck was thus passing toward Naples, sir Frances poins Knight, which was sent with Clarenseaux king of Arms into Spain to the Emperor, returned into England before Christmas, in th'end of December, and left Clarenseaux behind, to bring farther answer from themperor of things demanded, whereof he said he would take longer avice or he would answer. This sir Frances reported that the Emperor so much favoured and esteemed the king of England, that at his only request and contemplation, he had released and discharged twelve articles, which were most grievous & disprofitable to the French king, not for the French kings sake, but at the intercession of the king of England: yet this notwithstanding, the Cardinal so muegled the king, that he so highly favoured the French king, that all his causes he took and reputed as his own, and did all that he might, to bring the French kings purposes about.  
The Emperor before this time had written to the French king, and also advertised thereof the French Ambassadors, that lay in Spain, that he would that the French King should send to him a definitive answer, if he would withdraw his people out of Italy or not, and let the Duchy of Milan alone, and to cease of all Invasions or not, and this answer to be given the last day of january following, and if the said French king answered not by that day, than the lack of answer to be taken for a defiance. Then the French Ambassadors before the day, showed to the Emperor, the proffer which the French king offered to him in articles, as you have hard before, in the conclusion taken at Amias by the French King and the Cardinal in August last passed. 
Themperor's answer to the foresaid Articles.  Which proffers when the Emperor had hard and seen, he said to the Ambassadors, we thought surely that our cousin the French king and we, had been at a full conclusion, when the league and appointment was agreed at our town of Madrill: for when he sued for his deliverance to us, he and his counsel offered us certain proffers, which we never demanded, but we of pity having compassion of his affliction, accepted thesay offers, and agreed to his deliverance, which Articles he promised in the oath of a King, & also on the holy Evangelists, to perform to the uttermost, and then inviolately to observe and keep. Whereupon we clearly remitted, and delivered him into his country, of all which promises he hath performed none, wherefore we take him as perjured, and not worthy to be trusted, and now he offereth new offers, which he cannot perform, as for the money we believe he is able to pay▪ but as for money dew for the kingdom of Naples, we know no such duty, for it is our inheritance, although king Charles the seventh, by sotletie once usurped the same, which he long not enjoyed: as to release his title to Milan, that release is void, for the Duchy is Imperial, and in our gift as many other signiories be: and as touching Tournay, ours it is of right and now in our possession: So that in all these things he would release and render things that he hath not: and as to the withdrawing of his army out of Italy, he shall not need, for we trust that our army shall expel them all Italy, maugre their hearts. And as touching the King of Navarr, the Duke of Gelder, and Robert de la March, we of pity let them alone till we see our time, and then they shall know our puissance: And as touching his offer to aid us with a navy, we trust we have such a navy provided, that we shall need none of his: and where he saith he will marry our sister queen Aelienor, daughter of Portyngall, if he had been true, that he might have done or this, but now we intend not to give her to our enemy: and as touching her daughter to be married to the dolphin, that we leave in suspense for this time: But where he saith that he will defend us, that toucheth our honour, for well knoweth he that our own might and puissance, hath ever defended us, and him and his power hath defaced and vanquished wherefore we need not of his defence, which is not able to defend himself: and as touching the king of England's debt, we shall reasonably answer his Ambassadors, for that toucheth not the French King: But now my lords Ambassadors, said the Emperor, let the French King your Master, fulfil the promise that he was sworn to, as a true Prince aught to do, and then he shall have his children delivered, or else according to his oath, let him yield himself prisoner again, and so shall his honour and truth be saved, or else not, so with this answer the Ambassadors departed. Nevertheless they daily sued to the Emperor and his Counsel to take the offers which were proffered by the French king, and amongst other things, the war was sore laid to the French Ambassadors charge, for that that the French king made war on the emperors possessions, without cause and without defiance, to which accusement they answered that that army was procured by the Cardinal of England, when he was at Amias, for the delivery of Clement Bishop of Rome, and that the king of England bore the most charge. When the Emperor hard this answer, he sent for the ambassador of England, and to him said: My Lord ambassador, I much marvel why the king your Master, hath so great love to the French king, his new reconciled friend, and withdrawn his love from me, that am his cousin and ally: How fortuneth this, that your old ancient enemies be now in favour, and your old friends cast out of favour. I see well there is indignation had at our estate, and ways sought to grieve us, which we hope to withstand: But who would have thought that our Uncle of England, would have made war on us? How would he have us grant his requests and desires for the French king, seeing he showeth himself our open enemy? Then the ambassador discreetly answered, that he neither heard nor knew of such doings, on his faith and honour. Well said the Emperor, if it be true that is reported, mine Uncle is not the Prince that I have taken him for, and if he be mine enemy, I must withstand him, and in a great fury, the Emperor withdrew him from the ambassador, to his privy chamber.  
Daily the Ambassadors, both of England and of France, solicited themperor and his counsel, to accept the French Kings offers▪ which made ever answer, that they would not trust to the new promise, seeing that the old promise which was sworn, was not observed and kept. Now whosoever indifferently shall consider, the Articles which were offered in the treaty of Madrill, and the Articles offered now at Amias shall openly perceive, that the greatest thing which the French king refused to do, was the delivery of the Duchy of Burgoyn and the County Charoloys, for declaration whereof, the French king sent for all the nobles of both the countries, and declared to them this promise and concord, taken with the Emperor, which answered that no realm or dominion could be transferred to any foreign prince or person without the sentence, agreement, and submission of the nobles, and commons of the same country, and therefore they would never assent to that alteration: This answer was delivered to lord Charles de la Noa Uiceroy of Naples, than Ambassador for the Emperor in France, which thereof certified the emperors counsel. But the Emperor and his Counsel thought this to be but a deceit, in somuch as the French king had only called such of Burgoyne, as him pleased, and not the substantial of the country. And farther the Emperor so much desired the Duchy of Burgoyne, because he was the very heir there of blood descended from duke Philip, son to king John of France, that by no means he would have that article broken, but he would have that Duchy. The French king perceived his mind, & offered to him great sums of money for the redeeming of that article, the king of England also offered to be surety for the payment: but all this could not move the Emperor, but he would have Burgoyne, and all thesay treaty and agreement performed.  
The king of England considering how much he had done for the Emperor, and calling to his remembrance, both that the Lords and Commons of Spain, would not have taken him as king▪ his mother living (although she were Lunatic) because she was heir, without his great labour and intercession, and also that he holp him to be elected Emperor, which the French king had obtained, if he had not put thereunto his aid▪ and sent Doctor Richard Place his Secretory to the Electors to Frankford, and most of all that he at all times, had succoured thesay Emperor with money, and was not paid, wherefore he was not a little displeased with the emperors wilfulness, but more with his unkindness, and perceived clearly, that scythe by his means he was so exalted, that now he had forgotten all the kindness to him showed wherefore he thought to make him to know himself by wars, the sooner to bring him to accomplish his request, and to make him to remember his old kindness, and so by the avise of the Cardinal of York (which loved not the Emperor, for the Bishop of Rome's case) and other of his counsel, he sent word to Clarenseaux King of arms, to make defiance to the Emperor, 
Def●aunces made to the Emperor.  and so guian Herald for the French king and the said Clarenseaux for the king of England, the xiiii day of january, in the city of Burgues in Castle, came before the Emperor being nobly accompanied with Dukes, marquesses, Earls, and Barons, in his great hall, and there made their defiance.  
When the defiaunces were made by both the Kings of Arms, as you have heard, all the nobles which were present, as the Constable of Castle, the Duke of Massedonia, the Duke of Inuancaso, the Duke of Alberkirke, the Duke of Civil, the Duke of Nassaw, or Nazareth, the Duke of Aluoy, the Marquis of Sturgus, the Marquis of Agular, the Marquis of Uillafranca, the Earl Barcelon, the Earl of Salamatero, the Earl Boniu●nt, the Earl Arowen, the Earl Agulard, the Earl Salienas, the Earl Genever, with six great Lords Commendatories Crossed, and many other noble men and gentlemen, for a truth to the number of seven hundred at the lest: all these drew out their swords, and swore that the defiaunces then made should be revenged, and said to the Emperor: Sir, if the despite of this defiance be unrevenged, the infamy▪ & rebuke thereof, shall remain to us and our heirs for ever, wherefore our lands, lives, and lordships, shallbe at your commandment, and while any lain of your succession remain, this ignominy shallbe ever new and not die, till you have obtained the double honour, against all your enemies.  
When the Emperor was thus defied, the war was Proclaimed in Civil, in Ualedolite, in Burgus, & in other places through all Spain: But when the comen people heard of this defiance, they wrong themselves by the beards and swore, that all their lands and goods should be spent, for the honour of the Emperor, and to be revenged on the French king, whom they called perjured Prince, and so the common people cried in the streets, now is come the time, that Spain shallbe renowned, and revenged on the Frenchmen▪ for their falseness and wrong doings. But alas said they, why should we make war with the English nation, which ever loved us, and never offended us: but this defiance proceedeth not of them, but only of the French king, and of the Cardinal of England, which is sworn french: thus the spaniards talked, and ever excused the king of England, and accused the Cardinal and said, that he had a great pension out of Spain, and that notwithstanding, because he might not have the bishopric of Toledo, he caused all this war. This Proclamation of war, was proclaimed with banners displayed, in the which were painted a red sword, and a Cresset burning, against he French king and his part takers, not meaning the king of England, by express name, but it was rehearsed in the Proclamation, that the King of England had menaced, and defied the Emperor, 
The English Merchants arrested in Spain.  in the French kings quarrel. Then were the English Merchants in Spain attached, and their goods put in safe custody, and to them was said that they were stayed only, till the Emperor was advertised, how his subjects were ordered in England.  
Tidings of this was first known in France, and from thence letters were sent to the French Ambassadors in London, how both the Ambassadors of france and of England, being in Spain, and Given and Cl●renseaux officers of Arms, were retained by the Emperor as prisoners, which report was false, for they were at liberty, and well cherished, and in especial the English Ambassadors and Clarenseaux were friendly entertained in all places. When the Cardinal hard this report, he was to light of credence (which he forthought afterward) and was sore therewith moved, and in his fury the xii day of February, he caused Don Hugo de Mendosa, the Emperor's Ambassador, to be taken out of his house, in saint Swithines lane in London, and to be brought to sir John Dances place in Mark lane, as a prisoner, & his house with his goods were kept by the cardinals servants, till the kings pleasure were farther known.  
The morrow after being the xiii day of February, the Cardinal being in the Star chamber, called before him all justices of the Peace, 
The Cardinals saying in the Star Chamber.  and other honest personages to a great number, and to them said: My lords and all you the kings loving subjects, his grace's pleasure is that I should declare to you, how that his highness, not of his own seeking, but rather against his will and intent, is entered into war: For the elect Emperor Charles the fifth, hath him so handled and moved, that he must of necessity with him make war. First, it is not unknown to you all, how good the King hath been to him, fithe his infancy▪ how he hath defended his low countries during his nonage? You▪ what pain the king took by his Ambassadors, to solicit the lords of Spain, which refused to take him as their king, while his mother lived, and by the kings only labour, he came to the kingdom of Spain, what it cost the king to help him to be Emperor, we that be his counsellors can tell, for if the king had not been, surely the French king had been Emperor. Beside all these kindnesses, he hath lent to the said Emperor, diverse great sums of money, to defend his countries, & what profit his countries have by the resort of Englishmen thither, ye that be merchants can tell: for these things with many more proffites, commodities, and gratuities, the king of him is so little regarded, that I am half ashamed to report it. True it is that Frances the french king, was to him prisoner (which chance hath happened to many high princes) the king our master, highly regarding the peace of Christian princes, by which peace God might the more be glorified: desired the Emperor to take some reasonable ●nde for his deliverance, and for that purpose hath sent to him sundry Ambassadors, which gave them ea●es, but dallied with them, and nothing would do at all, and regarded no more his requests, than I would the desire of my servant (and peradventure not so much) so that for all gratuities and friendships to him, by the king our sovereign lord, at all times showed, he showeth himself ingrate and ungentle, and for kindness rendereth unkindness: as for the French King I assure you, he hath humbled himself asmuch as a prince may, his honour saved. He hath offered him so great offers, that except he should give 〈◊〉 his realm and Crown, he can offer no more larger, which offers I●●sure you, sore minish the beauty of his Crown, which I shall briefly declare unto you. For he offereth to pay five hundred thousand pounds sterling, whereof three hundred thousand, to be paid in hand▪ for the remnant sufficient Bankers to be bound, and farther to discharge the Emperor, of all such sums of money, as he oweth to the King of England, and to deliver him a sufficient acquittance for the same. Also where the French king should have, out of the kingdom of Naples an hundred thousand Crowns yearly, the French king will release the same pension, with all the arrearages which are no small some. Also he will release his whole title and right, which he hath to the Duchy of milan, his very inheritance, and never he to challenge or claim the same nor his posterity. Also where the County of Flaunders may lawfully appeal to the parliaments of France, from judgements given by the Emperor or his justices, he is content to release the same superiority and resort, which is a great minishement to the prerogative royal, of the Realm of France, for which of you (said the Cardinal) would consent that the king should release his Seignioritie or superiority of Wales, Ireland, or Cornwall, I dare say you would rather spend your lives and goods.  
Farther where the French King bought of the King the city of Tournay, for six hundred thousand Crowns and odd, yet he is content to yield and release the same city to the Emperor for ever, yea, and beside this he offereth to take to wife, Elinor Queen Dowager of Portyngall, without any dower, yea, in her kirtle, & to endow her with ten thousand Marks sterling by the year, and farther that the child if it be a male, which shallbe gotten of them two, shallbe Duke of Burgoyne, and be partaker of all the honours of France, which is a great thing: Also that the dolphin his son and heir, shall marry the daughter of thesay Lady Elinor, without any treasure to be received for the same, which proffer is worth two hundred thousand Marks sterling.  
Farther more, he will lend the Emperor Ships and Mariners, to convey him to Rome, and also defend him against all men, yea, what will he do more, although the King of Naverr have married his own sister, whose Kingdom the Emperor keepeth by force, yet he offereth neither to aid nor comfort him against the Emperor, but in his querel to be against him: Also he offereth to forsake his old and approved friends, Sir Robert de la March, and the Duke of Gelder's, which faithfully hath served the realm of France, and all for the emperors sake. But the Emperor said he, is so indurate, so unkind and wilful, that he neither regards these reasonable requests, nor yet the Kings prayers nor requests, but answered and said: that if the French king can do all this, he shall have his children. So that the Emperor will trust no man, but every man must trust him: Yet the French King offereth farther, to withdraw the puissant army of the Lord Lawtrecke in Italy, and yet the same passeth prosperiously forward, and is like to do the Emperor more disadvantage, than I will now rehearse: but the Emperor is so proud, and his people so cruel, that he nothing regardeth these offers: for what a cruelty was this, to pull down God's vicar of Rome, and persecute the holy ●athers by extreme tyranny, violated the holy Sacrament, and threw the hosts down on the altar, and like robbers took the Pixe: and farther in the Church, they violated Virgins, and stupred matrons, and despoiled the holy Relics of the city of Rome. And like as the King in hunting time hath s●ain iii C. dear, and the garbage and paunches be cast round about, in every quarter of the Park, so (said the Cardinal) every street lay full of the privy members and genitures of the Cardinals and holy prelate's: the whole history were to abominable to tell. Yet notwithstanding all these offers motioned, and nothing regarding this detestable tyranny, the which every good Christian man abhorreth, he will incline to no reason, I am sure that I could show you twenty articles of promises, which he hath broken with the King: so that I assure you, he keepeth no promise with our sovereign lord, also contra ius Gencium, which I am sure the great Turk would not do, he keepeth prisoner the kings Ambassador Doctor Lee, the French Ambassador, and the Ambassador of Venice: and for asmuch as the Emperor refuseth these offers, which amount to eight kings ransoms, I trust by this war we shall bridle him, and bring him to peace, and this occasion of war, I would all you should declare in your country.  
When the Cardinal had said, 
The murmur ●f the people.  some knocked other on the elbow, and said softly he lieth, other said, that evil will said never well, other said that the French crowns, made him speak evil of themperor, but they that knew all that you have hard before said, that it was shame for him to lie in such an audience. The common people much lamented, that war should arise between the King and themperor, and especial their consideration was, because the Emperor's dominions, had helped them with corn, and relieved them with grain, when they could have no corn, or little out of France. And in this rumour were diverse ships come out of Flaunders and that parties, laden with Hearing, Sturgeon & all other victale necessary: beside eight fair ships, which were laden with corn, all the said ships, 
Ships arrested.  and all the ships of Spain, were stayed and arrested, and their ●ailes taken from them, and put in safe custody. This doing was much talked of by Merchants, which frequented the Emperor's dominions, for they knew and openly said, that the let of the intercourse of Merchants, should turn to the great loss of the Princes, but yet englishmen were content, to obey their king and his counsel.  
The declaration of war in England against the Emperor, and the restraint of Ships of the Emperors Subjects, were shortly known to the Lady Margaret daughter of Savoy, and aunt to the Emperor, which was governor of Flaunders, Brabant, and Zealand and of all the Low Countries: wherefore she by the avice of the Emperors Counsel to her associate, caused all the Englishmen and their goods and Ships to be restrained, and they and their goods were put in safe keeping. Thus the poor Merchants suffered great loss, for the doings of their Princes, as Horace saith: Qui● quid delirant Reges, plectuntur achini: whatsoever kings do, the Commons be punished. Now after this sudden storm, which the Cardinal had moved openly against the Emperor, for evil entreating of the kings Ambassador, he had perfect knowledge that the Emperor, both did the kings Ambassador great honour, and also that he never restrained him from his liberty, whereupon he caused the Emperor's Ambassador, which before was restrained of his liberty, to be sent to his own lodging again, and said that by the report made by the French Ambassadors, he him restraygned, and now sith he knew the truth, he motioned the King for his deliverance.  
The emperors Ambassador, called Don Hugo de Mendosa, dissimuled the matter by apparent signs: and the Cardinal the more to avoid suspicion on his behalf, toward all the world, said: the king was informed by the French Ambassadors, that the Ambassadors of both Princes were put in prison, and farther he said that Clarenseaux had made the defiance to the Emperor without the kings commandment, but only did it by the motion of the French Ambassadors, to accompaignie the French Herald, and for his presumptuous act, he should suffer death at Calais at his return: all these excuses the Cardinal showed to the Emperor's Ambassador, which certified the Emperor of every point, and sent the letter by post into Spain, which letters were opened & copied, by the captain of Bayon, as the post passed that way. And when Clarenseaux returned homeward out of Spain, the Captain gently showed to him the copy of the letters, that the emperors ambassador had written. 
Clareseau● made a ●ear●.  Think you not but Clarenseaux was dismayed, to here his days so short: yet he trusting in his truth, and grace of his Prince▪ passed forward and came to Bullein, where he hard word again of the danger that he was in, wherefore like a wise man he left Calais, and took a Ship at Bullein, and landed at Rye, and came secretly to Hampton Court, where the king la●e, and by friendship of sir Nicholas Carew, one of the kings privy chamber, he was brought to the kings presence, or the Cardinal witted of his return and to him showed the three Letters, which the Cardinal had sent to him, charging him to make the defiance, or he did intimate the war. He declared farther, that neither the Ambassadors of the king, nor the French king, nor he were never sequestered from liberty, but gently entertained, and to the king he showed a chain, to the value of seven hundred Ducat●s, which the Emperor had given him, and showed also the copy of the Emperors Ambassadors letters, which he had at Bayon. 
The wi●e saying of the king  When the king had heard all the circumstance of his declaration, he mused a great while, and said: O Lord jesus▪ he that I trusted most, told me all these things contrary, well Clarenseaux I will be no more of so light credence hereafter, for now I see perfectly, that I am made to believe the thing that was never doen.  
Then the King sent for the Cardinal, and privily talked with him, but whatsoever he said to him, the Cardinal was not very merry, and after that time, the King mistrusted him ever after. When the King and his Counsel, had well digested the Emperors answer, and his gentle demeanour toward the kings Ambassadors, and also had pondered that the low countries of the Emperor, were glad to please the king of England and his Subjects: wherefore the king commanded, to sir John Style knight, to discharge all the Duchemen and their Ships, and delivered their Sails, and gave them licence to return: Nay said the Duchemen, the spaniards and we be the emperors Subjects, why should not they be also discharged? sir John Style answered them, that his Commission was only to discharge them. The Duchemen fearing that the frenchmen, would take the seas before them, and so to stop them, departed hastily, cursing the Cardinal as author of this war.  
When the Lady Margaret heard tell, how the Duche nation with their Ships and goods were released, and not the spaniards, she sent for the English merchants, and to them said: Sirs, sith the King your Master, hath delivered only the Duche men, and not the spaniards, we relese your bodies fr●e, to go at your liberty, but your goods shall remain, till we know what shall become of the spaniards, and when they be delivered, come for your goods, and you shall have them delivered, thus the Englishmen departed, and came to the king, and declared to him and his counsel, how they were entreated.  
This war with the Emperor was displeasant▪ both to Merchants and Clothiers, 
complaint of ●h● Clothier's  for the merchants durst not adventure into Spain, scythe April last passed, and now was come the xi day of March, wherefore all broad Clotheses, Kerseiss, & Cottons, lay on their hands. In somuch as when the Clothiers of Essex, Kent, Wiltshire, Suffolk, & other shires which use Clothmakyng, brought clotheses into Blackewell hall of London, to be sold as they were wont to do: few Merchants or none bought any cloth at all. When the Clothiers lacked sale, than they put from them their spinners, carders, tuckers, & such other that live by clothworking which caused the people greatly to murmur, and specially in Suffolk, for if the duke of Norfolk had not wisely appeased them, no doubt but they had fallen to some riotous act. When the kings counsel was advertised of this inconvenience, the Cardinal sent for a great number of the Merchants of London, and to them said: Sirs the king is informed, that you use not yourselves like Merchants, but like Graziers and artificers▪ for where the Clothiers do daily bring clotheses, to your market for your ease, to their great cost, and there be ready to cell them, you of your wilfulness will not buy them, as you have been accustomed to do: what manner of men be you said the Cardinal? I tell you that the king straightly commandeth you to buy their Clotheses, as before time you have been accustomed to do, upon pain of his high displeasure.  
The Merchants answered, my lord you know well, that we have had no trade outward this twelve months past, and we have so many clotheses in our hands, that we know not how to utter them, therefore it were great loss to us to buy any more: wherefore we trust you will not move us to buy the thing, which we cannot utter, for in all places our vent is stopped and forbidden. Well said the Cardinal, if you will not buy the clotheses at Blackewell hall, they shall be brought to the White Hall at Westminster, and so you of London shall loose the liberty, and the king shall buy them all, and cell them to Merchant strangers. Then answered a wise Merchant, my lord, the king may buy them aswell at Blackewell hall, if it please him, and the strangers will gladlier receive them there, then at Westminster: You shall not order that matter, said the Cardinal, and first I will send into London, to know what Clotheses you have in your hands, and that done the king and his counsel shall appoint who shall buy the Clotheses I warrant you, with this answer the Londoners departed.  
When the Clothier's hard that the Cardinal took their part, they warred proud, and spoke evil of the Merchants, and when the Merchants came to buy Clotheses, the Clothiers set them hire, than they were accustomed to be sold: but at length they were feign, both to abate the price, and also to seek of the Merchant men, for all the Cardinals saying.  
If this war was displeasant to many in England (as you have hard) surely it was asmuch or more displeasant, to the towns and people of Flaunders, Brabant, Holland, and Zelande, and in especial to the towns of Andwarpe and Barrow, where the Martes were kept, and where the resort of Englishmen was, for they said that their Martes were undone, if the Englishmen came not there, and if there were no Mart, their Ships, Hoys, and Wagons might rest, and all artificers, Hosts, and Brokers might sleep, and so the people should fall into misery and poverite, of these things daily complaints were made to the lady Margaret, and the Emperor's counsel, which wisely pondered the complaints, and after long consultation had, they appointed certain Ambassadors to go to the king of England▪ and to entreat for a truce, or abstinence of war, which Ambassadors came into England, and associated themselves with Don Hugo de Mendosa, Ambassadoure there for the Emperor: the one Ambassador was Provost of cassel, and the other Master John Lay sovereign of Flaunders: these iii Ambassadors came to the king, the xxix day of March to Richemond▪ & after reverence done, 
The saying of Hugo d● Mendos●.  the lord Hugo de Mendosa said to the king▪ sir themperors Majesty so much knowledgeth himself bound to your grace, for manifold kind acts and benevolences, done and showed to him sigh his tender age, that he in no wise will take the defiance, done by your Herald as a paremptory intimation of war, till he had heard farther of your pleasure, and therefore his counsel hath sent hither these two noble persons and me, to know your determinate answer, and final resolution in that behalf. The King 
The Kings answer.  after a good advisement had, answered and said: Of war I am nothing joyful, and of war I am less fearful, I thank God I have no cause to care for war, for I have both men and money, and all thing ready prepared for the same, (which things I know that other prince's lack, for all their high words) and therefore to that question of war, I could soon agree, but or I make you a determinate answer, some part of my mind I will declare to you, and I tell you although your Master be a great Emperor, and a mighty Prince, I cannot nor may not suffer him, to bear down & destroy the realm of France, which is our true inheritance, and for the which our brother and alley the French king, payeth us yearly a great pension and tribute, wherefore we of justice and equity, must maintain that land, out of which we have so fair a rent and such a profit.  
Then said the Provost of cassel, yea sir, and it please you to call to your remembrance, the old and ancient love and familiarity, which hath been between your Realm, and the houses of Burgoyne and Flaunders, and the low countries, I assure you the people of all those countries will live and die with you, above all men next their sovereign Lord, wherefore most noble Prince never consent, that old love that hath so long continued, be now broken and separated: we say this for no fear, for we be well furnished for war, both of men and strong castles, all which before this time hath been at your commandment, and therefore the love that we have ever borne you, we continued & offer you now to continued: and where we offer you choice of war or peace, at your pleasure, surely the Emperor meaneth that for your honour, as though you should command which you would: and if you chose war, we have commission to entreat for peace, and you chose peace, we have like commission to thank you, and to offer us and ours at your commandment Then said the Lord Hugo de Mendosa to the king, 
The saying of Hugo de Mendosa.  sir of very right the Emperor and his countries, aught to have your love and favour, before the French king and his nation: for the Frenchmen in the time of their affliction, made humble suits and requests to your grace, which they never would do in the time of their prosperity, but the Emperor hath ever continued one man at all times, wherefore he is better to be trusted, than they which never were long true to you. Well said the king sith I have well perceived the intent of your coming, I will be advised, and then I will make you an avised answer, and in the mean season I am content, that there be an abstinence of war for a time, so the Ambassadors departed for a season, and the Provost of Casselles, departed to the lady Margaret with this answer.  
After this the king which was wise, well learned, and a far casting prince, consulted with his counsel of this matter, and there after long debating it was considered, that the king was rich, strong, and puissant enough to make war with any prince Christian, and that no prince could hurt him by war or invasion, therefore some thought it best to have war, but the king & the wiser sort considered that if he had war with the Emperor, that his merchants should lose much, and if they lost, the clothier's and the clothworkers, of which were a great multitude should lose and be brought to extreme poverty. For it was considered that the Emperor was lord of all Spain, Naples, Sardinia & so southward to Epuskaia, and likewise northest ward from Gravelyn to Rye and Revel, so that English merchants passing on those costs were ever in danger. Also no Alame could come into England but through his dominions, by reason whereof cloth making should decay. Wherefore the king considered if the merchants lost, the poorer sort should lose, and at length he should lose in his customs. Wherefore leaving the glory of war he took mercy on his subjects and concluded to take a peace for a time till farther communication might be had between his counsel and the Emperors. And upon this point letters were sent into Spain, France, and Flaunders, and so this matter continued undertermined till answers were brought from outward parts.  
In this season the bishop of Bayon which afterward was bishop & Cardinal of Paris being ambassador from the Frencheking & sojourning in London, 
The su●te of the French Ambassadors  hard tell how the Emperor's ambassadors made much su●te to the king and his counsel where he came to the court and desired to speak with the king and so was brought to the kings presence, to whom he said: pleaseth your highness to consider the great and high peace that is concluded between you and your loving brother and perpetual ally the French king my master, which is ratified and confirmed by the three estates of the realm of France, by the which you have yearly xx. M. pound sterling, which realm you have promised to defend against all persons: Now in showing your love that you bear to the French king & his subjects. If you would make sharp war on the Emperor's subjects, I assure you the whole realm of France would take it so thankfully that it should never be forgotten. 
The kings answer●s.  Well said the king, as touching the league and amity between my brother of France and me it shallbe inviolately kept for me, but sir to enter into war it needeth no counsel, but how to end war with honour & profit men must needs study. As touching the defence of the realm of France I assure you it shallbe defended to my power though it be to my loss, and my study is no less to have a peace which might be honourable to your master then to mine own self. With which saying the Ambassador held him well contented, So that you may perceive that the great pension and profit that the king of England had out of France with the great league and amity concluded and sworn, was the very cause why the king of England so much held with the French king & not for mere love. For this matter was daily great counsels, and one day th'emperors ambassador was present, another day the French kings ambassador was present, but the Cardinal was ever on the French part. So thus continued this daily counsels with great study.  
In the same season a French Crayer of xxx ton manned with xxxviii. frenchmen lay at Margate to wait for a pray of some Fleming that should come out of the river of Thames, and by chance a Crayer of Armew which was appointed to waft the fisher boats between Gravelyn and Ost end, was come by North of Goodwin sands to Nor●hsand head and so came to Gravesend and took in bread. This Crayer was of xxviii. ton and had in her xxiiii. flemings: When she was victualed she made to the sea ward, and suddenly he espied the frenchmen which hoved under a sail, The flemings mistrusted and incontinent put themselves in a readiness and came so nigh that he hailed the Frencheman, the Frenchman shot a piece of ordinance and with that laid the Fleming aboard, there was sore fighting, for the Frenchmen had crosoowes and the flemings had handgunnes. The Frencheman fell of & would have been go, that seeing the Fleming whysteled and after the Frencheman made sail. Now the wind was so straynable Est that the Frencheman could sail no whither but into the Thames, and so he did and the Fleviing followed, and before Gravesend the Fleming boarded the Frencheman and there they fought again, but away again went the Frenchman and the Fleming after with all his sails, and so far sailed the Frencheman that he ran a long the Tower wharf as though he would have reven his ship, the Fleming set on and entered the ship for any thing the Frencheman could do and cried I have taken the thief. 
● ship chased to the Tower wharf.  Sir Edmond Walsynghgan lieutenant of the Tower was on the wharf & saw them fight, called his men and entered the ships and took both the captains and their men. The Fleming boldly challenged his prize, for he said that open war was between France and Flaunders, and said farther that the Frencheman was a pirate: The kings counsel took up the matter and made an end between them. This chance was much talked of that two ships should sail in chase from Margate to the Tower wharf, because the before time such a like thing had never been hard.  
Now let us return to the lord Lawtrick which had gotten many towns in Italy, and had with his great army besieged the city of Naples and so it happened that the prince of Orange & other captains the xix. day of April set on a great part of the French army and notwithstanding their hardiness the Emperor's army obtained the victory, so that from that time forth the frenchmen lost, what by pestilence which then was great in Italy, and what by sudden skirmishes.  
This year the xxii day of February the king created at Wynsor sir Pierce Buelar of Ireland, earl of Osserey.   

The twenty year.  
THe king kept the day of saint George with the companions of the order of the Garter with great solemnity at his Manor of Rychemond, where to him came tidings from the army of the lord Lawtrick in Italy, which letters showed that the lord Lawtrick had sent the lord Peter de Navarro the third day of March last passed to a great town called melf with x. M. frenchmen, & within the town were viii. C. Spaniards good men of war, the lord Peter de Navarro besieged the town, & after gave to the same a great assault, but the Spaniards so defended them with ordinance & resistences that they slew u or vi. M frenchmen and caused them to retreat. The lord Lautrick hearing this came in person with a great number to the town of Smell & marvelously be● the town with ordinance and then gave to it a great and fierce assault, and so sore that the Spaniards were put back, yet they defended them, so that it was marvel to behold, for they slew and destroyed iiii. M. frenchmen. The French army entered the town on all sides, and yet the spaniards kept the market with their ordinance as long as they might, but at the last being oppressed with multitude they all were slain without mercy, so cruel were the frenchmen: In this town was taken the prince of Melff a noble man pertaining to the Emperor. Thus was the town of melf taken and spoiled, not greatly to the Frenchemennes' profit, for they lost almost x. M. men which sore diminished their power.  
Although that this season was an abstinence of war taken between the king of England & the lady Margarete so that the dutch nation might safely come & go into England, and the Englishmen might safely repair thither, yet between the frenchmen and the flemings was hot war on the frontiers, and many a prisoner was taken, and many men slain, and likewise the one part took the other on the seas, and sometime the frenchmen would spoil English ships, saying that they ha● flemings goods or Spaniards goods, and likewise the flemings would enter the English ships, and say they had Frenchemens' goods, so the Englishmen lost till the king sent ships to keep the sea: But for a truth the spaniards were strong on the sea, and to the frenchmen did much harm. The king perceiving that there was nothing concluded between themperor & him, thought not to be behind hand, wherefore he ordained that the lord Sands should pass to Guisnes with a M. soldiers that was v. C. archers and u C. horsemen, and that the duke of Suffolk should pass over after with a great army to invade Flaunders. These lords made much preparation & mustered their men at the Mantles beside saint Ihones & was ready to departed, but the Emperor's ambassador & thambassador of Flaunders so much did with the king & his counsel (& the French king also assented) that truce was taken between England, Flaunders, & the countries of Pycardy on this side the water of Some for viii. months▪ the peace to begin the first day o● May▪ and to endure to the last day o● February. This peace was proclaimed in London the xix day of june, so that now all Englishmen might lawfully pass into the low countries but not into spain, which sore grieved mare●auntes that haunted that parties, In the same proclamation was farther contained, that if a final peace were not fully agreed between the said iii princes within the said viii months, that then all merchants should have two months after to pass into their own countries with their wares and marchaunoises in safety. The Emperor son inclined to this peace, for he saw that by the mart many of his friends in high Dutcheland and other places ●●ke great profit and especially his own low countries, wherefore he thought not to hurt his friends for the displeasure he bore to his enemies of France, and also to show himself ●ouyng to the king of England he was content to take this peace.  
In this season the duke Charles of Gelder's perceiving the Emperor was at war with France, raised a great power of horsemen & came to a great town of Holland called the Hage where the law and justice is kept for that country, by reason whereof the town was very rich, and suddenly he entered the town without resistance and spoiled and rob the town and slew divers persons and with much riches jaded their wagons and so departed and carried with him divers rich prisoners. The lady Margarete governess of the low countries hearing of this raised a great power under the conduct of the lord Isylsteinge, which lord with a great puissance entered Gelderland and got the town of Hatton, the castle of Howring, and forraied and destroyed the country: las●ly on Whitsonday being the last day of may the Gelder's gave battle to the lord Isylsteinge and fought valiantly as any men could do, but yet by fortune of war they were overcome and fled & were chased a great way and many slain. This chance was while the treaty of peace was in England.  
In the very end of May began in the city of London the sickness called the sweeting sickness, 
The swea●●yng sickness  and afterward went all the realm almost of the which many died within u or vi. hours, By reason of this sickness the term was adjourned and the circuits of Assi●e also. The king was sore troubled with this plague, for divers died in the court, of whom one was sir France's Poynes which was Ambassador in Spain, & other, so that the king for a space removed almost every day, till at the la●● he came to Tytynhangar a place of the abbot of saint Alban's, & there he with a few determined to bide the chance that God would sand him, which place was so purged daily with fierce and other preservatives, that neither he nor the queen nor none of their company was enfected of the disease, such was the pleasure of God. In this great plague died sir William Compton knight & William Cary esquire which were of the kings privy chamber, and whom the king highly favoured and many other worshipful men and women in England.  
By reason of this plague the watches which were wont to be kept yearly in London on saint Ihons' even at Midsummer and saint Peter's eve were by the king and his counsel commanded to be left for that year, wherefore the Armourers made great suit to the king and declared their great hindrance, which was not so much considered as the mischief that might have ensued if that so great a number should have assembled together in that hot time & the plague of sweeting raining. Now let us leave England all this Summer season troubled & vexed with this sweeting sickness, and let us return to the affairs of Italy.  
The Emperor which knew how the lord Lawtrick was in Italy with a great army, thought it not for his profit to leave his army there unsuccored, wherefore he sent the lord Henry the younger duke of Brunswick with a great company of Almains both on foot and horseback. Wherefore the Uenicians set France's duke of Orbyne to keep the straits and to stop him the passage: But when he heard of the puissance of the duke of Brunswycke and the great munitions & provisions of war that the Almains brought, he turned his journey, and by advise of the Uenicians determined to fortify the towns & to defend them against the Almains, and so the duke of Brunswick with his army passed the mountains and entered Italy burning, rasing & ransoming towns as he passed, and ever he marched toward Myllain, whereof hearing the Mylleners which were brought to extreme poverty by these wars, began to lament and wail for the great tyranny that they judged to follow which followed in deed. For when the Almains came to Myllain and demanded money of the Citizens, they that had nothing to pay, were tied in chains and kept miserably in prison till they had made some provision for the payment, which caused the Citizens to flee out of the city and to leave it in manner desolate: which thing Anthony de Leua perceiving, moved with great compassion for the desolation of the city called the Citizens together and promised them that if they would pay the wages of the soldiers for xx. days only, he would 'cause all the whole army to remove out of the city, the poor citizens made shift and paid the soldiers, and so they all departed from milan and came to the city of Pavye and took it with little labour and after that took divers other towns.  
Anthony de Leua knew well the Duke of Brunswycke would in the spring of the year set forward toward Naples to aid the Emperor's army against the lord Lawtrick, therefore he desired the Duke that or he passed out of the duchy of milan, he would put all the frenchmen out of such fortresses as they kept, which thing he said might be easily done considering the great puissance of the Almains and the debility and lack of power of the duke of milan, and in especial considering that the Uenicians kept their towns and would not aid the French part, to the which persuasions the Duke agreed and went toward the city of Lawde to the which they gave the assault, but they within so well defended if that the Almains lost more than they wan, wherefore the duke determined to famish them within for he knew by their great number that their victual must needs fail and so it did in deed, so that no creature but men of war had any victual and therefore the poor Citizens were compelled either to go into the hands of their enemies or to die for famine.  
In this season was through all Italy a universal war, famine and pestilence or a morreyn whereof the people died in every place, & in especially in the Duke's army which caused the most part of the Almayves to return into their country, wherefore the duke wisely considered the chance and saw that his army was greatly minished by death, and saw farther that for lack of victual and money he was not able to convey the remnant of his army to Naples, by the advise of Anthony de Leua concluded to return and so shortly after in good order returned and lost more by the pestilence then by his enemies.  
The French king was advertised by the lord Lawtrick how his people decayed sore before Naples, and how the Duke of Brunswyke was coming to raise the siege & rescue the city, wherefore the French king sent lord France's earl saint Paul brother to the duke of Uandosme with viii M. men to follow the duke of Brunswick to Naples, and if he went not to Naples, than he should join himself with France's Sforcia duke of milan and the Uenicians and so to expel Anthony de Leua and all the Emperor's soldiers out of Lombardy.  
The Spaniards within Naples were advertised that new succours were coming to the frenchmen, wherefore they determined to fight with them or their new aid came, and so one day they issued out of the city and fought with the frenchmen and slew many of them, but by force they were compelled to return. The lord Lawtrick knew well that the city could not hold long for lack of victual (for a surety if victual had not come by sea, the town had been yielded) wherefore the lord Lawtrick suffered his army to lie still in the plain field all the heat of the Summer and brought them not to the shadow, by reason whereof there fell such a disease amongst his army that they died daily in great number and he himself fell sick and left the army and lay at Verse, of the which mortality there died in the French camp above xxiiii. M. 
The death at Naples.  men beside the most part of all their horses and beasts, of which number as divers writers do agreed there died above v. M. gentlemen, amongst whom there died the lord Uawdemont brother to Anthony duke of Lorraine, the lord of Grauntmount, the captain Molyac, the lord Lavall of the Dolphenye, the captain Luper, the lord Charles Uyvone lord of Chataygneray son to the lord Andrew of Uyvone Seneschal of Poytew, and many othex noblemen of name.  
During which plag●e the town of Cap (which most of all the towns in the realm of Naples held on the French part) become imperial and turned to the Emperor's part, Whereof hearing the lord Lawtrick made therefore great sorrow, and being somewhat amended of his disease, took his horse and came to visit the Camp, and when he saw his number so minished and his Camp so desolate of people that he perceived that his enterprise could not be performed, he fell into such a melancholy that his sickness took him more fervently than before, so that within two days after, which was the xxi. day of August he died at and his body was sere and conveyed after into France.  
The Marquis of Saluce which was lieutenant under the lord Lawtrick called to counsel the Earl Guy of Rancon and Peter de Naver and other captains that were left, and after long consultation they considered their number to be to small either to keep the siege or to abide battle, for they passed not v. M. in all. Wherefore they concluded to leave the siege and to return, and so the xxv. day of August they broke up their Camp and returned toward France, in which return the Spaniards ever costed them, and when they took any Frencheman at advantage, they either siewe or took them. Thus was the end of this journey by reason of the great mortality, which if it had not happened, the city and the whole realm of Naples had been recovered: For the city of Naples could not have holden x. days, after the army removed as they confessed after.  
The Earl of saint Paul (which was appointed to pass into italy as you have heard before) knew nothing of the mortality at Naples. Wherefore with all speed he passed the mountains the same sea●on that the duke of Brunswick returned & came into the duchy of Myllain and took certain fortresses which the Emperor's power had won, and after that the aids of the Uenicians and duke Frances Sforcias' were joined with him, he besieged the city of Pavye and within a few days the city was taken by force and the walls beaten down to the ground for despite that the French king was taken before the town. These doings were not so much pleasant to the French king as the loss of the city of Geane was to him displeasant. For the same season Andrew Dorye which was all the do't for the French king on the sea▪ & had before time in the French kings quarrel vanquished the lord Hugo Uiceroy of Naples, & had taken the Marques of Gnasto & Ascayne de Columna & other captains belonging to the Emperor, which prisoners the French king commanded him to deliver into his hands, which thing Andrew Dory thought not reasonable, considering that he took him, and for that cause and because his wages was not paid, he took his Galeys and sailed to Geane where he was borne and also was there of great authority and estimation, and there he so persuaded the people that they become unperial and took Trenulsius the French kings friend and put him in ward, and prepared to detende the city against the French kings power, whereof hearing the Earl of saint Poule sent in all hast his light horsemen to succour the city but or they came the citizens were so furnished that the frenchmen had no hope of recovery, wherefore they returned to Alexandry, and there they counseled together how to take the city of milan which was sore desolate of people and brought to great mischief by the cruelty of Spaniards and Almains, but when they heard tell that the Emperor had sent two. M. Spaniards to aid Anthony de Leua, they changed their purpose and determined to recover the city of Geane again. For which purpose the earl lief the Uenicians at Casyan, and the power of duke France's Sforcie he left at Pavye to keep the passages that the Spaniards should not stray far abroad, and also to keep the passages that no victual should come to the Spaniards which at that time had only the city and castle of Myllain and none other fortress to resort to. And th'earl himself lay at a village called Landryan, and for the more speed of his enterprise he sent his forward with all his artillery before toward ●eane, having with him his middle ward and rearward. Of all these doings Usum de Leua lying at Myllayn by his espyals was truly from time to time advertised, wherefore he like a politic captain considered how the earl had done foolishly to send his ordinance and forward before, he therefore determined to take the advantage of the frenchmen if he might, and so called to him all his captains and to them said: Fellows in arms and soldiers to the Emperor our master, 
Anthony de 〈◊〉 enco●ag●th his soldiers  see and consider what a great occasion of victory is offered to us this present day, for the Uenicians and the Sforcians be severed from the frenchmen, and th'earl of saint Paul with part of his army lieth at Landryan and hath sent his forward & his ordinance toward Geane, wherefore we will set on him suddenly if you agreed, and if we overcome him the praise shallbe ours, and if he fly at our coming yet following him we shall get a great prey and botie. To this intent all the other soldiers agreed (for they were very needy and glad to have somewhat) and so he caused it to be proclaimed that all his men should be ready at an hour, and that every man should have a white shirt above his apparel that one in the dark might know another, and when every man was ready and the evening approached, Anthony de Leua according to his enterprise set forward and was all armed and sat in a chair carried by iiii. 
● Camisad●.  strong persons.  
When the citizens of Myllain saw him thus armed & borne in a chair and knew well that he had a ronning gout and could not stir himself, they marveled much of his audacity, but by the experience of other things by him done, they judged that he intended some great enterprise, but because the number of his people was so little they doubted the sequel of his adventure. But for all their imaginations he with his people secretly issued out of Myllain and passed forward without any noise, and in the morning suddenly set on th'earl of saint Paul and his army, so that the earl had no leisure to sand for his ordinance and forward but was fain to trust to such as were then with him. And at the first brunt the Almains fled, and the French horsemen also, & with a little fight all the other fled, and as the Earl himself was fleeing over a great ●iche on horseback, he with the earl Guy of Raucon and the lord Castillyon and many other nobles and gentlemen were taken prisoners and all their victual purue●aunce & artillery were prays to th'emperor's soldiers which much refreshed them. After this journey the French king had no army in Italy, wherefore Frances Sforcia seeing himself destitute of aid, made means to the Emperor by Pope Clement ●or the appointment both of the duchy of Myllain and also for his answer of certain treasons of the which he was accused to the Emperor, to whom themperor answered that the next summer he would come into Italy to receive his Imperial crown, and then he would take such an order as right and equity should require. This was the end of the wars begun between the king of England & the French king on the one party and the Emperor on the other party, in the xix. year of the king as you have heard before. For after this journey the lady Margaret duchess of Savoy & aunt to themperor, and the lady Loyse duchess of Angulesme and mother to the French king continually laboured for a peace, so that by their means a treaty was appointed to be kept at Cambray in june following as you shall hear after.  
Now let us return to the king of England which was in a great scruple of his conscience & not quiet in his mind, because that divers divines well learned secretly informed him that he lived in adultery with his brother's wife to the great peril of his soul, and told him farther that the court of Rome could not dispense with God's commandment & precept. These things were talked among the common people sith the first day of his marriage as you have heard before, insomuch that now the kings counsellors advised him to know the truth. Wherefore he like a wise prince for qui●tyng of his conscience called together the best learned of the realm which were of several opinions, wherefore he thought to know the truth by indifferent judges jest peradventure the spaniards in favour of the queen would say that his own subjects were not indifferent judges, wherefore he wrote his cause to Rome because the best ●●erkes in Christendom were there, and also he sent to all the universities of Italy and France and to the great clerks of all christendom to know their opinions, and desired the court of Rome to sand into his realm a legate to hear the cause debated which should be indifferent and of a great judgement. At whose request the whole consistory of the college of Rome sent thither Laurence Campeius a priest Cardinal, a man of great wit & experience, but more learned in the papal law then in divinity which was sent as legate into England in the x. year of this king as you have heard in the said year, & with him was joined in commission the Cardinal o● York & legate of England, & so this Cardinal Campeius by long journeys came into England & much preparation was made to receive him triumphantly into London, but he was so sore vexed with the gout that he refused all such solempnities, & desired heartily that he might without pomp be conveyed to his lodging for his more quiet & 〈◊〉, & so the ix. day of October he came from saint Mary Ouereys by water to the bishop of Baths place without Temple bar where he lo●ged the last time he was in England. Where he was visited of the Cardinal of York & di●ers other estates & prelate's. 
〈◊〉 cardinal ●ampe●us coming to London.  And after he had rested him a season & was somewhat relieved of his pain, he was brought to the kings presence then lying at Brydewel by the Cardinal of york and was carried in a chair of Crimosyn velvet borne between iiii. persons for he was not able to stand, and the Cardinal of york and he sat both on the right hand of the kings throne, and there one Frauncisco secretary to Cardinal Campe●●s made an eloquent oration 
The oracior.  in the Latin tongue, in the which he rehearsed, ●yrst with what cruelty the Emperor's soldiers had handled the pope, what tyranny they had showed to the Cardinals and priests, what sacrilege & spoil they had committed in saint Peter's church▪ how they had violate virgins, ravished men's wives, & in conclusion spoiled rob & tormented all the Romans & inhabitants in the city of Rome: and farther he showed what friendship the college of Rome found at the kings hands & the French kings in the time of that tribulation, that if they had not joined together, the city of Rome with all their governors had been brought to utter ruin & decay, for the which he said that pope Clement & all his college of cardinals & the Senators of the city with all the citizens rendered to the king their hearty thanks, & promised him their love, favour & amity perpetual.  
This oration (as concerning the trouble of Rome) was set forth with such lamentacio●s, such abominable acts & tyrannies that the most part of the hearers thought it more eloquent than true. To the which Oration doctor Fox Provost of Cambridge made a discrete answer, 
The answer  & as to the first point he declared that the king much lamented to hear his friends yea or any other christian men to be ordered or handled with such tyranny and oppression: and as touching the second point he said that the king did but the duty of a christian prince to relieve his friends being in captivity for the which he would that the whole city of Rome should give thanks to God and not to him. After which answer made the two legates communed secretly with the king a long space and after departed to their lodging.  
Of the coming of this Legate the common people being ignorant of the truth and in especial women & other that favoured the queen talked largely, & said that the king would for his own pleasure have another wife & had sent for this legate to be divorced from his queen, with many foolish words, insomuch that whosoever spoke against the marriage was of the common people abhorred & reproved, which common rumour & foolish communicacions were related to the king, wherefore he like a prudent prince & circumspect doer in all his affairs, & willing all men to know his intent and purpose, caused all his nobility, judges & counsellors with divers other persons to come to his palace of Brydewell on sunday the viii. day of November at after noon in his great chamber and there to them said as near as my wit could bear away these words following.  
Our trusty and well-beloved subjects both you of the nobility and you of the meaner sort, 
The kings Oration co●●cernyng his first marriage.  it is not unknown to you how that we, both by God's provision and true & lawful inheritance have reigned over this realm of England almost the term of xx. years, During which time we have so ordered us, thanked be God that no outward enemy hath oppressed you nor taken any thing from us, nor we have invaded no realm but we have had victory & honour, so that we think that you nor none of your predecessors never lived more quietly, more wealth, nor in more estimation under any of our noble progenitor's: But when we remember our mortality and that we must die, than we think that all our doings in our life time are clearly defaced & worthy of no memory if we leave you in trouble at the time of our death. For if our true heir be not known at the time of our death, see what mischief & trouble shall succeed to you and your children. The experience thereof some of you have seen after the death of our noble grandfather king Edward the four and some have heard what mischief & manslaughter continues in this realm between the houses of York and Lancaster, by the which dissension this realm was like to have been clearly destroyed. And although it hath pleased almighty God to sand us a fair daughter of a noble woman and me begotten to our great comfort & joy, yet it hath been told us by divers great clerks that neither she is our lawful daughter nor her mother our lawful wife, but that we live together abominably and detestably in open adultery, insomuch that when our ambassade was last in France & motion was made that the Duke of Orleans should marry our said daughter, one of the chief counsellors to the French king said, It were well done to know whither she be the king of England his lawful daughter or not, for well known it is that he begat her on his brother's wife which is directly against God's law & his precept. Think you my lords that these words touch not by body & soul, think you that these doings do not daily & hourly trouble my conscience & vex my spirits, yes we doubt not but & if it were your own cause every man would seek remedy when the peril of your soul & the loss of your inheritance is openly laid to you. For this only cause I protest before God & in the word of a prince, I have asked counsel of the greatest clerks in Christendom, and for this cause I have sent for this legate as a man indifferent only to know the truth and to settle my conscience and for none other cause as God can judge. And as touching the queen, if it be adjudged by the law of God that she is my lawful wife, there was never thing more pleasant nor more acceptable to me in my life both for the discharge & clering of my conscience & also for the good qualities and conditions the which I know to be in her. For I assure you all, 
The pr●rse of the queen.  that beside her noble parentage of the which she is descended (as all you know) she is a woman of most gentleness, of most humility and buxumnes, yea and of all good qualities appertaining to nobility, she is without comparison, as I this xx. years almost have had the true experiment, so that if I were to marry again i● the marriage might be good I would surely chsoe her above all other women: But if it be determined by judgement that our marriage was against God's law and clearly void, than I shall not only sorrow the departing from so good a Lady and loving companion, but much more lament and bewail my ●nfortunate chance that I have so long lived in adultery to God's great displeasure, and have no true heir of my body to inherit this realm. These be the sores that vex my mind, these be the pangs that trouble my conscience, & for these griefs I seek a remedy. Therefore I require of you all as our trust and confidence is in you to declare to our subjects our mind and intent according to our true meaning, and desire them to pray with us that the very truth may be known for the discharge of our conscience and saving of our soul, and for the declaration hereof I have assembled you together and now you may departed.  
To see what countenance was made amongst the hearers of this Oration it was a strange sight, for some sighthed and said nothing, other were sorry to hear the king so troubled in his conscience. Other that ●auored the queen much sorrowed that this matter was now opened, and so every man spoke as his heart served him, but the king ever laboured to know the truth for discharge of his conscience.  
Shortly after this the two Legates came to the queen at the same place of Brydewell, 
The saying of the Legate.  and declared to her how they were deputed judges indifferent between the king and her to hear and determine whether the marriage between them siode with God's law or not. When she heard the cause of their coming, no marvel though she were astonied for it touched her very near. And when she had paused a while she answered: Al●s my lords is it now a question whether I be the kings lawful wife or no? 
〈…〉  When I have been married to him almost xx. years & in the mean season never question was made before? divers prelate's yet being alive & lords also & privy counsellors with the king at that time, then adjudged our marriage lawful and honest, and now to say it is detestable and abominable, I think it great marvel: and in especial when I consider, what a wise prince the kings father was, and also the love and natural affection, that King Fernando my father bore unto me: I think in myself that neither of our fathers, were so uncircumspect, so unwise, and of so small imagination, but they foresaw what might follow of our marriage, and in especial the King my father, sent to the Court of Rome, and there after long suit, with great cost and charge, obtained a licence and dispensation, that I being the one brother's wife, and peradventure carnally known, might without scrupule of conscience, marry with the other brother lawfully, which licence under lead I have yet to show, which things make me to say and surely believe, that our marriage was both lawful, good, and Godly: But of this trouble I only may thank you my lord Cardinal of York, for because I have wondered at your high pride & vainglory, and abhor your voluptuous life, and abominable Lechery, and little regard your presumptuous power and tyranny, therefore of malice you have kindled this fire, and set this matter a brooch, & in especial for the great malice, that you bear to my nephew the Emperor, whom I perfectly know you hate worse than a Scorpion, because he would not satisfy your ambition, and make you Pope by force, and therefore you have said more than once, that you would trouble him and his friends, and you have kept him true promise, for of all his wars and vexations, he only may thank you, and as for me his poor aunt and kinswoman, what trouble you put me to, by this new found doubt, God knoweth, to whom I commit my cause according to the truth. The Cardinal of York excused himself, saying, that he was not the beginner, nor the mover of the doubt, & that it was sore against his will, that ever the marriage should come in question, but he said that by his superior the Bishop of Rome, he was deputied as a judge to hear the cause, which he swore on his profession to hear indifferently, but whatsoever was said, she believed him not, and so the Legates took their leave of her and departed. These words were spoken in French, and written by Cardinal Campeius secretory, which was present, and by me translated as near as I could.  
The king notwithstanding that his mind was unquiet, yet he kept a good countenance toward the Queen, with asmuch love, honour, and gentleness, as could be showed to such a Princes, but he abstained from her bed, till the truth was tried▪ according as his Ghostly counsel had advised him, which was to him no little pain, for surely he loved her as well, as any Prince might love his wife, and she him again, and therefore it was great pity, that their marriage was not good.  
The more to quicken his spirits and for recreation, the King kept his Christmas at Grenewiche, with much solemnity and great plenty of viands, and thither came the two Legates, which were received by two Dukes, and diverse Earls, Barons and Gentlemen, to whom the king showed great pleasures, both of justes, Tornay, Banquets Masks and disguisynges, 
Cardinal 〈◊〉 son ●words● knight.  & on the xii. day he made the lawful son of Cardinal Campeius, borne in wedlock, knight, and gave him a collar of. S. S. of gold: but the Queen showed to them no manner of countenance, and made no great joy of nothing, her mind was so troubled.  
This doing in England, was spread over all Christendo● by letters, and in every region except Spain, and the Emperor's dominions, they adjudged the king a wise, a virtuous, & a prudent prince, for trying out of the truth, considering that the question was not only doubtful to learned men in Divinity, but upon the uncertainty of the same, depended the ruin of his realm and the succession of the same, which was a weighty thing to consider, and no wisdom to let so great a doubt lie undiscussed.  
After Christmas and all Lent till Easter, was none other thing commoned of, but only of the kings marriage, the archbishop of Cantorbury sent for the famous doctors, of both the Universities to Lambeth and there were every day disputations, and commonynges of this matter, and because the king perceived & knew well, that the queen was wedded to her own opinion, and that he would that she should do nothing without counsel, he bade her choose the best clerks of his realm, to be of her counsel, and licenced them to do▪ the best on her part that they could according to the truth: then she elected William Warham Archbishop of Canterbury, and Nicholas West bishop of Elie, doctors of the laws, and John Fi●●her bishop of Rochester, and Henry standish bishop of saint Ass, doctors of Divinity, and many other doctors and well learned men, which for a surety like men well learned, defended her cause as far as learning might defend it, as you shall here in the year following.  
This year was sir james Spenser Mayor of London, in whose time the watch in London on Midsummer night was laid down.   

¶ The xxi year. 
The xxi year.   
IN the beginning of this year, in a great Hall within the black Friars of London, was ordained a solemn place, for the two Legates to sit in, with two cheyers covered with cloth of gold, and cusshions of the same, and a Dormant table rai●ed before, like a solemn Court, all covered with carpets and Tapissery: 
The Court at the Black Friars.  on the right hand of the court was hanged a cloth of estate, with a chair and Cusshions of rich Tissue, for the king, and on the left hand of the Court, was set rich chair for the Queen. When the place was ready, the King and the Queen were ascited by Doctor Samson, to appear before the Legates, at the forenamed place, the twenty and eight day of May, being then the morrow after the feast of Corpus Christi, in proper person, or by their Proctors. At the day assigned, the Legates came to the forenamed place, with Crosses Pillars, Axes, and all the Ceremonies belonging to their degrees, and after that they were set (the Cardinal of York sitting on the right hand) their Commission was red, and the cause of their coming thither openly declared, the effect whereof was, that the Court of Rome was instructed, that great Clerks and learned men, had informed the King, that his marriage with his brother's wife, was unlawful, damnable, and directly againat the Law of God, wherefore they were directed and appointed by thesay Court, to be judges in the cause, and to here what on both parties could be alleged: after this was done the king was called by name, for whom two proctors appeared, than the Queen was called, which within short space, being accompanied with the four Bishops, and other of her counsel, and a great company of Ladies and gentle women following her, 
The Queen appealed.  came personally before the Legates, and after her obeisance, sadly and with great gravity done, she appealed from them, as judges not competent for that cause, to the Court of Rome▪ and after that done she departed again. Notwithstanding this appeal, the Legates sat weakly, & every day were arguments on both parts, and nothing else doen.  
The king which only desired, to have an end in this matter, for discharge of his conscience, came to the Court the of june, and the Queen also, where he standing under his cloth of estate, said these words in effect following: 
The Kings Oration.  My lords, Legates of the Sea Appostolike, which be deputied judges, in this great and weighty matter, I most heartily beseech you, to ponder my mind and intent, which only is to have a final end, for the discharge of my conscience: for every good christian man knoweth what pain, ● what unquietness he suffereth, which hath his conscience grieved, for I assure you on mine honour, that this matter hath so vexed my mind, & troubled my spirits, that I can scantly study any thing, which should be profitable for my Realm and people. And for to have a quietness in body and soul, is my desire and request, and not for any grudge that I bear to her that I have married for I dare say that for her womanhood, wisdom, nobility, and gentleness, never Prince had such another, and therefore if I would willingly change I were not wise: wherefore my suit is to you my Lords at this time, to have a speedy end, according to right, for the quietness of my mind and conscience only, and for no other cause as God knoweth.  
When the King had said, the Queen departed without any thing saying, than she was called, to know whether she would bide by her appeal, or answer there before the Legates, her Proctor answered, that she would bide by her appeal, that notwithstanding, the Counsellors on both sides every day almost met, and debated this matter substantially, so that at the last the Divines were all of opinion, that the marriage was against the Law of God, if she were carnally known, by the first brother which thing she clearly denied) but to that was answered, that Prince Arthur her husband, confessed the act done, when he called for drink early in the morning, saying: that he had been in Spain that night, which was a hot country, meaning that he had carnally used her, father at the time of the death of Prince Arthur, she thought and judged that she was with child, and for that cause, the king was deferred from the Title and Creation of the Prince of Wales, almost half a year, which thing could not have been judged, if she had not been carnally known.  
Also she herself caused a Bull to be purchased, in the which were these words, Vel forsan cogni●am, which is asmuch to say, as peradventure carnally known, which words were not in the first Bull granted by july at her second marriage to the King, which second Bull with that clause was only purchased▪ to dispense with the second Matrimony, although there were carnal copulation before, which Bull needed not to have been purchased, if there had been no carnal copulation, for then the ●irst Bull had been sufficient.  
When the Divines on her side, were beaten from that ground, than they fell to persuasions of Natural reason, how this should not be undone for three causes: One was because if it should be broken, the only child o● the King, should be a Bastard, which were a great mischief to the realm: Secondly, the separation should be a cause of great unkindness, between her kindred and this realm. And the third cause was, that the continuance of so long space, had made the Marriage honest: These persuasions with many other, were set forth by the queens Counsel, and in especial by the Bishop of Rochester, which stood stiff in her cause, but yet God's precept was not answered, wherefore they left that ground and fell to pleading, that the Court of Rome had dispensed with that Marriage: To this some layers said, that no earthly person is able to dispense with the positive Law of God.  
When the Legates had heard the opinions of the Divines, and saw that their opinion for the most part, was against the Matrimony, and that now the question was brought to dispute, the authority of the Court of Rome, they began a little to quicken: For they considered that if they should ●aie and determine, that the Court of Rome might not dispense in that case, that few men would think, that they might dispense in any other case, which should be to them, a great loss and hurt. Wherefore they dissimuled the matter, and ever told the King, that he should have an end shortly, and tracted forth the time with Orations and Sophistical arguments, till August began to approach: then Cardinal Campeius said, that they might not sit after july, till October, all which season was a vacation in the Court of Rome, and their Court being a member of the Court of Rome, they must needs do the same: this saying was reported to the king, which by that saying knew perfectly, that he should then have no end, and then he complained to the dukes of Norfolk a●d Suffolk, and other nobles of his counsel, how he was delayed, and willed them at the next Session, to require them to make an end of the cause, and what judgement soever they gave, he would gladly accept it, for the quietness of his conscience.  
These noble men came to the place, where the Legates sat, the xxx day of August, being friday, where as Cardinal Campeius, declared in eloquent Latin, and swore on his honour and faith that he bore to the churhce of Rome, that the course of the courts there be, at th'end of july, to suspend all causes, till the four day of October, and if any cause be treated, and judged in the mean season, that judgement to be clearly void, and therefore he required the king to take patience, till that time, trusting that then they should proceed toward sentence, so that he should be contented: the noble men desired them to make an end, whatsoever it were, that day or the next day, which was the last day of july: but they answered that they could sit no more till October, which answer sore displeased the noble men, which the king had sent thither, in so much that Charles Duke of Suffolk, seeing the delay, gave a great clap on the Table with his hand and said: by the Mass, now I see that the old said saw is true, that there was never Legate nor Cardinal, that did good in England, and with that saying all the Temporal Lords departed to the King▪ leaving the Legates sitting one looking on the other sore astonnied, because they saw the Temporal lords departed in anger.  
You may be sure, that the king was not well content, when he hard of this delay, but yet like a wise Prince, he took it patiently, trusting to have an end in October ensuing: But when he heard tell, that a letter was sent for the Cardinal Campeius, that he should with speed, return into Italy, and that he provided for his journey: Then he openly perceived, that the Legates dissimuled the time to have the matter in the Court at Rome, for the maintenance of their authority, knowing perfectly, that there he should be foded forth with arguments so long, that he should be in manner weary, and also all that time, he should be unquiet in his conscience, which was the greatest care, that he had, but the second care that he took, was to see the Cardinal of York, (whom he so highly favoured and trusted, and whom he had so highly promoted, both to the Archbishopriche of York, and the Bishopriches of Winchester, Duresme, and the Abbay of Saint Alban's, with many other great dignities and promotions, beside the Chauncellorshippe of England) so unfaithfully to dissimule with him, and not to open the very truth, which caused him clearly to cast him out of his favour, in the which he had long been.  
When the nobles and prelate's perceived, that the kings favour was from the Cardinal sore minished, every man of the Kings Counsel, began to say to him such offences, as they knew by him, and all their accusations were written in a book, and all their hands set to it, to the number of thirty and four, which book they presented to the king. When the king saw the book, he marveled not a little, for by the Articles contained in the same, he evidently perceived the high pride and covetousness of the Cardinal, and saw openly with what dissimulation and cloaking, he had handled the kings causes: how he with fair lying words, he blinded and defrauded the king, most untruly, which accusations sore moved the king against him, but yet he kept it close for a time, and so the King road on his progress with the Queen to Woodstock. And at the feast of the Nativity of our Lady, he came to Grafton, beside Stony Stratforde, and thither came the two Legates, and were but meanly received, saving that the King made to them good semblance, and in especial to Cardinal Campeius, because he came into England at his request: and after dinner the said Campeius took his leave of the king, and then the king him conveyed to the chamber door, and there they departed, and the Cardinal of York also went with his companion to Tocester, and on the morrow he came to Grafton to speak with the king, which was then riding out on hunting, and sent him word by Henry Norreis, that he should accompaignie Campeius to London, and when the king came to London, he would more comen with him: thus almost dismayed the Cardinal of York, returned to his companion to Tocester, and so they came together to London, where to the Cardinal Campeius, were delivered great rewards, and so he took his journey toward the sea side Where the kings counsel, caused his chests & carriages to be opened to see what letters the Cardinal of York had sent to the court of Rome, & there were but a few letters found, for they were sent before in post, but in many chests were found, old hosen, old coats, and such vile stuff, as no honest man would eary to have it, which search much displeased Campeius, and the more because his coffers were like wise opened in Cheap, by the rashness of a Moil, as you heard in the tenth year of the king.  
Thus departed out of England in high displeasure, the crafty Cardinal Campeius, 
The last time the Card●nall came to the kings presence.  leaving behind him his subtle fellow, which after their departing from the king at Grafton, never saw the King, nor came in his presence. This great Session of the legates, was commued of through Christendom, and in especial in Spain, and other the Emperor's Dominions, which sore grudged that the Queen should be divorced from the king: and surely the most part of the lay people of England, which knew not the law of God, sore murmored at the matter, and much the more, because there was a gentle woman in the Court, called Anne Bulleyne, daughter to sir Thomas Bulleyne, Uiscount Rocheforde, whom the king much favoured in all honesty, and surely none otherwise, as all the world well knew after. For this cause the queens ladies, gentlewomen, and servants, largely spoke & said that she so enticed the king, and brought him in such amours, that only for her sake and occasion, he would be divorced from his Queen, this was the foolish communication of people, contrary to the truth, as you have hard declared before.  
The king which all the twenty year paste, had been ruled by other, and in especial by the Cardinal of York, began now to be a ruler & a King, yea, a King of such wit, wisdom, and policy, that the like hath not reigned over this Realm, as you shall plainly perceive here after: aswell for the setting forth of true Doctrine, as also ●or the augmentation of his Crown. For when he perceived, how the Cardinals had handled him, and saw plainly that the law of God was clear, that he might not marry his brother's wife, he thought to send his Ambassadors to all the Universities in France and Italy, to know their determinations, and for that cause he sent Doctor Stokesley, and Doctor Fox, two great Clerks into France, which sped as you shall here after declared, when the ●●tter serveth.  
The king continually studying on this matter, 
The King beginneth to rule.  called a counsel of the chief of his nobles, to begin at Westminster, the first day of October next ensuing, and also summoned a Parliament, to begin the third day of November, then immediately following, & declared that the same counsel, should devise diverse acts, necessary and needful to be passed at thesay Parliament, for reformation of certain exactions, done by the clergy to the lay people, to which counsel and Parliament, the Cardinal was warned and summoned, which much comforted him, that he outwardly little abashed: and so he and all the counsel, came to the counsel chamber at Westminster, 
The cardinals prid● abated.  and there diverse days, communed of diverse things, but nothing was fully concluded, and there the Cardinal showed himself, much more humblier, than he was wont to be, and the lords showed themselves more higher and stranger, than they were wont to be, but for all that he abashed not his countenance, but came into Westminster hall with all his train, the first day of the Term: but none of the kings servants would go before, as they were wont to do, and so he sat in the Chancery, but not in the Star chamber, for all the lords and other the kings counsel, were go to Wynsore to the King, where they informed the King, that all things that he had done almost, by his power Legantyne, were in the case of the Praemunire and provison: and that the Cardinal had forfected, all his lands, tenements, 
The Cardinal in the Praemunire.  goods, and cattles to the king: wherefore the king willing to order him, according to the order of his laws, caused his attorney Christopher Hales, to sue out a writ of Praemunire against him, in the which he licenced him, to make an attorney.  
And farther, the seventeen day of November, he sent the two dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, to his place at Westminster, to fetch away the great Seal of England, which he was loath to deliver, if there had been may remedy, but in conclusion he delivered it, to the two Dukes, which delivered the same to Doctor Tailor Master of the Rolls to carry it to the king, which so did the next day: & beside this the King sent sir William Fitz William knight of the Garter, and Thresorer of his house, and Doctor Stephin Gardiner, newle made Secretary, to see that no goods should be embesiled out of his house: and farther ordained that the Cardinal should remove to Ashire beside kyngston, there to tarry the kings pleasure, & to have all thynes delivered to him, which were necessary for him, but not after his old pompous & superfluous fashion: For all his goods were seized to the kings use. When the seal was thus taken from the Cardinal, the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, with many Earls, Bishops, and Barons, came into the Star chamber, the xix day of October, where the duke of Norfolk declared that the kings highness, for diveise and sundry offences, had taken from him his great Seal, and deposed him of all Offices, and lest men might complain for lack of justice, 〈◊〉 had appointed him & the duke of Suffolk, with the assent to the 〈◊〉 lords, to sit in the Star chamber, to hear and determine causes indifferently, and that of all things the Kings pleasure and commandment was, that they should keep their hands close, from any rewards taking, or maintenance, and so that week they sat in the Star chamber, and determined causes.  
On the day of the same month, the Cardinal removed out of his house called York place, 
The cardinals removing from York place.  with one Cross saying, that he would he had never borne more, meaning that by his cross, that he bore as legate which degree taking was his confusion, as you see openly, and so he took his barge, and went to Putney by Water, and there took his horse and road to Asher, where he remaigned till Lent after.  
During which time, he being called on for an answer in the kings Bench, to the praemunire, for giving benefices by prevension, in disturbance of men's inheritance, and diverse other open causes in the praemunire: he according to the kings licence, constituted John Scute and Edmond jenny, apprentices of the Law his attorneis, which by his own warrant signed with his hand, confessed all things concerning the said suit, for they were to open to be cloaked or hidden, and so judgement was given, that he should forfeit all his lands, tenements, goods and cattles, and should be out of the kings protection, but for all that the king sent him a sufficient protection: & of his gentleness left to him the bishoprics of York and Winchester, and gave to him plate and stuff, convenient for his degree, and the bishopric of Duresme, he gave to doctor Tunstall bishop of London, and the Abbey of saint Alban's he gave to the Prior of Norwiche, and to London he promoted Doctor John Stokesley, than Ambassador to the Universities, for the kings marriage, as you have hard before. For all these kindness showed to the Cardinal, yet he still maligned against the king, as you shall perceive here after, by his untrue doings, which brought him to confusion.  
The twenty and three day of October, the king came to his Manor of Grenewiche, and there much consulted with his counsel, for a meet man to be his Chancellor, so that in no wise he were no man of the spirituality, and so after long debate, the King resoluted himself upon sir Thomas Moore knight, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancastre, a man well learned in the tongues, and also in the Common Law, whose wit was fine, and full of imaginations, by reason whereof, he was to much given to mocking, which was to his gravity a great blemish. 
Sir Thomas Moore made Chancellor.  And then on the Sunday, the twenty and four day of the same month, the king made him his Chancellor, and delivered him the great Seal, which Lord Chancellor, the next morrow after, was led into the Chancery, by the two dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and there sworn, and then the Mace was borne before him.  
Now let us return to the treaty of Cambray, which was appointed to be kept the last Summer, for the conclusion of a peace, between the Emperor on the one part, and the king of England, and the French king on the other part, for which conclusion there came to Cambrey, the Lady Margaret Duchess of Savoy, Aunt to the Emperor and the Lady Loyse Duchess of Angulesme, and mother to the French king and Doctor Tunstall bishop of London, and after bishop of Duresme, and sir Thomas Moore knight, after made Chancellor of England, and diverse other for the King of England, all these met there in the beginning of july, accompanied with diverse great princes and Counsellors, on every part, and after long debating on both sides, there was a good conclusion taken, the fifth day of August, in the which was concluded, that the treaty of Madrill, should stand in his full strength and virtue, saving the third and fourth, and the eleventh and fourteenth articles, which touch the Duchy of Burgoyne, and other lordships.  
Item, it was agreed that the French king should have his children delivered again, paying to the Emperor two Millyons of Crowns of gold, whereof he should pay at the delivering of the children, twelve hundred thousand Crowns.  
Item, that the French king should acquit the Emperor, against the king of England, of four score and ten thousand Crowns, which the Emperor aught to the king of England, and the king of England to deliver all such bonds and gauges, as he had of the Emperors.  
Item, as touching the remnant, which was five hundred and ten thousand Crowns, the Emperor should have xxv thousand crowns rend yearly, for the which he should have the lands, of the Duchess of Uandosme, lying in Flaunders, and Brabant bound.  
Item, that Flaunders and diverse other countries, should not behold in chief, nor have resort to the crown of France.  
Item, that the realm of Naples, the Duchy of Milan, & the county of Ast, should for ever remain to the Emperor.  
Item, that the French King should with draw all such soldiers as he had, out of Italy.  
Item, that the Lady Elinor should be brought into France, with the French Kings children, and in time convenient should be married to the French king.  
Item, that the French King should aid the Emperor with twelve Galleys to go into Italy.  
Item, that all prisoners on both parties should be acquitted.  
Item, that the French King should not aid Robert de la March, against the bishop of Luke.  
Item, that all the goods movable and unmovable, of Charles late Duke of Bourbon, should be restored to his heirs, they paying to lord Henry, marquis of Dapenete, and Earl of Nassaw, Lord chamberlain to the Emperor, ten thousand Ducats, which he lent to thesay Duke of Bourbon.  
Item, that John Earl of Panthieure, should be remitted to all such goods, as were Earl Rene his fathers.  
Item, the Lord Laurence de Gorowod, great Master to the Emperor, should be restored to the lordships of Chalmount, and Montevalle, which he bought of the Duke of Bourbon, or else to have his money again.  
Item, Philip de Chalon Prince of Orange and Uiceroy of Naples, to be restored to all his lands in Burgoyne.  
Item, that the Duchess of Uandosme, and Joys Earl of Nau●rs should have all such right and actions, as they should have had, before the war began.  
In the emperors countries, when all things were written, sealed and finished, there was a solemn Mass song in the Cathedral church of Cambrey, the two lady's Ambassadors of the king of England, sitting in great estate, and after Mass the peace was Proclaimed, between the three Princes, and Te deum song, and money cast to the people, and great fires made through the city. Thesame night the French King came into Cambrey, well and nobly accompanied and saluted the Ladies, and to them made diverse banquets, and then all persons, departed into their country glad of this concord.  
This peace was called the womennes' peace, 
The womennes' peace.  for because that notwithstanding this conclusion, yet neither the Emperor trusted the French king, nor he neither trusted nor loved him, and their Subjects were in the same case. This Proclamation was proclaimed solemnly, by Heralds, with trumpets in the city of London, which Proclamation much rejoiced the English Merchants, repairing into Spain, Flaunders, Brabant, Zelande, and other the Emperor's dominions, for during the wars, Merchants were evil handled on both parties, which caused them to be desirous of peace.  
Here is to be remembered, that at this present time, William Tyndale had newly translated and imprinted the New Testament in English, and the Bishop of London, 
Cutbard Tunstall bishop o● London, bought New Testaments to burn.  not pleased with the translation thereof, debated with himself, how he might compass and devise, to destroy that false and erroneous translation, (as he said). And so it happened that one Augustine Packyngton, a Mercer and Merchant of London, and of a great honesty, the same time was in Andwarp, where the bishop then was, and this Packyngton was a man that highly favoured William Tindale, but to the bishop utterly showed himself to the contrary. The bishop desirous to have his purpose brought to pass, commoned of the New Testaments, and how gladly he would buy them. Packyngton then hearing that he wished for, said unto the bishop, my Lord, if it be your pleasure, I can in his matter do more I dare say, than most of the merchants of England that are here, for I know the dutch men and strangers, that have bought them of Tyndale, and have them here to cell, so that if it be your lordships pleasure, to pay for them, for otherwise I cannot come by them, but I must disburse money for them, I will then assure you, to have every book of them, that is imprinted and is here unsold. The Bishop thinking that he had God by the too, when in deed he had (as after he thought) the Devil by the fift, said, gentle Master Packyngton, do your diligence and get them and with all my heart I will pay for them, whatsoever they cost you, for the books are erroneous and noughts and I intend surely to destroy them all, 
Augustyne Packyngton the Bishop of London's merchant.  and to burn them at Paul's cross. Agustine Packyngton came to William Tyndale and said, William I know thou art a poor man, and hast a heap of new Testaments, and books by thee, for the which thou hast both endangered thy friends, and beggared thyself, and I have now gotten thee a Merchant, which with ready money shall dispatch thee of all that thou hast, if you think it so profitable for hour self. Who is the Merchant said Tindale? The bishop of London said Packyngton, O that is because he will burn them said Thyndale, ye Mary ꝙ Packyngton, I am the gladder said Tyndale, for these two benefits shall come thereof, I shall get money of him for these books, to bring myself out of debt, (and the whole world shall cry out upon the burning of God's word). And the overplus of the money, that shall remain to me, shall make me more studious, to correct the said New Testament, and so newly to Imprint the same once again, and I trust the second will much better like you, than ever did the first: And so forward went the bargain, the bishop had the books, Packyngton had the thanks, and Tyndale had the money.  
Afterwards when more new Testaments were Imprinted, they came thick and threefold into England, the bishop of London hearing that still there were so many New Testaments abroad, sent for Augustyne Packyngton and said unto him: Sir how cometh this, that there are so many New Testaments abroad, and your promised and assured me, that you had bought all? then said Packyngton, I promise you I bought all that then was to be had: but I perceive they have made more sense, and it will never be better, as long as they have the letters and stamps, therefore it were best for your lordship, to buy the stamps to, and then are you sure: the bishop smiled at him and said, well Packyngton well, and so ended this matter.  
Shortly after it fortuned one George Constantine, 
George Constantyne.  to be apprehended by sir Thomas Moore, which then was lord Chancellor of England, of suspicion of certain heresies. And this Constantine being with Moore, after diverse examinations of diverse things, among other, Master Moore said in this wise to Constantine, Constantine I would have thee plain with me, in one thing that I will ask of thee, and I promise thee I will show thee favour, in all the other things, whereof thou art accused to me. There is beyond the sea, Tyndale, joy, and a great many more of you, I know they cannot live without help, some sendeth them money and succoureth them, and thyself being one of them, hadst part thereof, and therefore knowest from whence it came. I pray thee who be they that thus help them? My lord ꝙ Constantine, will you that I shall tell you the truth? Yea I pray thee ꝙ my Lord. Marry I will ꝙ Constantyne, truly ꝙ he it is the Bishop of London that hath helped us, for he hath be●●owed among us, a great deal of money in New Testaments to burn them, and that hath and yet is our only succour and comfort. Now by my troth ꝙ Moore, I think even the same, and I said so much to the bishop, when he went about to buy them.  
While this treaty was thus in communication at Cambrey, themperor which knew that his people lacked aid in Italy, and also perceived that the people of Germany and Italy, had him not in such honour as they would, if he were once crowned Emperor, for in all writings they called him only Charles elected Emperor, wherefore he determined to go into Italy with a great puissance, both to receive his Imperial Crown, and also to aid his people, which there remained, and so acc●̄paignied with many Princes and noble men of Spain, and men of war he took ship at Barcilona, and sailed to Geane, where he was received with the signiory of the city, 
The Pope ●ame to ●onony.  with great triumph and honour, & great presents given to him. Pope Clement hearing that the Emperor was come into Italy, with all his Cardinals and whole court, came to his city of Bononie, and there tarried the Emperor's coming.  
While the Emperor lay at Geane, thither came to him diverse great Princes of Italy, with great powers▪ and when all things were ready, he set forward in good order of battle toward Bononie, and in every town he was received, presented with great gifts and feasted, and so by long journeys, he came near to Bononie, where first met with him, all the Clergy of the City with procession, than all the university in there habits, all on horsebake, then came all the Children of the city, in white satin fringed with gold, after them the merchants of the city, all in ●rimosyn Damask, than followed the potestates & governors of the city all in Crimosyn velvet, & within a mile of the city there met him four and twenty Cardinals: with this triumph themperor was conveyed to the Cathedral church, where on the steps, of the west door in a chair sat Pope Clement, and then the Emperor a lighted and kissed his foot 
Themperor kiss●th the Pope's feet.  and then they embraced together, and went into the church together and after went in to the palace where they were lodged both, and daily kept great counsels together. While the Cardinal lay at Bononie, there came to him France's Sforse Duke of Milan, to excuse himself of all things to him objected, and by much entreating at the Pope's request he pardoned him his offence, and restored him to his dignity and possession, paying to him nine hundredth thousand Ducats, & till they were paid, the castle of milan, and the town of Crome, should abide in th'emperors possession. After this agreement the Emperor sent for Anthony de leva, and made him captain of his ordinance, and so now the duchy of milan was brought to quiet. In the same season the king of England sent sir Nicholas Carew knight master of his horses, & Doctor Samson to Bononie for the ratification of the league concluded at Cambray, to the performance whereof the Emperor was solemplie sworn, and so the ambassadors departed: likewise th'emperor sent into England, Peter Lord of Rosebec, which likewise saw the king of England sworn to perform the same,  
According to the somons the king of England began his high court of parliament, the third day of Novembre. On which day he came by water to his place of Bridewell, and there he & his nobles put on there robes of parliament, and so came to the black Freers' church, where a Mass of the holy ghost was solemplie sung by the kings Chapel, & after the Mass, the king with all the Lords of the parliament, and Commons which were summoned to apere at that day came in to the parliament chamber, where the king sat in his Throne or seat royal, and Sir Thomas More his Chancellor standing on the right-hand of the king behind the bar made an eloquent Oration, 
An Oration  declaring that like as a good shepherd which not alonely keepeth and attendeth well his sheep, but also foreseeth & provideth for allthing, which either may be hurtful or noisome to his stoke, or may preserve and defend the same against all perils that may chance to come, so the king which was the sheaperd, ruler and governor of his realm, vigilantly foreseeing things to come considered how divers laws before this time were made now by long continuance of time and mutation of things, very insufficient, & unperfight, and also by the frail condition of man, divers new enormities were sprung amongst the people, for the which no law was yet made to reform the same, which was the very cause why at that time the king had summoned his high court of parliament: and he resembled the king to a shepherd, or heard man for this cause, for if a prince be compared to his riches, he is but a richman, if a prince be compared to his honour, he is but an honourable man: but compare him to the multitude of his people and the numbered of his flock, them he is a ruler, a governor of might and puissance, so that his people maketh him a prince, as of the multitude of sheep cometh the name of a shepherd: and as you see that amongst a great flock of sheep some be rotten and fauty which the good shepherd sendeth from the good sheep, so the great wether which is of late fallen as you all know, so craftily, so scabedly, ye & so untruly iuggeled with the king, that all men must needs guess and think that he thought in himself, that the had no wit to perceive his crafty doing, or else that he presumed that the king would not see nor know his fraudulent juggeling and attempts: but he was deceived, for his grace's sight was to quick and penetrable, that he saw him, ye and saw through him, both with in and without, so that all thing to him was open, and according to his desert he hath had a gentle correction, which small punishment the king will not to be an example to other offendors, but clearly declareth that whosoever here after shall make like attempt or commit like offence, shall not escape with like punishment: and because you of the common house be am gross▪ multitude, and cannot speak all at one time: Therefore the kings pleasure is, that you shall resort totn he neither house, and there amongst yourself according to the old and ancient custom to choose an able person to be your common mouth & speaker, & after your election so made to advertise his grace thereof, which will declare to you his pleasure what day he will have him present in this place  
After this done, the commons resorted to the neither house, & they chose for there speaker Thomas Audeley 
Thomas Audelei chosen speake●.  Esquire & attorney of the Duchy of Lancaster, and the same day was the parliament adjourned to Westminster. On the sixth day of the same month the king came in to the parliament chamber and all the Lords in there robes, and there the commons of the neither house presented there speker, which there made an eloquent Oration 
An oration  which consisted in two points, the first point was that he much praised the king for his equity and justice, mixed with mercy and pity, so that none offence was forgotten and left unpunished nor in the punishment the extremity nor the rigour of the law not cruelly extended, which should be a cause to bridle all men from doing like 〈◊〉, and also a comfort to offenders to confess there crime and offence, and an occasion of amendment and reconciliation.  
The second point was, that he disabled himself, both for lack of wit learning and discretion to so high an office, beseeching the king to 'cause his commons to resort eftsoons to their common house, and there to choose an other speaker for that parliament.  
To this the king (by the mouth of the Lord Chancellor) answered that where be disabled himself in▪ wit and learning, his own ornate oration there made testified the contrary, and as touching his discretion and other qualities, the king himself had well known him and his doings, sith he was in his service, to be both wise and discrete, and so for an able man he accepted him, and for the speaker he him admitted.  
When the commons were assembled in the neither house, they began to common of their griefs wherewith the spirituality had before time grievously oppressed them▪ both contrary to the law of the realm, & contrary to all right, and in especial they were sore moved with six great causes.  
The first for the excess fines, which the ordinaries took for probat of Testaments, insomuch that Sir henry Guildford knight of the gartir and comptrollor of the kings house, declared in the open Parliament on his fidelitle that he and other being executors to Sir William Compton knight paid for the probate of his will to the Cardinal & the Archbishop of Cauntorburie a thousand Mark sterling: after this declaration were showed so many extortions done by ordinaries for probates of wills, that it were to much to rehearse.  
The second cause was the great polling and extreme exaction, which the spiritual men used in taking of corpse presents or mortuaries, ●or the children of the defunct should all die for hunger and go a begging rather then they would of charity give to them the silly kow which the dead man aught if he had but only one▪ such was the charity then.  
The third cause was, that priests being surveyors, stewards and officers to Bishops, Abbots, and other spiritual heads, had and occupied Fermes, granges, & grazing in every country, so that the poor husbandmen could have nothing but of them, and yet for that they should pay dearly.  
The fourth cause was the Abbots Priors and spiritual men kept tan house, & bought and sold will, cloth and all manner of merchandise as other temporal marchauntees did.  
The fift cause, was because that spiritual persons promoted to great benefices & having there living of the flock, were lying in the court in lords houses, & took all of the parishioners, & nothing spent on the at all, so that for lack of residence both the poor of the parish lacked refreshing, & universally all the parishioners lacked preaching, & true instruction of Gods word, to the great pe●ell of there souls.  
The sixth cause was to see one priest being little learned to have ten or twelve benefices and to be resident on none, and to know many well learned scholars in the university which we● able to preach & teach, to have neither benefice nor exhibition.  
These things before this time might in nowise, be touched nor yet talked of by no man except he would be made an heretic, ro lose all that he had, for the bishops were chancellors, and had all the rule about the king, so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thing contrary to their profit, or commodity.  
But now when god had illumined the eyes of the king, and that there subtle doings was once espied: then men began charitably to desire a reformation, and so at this Parliament men begun to show their grudges.  
Where upon the Burgesses of the Parliament, appointed such as were learned in the law being of the common house, to draw one bill of the probates of Testaments, another for Mortuaries, and the third for none residence, pluralities, and taking of Fermes by spiritual men,  
The learned men took much pain, and first set forth the bill of Mortuaries, which passed the common house, and was sent up to the Lords.  
To this bill, the spiritual Lords made a fair face, saying that surely priests and curates took more than they should, and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order, thus they spoke because it touched them little.  
But with in two days after was sent up the bill concerning probates of Testaments, at the which the Archbishop of Cauntorburre in especial, and all other bishops in general both frowned and grunted, for that touched their profit, insomuch as Doctor John Fisher bishop of Rochester, 
The saiyug of I▪ Fisher B▪ of Rochester.  said openly in the Parliament chamber these words: my Lords, you see daily what bills come hither from the common house and all is to the destruction of the church, for Gods sake see what a Realm the kingdom of Boheme was, and when the Church went down, then fell the glory of the kingdom, now with the Commons is nothing but down with the Church, and all this me seemeth is for lack of faith only.  
When these words were reported to the Commons of the neither house, that the bishop should say that all their doings were for lack of faith, they took the matter grievously, for they Imagined that the bishop esteemed them as Heretics, and so by his slanderous words would have persuaded the temporal Lords to have restrained there consent from the said two bills, which they before had passed, as you have hard before.  
Wherefore the Commons after long debate, determined to sand the speaker of the Parliament to the kings highness, with a grievous complaint, against the bishop of Rochester, and so on a day when the king was at leisure, 
A complain 〈◊〉 to the king  Thomas Audeley the speaker for the commons and thirty of the chief of the common house, came to the kings presence in his palace at Westminster, which before was called york place and there very eloquently declared what a dishonour to the king and the realm it was so say that they which were elected for the wisest men of all the She●●s 〈◊〉, and boroughs within the realm of England should be declared in so noble and open presence to lack faith, which was equivalent to say, that they were Infidels and no Christians, as as Turks or Saracens, so that what pain or study so ever they took for the common wealth, or what acts or laws so ever they made or established, should be taken as laws made by paynims and heathen people, & not worthy to be kept by christian men: wherefore he most hymbly besought the kings highness, to call the said bishop before him & to 'cause him to speak more discreetly of such a number as was in the common house  
The king was not well contented with the saying of the bishop, yet he gently answered the speaker, that he would sand for the bishop and sand them word what answer he made, and so they departed again, After this the king sent for the archebishope of Cauntorburie and six other bishops, and for the bishop of Rochester also, and there declared to him the grudge of the commons, 
The, bishop's excuse  to the which the bishop answered that he meant the doings of the Bohemians was for lack of faith, and not the doings of them that were in the common house, which saying was confirmed by the bishops being present, which had him in great reputation, and so by that only saying the king accepted his excuse and therefore sent word to the commons by sir william Fitz william knight treasoror of his household, which blind excuse pleased the commons nothing at all.  
After this divers assemblies were kept between certain of the lords & certain of the commons, for the bills of probates of Testaments, and the mortuaries: the temporalty laid tot he spirituality there own laws and constitutions, and the spirituality sore defended them by prescripsion and usage, to whom an answer was made by a gentleman of Greyes' Inn: the usage hath ever been of thieves to rob on shoters' hill, ergo is it lawful▪ with this answer the spiritual men were sore offended, because there doings were called robberies, but the temporal men stood still by there sayings, in so much the said gentle man said to the archbishop of Cauntorburie, that both the exaction of probates of Testaments, and the taking of Mortuaries, as they were used were open robbery and theft: after long disputation, the temporal lords began to lean to the commons, but for all that, the bills remained unconcluded a while.  
In the mean season, 
The ●oane released  there was a bill assented by the Lords, and sent down to the commons, th'effect whereof was, that the whole realm by the said act, did release tot he king, all such sums of money as he had borrowed of them at the loan, in the fifteen year of his reign (as you have hard before) this bill was sore argued in the common house but the most part of the commons were the kings servants, and the other were so laboured to by other, that the bill was assented to.  
When this realease of the loan was known to the commons of the Realm, Lord so they grudged, and spoke ill of the hole Parliament, for almost every man counted it his debt, and reckoned surely of the payment of the same, and therefore some made there wills of the same, and some other did set it over to other for debt, and so many men had loss by it, which caused them sore to murmur, but there was no remedy, The king like a good and a discrete prince, seeing that his commons in the Parliament house had released the loan, intending somewhat to requited the same, granted to them a general Pardon, of all offences, certain great offences and debts only except: also he aidid them for the redress of there griefs against the spirituality, and caused two new bills to be made indifferently, both for the probate of Testaments and mortuaries, which bills were so reasonable that the spiritual lords assented to them all though they were sore against there minds, and in especial the probate of Testaments sore displeased the bishops, and the mortuaries sore displeased the persons and vicar's.  
After these Acts, thus agreed, the Commons, made another act for pluralitis, of benefices, none residence, buying and selling and taking of f●rmes by spiritual persons, which act so displeased the spirituality that the priests railed on the commons of the common house, and called them heretics and schismatics, for the which diverse priests were punished.  
This act was sore debated above in the parliament chamber, and the Lords spiritual would in nowise consent. Wherefore the king perceiving the grudge of his commons, caused eight lords and eight of his commons to meet in the star chamber at an after none, and there was sore debating of the cause, insomuch that the temporal Lords of the upper house, which were there, took part with the Commons, against the spiritual lords and by force of reason caused them to assent to the bill with a little qualifiing, which bill the next day was wholly a greed to in the lords house, to the great rejoicing of the lay people, and to the great displeasor of the spiritual persons.  
During this Parliament was brought down to the commons, the book of articles which the Lords had put to the king against the Cardinal, the chief articles were these.  
First that he without the kings assent had procured to be a Legate, by reason whereof he took away the right of all bishops and spiritual persons,  
Item, in all writings which he wrote to Rome or any other foreign Prince, he wrote Ego et Rex meus, I and my king, as who would say that the king were his servant.  
Item, that he hath slandered the church of England in the court of Rome, for his suggestion to be legate was to reform the church of England, which as he wort was F●cta in reprobum censum.  
Item, he without the kings assent, carried the kings great Seal, with him into Flaunders when he was sent ambassad to the Emperor,  
Item, he without the kings assent, sent a commission to Sir Gregory de Cassado, knight, to conclude a league between the king and the Duke of Farrar, without the kings knowledge.  
Item that he having the French pocks presumed to come & breath on the king.  
Item, that he caused the cardinals hat to be put on the kings coin.  
Item, that he would not suffer the kings clerk of the market, to sit at Saint Talbons.  
Item, that he had sent innumerable substance to Rome, for the obtaining of his dignities to the great enpoverishment of the realm,  
These Articles with many more, read in the common house, and signed with the cardinals hand, was confessed by him, & also there was showed a writing sealed with his Seal, by the which he gave to the king all his movables and unmovables.  
On the day of the conception of our Lady, the king at York place at Westminster, in the parliament time created the viscount Rochforth Earl of Wiltshire, and the viscount Fitzwater, was created Earl of Sussex, and the Lord Hastynges, was created Earl of Huntyngton.  
When allthings were concluded in the Parliament house, the king came to the Parliament chamber the seventeen day of Decembre, and there put his royal assent, to allthings done by the Lords and commons, and so prorogued his court of Parliament, till the next year.  
After the Parliament was thus ended, the king removed to Grenewiche and theridamas kept his Christmas with the queen in great triumph: with great plenty of viaundes, and diverse disguisynges and Interludes, to the great rejoicing of his people.  
You have hard before how the Emperor and the Pope was at Bononie, where the Emperor made great proparation for the solempnising of his coronation, which was appointed to be of Saint Mathias day, or the four and twenty day of February, on which day, he was borne, and that day also the French king was taken, and because that that day had been ever fortunate to him he appointed his coronation on that day: he appointed it also at that place, because he would the sooner pass into Almaigne, to appece such striefes and debates as was risen between the princes there.  
And so when the day came & every thing was ready, he was crowned Emperor, in the church of. S. Peter, in the city of Bononi by pope Clement the vii with all the ceremonies thereto belonging. At this coronation were present the Dukes of Savoy and Millayn, duke Frederik brother to the Palantine of Rind, and the deputies to all the seven Electors and the most part of all the nobles of Italy, an Spain. This coronation was done with great solemnities, there was feasting, jousting and tourney, and allthings that might sound to honour was there showed, both in apparel, and viaunde: and after that the Emperor and the Pope, with the hole college of Cardinals, and all the noble men being present road in procession through the high streets of Bononi, with such a pomp and triumph as had not been seen in Italy many years before.  
While the Emperor lay thus at Bononie, the king of England was advertised by his ambassadors, which he had sent to divers universities for the assoluing of the doubt concerning his marriage, that the said universities were agreed and had clearly concluded, that the one brother to marry the other brother's wife, carnally known was directly against god's law, and that the pope nor the court of Rome could in no wise dispense with the same.  
Wherefore the king knowing th'emperor and the bishop of Rome to be together at Bononie, determined to sand thither asolempne ambassade, both to declare to them the law of god, and the determination of the universities, and also to require the bishop of Rome to do justice acco●●yng to the truth, and also to show to the Emperor that the king did not move this matter for any displeasure that he bore to him or the queen his awnt, but only for the discharge of his conscience, and for the quietness of his Realm.  
When this purpose was agreed by the kings counsel, the king appointed Sir Thomas Bulleyne late created Earl of Wylshier and Doctor Stoksley elected bishop of London, and Doctor, Edward Lee, his almoner, two great Clerks, for his ambassadors & with them he sent divers doctors both of the law & divinity. These ambassadors made great preparation, and about the beginning of February they set forward, and so much they travailed that they came to Savoy where the Duke in the fair town of Cambrey, caused them honourably to be received and feasted.  
So they passed the Mountains, and so through the duchy of Milan & by long journeys they came to Bononie in lent, where they were honourably received by the master of the Emperors house, and divers Lords and Gentlemen belonging to the Pope, and within short space the said ambassadors were first conveyed to the Pope, and there declared their message and showed the determination of the great Doctors and famous universities. Pope Clement which was a man of no learning but of a great wit made to them a gentle answer, 
The Pope's answer.  and said that he would here the matter disputed when he came to Rome and according to right he would do justice. But his intent was all contrary, for he knew well that if he should give sentence, that Pope july could not dispense with the breach of Gods law, that then the authority of the court of Rome would little be regarded, and also he feared the emperors displeasure if he should give sentence against his awnte, so that for fear of losing authority, & of th'emperor's displeasure, bishop Clement, durst no● judge according to god's law. After they had been with the Pope, they came to the Emperor, which them gently received, and after they had done their message, he answered them that he in no wise would be against the law of God, and if the court of rome would adjudge that the matrimony were not good, he would be content, but he thought all otherwise, for he solicited the pope & all the Cardinals which were his friends to stand by the dispensation, which he judged to be as strong as god's law. After this answer they took their leave of the Emperor, which the next week after departed out of Bononie toward Almaigne in good order of battle, he himself in gilt harness, and his nobles in white harness with rich coats and trappers very curiously beseen.  
After that th'emperor was gone out of Bononie, the ambassadors of England took there leave of the bishop of Rome, which went toward Rome again, and returned toward England, through the Duchy of milan, which was received by the Earl Lodovick, great counsellor to the Duke of Milan, which earl conducted them through the whole Duchy of milan, & paid all their charges by the duke's commandment. And when these ambassadors were passed the mountains, they received letters from the king, which appointed the Earl of Wiltshire to go ambassade to the French king, which then lay at Bordeaux making provision for money for the redeeming of his children: and the bishop of London was appointed to go to Milan, and other universities in Italy to know their opinions in the kings case, and the kings almoner was appointed to return into England, and so he did, thus was the end of this ambassad.  
You have hard before how the Cardinal was attainted in the praemunire and how he was put out of the office of the chancellor and lay at Asher: In this Lent season the king by the advice of his counsel licensed him to go into his diocese of ●orke, and gave him commandment to keep him in his diocese and not to return southward without the kings special licence in writing.  
So he made great great provision to go northward and apparelled his servants newly & bought many costly things for his household & so he might well enough, 
Thomas cromwell came in to the kings service.  for he had of the kings gentleness the bishoprics of york & Winchester, which were no small things, but at this time divers of his servants departed from him to the kings service, and in especial Thomas Crumwel one of his chief counsel and chief doer for him in the suppression of abbeys. After that all things necessary for his journey were prepared, he took his journey northward till he came to Southwel which is in his diocese & there he continued this year, ever grudging at his fall as you shall here after: but the lands which he had given to his Colleges in Oxford & Ypswych, were now come to the kings hands, by his atteinder in the praemunire, and yet the king of his gentleness and for favour that he bore to good learning erected again the College in Oxford, and where it was named the cardinals College, he called it the kings College, and endued it with fair possessions, and put in new statutes and ordinances, and for because the College of Ypswich was thought to be nothing profitable, therefore he left that dissolved.  
The last Summer while the peace was treated at Cambray as you have hard before▪ Ferdinando brother to the Emperor, recovered certain towns which the Turks had taken from him in Hyngry, and put to flight his enemy John the Uainoda, which falsely named himself king of Hungary. This Uainoda destitute of all succour fled to Sultan Soliman the great Turk, desiring him of succour, to recover Hungry a gaive. The Turk being glad to have an occasion to destroy Hungry, assembled a puissan●t army, and entered into Hungry, and made proclamation that what town or City would not obey king John as their king, should be put to fire and sword. This proclamation so fearid the Hungarians, that all in manner yielded themself subjects to the Uainoda, the city of Bude only except: which at the last was yelden, by composition that the● should departed with bag and baggage, but for all there safe conduit signed with the great Turk's hand, they were first rob of the Ian●zeres, and after that shamefully slain,  
When the Turk had thus Bude in possession, he left there the Uainoda, 
Cruelty of the Turks,  and Lewes great bastard son to the Duke of Venice, with five thousand footmen, and two thousand horsemen, and he with all haste entered into Austrice, where his people committed such cruelty and tyranny, as never hath been hard nor written, for of some they put out the eyes of other they cut of the noses and ears, of other they cut of the privy members, of women they cut of the paps, and ravished Virgins and of women great with child, they cut their bellies and brent the children: beside this as they passed they brent corn, trees, houses, and all that would be brent to make the country desolate, and at the last the two and twenty day of Septembre, the turks army came nigh to Uienne, a rich and a famous City in Austrice.  
The fame was that he had two hundredth and fifty thousand men in his army, and five and twenty thousand tents in the sight of the city.  
At the beginning of the siege certain Christian men were taken of the Turks, which turks cut of the heads of four lepers in a lazar cote, without the city & put them upon poles, & made christian prisoners present them to the great turk, which thereof took great joy: of the which prisoners he released certain and bad them go to the captains and to tell them that if they would yield the city of him, they should departed with bag and baggage, and if they would keep it by force, by would surely have it & put them all to the sword. Now in the city was captain duke Philip of Bavier, Earl Palantine of the Rind, and nephew to the Palsgrave elector, a young man, but of noble courage, and with him were twenty thousand Almains, and two thousand horsemen, which nothing feared the Turks threatenings. The Turk perceiving their boldness bend his great ordinance, which were three hundredth pieces a 'gainst the walls, and commanded the town to be assaulted: the Turks gave a great assault, but the christian men valiantly defended them, so that the Turks were compelled to i'll, and many of them were slain,.  
The fourth day of Octobre, the Turk bent all his Ordinance against the wall, which so shaken the wall that all men within supposed that the walls would have fallen down, but they did little harm, which was son amended. The sixth day of Octobre, eight thousand christian men issued out of the town, and came where the Turks miners were working and slew a great number & destroyed the mines. The same day the Turks gave a great assault to the city: the Christian men valiantly them defended, and threw down great logs and bars of Iron, and slew many Turks. Thus the Turks assaulted the city a leaven times, & somany times they were beaten away, but the great & terrible assault was the twelve day of Octobre, at which assault the Christian men so valiantly defended themself and slew and hurt so many of the Turks, that after that day, for no commandment that the Turk could give, they would no more give assault.  
The Turk perceived well both the strength of the City and the courage of the captains with in, and also the winter there was much more colder than in his countries, which sore troubled him and his people, wherefore he called his counsel and concluded to break up his siege and to depart, & so the fourteen day of Octobre he shot great stones into the city all day till night● and a bout ten of the clock in the night he caused his tents to be taken up, and 〈◊〉 fire on the straw, and such other stuff, and so removed all his army, toward Bude, saving fifty thousand horsemen which tarried all the next day behind, carrying with him a great number of Christian prisoners, which he put to the mines and such other vile service.  
At this siege the Turk lost by Murder, 
The numbered of the turks that died  Sickness, and cold, above fourscore thousand men, as one of his bassates did afterward confess.  
Thus was the city of Uienne defended a 'gainst the great Turk, and all his power which was to him a great displeasure, and in especially because he n●uer beseg●d City before, but either it was yelden, or taken, of the time of this siege a metrician made these verses.  
Cesar in Italiam quo venit Carolus anno  
Cincta est ripheis nostra Vienna getis.  
In this year th'emperor gave to the lord master of saint Ihones of jerusalem, and his brethren the Island of Malto lying between Scicile and Barbary, there to employ themself upon Christ's enemies which lord master had no place sure to inhabit there sith he was put from the Rhodes by this Turk that besieged Uienne, as you have hard before.   

The xxii year  
IN the beginning of this two and twenty year, the king like a politic & a prudent prince, perceived that his subjects and other persons had divers times within four years last passed, brought into his realm, great number of printed books, of the new Testament, translated into the English tongue by Tyndall, joy, and other, which books the common people used and daily read privily, which the clergy would not admit, for they punished such persons as had read, studied or taught the same with great extremity, but because the multitude was so great, it was not in their power to redress there grief: wherefore they made complaint to the Chancellor (which leaned much to the spiritual men's part, in all causes) where upon he imprisoned and punished a great number, so that for this cause a great rumour and controversy rose daily amongst the people: wherefore the king considering what good might come of reading of the new Testament with reverence and following the same, and what evil might come of the reading of the same if it were evil translated, and not followed: came into the star chamber the five and twenty day of May, and there commoned with his counsel and the prelate's concerning this cause, and after long debating, it was alleged that the translation of Tyndall and joy were not truly translated, and also that in them were prologues and prefaces which sounded to heresy, 
The new testament forbidden,  and railed against the bishops uncharitably, wherefore all suhe books were prohibited and commandment given by the king to the bishops, that they calling to them the best learned men of the universities should 'cause a new translation to be made, so that the people should not be ignorant in the law of god: And notwithstanding this commandment the bishops did nothing at all to set forth a new translation, which caused the people to study Tindalles translation, by reason where of many things came to light, as you shall here after.  
In this year in may, the bishop of London caused all his new Testaments which he had bought with many other books, to be brought into Paul's churchyard in London and there was openly burned,  
In the end of this year, the wild Irishmen knowing the Earl of Ki●dare to be in England▪ entered his land, and spoiled and brent his country, and divers other countries, and the Earl of Ossery being the kings deputy made little resistance, for lack of power, wherefore the king sent the earl of Kyldare into Ireland, and with him sir William Skevyngton knight, Master of the kings ordinance and divers Gunners with him, which so politicly ordered themself that their enemies were glad to offer amendss and to treat for turce, and so sir William Skevyngton the next year returned into England leaving there the Earl of Kyldare for the kings deputy.  
Now I will return to the execution of the treaty of Cambray in the which it was agreed that the Lady Elinor and the French kings children should be delivered when the ransom appointed was paid as you have heard in the last year: Wherefore the French king gathered money of his subjects with all speed, and when the money was ready he sent the great Master of France called Annas de Memorancye and 〈◊〉 other nobles to Bayon with the money, and to receive the lady and the children. And thither came to them the great Constable of Castle and Mounsire Prat for the Emperor, and there the crowns were weighed and touched, and what fault soever the spaniards found in them they would not receive a great number of them, and so they carried the children back from Fountraby into Spain. Thus the great master of France and his company lay still at Bayon without having his purpose performed from March till the end of june, and longer had lain i● the king of England had not sent sir Frances Bryan to Bayon to warrant the payment: whereupon the day of deliverance was appointed to be on saint Peter's day in june. At which day the great Master with xxxi. Mulettes laden with the crowns came to y● one side 
The deliverance of the French kings children.  of the river of Auday which river departeth Spain and France & there tarried till the first day of july: on which day the lady Elinor & the children were put in two great boats, having only xii. gentlemen of Spain with them: and in like manner the great Master with two great boats in the which the money was and xii. gentlemen with him. All these boats met at a bridge made in the mids of the river: The Constable of spain and his xii. gentlemen met with the great Master of France and his xii. gentlemen on the bridge, and after a little salutation the frenchmen entered into the two. boats where the Lady and the two children were, and the spaniards into the two boats where the money was, and then each part hasted to land. Thus were the French kings wife and children delivered into his hands, for which deliverance was great joy & triumph made in France: & also in july were fierce made in London & divers other places for the same consideration and cause.  
The Emperor as you have heard the last year, passed out of Italy into Germany and was received with great honour and triumph into the city of Ausborough or August, where in june were present all the electors and almost all the princes of the Empire: there was kept a great counsel for the princes of Germany were of two several opinions and of several names, the part that favoured the pope and all things done by his authority were called Catholical, and the other part which followed and preached only the fospel of Christ were called evangclical. Of these and other things concerning our faith there were many counsels: but Cardinal Campeius the Pope's legate would not suffer the evangelical persons (whom he called Lutherans) to argue against the Catholical men (whom the evangelical persons called papists) jest by the opening of the scripture the authority of the court of Rome should have been bamned, and therefore the Emperor put of the matter till another time: But this matter was not so let slip, for of this motion men so searched the law of God that within a few years after, many people refused the Pope for the head of the Church and forsook him and his pardons.  
On the xix. day of September in the city of London was made this Proclamation. 
A proclamation.  The kings highness straightly chargeth and commandeth that no manner of person of what estate, degree or condition soever he or they be of, do purchase or attempt to puchase from y● court of Rome or else where, nor use & put in execution, divulge, or publish any thing heretofore within this year passed purchased or to be purchased hereafter containing matter prejudicial to the high authority, jurisdiction and prerogative royal, of this his said realm, or to the let, hindrance or impeachment of his graces noble and virtuous intended purposes in the premises, upon pain of incurring his highness indignation & imprisonment & farther punishment of their bodies for their so doing at his grace's pleasure, to the dreadful example of all other.  
This Proclamation was much mused at and every word of the same well noted. Some said that it was made because that the queen had purchased a new Bull for the ratification of her marriage, other said that it was made because the Cardinal had purchased a Bull to curse the king i● he would not restore him to his old dignities, and that the king should suffer him to correct the spirituality and he not to meddle with the●ame. This invention sounded most to the truth as you shall hear afterward.  
In October the river of Tiber was of such an height that in Rome and other places about Rome almost xii. M. persons were drowned, & in the next month zealand, Holland and Brabant were sore noyed with waters and many people and much cattle were drowned.  
You have heard in the last year how the Cardinal of York was attainted in the praemunire and that notwithstanding the king had given him the b●●●oprickes of york and Wynchester with great plenty of substance, and had licenced him to lie in his diocese of York. He being this in his diocese grudging at his fall & not remembering the kings kindness showed to him, wrote to the court of Rome and to divers other prince's letters in reproach of the king, and in as much as in him lay, he stirred them to revenge his cause against the king and his realm, insomuch that divers opprobrious words of the king were spoken to doctor Edward Keerne the kings Orator at Rome, and it was said to him that for the Cardinal's sake, the king should have the worse speed in the suit of his matrimony. 
The pride of the Cardinal,  The Cardinal also would speak fair to the people to win their hearts and declared ever that he was unjustly and untruly ordered, which fair speaking made many men believe that he said true: and to gentlemen he gave great gifts to allure them unto him: And to be had in the more reputation among the people he determined to be installed or enthronized at york with all the pomp that might be, and caused a throne to be erected in the Cathedral church in such an height and fashion as was never seen, and sent to all the lords, Abbo●tes, Priors, knights esquires and gentlemen of his diocese, to be at his Manor of Cawod the vi. day of November and so to bring him to york with all manner of pomp and solemnity.  
The king which knew his doings and privy conveyance, all this year dissembled the matter to see what he would do at length, till that he saw his proud heart so high exalted that he would be so triumphantly installed without making the king privy, yea and in manner in disdain of the king, thought it not meet nor convenient to suffer him any longer to continued in his malicious and proud purposes and attempts: wherefore he directed his letters to Henry the vi. earl of Northumberland, willing him with all diligence to arrest the Cardinal and to deliver him to th'earl of Shrewsbury great steward if the kings household: When the earl had seen the letter, he with a convenient number came to the Manor of Cawod the iiii. day of November, and when he was brought to the Cardinal in his chamber, he said to him, my lord I pray you take patience, 
The Cardinal arreste●.  for here I arrest you. Arrest me said the Cardinal, yea said the earl I have a commandment so to do: you have no such power said the Cardinal, for I am both a Cardinal and a Legate de Later and a peer of the College of Rome & oughtnot to be arrested by any temporal power, for I am not subject to that power, wherefore if you arrest me I will withstand it: well said the earl, here is the kings Commission (which he showed him) and therefore I charge you to obey, the Cardianl somewhat remembered himself and said, well my lord, I am content to obey, but although that I by negligence fell into the punishment of the Praemunire and lost by the law all my lands and goods, yet my person was in the kings protection and I was pardoned that offence, wherefore I marvel why I now should be arrested & specially considering that I am a mamber of the sea Apostolic on whom no temporal man aught to lay violent hands, well I see the king lacketh good counsel: well said the earl when I was sworn Warden of the Marches, you yourself told me that I might with my staff arrest all men under the degree of a king▪ and now I am more stronger for I have a commission so to do which you have seen. The Cardinal at length obeyed and was kept in his privy chamber and his goods seized and his officers discharged, and his Physician called doctor Augustyne was likewise arrested and brought to the Tower by sir Walter Welshe one of the kings chamber. The vi. day of November he was conveyed from Cawod to Sheffelde castle and there delivered to th'earl of Shrewsburies' keeping till the kings pleasure were known: Of this attachment was much commoning amongst the common people, wherefore many were glad, for surely he was not in the favour of the commonalty.  
When the Cardinal was thus arrested the king sent sir William Kyngston knight captain of the Guard and Constable of the Tower of London with certain of the yeomen of the Guard to Sheffeld to fetch the Cardinal to the Tower. When the Cardinal saw the capitaini of the guard, he was sore astonied and shortly become sick, for than he perceived some great trouble toward him, and for that cause men said that he willingly took so much quantity of strong purgation that his nature was not able to bear it: but sir William Kyngston comforted him, and by easy iornayes he brought him to the Abbay of Leicester the xxvii. day of November, 
The Cardinal dead and buried at Leycester.  where for very feebleness of nature caused by purgations and vomits he died the second night following, and in the same abbey lieth buried. This Cardinal as you may perceive in this story was of a great stomach, for he counted himself equal with princes, and by crafty suggestion got into his hands innumerable treasure: 
The description of the Cardinal.  He forced little on simony & was not pitiful and stood affectionate in his own opinion: In open presence he would lie and say untruth and was double both in speech and meaning: He would promise' much and perform little: He was vicious of his body and gave the clergy evil example: He hated sore the city of London and feared it: It was told him that he should die in the way toward London▪ wherefore he feared jest the commons of the city would arise in riotous manner and so slay him, yet for all that he died in the way toward London. The authority of this Cardinal set the clergy in such a pride that they disdained all men, wherefore when he was fallen they followed after as you shall hear. To writ the life and doings of this Cardinal, it were a great work, but whatsoever he did God forgive his soul his bodies misdeeds.  
After the Cardinal was dead, the king removed from Hampton court to Grenewiche where he with queen Katherine kept a solemn Christmas, and on the twelve night he sat in the hall in his estate, where as were divers Interludes, rich Masks and disports, and after that a great banquet. And after Christmas he came to his Manor of Westminster, which before was called york place, for after that the Cardinal was attainted in the Praemunire & was go Northward, he made a feoffment of the same place to the king, and the chapter of the Cathedral church of York by their writing confirmed the same feoffment and then then king changed the name and called it the kings Manor of Westminster and no more York place.  
The whole clergy of England ever supported and maintained the power legantyne of the Cardinal, wherefore the kings counsel learned said plainly that they all were in the Praemunire, the spiritual lords were called by process into the kings Bench to answer, but before their day of appearance they in their Convocation concluded an humble submission in writing and offered the king a C. M. pound to be their good lord, and also to give them a pardon of all offences touching the Praemunire by act of Parliament, the which offer with much labour was accepted, and their pardon promised. In this submission the Clergy called the king supreme head of the church of England, 
The king first named supreme head.  which thing they never confessed before, whereupon many things followed after as you shall hear.  
When the Parliament was begun the vi. day of january, the pardon of the spiritual persons was signed with the kings hand & sent to the lords, which in time convenient assented tot he bill and sent it to the commons in the lower house, and when it was read, divers froward persons would in no wise assent to it except all men were pardoned, saying that all men which had any thing to do with the Cardinal were in the same case: the wiser sort answered that they would not compel the king to give them his pardon, and beside that it was uncharitably done of them to hurt the Clergy and do themselves no good, wherefore they advised them to consent to the bill and after to sue to the king for their pardon, which counsel was not followed, but they determined first to send the Speaker to the king or they would assent to the bill, whereupon Thomas Audely spekar for the commons with a convenient number of the common house came to the kings presence and there eloquently declared to the king how the commons sore lamented and bewailed their chance to think or imagine themselves to be out of his gracious favour, because that he had graciously given his pardon of the Praemunire to his spiritual subjects and not to them, wherefore they most humbly besought his grace of his accustomed goodness and clemency to include them in the same pardon.  
The king wisely answered that he was their prince and sovereign lord & that they aught not to restrain him of his liberty, nor to compel him to show his mercy, for it was at his pleasure to use the extremity of his laws, or mitigate and pardon the same, wherefore, sith they denied to assent to the pardon of the spiritual persons, which pardon he said he might give without their assent by his great seal, he would be well advised or he pardoned them, because he would not be noted to be compelled to do it: with this answer the speaker and the commons departed very sorrowful and pensive and some light persons said that Thomas Crumwell which was newly come to the favour or the king had disclosed the secrets of the commons, which thing caused the king to be so extreme.  
The king like a good prince considered how sorrowful his commons were of the answer that he made them, and thought that they were not quiet, wherefore of his own motion he caused a pardon of the Praemunire to be drawn, and signed it with his hand and sent it to the common house by Christopher Hales his atturnay, which bill was son assented to. Then the commons lovingly thanked the king and much praised his wit that he had denied it to them when they unworthily demanded it, and had bountyfully granted it when he perceived that they sorrowed and lamented.  
While the Parliamene sat, of the thirty. day of March at after noon there came into the common house the lord Chancellor and divers lords of the spirituality and temporalty to the number of xii. and there the lord Chancellor said, you of this worshipful house I am sure be not so ignorant but you know well that the king our sovereign lord hath married his brother's wife, for she was both wedded & bedded with his brother prince Arthur, and therefore you may surely say that he hath married his brother's wife, if this marriage be good or no many clerks do doubt. Wherefore the king like a virtuous prince willing to be satisfied in his conscience and also for the surety of his realm hath with great deliberation consulted with great clerks, and hath sent my lord of London here present to the chief universities of all Chirstendome to know their opinion and judgement in that behalf, And although that the universities of Cambryge and Oxford had been sufficient to discuss the cause, yet because they be in his realm and to avoid all suspicion of partiality he hath sent into the realm of France, Italy the Pope's dominions, and Uenicians to know their judgement in that bahalfe, which have concluded, written and sealed their determinations according as you shall hear read. Then sir Bryan Tuke took out of a box xii. writings sealed, & read them word by word as after ensueth translated out of Latin into the English tongue.  

The determination of the university of orleans.  
Not long sins there were put forth to us the College of doctors, regentes of the university of orleans, 
orleans  these two questions that follow. The first, whether it be lawful by the law of God for the brother to take to wife that woman whom his brother hath left? The second if this be forbidden by the law of God, whether this prohibition of the law of God may be remitted by the Pope his dispensation? We the foresaid College of doctors regentes according to our custom and usage came many times together and did sit divers times upon the discussing of these foresaid doubts and questions and did examine and way as much as we might divers & many places both of the old testament and new, and also the interpreters and declarers both of the law of God and the Canon law. After we had weighed and considered all things exactly and with good leisure and deliberation, we have determined and concluded that these foresaid marriages cannot be attempted nor enterprised except a man do wrong and plain contrary to the law of God: yea and that although it be done by pardon and sufferance of the Pope. And in witness of this conclusion and determination we have caused this present public writing to be signed by our Scribe of our said university, and to be strengthened and fortified with the seal of the ●ame: Enacted in the chapel of our lady the Annunciation, or the good tidings that she had of Christ's coming in orleans, the year of our Lord M.d.xxix the .v. day of April.   

The determination of the faculty of Decrees of the university of Paris.  
In the name of the Lord so be it. 
layers of Paris.  There was put forth before us the Dean and College of the right counsailful faculty of Decrees of the university of Paris this question. Wither that the Pope might dispense, that the brother might marry the wife that his brother hath left, if marriage between his brother now dead and his wife were once consummate? we the Dean and College of the said faculty after many disputations and reasons made of both sides upon this matter and after great and long turning and serchyug of books, both of the law of God and the Pope's law and of the law Civil, we counsel and say that the Pope hath no power to dispense in this foresaid case: In witness whereof we have caused this present writing to be strengthened with the seal of our faculty and with the sign of our Scribe or chief beadle. Yeven in the congregation or assemble at saint John Laterenense in Paris the second day of May M.D.xxx.   

The determination of civilians and canonists of the university of Angew.  
Not long time sins there were purposed unto us the Rector & doctors Regentes in law Canon & Civil of the university of Angew 
Angew.  these two. questions here following, that is to we●e, whether it is unleeful by the law of God and the law of nature for a man to marry the wife of his brother that is departed without children so that the marriage was consummate? And again whether it is lawful for the Pope to dispense with such marriage? We the aforesaid Rector and doctors have according to our custom and usage many times communed together and sitten to dispute these questions, and to find out the certainty of them. And after that we had discussed and examined many & divers places aswell of the law of God as of the law of man, which seemed to pertain to the same purpose, and after that we had brought for both parties and examined them. All things faithfully and after good conscience considered and upon sufficient deliberation and advisement taken, we define and determine that neither by the law of God nor of nature it is permitted for any christian man, not not even with the authority of the sea Apostolic, or with any dispensation granted by the Pope to marry the wife that his brother hath left, although his brother be departed without children, after that the marriage is once finished and consummate. And for witness of these aforesaid things, we have commanded our Scribe of our said university to sign this present public instrument, & it to be fortified with the great seal of our university, Enacted in the church of saint Peter in Angew, the year of our Lord M.D.xxx, the seven. day of May.   

The determination of the faculty of divinity in the university of Paris.  
The Dean and the faculty of the holy divinity of the university of Paris, 
Paris.  to all them to whom this present writing shall come wisheth safety in our saviour jesus Christ which is the very true safety: Where of late there is risen a great controversy of great difficulty upon the marriage between the most noble Henry the viii. king of England defender of the faith and lord of Ireland. etc. and the noble lady Katherine queen of England, daughter to the Catholic king Ferdinand, which marriage was not only contract between her and her former husband, but also consummate and finished by carnal intermedeling. This question also was purposed to us to discuss and examine according to justice and truth, that is to say, whether to marry her that our brother dead without children hath left being so prohibited by the law of God and nature, that it can not be made leeful by the Pope's dispensation, that any Christian man should marry the wife that his brother hath left? We the foresaid Dean and faculty calling to our remembrance how virtuous and how holy a thing and how agreeable to our profession, unto our duty of love and charity, it is for us to show the way of justice and right, of virtue and honesty to them which desire to lead and pass over their life in the law of our Lord with sure & quiet conscience: could not but be ready to satisfy so honest and just requests: whereupon after our old wont, we came together upon our oath in the church of S. Maturyne, & there for the same cause had a solemn Mass with devout prayer to the holy ghost. And also we took an oath every man to deliver and to study upon the foresaid question, as should be to the pleasure of God and according to conscience: And after divers and many Sessions or sittynges, which we had and continued in the church of saint Maturyn, and also in the college called Sarbo●e from the viii. day of june to the second day of july. When we had searched and examined through and through with as much diligence as we could and with such reverence and religion or conscience as becometh in such a matter, both the books of holy scripture, and also the most approved interpreters of the same: Finally the general and synodal counsels, decrees and constitutions of the sacre & holy Church, which by long custom hath been received and approbate, we the foresaid Dean and faculty disputing upon the foresaid question and making answer to the same, and that after the judgement and full consent of the most part of the said faculty have concluded and determined that the foresaid marriage with the brother's wife departing without children be so forbidden both by the law of God and of nature that the pope hath no power to dispense with such marriages whether they be contract or to be contract. And for credence, believe, and witness of this our Assertion and determination, we have caused the s●ale of our faculty with our Notary's sign to be put unto this present writing. Dated in our general congregation that we keep by an oath at saint Maturynes, the year of our Lord M.D.xxx. the second day of july.   

The determination of the university of Burges in Berry or Biturs.  
We the Dean and faculty of divinity in the University of Burges, 
Burges.  because we will according to the example of S. Paul doctor of the Gentiles which doth likewise, will begin our writing with prayer unto all the beloved of God, among whom you most dear readers unto whom we writ be called, grace, peace and quietness of conscience come to you from God the father and from our Lord jesus Christ: while we were gathered together all into one place (in the octaves of Whitsuntide) both in body and mind, and were sitting in the house of the said dean, there was a question put to us again, which had been purposed to us often times before, being no small question, which was this: Wither the brother taking the wife of his brother now dead, and the marriage once consummate and perfit doth a thing unlawful or no? At the last when we had sought for the truth of the thing and had perceived and found it our by much labour and study of every one of us by himself, and by much and often turning of holy books, every one of us not corrupt, whereby we might the less obey the truth, began as the holy ghost did put in his mind to give every man one arbitrement & sentence which was this. I have well perceived in very truth without regard or respect of any person that those persons which be rehearsed in the xviii. cha. of the Levitical law, be forbidden by the very law of nature to con matrimony together and that this law can in no wise be released by any authority of any man by the which there is made an abominable discovering of his brother's foulness. And this is the sign of our comen Bedyll or Notary and the seal of our foresaid faculty put unto this present writing the x. day of june, in the year of our Lord M.D.xxx. And because the foot of our writing shall be of one form and fashion with the head, as we began with prayer, so let us end after the example of S. Paul that we spoke of before, and say, the grace and favour of our Lord jesus Christ, the charity and love of God and the communication of the holy ghost be with you all. Amen.   

The determination of the divines in the pope's university of Bonony.  
God best and mightiest taught first the old law & testament with his own mouth, 
Bonony.  to form and fashion according to love and charity, the manners and life of men. And secondarily the same God did take afterwards manhood upon him for to be the redeemer of man and so made the new law or new Testament not only to form and fashion according to love and charity the life and manners of men, but also to take away and to declare doubts the which did arise in many cases, which when they be once clearly determined shall help greatly to perfit virtue and goodness, that is to say, to perfit love and charity. Wherefore we thought it evermore, that it should be our part to follow these most holy doctrines and laws of our father of heaven, and that we lightened by the light of God above and of the holy ghost should give our sentence and judgement in high and doubtful matters after that we have once leyserly and sufficiently taken advisement upon the cause, & have clearly searched out and opened the thing by many reasons & writings of holy fathers aswell for the one part as for the other, doing nothing as near as we can rashly or without deliberation. Therefore where certain great and noble men did instantly desire us that we would with all diligence possible look for this case that after ensueth, and afterwards to give our judgement upon the same, according to most equity, right, and conscience, sticking only to the truth: All the doctors of divinity of this University, when we had every one by himself examined the matter at home in our houses, came all together into one place and there treated upon it many days with asmuch cunning & learning as we could, we anon looked on the case together, we examined it together, we compared all thing together, we handling every thing by itself, did try them even as you would say by line and rule, we brought forth all manner of reasons, which we thought could be brought for the contrary part, and afterward solved them yea even the reasons of the most reverend father Cardinal Cai●taine, yea & moreover the Deu●eronomi dispensation of stirring up the brother's seed, & shortly all other manner of reasons & opinions of the contrary part, as many as seemed to belong to this purpose, and this question that was asked of us was this: Whether it was forbidden only by the ordinance of the church or else by the law of God, that a man might not marry the wife left of his brother departed without children? and if it were commanded by both the laws not to be done, whether the Pope may dispense with any man to make such marriage? the which question now that we have examined it both by ourself secretly and also openly & diligently and exactly as we could possible, and discussed it after the best manner that our wits would serve: we determine, give judgement and say, and as stiffly as we can we witness and without any doubt do steadfastly hold that this marriage should be horrible, accursed & to be cried out upon and utterly abominable not only for a christian man but for an infidel, unfaithful or heathen, And that it is prohibit under grievous pains and punishments by the law of God, of nature and of man, & that the Pope, though that he almost may do all things, unto whom Christ did give the keys of the kingdom of heaven, hath no power to give a dispensation to any man for to contract such a marriage for any manner of cause, consideration or suggestion: And all we be ●eady at all times and in all places to defend and maintain the truth of this our conclusion. In witness whereof we have made this present writing, and have fortified the same both with the seal of our university and also with the seal of our College of doctors of divinity and have subscribed and signed it with our general & accustomed subscription in the Cathedral church of Bonony the x. day of june, the year of our Lord. M.D.xxx.   

The determination of the faculty of divinity in the university of Milan in Italy.  
They that have written for the maintenance of the catholic faith, affirm that God best and mightiest did give the precepts & commandments of the old law with his own mouth, to be an exampler for us, wherein we might see how we should order our life and manners, and this God had done before he become man: and after that he had put upon him our manhood and was become redeemer or bier of mankind, He made the new law or testament, and of his mere liberality did give it us, not only for the cause aforesaid, but also to take away & declare all manner of doubts and questions that might arise, the which once opened & declared what their very true meaning is, to th'intent that thereby we might be made perfitly good which be greatly fruitful to us & wholesome: and seeing that this was the mind of God in making these laws, it hath been our intent & evermore shallbe, as it becometh christian men to follow these most solemn ordinances of the most high workemaster God, & the help of his light, that is above the capacity of nature, to utter our judgement in all manner of doubts & hard questions. After we had once considered the thing after the best manner, and had by sufficient leisure made it clear by many evident reasons of both parties, and by many authorities of the fathers of the Church, determining nothing as near as were can, rashly or without convenient deliberation. Seeing therefore that certain great Orators or ambassadors did humbly require and pray us that we would vouchsafe and search out with all the diligence that we could this case following & afterwards to give our sentence upon the same, plainly & simply looking only on the truth. After the Doctors of divinity of this University came together, and after that we had every man examined the thing particularly in our own houses and have beaten it with all learning and cunning that we were able: Anon when we were together, we considered, examined and weighed all things by themselves, and brought in all manner of reasons, which we thought might by any means be made to the contrary, and without all colour or cloak did wholly & clearly dissolve them and take them away. And amongst all, the dispensation by the law of Deut●ronomi of stirring up the brother's seed, and all manner other reasons a●d determinations to the contrary, that seemed to us to pertain any thing to that purpose we utterly confuted & dispatched them. And the question that is put to us is this: Whether to marry the wife of our brother departed without children is forbidden only by the law of the Church or by the law of God also: and if it be forbidden by both these laws, whither the Pope may dispense with any man for such matrimony or no? which question now that we have discussed it, & as far as we could, have made it clear, both privately every man by himself, & after all togethers openly, we say, judge, decree, witness & for a truth affirm that such marriage is no marriage, yea and that it is abhorred and cursed of every christian man, and to be abominate as a grievous sin. And that it is as clearly as can be forbidden under most cruel penalties by the laws of nature, of God and of man: And that the Pope, unto whom the keys of the kingdom of heaven be committed by Christ the son of God, hath no power to dispense by the right and law for any cause, suggestion or excuse, that any such matrimony should be contract. For those things which be forbidden by the law of God be not underneath his power but above it, nor he is not the vicar of God as concerning those things, but only in such things as God hath not determined himself in his law, but hath left them to the determination and ordinance of man. And to maintain the truth of this our sentence and conclusion, and for most certain and undoubted defence of the same, we all of one mind and accord shall at tall times and in every place be ready. In witness whereof we have made this writing & have authorized it with the accustomed seal of our University and also of our College of divines, Dated at Padway in the Church of the hermits of saint Austen the first day of july, in the year of our Lord M.D.xxx.   

The Determination of the University of Tholose.  
There was treated in our university of Tholose a very hard question: Whether it be leeful for the brother to mary her which had been wife to his brother now departed, and that without children? There was beside this another thing that troubled us very sore: Whether, if the pope which hath the cure of Christ's flock would by his dispensation (as men call it) suffer this, that then at the lest wise it might be lawful? The Rector of the University called to counsel all the doctors regents that were that time at Tholose for to show their minds on this question, & that not once, but twice: For he judged that counsel giving aught not to be hasted nor done upon head, & that we had need of time and space to do any thing conveniently & as it aught to be. At the last there came together into one place all the best learned and connyngest doctors, both of holy divinity, and also doctors that were best learned in both laws, yea, and finally as many as had any experience in any matter & were able to do any thing either by judgement & discretion, or by eloquence or their excellent wits. And there did swear that they would obey the sacre & holy counsels, & would follow the Decrees of the Fathers, which no man that hath any good conscience will violate or break. And so every man said his mind, and the matter was debated and reasoned diffusely & at large for both parts. In conclusion, we fell so fast to this point, that this was the sentence & determination that our University, with one voice of all, did determine and conclude with most pure and clear conscience and defiled with no manner of leaven or corruption: That it is lawful for no man, neither by the law of God, nor by the law of nature, to take her to wife that his brother hath left: And seeing that it may not be done by the law of God nor of nature, we answered all: That the Pope can loose no man from that law nor dispense with him. And as for that thing can not be contrary to our sentence & verdyct: that the brother in old time was compelled by the law of Deuteronomy to marry the broths wife departed without issue: For this law was but a shadow and a figure of things to come, which vanished away assoon as ever the light and truth of the Gospel appeared: And because these things be thus, we have given our sentence after this form above, and have commanded the same to be signed by our Notary which is our secretory, and to be fortified and authorized by the putting to of our authentical Seal of our University aforesaid, at Tholose the kalends or first day of Octobre, the year of our Lord a thousand .v. C.xxx.  
After these Determinations were read, there were showed above an hundredth books drawn by Doctors of strange Regions, which all agreed the Kings Marriage to be unleeful, which were not read, for the day was spent. Then the Chancellor said: Now you of this comen house may report in your countries what you have seen & heard and then all men shall openly perceive that the King hath not attempted this matter of will or pleasure, as some strangers report, but only for the discharge of his conscience & surety of the succession of his realm: This is the cause of our repair hither to you, & now we will depart.  
When these Determinations were published, all wise men in the Realm much abhorred that marriage: but women, & such as were more wilful than wise or learned, spoke against the Determination, & said that the Universities were corrupt & enticed so to do, which is not to be thought. The King himself sore lamented his chance & made no manner o● mirth nor pastime as he was wont to do, & dined & resorted to the queen as he was accustomed, & minished nothing of her estate, and much loved & cherished their daughter the Lady Mary: but in no wise he would not come to her bed. When Ester began to draw near, the Parliament for that time ended, and was prorogued till the last day of March, in the next year.  
In the Parliament aforesaid was an Act made, 
The Act of Poisoning.  that whosoever did poison any person, should be boiled in hot water to the death: which Act was made because one Richard Roose, in the Parliament time had poisoned divers persons at the Bishop of Rochester's place, which Richard, according to the same Act, was boiled in Smythfelde the Teneber wednis●ay following, to the terrible example of all other.  
This winter season, on the xxvi day of january, in the city of Luxborne in Portugal, was a wondrous Earthquake, 
〈◊〉 earthquake  which destroyed many houses and towers, and slew many people by falling down of the same, the Kings Palace shaken so, that he and the Queen, and the Ladies fled out of their Palace, without any servants, and sought secure where they might get it, & suddenly the quaking seized: Then the Rocks opened, and out sprang the water, that the ships in the haven were like to have perished: Then the earth quaked again, and did more harm than before, and at night it ceased: of which Earthquake, many men were murdered and destroyed.  
When the university aforesaid, & a great number of clerks & well learned men had determined the Kings marriage to be unlawful, detestable, & against God's law, as you have heard, the King willing the Queen to have knowledge of the same, sent to her divers Lords of the council the last day of May being the wednesday in Whitsun week: the which Lords, 
〈…〉  in her chaumbre at Grenewyche, declared to her all the Determination as you have heard, & asked her whether she would for the quietness of the Kings conscience, put the matter to four Prelates, & four temporal Lords of this Realm, or abide by her appeal. The Queen answered: The King my father which concluded my marriage, I am sure, was not so ignorant but he asked council of clerks & well learned men before he married me the second time: for if he had had any doubt in my marriage, he would not have disbursed so great a treasure as he did, & then all Doctors in manner agreed my marriage to be good, insomuch that the Pope himself, which knew best what was to be done, did both dispense and ratified my second marriage, against whose doing I marvel that any person will speak or write: And as to the Determination of the university, I am a woman and lack wit and learning to answer to them, but to God I commit the judgement of that, whether they have done justly or percially: for this I am sure, that neither the Kings father, nor my father would have condescended to our Marriage if it had been declared to be unlawful: and where you say that I should put the cause to viii persons of this Realm for quietness of the Kings conscience, I pray God send his grace a quiet conscience, and this shallbe your answer: That I say I am his lawful wife, and to him lawfully married, and by the order of holy Church I was to him espoused as his true wife, although I was not so worthy, and in that point I will abide till the cowrte of Rome which was privy to the beginning have made thereof a determination and final ending. With this answer the Lords departed to the King, which was sorry to hear of her wilful opinion, and in especial that she more trusted in the Pope's law then in keeping the Precepts of God.  
The King like a politic Prince, perceived that the Merchant strangers, and in especial, Italians, spaniards & portingalings daily brought Oade, Oil, Silk, Clotheses of Gold, Velvet, & other merchandise into this Realm, and therefore received ready money, which money they ever delivered to other merchants by exchange, & never employed the same money on the commodities of this Realm, so that thereby the King was hindered in his Custom outward, and also the commodities of his Realm were not uttered, to the great hindrance of his subjects: wherefore he caused a Proclamation to be made in midsummer Term, 
A Proclamation of Exchange.  according to an old statute made in the time of King Rycharde the second: That no person should make any exchange contrary to the true meaning of the same Act and statute, upon pain to be taken the kings mortal enemy, and to forfeit all that he might forfeit. After this Proclamation, many clotheses and other commodities of this Realm were well sold, but shortly after merchants fell to exchange again, and the Proclamation was shortly forgotten.  
The King after Whytsontyde and the Queen removed to Wyndsore, and there continued till the xiiii day of july, on which day the King removed to Woodstock and left her at Wyndsore, where she lay a while, and after removed to the Moor, and afterward to Estamstede: and after this day, the King and she never saw together. Wherefore the comen people daily murmured and spoke their foolish fantasies. But the affairs of Princes be not ordered by the comen people, nor it were not convenient that all things were opened to them.  
After this, the King sent certain Lords to the Queen to Estamstede to advise her to be confirmable to the law of God, and to show unto her, that all the Universities had clearly determined, that the Pope could in no wise dispense with her Marriage, and therefore the Dispensation to which she most trusted of all, was clearly void and of none effect. These, with many more causes and advisements were declared to her, which nothing moved her at all, but still she said: Truly I am the Kings true wife, and to him married: and if all Doctors were dead, or law, or learning so far out of man's mind at that time of our marriage, yet I can not think that the court of Rome and the whole Church of England would consent to a thing unlawful and detestable (as you call it) but still I say I am his wife, and for him will I pray. With this answer the Lords departed, and came to the King and made report as you have heard.  
This marriage was not alonely talked of in England▪ but in France Spain▪ Italy, yea, through all Christendom in manner, and especially in themperors Court, insomuch as a great Marquis of Spain said to sir Nicholas Heruy knight being the Kings Ambassader in th'emperors Cowrte at gaunt: My Lord Ambassador of England, I marvel not a little why the King your Master dallieth so with th'emperors Aunt, she is dissended I assure you of a noble blood and high Parentage, th'emperors Majesty may not nor will not suffer sothe injury to be done to his blood and lineage, that she should whole xxii years and more serve him as his wife and bedfellow and now to reject her, what Princely manner is that▪ therein is neither love nor loyalty? For if a poor varlet had so long served a Prince, what heart could have then rejected him or put him from him? it can not be said that your King is well counseled: the matter is much marveled at amongst Christian Princes & think her not to be honestly handled nor honourably: And if it be so that she be not his wife (because she was once his brother's wife) as your Doctors say & affirm, than no man can excuse your King nor say but that she hath been evil handled, and kept like a Concubine or Paramour for the bodily appetite, which is a great spot, shame, & rebuke to her and to her whole lineage, which spot no ways can be sponged out nor recompensed, for shame in a kindred can by no treasure be redeemed: If he King your Master remember well this matter, he shall find that it transcendeth far above the loss of earthly possessions, I would he would be better advised.  
The English Ambassador answered: 
An Answer.  My Lord, my commission extendeth not to answer this matter, but to inform you of the truth, I will somewhat say beside my commission: first I say to you, that the king my master never meant in this matter but honourably, truly, and virtuously both for the pleasure of God and the profit and surety of his Realm, nor never was nor shall be any Prince that ever was better contented and pleased with a woman than he hath been with her, nor never Prince more loved, cherished, nor honoured a woman, than the king my Master hath done her, & would with heart, mind, and will her still keep as his wife, if God's law would suffer it: My Lord, if you remember well all thing, you shall find that this doubt was first moved in the Council of Spain, when the Emperor and the King of England were agreed, that th'emperor should mary the Lady mary the Kings Daughter: Upon that communication this doubt was put to th'emperors Council, whether she were the Kings lawful Daughter or not, because it was well known that he had married his brother's wife.  
This matter was not so secret but it spread into the council both of France and Flaunders, to the great defamation of the King of England, & to the great uncertainty of the succession of his Realm: whereof when he was advertised, I think never Prince took it more sorrowfully nor more dolently, and for satisfying of his conscience, he called his clergy and felt their opinions, and not trusting his own subjects only (which I ensure you be excellently learned) sent to all the Universities of France, italy, and divers other Realms to know their judgements in this case, and surely the King my master sore lamenteth his chance and bewaileth the time misspent if it so succeed, for than is his Realm destitute of a lawful heir begotten of his body, which is the greatest displeasure that may come to a Prince: The Marriage was well meant both of the kings father and the queens father, and they married together by the advice and council of their friends, and so lovingly continued together as man and wife without any scruple or doubt, till you of Spain moved first the question and put the marriage in ambiguity, and therefore you can not with honour think but that the King hath done like a wise Prince to search out the solution of your doubt which so near toucheth his soul and the surety of his Realm: And all thing that he hath done he hath done by great advisement and with a great deliberation, wherefore no reasonable man can say but he hath done like a wise and virtuous Prince. The Marquis hearing this answer said, that the King did wisely to try the truth, and was somewhat ashamed of that that he had spoken, as I was informed by them that were present.  
You have heard before how the clergy in their Convocation had granted to the King the some of one hundredth thousa●d pound to be pardoned of the Praemunire: for levying of the which sum, every bishop in his Diocese called before him all the Priests as well chantry and parish priests as persons and Uycars, amongst whom, Doctor John Stokesley bishop of London, a man of great wit and learning, but of little discretion and humanity (which caused him to be out of the favour of the common people) called before him all the priests within the City of London, whether they were Curates or Stipendaries, the first day of Septembre being fridaye, in the Chapter House of Saint Paul, at which day the Priests appeared, and the bishops policy was to have only two or eight priests together, and by persuasions to have caused them to grant some porsion toward the payment of the foresaid One hundredth. M. pound, but the number of the Priests was so great, for they were six hundredth at the lest, & with them came many Temporal men to hear of the matter, that the bishop was disappointed of his purpose: for when the bishops Officers called in certain Priests by name into the Chapter house: with that, a great number entered, for they put the Bysshppes Officers that kept the door a side. A●ter this the officers got the door shut again: then the priests without said: We will not be kept without, & our fellows be within: we know not what the bishop will do with them. The Temporal men being present stomached and comforted the priests to enter, so that by force they opened the door, and one struck the bishops Officer over the face and entered the Chapter house and many temporal men with them, and long it was or any silence could be made: and at last when they were appea●ed the bishop stood up and said: brethren, I marvel not a little why you be so heady and know not what shall be said to you, 
The bishops saying  therefore I pray you to keep silence and to hear me patiently: My friends all, you know well that we be men frail of condition and no Angels, and by frailty and lack of wisdom we have misdemeaned ourself toward the King our sovereign Lord and his laws, so that all we of the Clearge were in the Praemunire, by reason whereof, all our promotions, Lands, Goods and cattles were to him forfeit and our bodies ready to be imprisoned, yet his grace moved with pity and compassion, demanded of us what we could say why he should not extend his laws upon us, than the fathers of the clergy humbly besought his grace of mercy, to whom he answered that he was ever inclined to mercy: then for all our great offences we had little penance for where he might by the rigour of his law have taken all our livelihood, goods & cattles, he was contented with one hundredth thousand pounds to be paid in five years: & although that this some be more than we may easily bear, yet by the rigour of his laws we should have borne the whole burden: Wheerfore my brethren, I charitably exhort you to bear your parts of your livelihood and salary toward the payment of this some granted. Then it was shortly said to the bishop: My Lord, twenty nobles a year is but a ba●e living for a priest, for now victual and every thing in manner is so dear, that poverty in manner enforceth us to say nay: beside that, my Lord we never offended in the Praemunire, for we medeled never with the Cardinal's faculties, let the bishops and abbots which have offended pay. Then the bishops officers gave to the priests high words, which caused them to be the more obs●●nate. Also divers temporal men which were present comforted the Priests and bade them agreed to no payment. In this rumour, divers of the bishops servants were buffyted and stricken so that the bishop began to be afraid, and with fair words appeased the noise, and for all things which were done or said there he pardoned them and gave to them his blessing and prayed them to depart in charity. And then they departed thinking to hear no more of the matter, but they were deceived, for the bishop went to sir Thomas Moor then being Lord Chancellor (which greatly favoured the bishop and the clergy) and to him made a grievous complaint and declared the fact very grievously, whereupon commandment was sent to sir Thomas Pargitor Mayer of the City, to attach certain priests and temporal men, and so xu priests and .v. temporal men were arrested, of the which, some were sent to the Tower, some to the Fleet, and other Prisons, where they remained long after.  
In this season were divers preachings in the Realm, one contrary to another concerning the Kings Marriage, and in especial one Thomas Ab●ll clerk, both preached and wrote a Book, that the Marriage was lawful, which caused many simple men to believe his opinion: This Abel was the Queen's chaplain, and wrote this Book to please her withal: wherefore the King caused a Determination of the Universities, & all the iudgementzes of great Clerks to be compiled into a Book and to be Printed, which Book did satisfy the minds of all indifferent & discrete persons: but some men were partial that neither learning nor reason could satisfy their wilful minds.  
This year the King kept his Christmas at Grenewyche with great solemnity, but all men said that there was no mirth in that Christmas because the Queen and the Ladies were absent.  
After Christmas the xu day of january the Parliament began to sit, & amongst divers griefs which the Commons were grieved with, they sore complained of the cruelty of the Ordinarirs, for calling men before them Ex officio: that is, by reason of their office: For the Ordinaries would send for men and lay Accusations to them of Heresy, and say they were accused, and ley Articles to them, but no Accuser should be brought forth, which to the Commons was very dreadful and grievous: for the party so Assited must either Abjure or be burned, for Purgation he might make none.  
When this matter and other Exactions done by the Clergy in their Courts were long debated in the Common House, at the last it was concluded & agreed, that all the griefs which the temporal men were grieved with, should be put in writing and delivered to the King, which by great advice was done: wherefore, the xviii day of March the Common speaker accompanied with divers Knights and Burgesses of the Common House came to the Kings presence, and there declared to him how the temporal men of his Realm were sore aggrieved with the cruel demeanor of the Prelattes and Ordinaries, whi●h ●ouched both their bodies and goods, all which griefs, the Speaker delivered to the King in writing, most humbly beseeching his gr●c● to t●ke such an order & direction i● that ●aie, as to his high wisdom might seem most convenient. Further he beseeched the king to consider what pain, charge and cost, his humble subjects o● the neither house had sust●yned sith the beginning of this Parliament, and that it would please his grace of his Princely benignity to dissolve his court of Parliament, that his subjects might repair into their countries.  
When the King had received the Supplication of the Commons, he paused a while and then said: It is not the office of a King which is a judge to be to light of credence, 
The Kings saying.  nor I have not, nor will not use the same: for I will hear the party that is accused speak or I give any ●entence: your book containeth divers Articles of great and weighty matters, and as I perceive, it is against the Spiritual persons and Prelates of our Realm, of which thing you desire a redress and a reformation, which desire and request is mere contraryant to your last Petition: For you require to have the parliament dissolved and to depart into your countries, and yet you would have a reformation of your griefs with all diligence: Although that your pain have been great in tarrying, I assure you mine hath been no less than yours, and yet all the pain that I take for your wealths is to me a pleasure: therefore if you will have protyte of your complaint, you must tarry the time, or else to be without remedy: I much commend you that you will not contend nor stand in strife with the Spiritual men, which be your Christian brethren, but moche more me thinketh that you should not contend with me that am your Sovereygne Lord and King, considering that I seek peace and quietness of you: For I have sent to you a bill concerning wards and primer season, in the which things I am greatly wronged: wherefore I have offered you reason as I thy●ke, yea, and so thinketh all the Lords, for they have set their hands to the book: Therefore I assure you, if you will not take some reasonable end now when it is offered, I will seiche out the extremity of the law, and then will I not offer you so much again: with this answer, the Speaker and his company departed. The cause why the King spoke these words was this: Daily men made Feoffementes of their lands to their uses, and declared their wills of their lands with such remainders, that not alonely the king but all other Lords lost their Wards, Marriages and relieffes, and the king also lost his primer season, & the profit of the livery, which was to him very prediudiciall and a great loss: wherefore he, like an indifferent Prince, not willing to take all, nor to loose all, caused a bill to be drawn by his learned council, in the which was devised, that every man might make his will of the half of his land, so that he left the other half to the heir by descent. When this Byil came first amongs the Commons, lord how the ignorant persons were grieved, and how shamefully they spoke of the bill and of the Kings learned Council: but the wise men which understood & saw the mischief to come, would gladly have had the bill to be assented to, or at the lest to have put the King in a surety of the third or fourth part, which offer I was credebly informed the King would have taken: but many froward and wilful persons, not regarding what might ensue (as it did in deed) would neither consent to the bill as the Lords had agreed and set to their hands, nor yet agreed to no reasonable qualification of the same, which they sore repent: For after this, the King called the judges and best learned men of his Realm, and they disputed this matter in the Chancery, and agreed that land could not be willed by the order of the common law: whereupon an Act was made, that no man might declare his will of no part of his land: which Act sore grieved the Lords and Gentlemen that had many children to set forth. Therefore you may judge what mischief cometh of wilful blindness and lack of foresight in so great causes.  
This Parliament was prorogued till the tenth day of Apryll, in the which Parliament was an Act made, that bishops should pay no more Annates or money for their Bulls to the Pope: for it was openly proved that there was paid for the Bulls of bishops, in the fourth year of King Henry the seventh, the Kings father, till this year, one hundredth three score thousand pound sterling, beside all other Dispensations and Pardons, whereof the sum was incredible.  
When the Parliament was begun again after Ester, there came down to the Common house the Lord chancellor, the Dukes of Norfolk & Suffolk, the Earls of Arundel, Oxford, Northumbrelande, Rutland, Wylshyre and Sussex, and after they were set, the Lord Chancellor declared, how the King was advertised by his Council, and in especial by the Duke of Norfolk, how on the Marches between England and Scotland was very little habitation, on the English side, but on the scottish side was great habitation, and the Scots dwelled even just on the border, by the reason whereof they invaded England dyvets times, and did to the Kings subjects great hurt and displeasure: wherefore the King intended to make dwelling houses there, and also to make new divers piles and stops to let the scottish men from their invasions, to the great commodity of all his people there dwelling, which things could not be done without great cost: Wherefore considering the Kings good intent, he said, that the Lords thought it convenient to grant to the King some reasonable aid toward his charges, and prayed the Commons to consult on the same, and then he and all the Lords departed.  
After their departure, the commons considering the kings good intent, lovingly granted to him a xu toward his charges, but this grant was not enacted at this session, because that suddenly began a Pestilence in Westmynster, wherefore the parliament was prorogued till the next year.  
In this year was an old Tolle demanded in Flaunders of English men, called the Tolle of the Hound, which is a river and a passage: The Tolle is xii pence of a farthel. This Tolle had been often times demanded, but never paid: insomoche that King Henry the seventh, for the demand of that Tolle, prohibited all his subjects to keep any Mart all Antwerp or Barow, but caused the Martes to be kept at Calyes: at which time it was agreed that the said Tolle should never be demanded, so that the English men would resort again into the Duke's country, and after that, it was not demanded till now: Wherefore the King sent Doctor Knight and other to Calyes, and thither came th'emperors Commissioners, and the matter was put in suspense for a time.  
You have heard before how the King had purchased the bishop of York's place, which was a fair By●shops house, but not meet for a King: wherefore the King purchased all the meadows about saint james, and all the whole house of s. james, and there made a fair mansion and a park, & builded many costly and commodious houses for great pleasure.  
Now must I declare to you a noble enterprise, although it were not done in England, yet because divers English men were at that adventure, I will declare it as the Lord Master of the Religion of Saint Ihons' wrote to the Lord of saint Ihons' in England: The Lord Mas●er of the Religion, lamenting sore the loss of the Rhodes, which he thought not soon to be recovered, considered that the Turk held the town of Modon which standeth on the See side, and is a fair port, and wolf have gladly had that town out of the Turks possession▪ called to him a trusty servant of his, called Caloram, which was well languaged, and to him declared, that he would have him to sail to Modon, and to devil there as a Turk unknown, and if he might by any means to come into service with Massy de Huga, which was Capitayne there. Caloram answered, that to go thither for the acomplishing of the Lord masters desire, he was very well content, but to come in service and favour with the Capitayne, must come in process of time and by continuance, and that not without great expense: The Lord Master promised him sufficient treasure and a great reward: When Caloram was perfectly instructed in all thing he took his leave and came privily to Modon, & there dwelled, & within short space he was the captains servant, & for his great diligence was with his master in great favour. Then he wrote to the Lord Miaster all thing, and asserrayned him that his intent could not take effect hastily, but bade him ever be ready. This matter thus continued two year, in which time Caloram well perceyned how the town might be taken, and therefore wrote to the Lord Master, which shortly came to a place called Mucollutea. The Turks have a condition in August & Septembre, to resort into the country to see the fruits, and to solace themself, wherefore the Lord Master appointed the Prior of Rome and the Tur●uplya● of England to be Captains of this enterprise, and with them were lx knights of the Religion, and vii C. and fifty soldiers in vi Galyes & brigants, and passed the Cape Blank in the land of Calaber, the xviii day of August, and there they anchored: and from, that place they might sail lx. mile to Modon, under the hills of Stroffadees. And in the way they stopped all the ships that passed toward Modon: & from thence they sent word to Caloram, which sent them word, not to be to hasty: for the Uenicians had reported in Modon, that the Galyes of the Religion were on the see: and also a Capitayne of the Turks, called Frombylam was come to Modon with ii C. horsemen to view the town so that Caloram was in great fear of his enterprise. But the same night there came to Modon a Gripe or small vessel, in the which were three knights of the Religion all in marynors' arrey, and there sought for fresh water and other victails necessary, which knights spoke with Calora●, and the same day the Capitayne Frombylam departed from Modon. Then Caloram sent word to the Captains, that he trusted that their journey should be well sped: which knights departed and came to the Captains, which wisely assembled all their people at a Road called Stroffades, and there declared their commission of their Lord Master, and also showed Calorams' letters, whereof every man was greatly comforted to know what enterprise they went about. Then it was appointed that the Prior of Rome should first entre and take the gate of the principal tower, and the Turkeiplier with vi English knights were appointed to defend the Molle or Peer at the haven mouth: and to every gate was a capitain appointed with a number for the gates of the town and the Fortresses were well known to the Religion of. s. John Baptist. When all this order was appointed, the Galies disancored & came to the isle of Sapience iii mile from Modon. All this while Caloram was in great ●eare till the two Capiteins sent a vessel called a Gripe, & in her, iii C. men: They were no so ner entered the peer, but the Turks came a board & asked for the merchauntzes (for all the men were appearlled like Mariners) they answered that the merchants which had the charge were go a land into the town, & said they would bring them to the merchants, & that all their merchandise was good wood, which thing the Turks much desire: So the christian knights like mariners weut with the Turks, which were to the number of xiii intending to begin their enterprise, & some went toward the tower, and some went toward the gate following the xii Turks, & after them issued all the soldiers out of the Gripe, 
Modon tak●.  & so with force they got the gate, & after that the molle or pyre, & on that set a banner of the Religion to the which Caloram helped much: with that came all the Galyes and landed. Then began a terrible slaughter of all parts, the Turks fled, and the Christian men followed, and the Captains took the walls: and from thence Caloram lead them to the house of Messyre Huga, in which house was a great strength: For his house was like a Fortress or tower, which joined to the wall of the town, out of which was a Postern, whereof issued out certain Turks which askryed the Christian men abroad in the country. But in the mean season the Christian men assaulted the said Fortress, which was sore defended: and there the Prior of Rome was by a hackbush slain, which chance made the Christian men more furious, & slew in the town iii C Turks and above. Then they blew to retreat, and counseled together & well perceived that they could not keep the town except they had the fortress or tower, which they could not obtain without a Siege, and then they had no ordinance nor people enough, therefore they determined to take their most advantage by pillage, and so spoiled the town & took viii C. prisoners & sent them to the Galyes. And when the Turks saw the christian men still pulfer (as the usage of soldiers is) they issued out of their hold & fortress and fought with the Christian men boldly in the streets, so that the streets ran blood in the cannels, the fight was sore: and ever the Turks came in at the postern by askry, and assaulted the Christian men, which valiantly defended them and for all the Turks power came to their Galies with their prey and prisoners, and came to the isle of Malto with all their booty, not losing xl persons in all their journey: whereof the Lord Master was much reioyed & well rewarded Caleram, which also came with them to Malto. This enterprise was done on a sunday, being the xviii day of August, the year of our Lord a thousand, five hundredth, thirty and one, and this xxiii year of his Reign.  
After this enterprise, the xxii day of Septembre, died Lady Loyse Duchess of Angulesme and mother to the French King, a wise and a sad Lady: whereof the King being advertised, caused a solemn Obsequye to be made and kept for her in the Abbey of Waltham in Essex, at the which solemnity, the King and a great number of the Nobles and Prelates of the Realm were present in mourning apparel at the Kings cost and charge.    

¶ The xxiiii year.  
IN the beginning of this, xxiiii. year, the Lady Anne Bulleyne was so moche in the Kings favour, that the comen people which knew not the Kings true intent, said and thought that the absence of the Queen was only for her sake, which was not true: for the king was openly rebuked of Preachers for keeping company with his brother's wife, which was th'occasion that he eschewed her company, till the truth were tried.  
The last day of April the parliament sitting, the king sent for Thomas Awdeley, Spekar of the common house, and certain other, and declared to them, how they had exhibited a book of their griefs, the last year against the spirituality, which at their requests, he had delivered to his spiritual subjects, to make answer there to, but he could have no answer, till within three days last passed, which answer he delivered to the Spekar, saying: we think their answer will smally please you, for it seemeth to us very slender, you be a great sort of wisemen, I doubt not but you will look circumspectly on the matter, and we will be indifferent between you. And for a truth their answer was very Sophistical, and nothing avoiding the griefs of the lay people: and farther the king said, that he marveled not a little, why one of the Parliament house spoke openly, of the absence of the Queen from him, which matter was not to be determined there, for he said it touched his soul, and wished the matrimony to be good, for than had he never been vexed in conscience, but the doctors of the universities said he, have determined the marriage to be void, and detestable before God, which grudge of conscience, caused me to abstain from her company, and no foolish or wanton appetite: for I am said he xli year old, at which age the lust of man is not ●o quick, as in lusty youth: and saving in Spain and Portyngall it hath not been seen, that one man hath married two sisters, the one being carnally known before: but the brother to marry the brother's wife was so abhorred amongst all nations, that I never heard it, that any Christian man did it, but myself: wherefore you see my conscience troubled and so I pray you report: so the Spekar departed, and declared to the commons the kings saying, both of the Spiritual men's answer, and also concerning the kings marriage, which sight answer displeased the commons.  
The occasion why the King spoke of his marige, was because one Temse in the common house, moved the commons to sue to the king, to take the Queen again into his company, and declared certain great mischiefs, as in bastarding the Lady Marie, the kings only child, and diverse other inconveniences, which words were reported to the king, which was the cause that he declared his conscience.  
The xi day of May, the king sent for the Speker again, and xii of the common house, having with him eight Lords, and said to them, well-beloved subjects, we thought that the clergy of our realm, had been our subjects wholly, but now we have well perceived, that they be but half our subjects, yea, and scace our subjects: for all the Prelates at their consecration, make an oath to the Pope, clean contrary to the oath that they make to us, so that they seem to be his subjects, and not ours, the copy of both the oaths, I deliver here to you, requiring you to invent some order, that we be not thus deluded, of our Spiritual subjects. The Spekar departed, and caused the oaths to be red in the common house, the very tenor whereof ensueth.  
I John Bishop or Abbot of A. from this hour forward, 
Oath to the Pope.  shallbe faithful and obedient to saint Peter, and to the holy Church of Rome, and to my lord the Pope, and his successors Canonically entering, I shall not be of counsel nor consent, that they shall lose either life or member, or shall be taken, or suffer any violence, or any wrong by any means, their Counsel to me credited, by them their messengers or letters, I shall not willingly discover to any person: the Papacy of Rome, the rules of the holy fathers, and the Regalie of saint Peter, I shall help and retain, and defend against all men: the Legate of the Sea Apostolic, going and coming I shall honourably entreat, the rights, honours, privilege, authorities of the Church of Rome, and of the Pope and his successors, I shall 'cause to be conserved, defended, augmented, and promoted, I shall not be in counsel, treaty, or any act, in the which any thing shallbe imagined against him, or the Church of Rome, there rights, states, honours, or powers. And if I know any such to be moved or compassed, I shall resist it to my power, and as soon as I can, I shall advertise him, or such as may give him knowledge. The rules of the holy fathers, the Decrees, Ordinances, Sentences, Dispositions, Reservations, Provisions, and Commandments Apostolic, to my power I shall keep and cause to be kept of other: Heretics, Sismatikes, and rebels to our holy father and his successors, I shall resist and persecute to my power, I shall come to the Synod, when I am called, except I be letted by a Canonical impediment, the lights of the Apostles I shall visit yearly personally, or by my deputy, I shall not alien nor fell my possession, without the Pope's Counsel: so God me help and the holy Evangelists.  
I John Bishop of. A. utterly renounce and clearly forsake, 
Oath to the King.  all such clauses, words, sentences, and grants, which I have or shall have here after, of the Pope's holiness, of and for the Bishopric of. A. that in any wise hath been, is or hereafter may be hurtful, or prejudicial to your highness, your heirs, successors, dignity, privilege, or estate royal: and also I do swear, that I shallbe faithful and true, and faith and truth I shall bear to you my sovereign lord, and to your heirs kings of the same, of life and limb, & earthly worship above all creatures, for to live and die with you and yours, against all people, and diligently I shallbe attendant, to all your needs and business, after my wit and power, and your counsel I shall keep and hold, knowledging myself to hold my bishoprcke of you only, beseeching you of restitution of the temporalties of the same, promising as before, that I shallbe faithful, true, and obedient subject to your said highness heirs, and successors during my life, and the services and other things dew to your highness, for the restitution of the Temporalties, of the same Bishopric I shall truly do and obediently perform, so God me help and all saints.  
The opening of these oaths, was one of the occasions, why the Pope within two year following, lost all his inrisdiction in England, as you shall here afterward. The xiiii day the parliament was prorogued, till the iiii. day of February next ensuing. After which prorogation, sir Thomas Moore chancellor of England, after long suits made to the king to be● discharged of that office, the xvi day of May, he delivered to the king of Westminster, the great Seal of England, and was with the kings favour discharged, which Seal the king kept till Whitson●de following▪ and on the Monday in Whitsun week, 
Thomas ●wdeley keeper of the great s●al●  he dubbed Thomas Awdeley, Speker o● the parliament knight, and made him lord keeper of the great Seal, and so was he called.  
The king being in progress this Summer, was advertised that the Pope and the French King, had appointed to meet at Marcelles in Province, in the beginning of the next Spring▪ wherefore the king like a wise and politic prince, thought it convenient to speak with the French king in his own person, before the Pope and he should come together, and to declare to him both the determination, of the Universities and Doctors concerning his Matrimony, and also the general counsels, which ordained such causes, to be tried in the poruinces and countries, where the doubt should rise, trusting that the French king should 'cause the Pope to incline to God's law, and to leave his own traditions, and void dispensations, whereupon both the princes concluded, to meet in October following, between Calic● & Bulleyn: wherefore the king of England sent out his letters, to his nobility prelate's, and servants, commanding them to be ready at Cantorbury, the xxvi day of September, to pass the Seas with him, for the accomplishing of the interview, between him and his brother the French king. Many men were sorry to here, that the king should pass the sea in Winter, and specially in October, when the seas be rough, but their sayings letted not his purpose: for he marched forward from Ampthill to Wynsore, where on Sunday being the first day of September, he created the lady Anne Bulleyn, Marchiones of Penbroke, and gave to her one thousand pound land by the year, and that solemnity finished, he road to the College to Mass, and when the Mass was ended, a new league was concluded & sworn, 
A new league  between the king and the French king, Messire Pomoray the French Ambassador then being present. A●ter which oath taken▪ Doctor Fox the kings amner, made an eloquent oration in Latin, in praise of peace, love, and amity: which done the trumpets blue, and the king returned to the Castle, where was kept a solemn feast. From thence the king removed to Grenewiche▪ and so forward to Cantorbury, where at the day appointed, he found ready fur●ished, all such as were commanded to pass the sea with him, well and richly adorned, both they and their servants.  
The ten day of October, the king came to Dover, and on the xi day in the morning being friday, at three of the clock he took shipping in Dover road, and before ten of the clock the same day, he with the lady Marchiones of Pembroke, landed at Caleis, where he was honourably received with procession, and brought to saint Nicholas church, where he hard Mass, and so to his place called Thexchequer, where he lodged And on the Sunday after came to Caleis, the lord Roche Baron, and Monsire de Mountpesat, messengers from the frenchk, advertising the king of England, that the French king would repair to Abuile the same night marching toward Bull●yne, of which tidings the king was very glad: but suddenly came a messenger, & reported that the great Master of France, and the archbishop of Rouen, with diverse noble men of France, were come to Sandifeld, intending to come to Caleis, to salute the king, from the king their Master. He being thereof advertised, sent in great haste the xu day of October, the Duke of Norfolk the Marquis of Excester, the Earls of Oxford, Derby, and Rutland, the lord Sands, and the lord Fitzwater, with iii C. gentlemen, which honourably received the French lords, at the English pale, and so brought them to the kings presence in Caleis, which stood under a ri●h cloth of estate▪ of such value that they much mused of the riches. The king (as he that knew all honour and nurture) received the French lords, very lovingly and amiably, and with them took a day & place of meeting: these lords were highly feasted, & after dinner departed to Bullein.  
While the king lay thus in Caleis, he viewed the walls, towers, and bulwarks, and devised certain new fortificacions, for the maintenance and defence of the town. The town of Caleis had at this season xxiiii C. beds, and stabling for ii M. horses, beside the villages adjacent.  
The twenty day of this month, the king being advertised, that the French king was come to a village called Marguison, nigh to the English pa●e, marched out of Caleis the next day after, accompanied with the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, and with the Marquesses of Dorcet and Excester, the Earls of Arundel, Oxford, Surrey, Essex, Derby Rutland, Huntyngdon, and Sussex, and diverse Uiscountes, Barons, Knights of the Garter, and Gentlemen, freshly apparelled, and richly trimmed, and so passed toward the place, appointed for the enteruewe, leaving behind them the greatest part of the yeomen in Caleis, because that Bulleyne was to little for both the trains. For the frenchmen said their train was xx. M. horse, which caused the Englishmen to cast many perils, and especially because it was bruited abroad, that the French king should say, the King of England was once his enemy, and maintained the Emperor and the duke of Bourbon against him, and now he was become his most friend. The rehearsing of these old grudges many Englishmen suspected, and very loath that the king should go to Bulleyne, but the king continued still in his journey, and came to Sandyngfelde, and a little from that place in a valley, was the French king nobly accompanied, with three hundred horse, and not much more. The Kings tr●in waved on the left hand, to give the French King and his train the ●ight hand: like wise did the French part, to give the Englishmen the right hand: so the two kings with all lovely honour met with bore heads, and embraced other in such fashion, that all that beheld them rejoiced. The king of England was apparelled, 
The Kings apparel.  in a cote of great riches, in braides of gold laid loose on Russer Velvet, and set with Traifoyles, full of pearl and stone. The French King was in a coat of cr●mosin velvet, all to cut, lined with slender cloth of gold plucked out through the cuts. The noble men on both parties, were richly appareled, and as was reported, the French king said openly, to the king of England: 
The saying of the French King.  sir you be the same person, that I am most bound to in the world, and sith it hath pleased you, in person to visit me, I am bound in person to seek you, and for the very friendship, that I have found in you. I am yours and will be, and so I require you to take me, and with that put of is bonnet: the king of England soberly answered. If ever I did thing to your liking I am glad, & as touching the pain to come hither to see you, I assure you it is my great comfort, yea, and I had come farther to have visited you. Then the kings embraced the lords and estates, as the French king the lords of England, and the king of England, the lords of France, and that done, they set forward toward Bulleyne, and in riding they cast of Hawks called Sakers to the Kites, which made to them great sport. And in a valley beyond Sandyngfeld, the king of Naverr met the kings, and there they a lighted and drank, and a●ter that they mounted on horseback, & with hawking and other princely pastime, they came near to Bulleyn, where on a hill stood ranged in a fair band, the number of five hundred men on horseback, of whom the chief were, the French kings three sons, the Dolphin, the Duke of orleans, and the Duke of Angulesme, and on them gave attendance, the Admiral of France, and three Cardinals with diverse other nobles of France: these three Princes marched forward, and welcomed the king of England, which them well beheld and lovingly them received, as he that could as much nurture, as any Prince that ever was. Then the French king said to his children openly: My children, I am your father, but to this Prince here you are as much bound, as to me your natural father, for he redeemed me and you from captivity: wherefore on my blessing I charge you, to be to him loving always. The king of England ceased the French kings tale, and embraced the young Princes, each after other: all their three apparelles were black Velvet, embraudered with silver of Damask. Then all these noble company came to Bulleyne, 
The Kings coming to Bulleyn.  where was a great shot of Artillery, for on the one side they shot great pellettes, which made a great noise: then these two Princes offered at our Lady of Bulleyne, and the French king brought the king of England to his lodging, in the Abbay directly against his own lodging, where the king of England had diverse chambers, the utter chamber was hanged with fair Arras, and another chamber was hanged with green Velvet, embraudered with Uinettes of gold, and fret with flowers of Silver, and small twigs of wreathen work, & in the middle of every pane, or piece, was a fable of Ovid in Matamorphoseos embraudered, and a cloth of estate of the same work, valanced with frets, knotted and langettes tassaled with Venice gold and silver: and in this chamber was hanged a great branch of silver parcel guilt, to bear lights. Then was there an in●er chamber, hanged with rich cloth of gold of Tissue, and the ro●e siled with the same: The four chamber was with velvet, and hachementes of arms, and devices of needle work, very cunningly wrought. Every man was appointed to his lodging (which there was very strait) according to his degree, and great cheer was made to all the Engli●hemen: the Poultrees, Larders, Spicer●is, and Sellars of Wine were all open, and likewise Hay and Litter, and all other things, ask and have and no man durst take any money, for the French king paid for all.  
The French king caused two gounes to be made of white velvet, pricked with gold o● damask, and the capes and ventes, were of frets of whipped gold of damask very rich, which two gounes he sent to the king of England, praying him to choose the one, and to wear it for his sake, which gladly took it, and so that Tewesdaie, the two kings were both in one suit: the same night the French king, made to the king of England a supper in his chamber, which was hanged with Arras, and ●iled over with rich silk, and two clotheses of estates were set up, one at the one end, & the other at the other end, the one cloth was embraudered with the image of an old man, and a woman with a naked child in h●r arm, and the woman gave the old man suck of her breast, and about was written in French: Better it is children wanton to weep, then old mea for need to periche On the other cloth of estate, was enbraudered then sun going down of ●●ne gold, and a beast thereon, the head covered with a helm, and a coro●ail of a duke's estate, the beasts body was all pearl, & the cloth was crimson satin. A rich cupboard was set up of plate, wi●h a great number of pieces of the new fashion, iiii. great branches hung in the chamber, all o● silver & gilt, which bore torches of white wax, all the gentlemen of France made thenglishmen great cheer, and served them of delicate viands.  
In the Church of Bulleyne was a Traverse set up for the French king, open on every side, saving it was siled with blue velvet, embraudered with ●lower Delices' gold, the pillars were hanged with the same work: On the French kings right hand, was another traverse siled, and cortened all of white Satin, embraudered with Cables cast, of cut cloth of gold, embraudered and gilted after the fashion that Mariners cast their ropes: this traverse was valensed of like work, and fringed with fine gold. Daily the kings heard their Masses in these traverses and commonly they went together to Mass. diverse times the kings communed together in counsel, and sometime in the morning, or the princes were stirring▪ their counsels met, and sat together a great while.  
While the king of England, lay thus at Bulleyn, the French king to show himself loving to the noble men of England, the xxv day of October, called a Chapter of the compaignions' of his Ordre, called Saint Michael, of whom the king of England was one, and so there elected Thomas Duke of Norfolk, and Charles Duke of Suffolk, to be compaignions' of thesay Ordre, which were brought into the Chapter, and had there Collars delivered to them, and were sworn to the Statutes of the Ordre, their obeisance to their sovereign Lord, always reserved: which Dukes thanked the French King, and gave to the Officers of Arms two hundred Crowns a piece. All this season the French king and his court were fresh, and his guard were apparelled, in frocks of blue Crimosin, and yellow velvet. With the French king, was the king of Naverr, the Dolphin of Uien, the Dukes of orleans, Angulesme, Uandosine, Guise, Longuile, the Earls of Saint Paul, Nevers, Estampes, Lavall, and many other Earls and Barons and the prince of melf, four Cardinals, and a leaven bishops with their trains and resort, which surely was a great company: so continued these two kings at Bulleyn, Monday, Tewesdaie, Wednesdaie, and Thursdaie, and on friday the xxv day of October, they departed out of Bulleyn to Calais: the French kings train was twelve hundred persons, and so many horse or more, and without Calais two mile, met with them the Duke of Richemond, the Kings bastard son of England, a goodly young Prince, and full of favour and beauty, with a great company of noble men, which were not at Bulleyne, so the Duke with his company, embraced the French king, and so did other noble men, than the lord of England set forward, as the Dukes of Richemond, Norfolk and Suffolk, the Marquis of Excester, the Earls of Arundel, Oxford, Surrey, Derby, Worcester, Rutland, Sussex, and Huntyngdon, the Uiscountes of Lis●e, and Rocheforde, the Bishops of London, Winchester, Lyncolne, and Bath, the lord William Haward, the lord Matraverse, the lord Montacute, the lord Cobham, the lord Sands, the lord Bray, the lord Mordant, the lord Leonard Grey, the lord Clinton, & sir William Fitzwillyam knight, treasurer of the kings house, and sir William Paulet, controller of the same with a greet number of knights, beside the lusty Esquires and young gentlemen. These noble personages and gentlemen of England, accompaignied the French Lords to Newnam Bridge, where as Thomas Palmer, captain of the fortress, with a fair company of soldiers saluted the Kings, and so they passed toward Calais: where at their coming, that what out of the Town and the Castle, and what out of Ricebancke, and the Ships in the Haven, the French men said they never heard such a shot: And when they were entered the mill gate, all the Soldiers of the Town, stood on the one side, apparelled in Red and Blue, and on the other side of the streets, stood all the serving men of England, in coats of French Tawny, with their lords and Masters devices embraudered, and every man a Scarlette cap and a white feather, which made a goodly show: there were lodged in Caleis that night, beside the town dwellers, eight thousand persons at the lest. The King of England brought the French King to his lodging, to the Staple in, where his chamber was hanged with so rich verdore, 
The first Chamber.  as hath not been seen, the ground of it was gold and damask, and all over the tufts and flowers, were of Satin Silk and Silver, so curiously wrought that they seemed to grow, every chamber was richer and other: 
The second Chamber.  the second chamber all of Tissue, with a cloth of estate of needle work, set with great Roses of large pearl. The third was hanged with Velvet, 
The third Chamber.  upon velvet pirled green and Crimosyn, and embraudered over with branches, of flowers of Gold Bullion, and garnished with arms and beasts of the same gold, set with pearl and stone. If the French King made good cheer to the King of England, and his train at Bulleyne, I assure you he and his train, were requited at Caleis, for the plenty of wild foul, Uenison, Fish, and all other things which were there, it was marvel to see, for the Kings Officers of England, had made preparation in every place, so that the frenchmen were served, with such multitude of diverse fishes, this friday and Saterdaie, that the masters of the French kings houshod, much wondered at the provison. In like wise on the Sunday, they had all manner of flesh, foul, spice, Uenison, both of fallow Dear and red Dear, and as for wine they lacked none, so that well was th'English man that might well entertain the French man: the lords of France never fetched their viands, but they were sent to them, and often time their proportion of victaill was so abundant, that they refused a great part thereof.  
While the kings were thus in Caleis, 
The traverses  they road every day to saint Marie Church, where were set two traverses, the one for the French King, which was Crimosyn Velvet, replenished with great Roses of massy Bullion of fine gold, and the seed of thesay Roses were great orient pearl, and about every Rose, was a wreath all of pearl and stone which traverse was much wondered at by the frenchmen: the other traverse of blue Velvet and cloth of Tissue, raised with flowers of silver paned, all the blue Velvet was embroidered with knots, and subtle draughts, of leaves and branches, that few men could judge the cunning of the workmanship. The sunday at night, the French king supped with the king of England, 
The Supper made to the French king.  in a chamber hanged with tissue, raised with silver, paned with cloth of silver, raised with gold, & the seems of the same were covered with broad wreaths, of goldsmiths work, full of stone and pearl. In this chamber was a coberd of vii stages high all of plate of gold, & no gilt plate, beside that there hung in the said chamber x. branches of silver & gilt, & ten branches all white silver, every branch hanging by a long chain of the same suit, bearing .v. lights of wax. To tell the riches of the clotheses of estates, the basins & other vessels which was there occupied, I assure you my wit is insufficient, for there was nothing occupied that night, but all of gold. The French king was served three course, & his meat dressed after the French fashion, & the king of England had like courses after th'English fashion, the first course of every king was xl dishes, the second lx the third lxx which were costly & pleasant  
A●ter supper came in the Marchiones of Penbroke, with vii ladies in Masking apparel, of strange fashion, made of cloth of gold, compassed with crimosyn Tinsel Satin, owned with Cloth of Silver, lying loose and knit with laces of Gold: these ladies were brought into the chamber, with four damoselles apparelled in Crimosin satin, with Tabardes of fine Cypress: the lady Marques took the French King, and the Countess of Derby, took the King of Naverr, and every Lady took a lord, and in dancing the king of England, took away the ladies visers, so that there the ladies beauties were showed, and after they had danced a while they ceased, and the French King talked with the Marchiones of Penbroke a space, & then he took his leave of the ladies, and the king conveyed him to his lodging: the same night the Duke of Norfolk feasted all the nobles of France, being there in the castle of Caleis, with many goodly sports and pastimes.  
On the Monday being Simon and judes day, there dined with the king of England, the king of Naverr, & the Cardinal of Lorraine, and the great Master, & Admiral of France, on which day the king of England, called a Chapter of the knights of the Gartier, at which Chapter the French king wore the Blue mantel of the order, because he was of the same order, and there were elected, Annas Memorancie Earl of Beaumond, great Master of the French kings house, and Philip de Chabbot Earl of Newblanke, great Admiral of France, which had to them their Collars and Garters delivered, for the which they rendered to the king great thanks.  
The morrow after being the thirty day of October, the two kings departed out of Caleis, and came near to Sandyngfeld, and there alighted in a fair green place, where was a table set, and there the Englishmen served the frenchmen of wine, hippocras, fruit, & spice abondantly. When the two kings had communed a little, they mounted on their horses, and at the very entering of the French ground, 
The Kings departure.  they took hands, and with Princely countenance, loving behaviour, and hearty words, each embraced other and so there departed.  
While the king of England was in the French kings dominion, he had the upper hand, and like wise had the French king, in his dominion, and as the French king paid, all the Englishmennes' charges at Bulleyn, so did the king of England at Caleis, so that every thing was recompensed: saving that the king of England, gave to the French king, diverse precious jewels & great horses, and to his nobles great plenty of plate, for the which I could never hear, that he gave the king of England any other thing, but the white gown, as you have hard, but to the lords of the kings counsel, he gave certain plate and chains.  
When the king was returned to Calais, many gentlemen took ship to sail into England, but the wind was so contrariant, that diverse of them were driven back again into Calais, and diverse into Flaunders, a●d in November rose such a Wind, o● the North and North West, that all the ●hippes in Caleis haven, were in great jeopardy, and in especial the Hoys, at which season was such a spring tide, that it broke the walls of Holland and Zelande, and drowned diverse towns in Flaunders▪ in somuch that the water rose three foot above the wharf, where the Key stood in Andwarpe: this storm continued till the fourth day of November, but for all that the wind changed not. The eight day rose such a Wind tempest and Thunder, that no man could conveniently stir in the streets of Caleis: much lamentation was made for them that had taken ship into England, for no man knew what was become of them. On Sondaie the wether was fair, the king caused his bed and other things to be shipped, and intended to depart, but suddenly rose such a mist, that no Master could guide a ship, and so he tarried that day. On Tewesdaie at midnight he took ship, and landed at Dover the morrow after, being the xiiii day of November, at .v. of the clock in the morning, wherefore the Saterdaie after, was sung Te deum in the Cathedral Church of saint Paul in London: the Lord keeper of the great Seal, the Mayor of London, (and diverse other noble and sad persons, which made their abode in London, for the governance of the realm in the kings absence, being present). The king after his return, 
●he King married to lady Anne Bulleyne.  married privily the lady Anne Bulleyn, on saint Erkenwaldes day, which marriage was kept so secret, that very few knew it, till she was great with child, at Easter after.  
When the king should pass over the sea, he considered that the Scots had rob his subjects, both by sea and land, and that no redress was made for the same, imagined that in his absence, they would attempt some outrageous enterprise against his people, wherefore like a prudent prince to be in a surety, he sent sir Arthur Darcy knight, with three hundred tall men to Berwick, to defend the invasions of the Scots. The Scots hearing of his coming, came into Northumberlande, by the middle Marches, and came to a place called Fowbery, and in their journey fired certain villages and returned. Sir Arthur Darcy hearing of this adventure, was nothing content. Now at this season there lay at Berwicke, Archibald Doglas Earl of Angus, which had married the Queen of Scots, the kings sister, and was banished Scotland and she was from him divorced, and married to another. The Scots bragged of their enterprise, and said that sir Arthur had brought them good luck, and said, that he and the Earl of Angus, slept well in Berwick: they hearing of this brag, made a road with four C. men into Scotland, & set a village on fire: then shortly assembled together viii C Scots. When thenglishmen perceived the Scots, they caused their trumpet to blow a retreat, and the Earl and twenty with him, showed himself on a hill, even in the face of the Scots, and the trumpette blewe at their backs, so that the Scots thought that there had been two. companies which caused the Scots to fly, and the Englishmen followed, and slew a great a number, and took many prisoners, and brought them to Berwicke, the twenty day of October.  
The King this year kept his Christmas at Grenewiche, and after Christmas sir Thomas Awdeley, 
Sir Thomas Awdeley made Chancellor.  lord keeper of the great Seal, was made chancellor of England, and when the Parliament began, because the office of the Spekar▪ was void, Humfrey Wyngfeld of Grais Inn, was elected Spekar of the parliament, which was presented according as you have heard, of the other Spekar before. In the which Parliament was made an act, that no person should appeal for any cause, out of this realm, to the Court of Rome, but from Commissary to the Bishop, and from Bishop to the archbishop, and from archbishop to the king, and all causes of the king▪ to be tried in the upper house of the Convocation. And in the same Parliament was enacted, that queen Katheryn should from thence forth, be no more called queen, but prince's Dowager, of prince Arthur.  
In this Summer season last passed died William Warham archbishop of Cantorbury, and to that bishopric was named, Doctor Thomas Cranmer, the kings chappelein, a man of good learning, and of a virtuous life, which also not long before, was the kings Ambassador to the Bishop of Rome, which was consecrated in Lent.  
After the King perceiving his new wife Queen Anne, to be great with child, caused all officers necessary, to be appointed to her, and so on Easter eve, she went to her Closet openly as Queen, with all solemnity, and then the King apppointed the 〈◊〉 of her Coronation, to be kept on Whitsun Sondaie next following, and ●●●tynges were sent to all Shrives', to certi●e the names of men of 〈◊〉 pound, to receive the order of knighthod, or else to make a fine: the assessment of which fines, were appointed to Thomas Cro●well, Master of the Kings jewel house, and counsellor to the kyn●, and newly in his high favour, which so politicly handled the matter, that he raised of that sessing of fines, a great sum of money to the Kings use: Also the King wrote letters to the city of London, to prepare pagiauntes against the same coronation.   

¶ The xxv year.  
THe king in the beginning of this xxv year, kept the day of saint George, at his Manor of Grenewiche, with great solemnity, and the Court was greatly replenished, with lords knights, and with ladies and gentlewomen, to a great number, with all soalce and pleasure You have hard the last year, how the Parliament had enacted that no person should after a day, appeal to Rome for any cause, whatsoever it were, and that the Queen now, called the Prince's Dowager, h●● appealed to the Court of Rome, before the act made, so that it was doubted, whether that appeal were good or not. This question was well handled in the Parliament hou●e, but much better in the Convocation house, but in both houses it was alleged, yea, and by books showed, that in the Counsels of Calcedone, Af●ricke, Toletane, and diverse other famous Counsels, in the primitive Church, yea, in the time of saint Augustine, it was affirmed, delcared, & determined, that a cause rising in one Province, should be determined in the same, and that neither the patriarch of Constantinople, should meddle in causes moved in the jurisdiction of the patriarch of Antioch, nor no bishop should entermit, within another's Province or country: which things were so clerkly opened, so cunningly set forth to all intentes, that every man that had wit, and was determined to follow the truth, and not affectionate nor wilfully wedded to his own mind, might plainly see that all apples made to Rome, were clearly void and of none effect: which Doctrines and Counsels, were showed to the lady Katerine Princes Dowager, but she (as women love to loose no dignity) ever continued in her old song, trusting more to the Pope's partiality, then to the determination of Christ's verity. Whereupon the archbishop of Cantorbury, accompanied with the bishops of London, Winchester, Bath, Lincoln, and diverse other great clerks, in a great number road to Dunstable, which is six mile from Ampthil, where the Prince's Dowager lay, and there by a Doctor called Doctor Lee, she was ascited to appear before thesay archbishop, in cause of Matrimony, in thesay town of Dunstable, and at the day of appearance she would not appear, but made default, and so she was called peremptory, 
The King & queen Katherine▪ divorced  every day xu days together, and at the last for lack of appearance, and for contumacy, by th'assent of all the learned men there being present, she was divorced from the king, and their Marriage declared to be void and of none effect, which sentence given, the archbishop and all the other, returned whether it pleased them.  
After which divorce sued, many wise men said, that the king was not well counseled, to marry the lady Anne Bulleyne, before the divorce were adjudged, for by marrying before the first marriage was dissolved, they said, that the second marriage might be brought in question, and verily they said true, for so it was in the month of May, three year following, as you shall here after, when I come to the time. Of this divorce every man spoke, as his discretion and wisdom was, for wise men said that it was Godly and honourably done, for the discharge of the Kings conscience, and profitable for the surety of the realm, and that God loved this marriage, considering that the new Queen, was so soon with child. Other said that the bishop of Rome, would curse all Englishmen, and that themperor and he, would invade the realm, and destroy the people, and specially the spaniards boasted much, but thanks be to God, their doings were much less than their words: but after every man had talked enough, there was no more communing of the matter, but all was in peace▪  
A little before this time was there a worshipful esquire in Gloucester shire called William Tracy 
William Tracy.  of Todyngton which made in his will that he would no funeral pomp at his burying, neither passed he upon Mass, and farther said that he trusted in God only & hoping by him to besaved and not by no saint, This gentleman died and his son as executor brought the will to the bishop of Cauntorbury to prove, which he showed to the convocation and there unadvisedly they adjudged him to be taken out of the ground and to be brent as an heretic, and sent a commission to doctor P●rker chancellor of the diocese of Worcester to execute their sentence, which accomplished the same. The king hearing his subject to be exhumate & brent without his knowledge or order of his law sent for the Chancellor and laid the high offence to him, which excused him by the archbishop of Canterbury which was late dead: but in conclusion it cost him CCC. pound to have his pardon. But yet for a farther truth to be known of this gentleman's death, & the cruel ignorauncye of the bishops, I have here expressed his will word by word as followeth.  
In the name of God Amen, I William Tracy of Todyngton in the county of Gloucester esquire make my Testament & last will as hereafter followeth. first and before all other things I commit me unto God and to his mercy, believing without any doubt or mistrust that by his grace and the merits of jesus Christ, & by the virtue of his passion and of his resurrection I have and shall have remission of my sins and resurrection of body and soul according as it is written, 
job. 〈◊〉.  I believe that my redeemer liveth, and that in the last day I shall rise out of the earth and in my flesh shall see my saviour, this my hope is laid up in my bosom.  
And touching the wealth of my soul, the faith that I have taken & rehearsed is sufficient (as I suppose) without any other man's work or works. My ground and belief is, that there is but one God & one mediator between God and man, which is jesus Christ, so that I accept none in heaven nor in earth to be mediator between me and God, but only jesus Christ, all other be but petitioners in receiving of grace, but none able to give influence of grace. And therefore will I bestow no part of my goods for that intent that any man should say, or do, to help my soul, for therein I trust only to the promises of God: he that believeth and is baptised shallbe saved, 
Mark xvi  and he that believeth not shallbe damned.  
As touching the burying of my body, it availeth me not whatsoever be done thereto▪ for saint Augustine sayeth de cura agenda pro mortuis that the funeral pomps are rather the solace of them that live, then for the wealth and comfort of them that are deed, and therefore I remit it only to the discretion of mine executors.  
And touching the distribution of my temporal goods, my purpose is by the grace of God to bestow them, to be accepted as the fruits of faith so that I do not suppose that my merit is by good bestowing of them, but my merit is the faith of jesus Christ only, 
Math xxv  by whom such works are good according to the words of our lord: I was hungry and thou gavest me to eat. etc. and it followeth, that ye have done to the lest of my brethren ye have done it to me. etc. and ever we should consider the true sentence, that a good work maketh not a good man, but a good man maketh a good work: 
Roma xiiii  for faith maketh the man both good and righteous, for a righteous man liveth by faith: and whatsoever springeth not of faith is sin.  
And all my temporal goods that I have not given or delivered or not given by writing of mine own hand bearing the date of this present writing, I do leave and give to Margaret my wife & to Richard my son whom I make mine Executors. witness this mine own hand, the x. day of October in the xxii. year of the reign of king Henry the viii.  
This is the true copy of his will, for the which as you have heard before after he was almost three years dead, they took him up and burned him.  
In the month of may Pope Clement sent an Orator to the king at Grenewyche certifying him that he had appointed a general counsel to be kept at Mantua the year following, and thereof had advertised all princes christian, requiring the king likewise as he did all other princes christian for the universal wealth of all Christendom and for the quieting of opinions newly grown, to appear there personally: to the which it was answered that it was both ieopardeous for the king & for his whole realm to have their prince absent for fear of invasions by outward enemies, but he said he would send thither a sufficient procuracy and convenient proctor's, & desired to see the Orator's commission.  
When he with an evil will had showed his commission, there appeared neither place nor time of the counsel. For the king knew well before his coming that the Marquis of Mantua had made a full denial to the pope that he would have no such assemble to be kept in his city nor dominions for divers great and urgent causes, & so the pope's Orator departed with an uncertain answer to an uncertain demand but not unrewarded.  
The king being advertised by the French king how that he and the Pope should meet at Niece in june following, thought it convenient to send a solemn Ambassade to the French king both to accompany him to Niece and also to common with the bishop of Rome concerning his unlawful stay in the kings divorce: where upon he appointed the duke of Norfolk, the lord Rocheforde brother to the new queen, sir William Pawlet controller of the kings household, sir Anthonye Browne & sir Frances Bryan knights to be his ambassadors which made great provision for that purpose and so with the number of Clx. horses came to Dover and so to Calys on Whitsun eve, on which day the queen made her entry through the city of London toward her coronation) where they made their abode a certain space and passed through all France till they came to Lions, where they remained a space as you shall here after.  
This very season was daily skirmishing between the borderers of the Marches of England and Scotland, and yet no war proclaimed and many robberies, murders and manslaughters done on both parts, and although the commissioners of the realms of England & of Scotlay at Newcastle upon Tyne entreating a truce and amity, yet during the communication the Scots ceased not to rob both by sea & land, and took divers little boats laden with corn and fish, whereof hearing the king of England, he decked and vitailed divers ships of war and sent them to the North seas to defend his subjects. The Scots hearing that the English navy was come on their cost, in all hast fled home to their harbour, but yet the Englishmen followed then & fetched many of their preys out of their havens maugre of their heads.  
In the beginning of May the king caused open Proclamations to be made that all men that claimed to do any service or execute any office at the solemn feast of the coronation, by the way of Tenor, grant or prescription should put their grant three weeks after Ester in the star chamber before Charles duke of Suffolk for that time high steward of England and the lord Chancellor and other commissioners.  
The duke of Norfolk claimed to be earl Martial and to exercise his office at that feast. The earl of Arrondell claimed to be high butler and to exercise the same: the earl of Oxford claimed to be chamberlain: the viscount Lys●e claimed to be panter: the lord Burgaine to the chief larderer, and the lord Bray claimed to be almoner, and sir Henry Wyatt knight claimed to be ewrer: All these noble parsonages desired their offices with their fees. Beside these the Mayor of London claimed to serve the queen with a cup of gold and acuppe of assay of the same, and that xii. citizens should attend on the cupboard and the Mayor to have the cup and cup of assay for his labour, which petition was allowed. The u Ports claimed to bear a Canopy over the queens head the day of the Coronation with four guilt Bells and to have the same for a reward which also to them was allowed. divers other put in petty claims which were not allowed because they seemed only to ●e done at the kings coronation. All this season great purueiaunce was made of all manner of victuals, and lords, knights and squires were sent for out of all countries which came to London at their day with a great number of people.  

The receiving, conveying and coronation of queen Anne wife to the high and mighty prince king Henry the eight.  
After that the kings highness had addressed his gracious letters to the Mayor and commonalty of the city, signifying to them that his pleasure was to solempnise and celebrated the coronation of his most dear and well-beloved wife Queen Anne at Westminster the Whitsonday next ensuing, willing them to make preparation aswell to fetch her grace from Grenewyche to the Tower by water as to see the city ordered and garnished with pageants in places accustomed, for the honour of her grace. When she should be conveyed from the Tower to Westminster, there was a common counsel called, and commandment was given to the Haberdashers (of which craft the Mayor sir Stephen Peacock than was) that they should prepare a barge for the Bachelors with a wafter and a foist garnished which banners and streamers likewise as they use to do when the Mayor is presented at Westminster on the morrow after Simon and jude. Also all other crafts were commanded to prepare barges and to garnish them not alonely with their banners accustomed, but also to deck them with Targets by the sides of the barges, and so set up all such seemly banners and bannorettes as they had in their halls or could get meet to furnish their said barges, and every barge to have minstrelsy, according to which commandments great preparation was made for all things necessary for such a noble triumph.   

The coming by water from Grenewyche the thursday.  
The xix day of may the Mayor and his brethren all in Scarlet, and such as were knights had collars of Esses & the remnant having good chains, and the counsel of the city with them assembled at saint Mari Hill, and at one of the clock descended to the Newstayre to their barge, which was garnished with many goodly bamners and streamers, and richly covered, In which barge were Shawms, Shagbushes & divers other instruments, which continually made goodly armony. After that the Mayor and his brethren were in their barge seeing that all the companies to the number of fifty barges were ready to wait upon them. They gave commandment to the companies that no barge should row nearer to another then twice the length of the barge upon a great pain. And to see the order kept, there were three light wheryes prepared, and in every one of them two officers to call on them to keep their order, after which commandment given they set forth in order as hereafter is described.  
first before the majors barge was a Foist or Wafter full of ordinance, in which Foist was a great Dragon continually moving, & casting wyldfyer, and round about the said Foist stood terrible monsters and wild men casting fire, and making hideous noises: Next after the Foist a good distance came the majors barge, on whose right hand was the Bachelors barge, in the which were trumpets and divers other melodious instruments. The decks of the said barge and the sailyardes and the top castles were hanged with rich cloth of gold and silk. At the foreship and the Stern were two great banners rich beaten with the arms of the king and the queen, and on the top castle also was a long stremer newly beaten with the said arms. The sides of the barge was set full of Flags and banners of the devices of the company of Haberdashers and merchants adventurers, and the cords were hanged with innumerable pencils having little bells at the ends which made a goodly noise and a goodly sight wavering in the wind. On the outside of the barge were three dozen Scochyons in metal of arms of the king and the queen which were beaten upon square bocrame divided so that the right side had the kings colours, and the left side the queens, which Scochyons were fastened on the clotheses of gold and silver hanging on the decks on the left hand. On the left hand of the Mayor was another Foist, in the which was a mount & on the same stood a white Falcon crowned upon a rote of gold environed with white roses and read▪ which was the queens devise: about which mount sat virgins singing & playing sweetly. Next after the Mayor followed his fellowship the Haberdashers, Next after them the Mercers, than the Grocers, and so every company in his order, and last of all the Majors and sheriffs officers, every company having melody in his barge by himself, and goodly garnished with banners and some garnished with silk and some with Arras and rich carpets, which was a goodly sight to behold, and in this order they ●owed to Grenewyche to the point next beyond Grenewyche, and there they turned backward in another order, that is to weet, the Mayor and sheriffs officers first, and the meanest craft next, and so ascending to the uttermost crafts in order and the Maior last as they go to Paul's at Christmas, and in that order they rowed downwardly to Grenewiche town and there cast anchor making great melody. At three of the clock the queen appeared in rich cloth of gold entered into her barge accompanied with divers ladies and gentlewomen, and incontinent the Citizens set forwards in their order, their minstrels continually playing, and the Bachelors barge going on the queens right hand which she took great pleasure to behold. About the queens barge were many noble men, as the duke of Suffolk, the Marquis Dorset, the Earl of Wylshyre her father, the Earls of Arrondel, Derby, Rutland, Worceter, Huntyngton, Sussex, Oxford, and many bishops and noblemen every one in his barge, which was a goodly sight to behold. She thus being accompanied rowed toward the Tower, and in the mean way the ships which were commanded to lie on the shore for letting of the barges shot divers peals of guns, and or she landed there was a marvelous shot out of the Tower as ever was hard there. And at her landing there met with her the lord Chamberlain with the officers of arms and brougth her to the king, which received her with loving countenance at the Postern by the water side and kissed her, & then she turned back again and thanked the Mayor and the citizens with many goodly words, and so entered into the Tower. After which entry the citizens all this while hoved before the Tower making great melody & went not aland, for none were assigned to land but the Mayor, the Recorder and two Aldermen. But for to speak of the people that stood on every shore to behold the sight, he that saw it not would not believe it.  
On Friday at dinner served the king all such aswere appointed by his highness to be knights of the Bath, which after dinner were brought to their chambers, and that night were bathed and shriven according to the old usage of England, and the next day in the morning the king dubbed them according tot he ceremonies thereto belonging whose names ensueth.  

The Marquis Dorset.  
The Earl of Derby.  
The lord Clyfforde.  
The lord Fitzwater.  
The lord Hastynges.  
The lord Mountaigle.  
Sir John Mordant.  
The lord Uaux.  
Sir Henry Parker.  
Sir William Wynsore.  
Sir Frances Weston.  
Sir Thomas Arrondell.  
Sir john Hulstone.  
Sir Thomas Pownynges.  
Sir Henry Savell.  
Sir George Fitzwillyam  
Sir John Tyndall.  
Sir Thomas jermey.    

Saturday the xxxi. day.  
The receiving and conveying of the queen through London.  
To the intent that the horses should not slide on the Pavement, nor that the people should not be hurted by horses, the high streets where the queen should pass were all graveled from the Tower to Temple bar and railed on the one side, within which rails stood the crafts along in their order from Grace church where the merchants of the Styllyard stood till the little conduit in Cheap where the Aldermen stood, & on the their side of the street stood the Constables of the city appareled in velvet & silk with great staves in their hands to 'cause the people to keep room and good order. And when the streets were somewhat ordered, the Mayor clothed in a gown of crimosyn Velvet and a rich colour of Esses with two footmen clad in white and read damask road to the Tower to give his attendance on the Queen, on whom the sheriffs with their officers did wait till they came to Tower hill, where they taking their leave road down the high streets commanding the Constables to see rome and good order kept, and so went and stood by the Aldermen in Cheap. And before the queen and her train should come, Cornhill and Gracious street were hanged with fine Scarlet, Crimosyn and other grained clotheses, and in some place with rich Arras, Tapestry and carpets, and the most part of the Cheap was hanged with cloth of tissue, Gold, Velvet and many rich hangings which made a goodly show, and all the windows were replenished with ladies and gentlewomen to behold the queen and her train as they should pass by. The first of the queens company that set forward were xii. frenchmen which were belonging to the French Ambassador clothed in coats of blue velvet with steves of yellow and blue velvet and their horses trapped with close trappers of blue Sarsenet powdered with white crosses: after them marched gentlemen, squires knights two. and two. After them the judges, and after them the knights of the bath in Violet gounes with hoddes purfeled with Miniver like doctors, after them abbots, than Barons, after them bishops, than Earls and Marquesses, than the lord Chancellor of England, after him the archbishop of York and the ambassador of Venice, after him the archbishop of Cauntorbury and the ambassador of France, after road ii squires of honour with robes of estate rolled and worn baudrike wise about their necks with caps of estate representing the dukes of Normandy and Acquitaine, after them road the Mayor of London with his Mace and Garter in his coat of arms, which Mayor bore his Maze to Westminster hall, after them road the lord William Haward with the Marshal's rod deputy to his brother the duke of Norfolk Martial of England which was ambassador then in France: and on his right hand road Charles Duke of Suffolk for that day high Constable of England bearing the verder of silver appertaining to the office of Constableship, and all the lords for the most part were clothed in Crimosyn velvet, and all the queens servants or officers of arms in Scarlet. Next before the queen road her chancellor barcheded, the sergeants & officers of arms road on both the sides of the lords. Then came the queen in a litter of white cloth of gold not covered nor bailed which was led by two. palfreys clad in white damask down to the ground head & all, led by her footmen. She had on a circot of white cloth of tissue & a mantle of the same furred with ermine, her here hanged down, but on her head she had a coyffe with a circlet about it full of rich stones. Over her was borne a Canopy of cloth of gold with iiii. guilt staves and iiii. silver belles. For bearing of which Canapye were appointed xuj. knights, iiii. to bear it one space on foot & other iiii. another space according to their own appointment. Next after the queen road the lord Borough her chamberlain, next after him William Coffin Master of the Horses leading a spa●e horse with a side saddie trapped down with cloth of tissue: after him road seven. ladies in crimosyn velvet turned up with cloth of gold & of tissue & their horses trapped with cloth of gold, after them two. chariotes covered with read cloth of gold. In the first Chariot was two. ladies which were the old duchess of Norfolk & the old marchiones of Dorset. In the second chariot were iiiii. lady's all in Crimosyn velvet. After them road seven. ladies in the same suit their horses trappers and all, after them came the third Chariot all white with vi Ladies in Crimosyn velvet, next after them came the fourth Chariot all red with viii. ladies also in crimosyn Velvet, after whom followed thirty. gentlewomen all in velvet and silk in the livery of their ladies on whom they gave their attendance. After them followed the Guard in coats of Goldsmiths' work, in which order they road forth till they came to Fanchurche, where was made a pageant all with children appareled like merchants which welcomed her to the City with two proper prepositions both in French & English, and from thence she road to Gracious church corner, where was a costly and a marvelous cunning pageant made by the merchants of the Styllyarde, for there was the mount Pernasus with the fountain of Helicon, which was of white Marble and iiii. streams with out pipe did rise an ell high & met together in a little cup above the fountain, which fountain ran abundantly Racked Rennishe wine till night. On the mountain sat Apollo and at his feet sat Calliope, and on every side of the mountain sat iiii. Muse's playing on several sweet instruments, and at their feet Epigrams & Poises were written in golden letters, in the which every Muse according to her property praised the Queen: so from thence she passed to Leaden Halle where was a goodly pageant with a type and a heavenly toss, and under the type was a rote of gold set on a little mountain environed with read roses & white, out of the type came down a Falcon all white and sat upon the rote, and incontinent came down an Angel with great melody and set a close crown of gold on the Falcon's head, and in the same pageaunt sat saint Anne with all her issue beneath her, and under Mari Cleop● sat her iiii. children▪ of the which children one made a goodly Oration to the queen of the fruitfulness of saint Anne and of her generation, trusting that like fruit should come of her. Then she passed to the conduct in Cornhill where were three graces set in a throne, afore whom was the spring of grace continually ronning wine. Afore the fountain sat a Poet declaring the properties of every grace, & that done every lady by herself according to her property gave to the queen a several gift of grace. That done she passed by the great conduit in Cheap which was newly painted with arms of devices: out of the which conduit by a goodly fountain set at the one end ran continually wine both white and claret all that after noon, and so she road to the Standard which was richly painted with images of kings and queens and hanged with bamners of arms, and in the top was marvelous sweet armony both of song & instrument. Then she went forward to the cross which was newly gilded, till she came where the Aldermen stood, & then Master Baker the Recorder came to her with low reverence making a proper and brief proposition and gave to her in the name of the City a thousand marks in gold in a Purse of gold, which she thankfully accepted with many goodly words, and so road to the little conduit where was a rich pageant full of melody and song, in which pageant was Pallas, juno and Venus, and before them stood Mercury, which in the name of the three goddesses gave to her a ball of gold divided in three, signifying three gifts the which three Goddesses gave to her, that is to say, wisdom, riches and felicity. As she entered into Paul's gate there was a pretty pageant in which sat three ladies richly clothed, and in a circle on their head was written Regina Anna prosper proceed e●regna. The Lady in the mids had a Tablet in the which was written Veni amica coronaberis, And under the tablet sat an angel with a close crown, and the lady sitting on the right hand had a Tablet of silver in which was written Domine direcre gressus meos, and the third lady had a Tablet of gold with letters Azure written, confido in domino, and under their feet was written, Anna Regina nominum Regis de sanguine narum, cum paries populis a●ea secla tuis. And these ladies cast down Wafers, on the which the two verses were written. From thence she passed to the East end of Paul's churchyard against the school, where stood on a Scaffold two hundredth children well appareled, which said to her divers goodly verses of poets translated into English, to the honour of the king and her, which she highly commended. And when she came to Ludgate, the gate was newly garnished with gold and byse. And on the ledes of saint Martyns Church stood a goodly quere of singing men and children which sang new ballads made in praise of her. After that she was passed Ludgate she proceeded toward Fleetstreet where, the Conduct was newly painted, and all the arms and angels refreshed, and the chime melodiously swooning. Upon the Conduit was made a town with iiii. Turrettes, and in every Turret stood one of the cardinal virtues with their tokens and properties, which had several speeches, promising the Queen never to leave her, but to be aiding and comforting her, And in the mids of the tower closely was such several solemn instruments, that it seemed to be an heavenly noise, and was much regarded and praised: and beside this the said conduit ran wine Claret and Read all the afternoon. So she with all her company and the Mayor road forth to Temple bar, which was newly painted and repaired, where stood also divers singyngmen and children, till she came to Westminster hall, which was richly hanged with cloth of Arras and new glazed. And in the mids of the hall she was taken out of her littre, and so led up to the high dece under the cloth of estate, on whose left hand was a cupboard of x. stages marvelous rich and beautiful to behold, and within a little season was brought to the queen with a solemn service in great standing spice plates, a void of Spice and subtleties with hippocras and other wines, which she sent down to her ladies, and when the ladies had drunk she gave hearty thanks to the lords & ladies, and to the Mayor and other that had given their attendance on her, and so withdrew herself with a few ladies to the Whitehalle and so to her chamber, and there shifted her, and after went into her barge secretly to the king to his Manor of Westminster where she rested that night.   

Sunday being whitsonday the first day of june and the day of her coronation.  
On sunday the Mayor clad in crimosyn velvet and with his colour and all the Aldermen and sheriffs in Scarlet and the counsel of the city took their barge at the Crane by seven of the clock and came to Westminster where they were welcomed & brought into the hall by Master Treasurer and other of the kings house, and so gave their attendance till the queen should come forth. Between viii. and ix. she came into the hall and stood under the cloth of estate, and then came in the kings chapel & the monks of Westminster all in rich copes & many bishops and abbots in Copes and mitres which went into the mids of the hall, and there stood a season. Then was there a ray cloth spread from the queens standing in the hall through the palace and sanctuary, which was railed on both sides to the high Altar of Westminster. After that the ray cloth was cast, the officers of arms appointed the order accustomed. first went gentlemen, than esquires, than knights, than the aldermen of the city in their cloaks of Scarlet, after them the judges in their mantles of Scarlet and coyffes. Then followed the knights of the bath being no lords, every man having a white lace on his left sleeve, Then followed Barons & viscounts in their parliament robes of Scarlet. After them came Earls, Marquesses and Dukes in their robes of estate of crimosyn velvet furred with ermine powdered according to their degrees. After them came the lord Chancellor in a rob of Scarlet open before bordered with Lettuce: after him came the kings chapel and the Monks solemnly singing with procession, than came abbots and bishops mitered, than sergeants & officers of arms, then after them went the Mayor of London with his mace & garter in his cote of arms, Then went the Marquis Dorcet in a rob of estate which bore the sceptre of gold, and the earl of Arrondel which bore the rod on ivory with the Dove both together: Then went alone the earl of Oxford high Chamberlain of England which bore the crown, after him went the duke of Suffolk in his rob of estate also for that day being high steward of England, having a long white rod in his hand, and the lord William hayward with the rod of the Marshalship, & every knight of the Garter had on his colour of the order. Then proceeded forth the queen in a circot and rob of purple Velvet furred with ermine in her here coyffe and circlet as she had the saturday, and over her was borne the Canape by iiii. of the .v. Portes all crimosyn with points of blue & read hanging on their sleeves, & the bishops of London & Wynchester bore up the laps of the queens rob. The queens train which was very long was borne by the old duchess of Norfolk: after her followed ladies being lords wives which had circottes of scarlet with narrow sleeves, the breast all Lettuce with bars of according to their degrees. And over that they had mantles of Scarlet furred, and every mantle had lettuce about the neck like a neckercher likewise powdered, so that by the pouderynges there degree was known. Then followed ladies bring knights wives in gounes of Scarlet with narrow sleeves without trains only edged with lettuce, and likewise had all the queens gentlewomen. When she was thus brought to the high place made in the mids of the church between the quere and the high altar she was set in a rich chair. And after that she had rested a while she descended down to the high Altar and there prostrate herself while the archbishop of Cauntorbury said certain collets: then she rose & the bishop anointed her on the head and on the breast, and then she was led up again, where after divers Orisons said, the archbishop set the crown of saint Edward on her head, and then delivered her the sceptre of gold in her right hand, and the rod of ivory with the dove in the left hand, and then all the quere sang Te deum. etc. Which fone the bishop took of the crown of saint Edward being heavy and set on the crown made for her, and so went to Mass. And when the offertory was begun she descended down and offered being crowned, and so ascended up again and sat in her chair till Agnus, And then she went down and kneeled before the altar where she received of the archbishop the holy sacrament and then went up to her place again. After that Mass was done she went to saint Edward's shrine and there offered, after which offering done she withdrew her into a little place made for the nonce on the one side of the quere. Now in the mean season every duchess had put on their bonnets a coronal of gold wrought with flowers, & every Marquesses put on a demi Coronal of gold, every counties a plain circlet of gold without flowers, & every king of arms put on a crown of Coper & guilt all which were worn till night. When the queen had a little reposed her, the company returned in the same order that they set forth, and the Queen went crowned and so did the Lady's aforesaid. Her right hand was sustained by the earl of Wylshire her father, and her left hand by the lord Talbot deputy for the earl of Shrewsbury & lord Forynfal his father. And when she was out of the sanctuary and appeared within the palace the trumpets played marvelous freshly, and so she was brought to Westminster hall, and so to her withdrawing chamber, during which time the lords, judges, Mayor and Aldermen put of their robes, Mantles and Cloaks, and took their hoddes from their necks and cast them about their shoulders, and the lords sat only in their circottes, and the judges and Aldermen in their gounes. And all the lords that served that day served in their circottes and their hoddes about their shoulders. Also divers officers of the kings house being no lords had circottes and hoddes of Scarlet edged with Myniver, as the Treasurer, Controller and Master of the jewel house, but their circottes were not guilt.   

The order and sitting at dinner.  
While the queen was in her chamber, every lord & other that aught to do service at coronations did prepare them according to their duty, as the duke of Suffolk high steward of England which was richly appareled, his doublet and raket set with orient pearl, his gown of crimson velvet embroidered, his courser trapped with a cloth trapper head and all to the ground of Crimosyn Velvet set full of letters of gold of goldsmiths work having a long white rod in his hand, on his left hand road the lord William, deputy for his brother as earl Marshal with the Marshal's rod, whose gown was C●imosyn velvet, and his horse trapper purple velvet cut on white satin embroidered with white Lions. The earl of Oxford was high Chamberlain, the earl of Essex carver, the earl of Sussex sure, the earl of Arrondel chief butler on whom xii. citizens of London did give their attendance at the cupboard. The earl of Derby Cupberer, the Uicount lisle Panter, the lord of Burgayne chief larder, the lord Bray almoner for him & his coperteners, and the Mayor of Oxford kept the buttery bar, and Thomas Wyatt was chief eurer for sir Henry Wyatt his father. When all thing was ready, the Queen under her canapy came to the hall and washed and sat down in the mids of the table under the cloth of estate. On the right side of the chair stood the countess of Oxford widow, and on the left side stood the countess of Worcester all the dinner season, which divers times in the dinner time did hold a fine cloth before the queens face when she list to spit or do otherwise at her pleasure. At the table's end sat the archbishop of Cauntorbury on the right hand of the queen, and in the midst between the archbishop and the countess of Oxford stood the earl of Oxford with a white staff all dinner time, and at the queens feet under the table sat ii gentlewomen all dinner time. When all these things were thus ordered came in the Duke of Suffolk and the lord William Haward on horseback and the sergeants of arms before them, and after them the Sewer, and then the knights of the bath bringing in the first course which was xxviii. dishes beside subtleties and ships made of wax marvelous gorgeous to behold, all which time of service the trumpets standing in the window at the netherende of the hall played melodiously. When her grace was setued of two dishes, than the archebishoppes' service was set down, whose Sewer came equal with the third dish of the queens service on his left hand. After that the queen and the archbishop was served, the Barons of the ports began the table on the right hand next the wall, next them at the table sat the masters and clerks of the chancery, and beneath them at the table other doctors and gentlemen. The table next the wall on the left hand by the cupboard was begun by the Mayor and Aldermen the chamberlain and the counsel of the city of London, and beneath them sat substantial merchants, & so downwardly other worshipful persons. At the table on the right hand in the mids of the hall sat the lord Chancellor and other temporal lords on the the right side of the table, in their circottes: And on the left side of the same table, sat Bishops and abbots in their Parliament robes, beneath them sat the judges, Seriantes, and the kings counsel, beneath them the knights of the Bath. At the table on the left hand, in the middle part, sat Duchess', marquesses, Countesses, Baronesses, in their robes, and other ladies in circottes, and gentle women in gounes. All which ladies and gentle women, sat on the left side of the table a long, and none on the rightside: and when all were thus set, they were incontinent served and so quickly, that it was marvel, for the servitors gave such good attendance, that meat or drink ne any thing else, needed not to be called for, which in so great a multitude was marvel. As touching the fare there could be devised, no more costlier dishes nor subtleties. The Mayor of London was served with xxxiii dishes at two courses, and so were all his brethren, and such as sat at his table. The Queen had at her second course xxiiii dishes, and thirty at the third course: and between the two last courses, the kings of Arms cried Largesse, in three parts of the hall: and after stood in their place, which was in the bekins at the kings Bench. And on the right hand, out of the Cloister of. S. Stephens, was made a little Closet, in which the king with diverse Ambassadors, stood to behold the service. The Duke of Suffolk and the lord William, road often times about the hall, chering the lords, ladies, and the Mayor and his brethren. After they all had dined, they had Wafers and hippocras, and then they washed, and were commanded to rise, and to stand still in their places, before the table or on the forms till the Queen had washed: when she had taken Wafers and Ypocrase, the table was taken up, and the Earl of Rutland brought up the surnap, and laid it at the boards end, which immediately was drawn, and cast by Master Rode, Marshal of the hall: And the Queen washed, and after the archbishop, and after the Surnap was drawn of, she arose and stood in the mids of the Hall place: to whom the Earl of Sussex in a goodly spice plate, brought a void of spice and comfettes. After him the Mayor of London, brought a standing cup of gold, set in a cup of assay of gold, and after that she had drunk, she gave the Mayor the Cup, with the Cup of assay, because there was no leyar, according to the claim of the city, thanking him & all his brethren, of their pain. Then she under her Canopy, departed to her Chamber, and at the entry of her Chamber, she gave the Canapy with Bells and all, to the Barons of the Ports, according to their claim, with great thanks. Then the Mayor of London bearing his Cup in his hand, with his brethren, went through the hall to their barge, and so did all other noble men and gentlemen, for it was six of the clock.  
On Monday were the justes at the Tilt, before the Kings gate, where the Mayor and his brethren had a goodly standing: but there were very few spears broken, by reason the horses would no cope.  
On Wednesdaie, the King sent for the Mayor and his brethren to Westminster, and there he himself gave to them hearty thanks, with many goodly words.  
On Midsummer day after, the lady Mary the French Queen died in Suffolk, at the lordship of who was the late wife to Lewes the xii. and after married to Charles duke of Suffolk, and was buried at  
This season the king kept his progress about London, because of the Queen.  
The seven day of September being Sondaie, between three and four of the Clock at after noon, 
The Christening of the lady Elizabeth.  the Queen was delivered of a fair Lady, which day the Duke of Norfolk came home to the christening, & for the queens good deliverance, Te deum was song in continently, & great preparation was made for the christening: and the Mayor and his brethren, and xl of the chief of the citizens, were commanded to be at the Christening, the Wednesdaie following, upon which day the Mayor, sir Stephen Peacock, in a gown of Crimosin Velvet, with his collar of S. S. and all the Aldermen in Scarlet, with collars and chains, and all the counsel of the city with them, took their barge after dinner, at one of the clock, and the citizens had another barge, and so rowed to Grenewiche, where were many lords, knights, and gentlemen assembled. All the walls between the Kings place and the Friars, were hanged with Arras, and all the way strawed with green Rushis: the friars Church was also hanged with Arras. The font was of silver, and stood in the mids of the Church, three steps high, which was covered with a fine cloth, and diverse gentlemen with aperns, and towells about their necks, gave attendance about it, that no filth should come in the font, over it hung a square Canape of crimson Satin, fringed with gold, about it was a rail covered with red say: between the quire and the body of the Church, was a close place with a pan of fire, to make the child ready in: when all these things were ordered, the child was brought to the hall, and then every man set forward: first the citizens two and two, than gentlemen, esquires and chapeleins, next after them the Aldermen, and the Mayor alone: next the Mayor, the kings counsel, the kings Chapel in copes: then Barons, Bishops, Earls, than came the Earl of Essex, bearing the covered basins guilt, after him the Marquis of Excester with the taper of virgin wax, next him the Marquis Dorset, bearing the salt, behind him the lady Mary of Norfolk, bearing the cresom which was very rich of pearl & stone, the old Duchess of Norfolk bore the child, in a mantel of purple velvet, with a long train furred with Ermine The duke of Norfolk, with his Marshal rod went on the right hand of thesay duchess, & the duke of Suffolk on the left hand, and before them went the officers of arms: the counts of Kent bore the long train of the child's mantel, and between the Countess of Kent and the child, went th'earl of Wiltshire on the right hand▪ and th'earl of Derby on the left hand, supporting the said train: in the mids over the said child was borne a Canapy, by the lord Rocheford, the lord Husee, the lord William Haward, and by the lord Thomas Haward the elder, after the child followed many ladies, and gentlewomen, when the child was come to the church door, the bishop of London met it with diverse bishops and abbots mitred, and began the observances of the Sacrament. The Godfather was the lord archbishop of Cantorbury: the Godmothers were the old Duchess of Norfolk, and the old Marchiones of Dorset widows, and the child was named Elizabeth: and after that all thing was done, at the church door the child was brought to the Fount, and christened, and this done, Garter chief king of arms cried a loud, God of his infinite goodness, send prosperous life and long, to the high and mighty Princes of England Elizabeth: and then the trumpets blewe, than the child was brought up to the altar, and the Gospel said over it: and after that immediately the archbishop of Cantorbury confirmed it, the Marchiones of Excester being Godmother, than the archbishop of Cantorbury, gave to the Princes a standing cup of gold: the Duchess of Norfolk, gave to her a standing cup of gold, fretted with perale: the Marchiones of Dorset gave three gilt boulles, pounced with a cover: and the Marchiones of Excester, gave three standing bowls graven, all gilt with a cover. Then was brought in Wafers, Comfettes, hippocras in such plenty, that every man had asmuch, as he would desire. Then they set forwards, the trumpets going before in the same order, toward the kings place, as they did when they came thither ward, saving that the gifts that the Godfather, & the Godmothers gave, were borne before the child by four persons, that is to say: First sir John Dudley, bore the gift of the Lady of Excester: the lord Thomas Haward the younger, bore the gift of the lady of Dorset: the lord Fitzwater, bore the gift of the Lady of Norfolk, and the Earl of Worcester, bore the gift of the archbishop of Cantorbury, and all the one side as they went, was full of staff Torches, to the number of five hundred, borne by the guard and other of the kings servants, and about the child were borne, many other proper torches borne by gentlemen: and in this order they brought the princes, to the queens chamber, and tarried there a while, with his brethren the Aldermen, and at the last the Dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, came out from the King, thanking them heartily, and commanded them to give them thanks in his name: and from thence they were had to the seller to drink, and so went to their Barges.  
This year also, one Pavier 
Pavyer.  town clerk of the city of London, hanged himself, which surely was a man, that in nowise could abide to here that the Gospel should be in English, and I myself heard him once say to me & other that were by, swearing a great oath, that if he thought the kings highness, would set forth the scripture in English, and set it be read of the people by his authority, rather than he would so long live he would cut his awn throat, but he broke promise, for as you have hard he hanged himself: but of what mind and intent he so did, God judge. About this season was espied a new found Saint, & holy Hypocrite, called the maid of Kent, which by the great labour, diligence, and pain taking of tharch●bishop of Cantorbury, and the lord Cromewell, and one called Hugh Latimer a priest (which shortly after was made Bishop of Worce●●er) the juggling and crafty decept of this maid, was manifested and brought to light: whereupon after diverse examinations, she with all her adherentes, were in November brought to the star chamber: the names of them all shall follow, 
The holy Ma●de of Kent.  first Elizabeth Barton, which was she that called herself the holy maid of Kent, Richard Master priest person of Aldyngton in the County of Kent, Edward Bockyng doctor in Divinity, Mo●ke of Cantorbury, Richard dere Monk also of Cantorbury, Edward Twaites gentleman, Thomas Laurence register to tharchdeacon of Cantorbury, Henry Gold person of Aldermary bachelor or Divinity, Hugh Rich Friar observant, and Richard Risby, Thomas Gold gentleman. These all being in the star chamber, before diverse of the kings counsel, confested their feigned hypocrisy, and dissimuled sanctitee, and treit●rous purposes and intentes, and then was there by the kings counsel adjudged, to stand at Paul's cross, where they with their aw●e hands, should severally deliver each of them to the preacher that should be appointed, a bill declaring their subtle, crafty and superstitious doings. Which thing the next Sondaie after, they all above rehearsed, standing on a stage at Paul's Cross, made for that purpose did accomplish: but for their treasons committed, the matter thereof was respited to the Parliamet next following, where all they abovesaid, with other as after ye shall here, were attainted by act of parliam●t, and suffered death as traitors, by hanging, drawing, and quartering at Tyburn.  
In September the king of Scots, sent his Commissioners to the town of New Castle, where were for the king of England commissioners sir Thomas Clifford, and doctor Magnus, and sir Ralph Elderkare. And first the Scots without any long communication, demanded great amendss, saying, that the Englishmen had rob and spoiled them to their loss, and that greatly, and said that the king of England of his honour, must needs make satisfaction, if he would be called honourable. Then it was answered, that notwithstanding the leagues, written, sealed and sworn, the Scottish nation would never keep peace in somuch, while we be here in treating, your people are robbing: wherefore the king demandeth of you, the goods and prisoners taken contrary to the peace, whereof we here deliver you a writing, which the Scots received, and at their next meeting they said, that the ships to them were lawful prizes, by reason that th'earl of Anguish, was maintained in England, which is rebel to our king, and th'earl and you have done to us much scathe, & we have taken a few ships, in recompense of some pa●t of our great losses, which we may not deliver, & therefore, we parie you demand them not: but here we deliver you our book, which amounteth to a greater some by ten thousand mark. The English commissioners received the book, and in the same the Scots demanded, recompense for burning their towns, and destroying many of their strong Piles, above xxiiii, which were destroyed from the xxiiii day of April, in the last xxiiii year of the king, to the xxx day of April. The English commissioners answered, that if the Scots would sand to the king of England, they doubted not, but they should have a good answer for the king of England bade him choose peace or war: so they agreed to send to both their kings letters of their doings, which in haste was done. And after much suit of the Scots part, when they had much demanded, and little or nothing was granted, they then being weary of war desired peace, which was concluded, during both the kings lives, and the twenty day of May, in the next year of the king following, it was openly Proclaimed, to the great comfort and rejoicing of all lovers of peace.  
The xviii day of December, the Duke of Suffolk was sent by the king and his counsel, to Bugden beside Huntyngdon, where the lady Katherine Princes Dowager lay. For the King was advertised, and had good proves of the same, that she of froward mind would consent, neither to the determination of the Universities, nor yet to the sentence of the whole convocation of the realm, but being counseled by a few Spaniards, which had little learning, did all that she could to infringe the determination of the said Universities and clergy. In somuch that she wrote to the Pope, and to other potentates, to grieve the King and his realm, because he would not follow her mind, and break the commandment of God. Wherefore the Kings counsel motioned the king, that such as were about her, and moved her thereto, should be put from her, for they thought it no reason, that she should have such liberty to work that ●hyng, by the which the king ans his realm, might have detriment or damage. Wherefore thesay Duke was sent to her, which showed to her openly, Articles of her suits to the Pope, and how she sought means to grieve the King and his Realm, which hereafter she should not be suffered to do. For the same time was a Curse sent from the Pope, 
The Pope accursed the King and Realm.  which accursed both the King, and the whole Realm, which Curse the bearer thereof, being not by like them hardiest man that ever showed himself in front of battle, thought it a great deal more better for him to bestow it without the Kings reach, then to adventure to come within his Dominions, and therefore set it up in the Town of Dunkercke in Flaunders, where it was taken down by William Lock, Mercer of London. 
William Lock Mercer.  The Queen answered the Duke very highly and obstinately, with many high words, and suddenly in a fury she departed from him, into her privy Chamber and shut the door. He seeing that, broke all the order of the queens Court, and discharged a great sort of her household servants, and yet left there a convenient number, to serve her like a Princes. There was great lamentation among them that departed, but there was no remedy. Then they that remaigned to serve her, were sworn to serve her as a Prince's Dowager, and not as Queen, some said they were sworn to her as Queen, and otherwise they would not serve, and so they departed. Other that were sworn to serve her as Princes, and remained there, she them utterly refused for her servants, wherefore she remained with the less number of servants.  
The king kept his Christmas at Grenewiche, with great solemnity, and after Christmas began the Parliament. In which Parliament Elizabeth Barton, the holy Maid of Kent, with all her adherentes, of whom ye have heard before, was attainted. And because her offences, were both against God and the king, so great and wicked, that the like was never heard nor known before, I will declare unto you the process of her matter, in such manner as the truth thereof, is declared in her attainder, by Act of Parliament. first thesay Elizabeth Barton (being a Nun professed in the house and Priory of Saint S●pulcres of Cauntorbury) which long before ●he was professed Nun, dwelled with one Thomas Cobbe, in the Parish of Aldyngton, in the County of Kent, and happened to be visited with sickness, and by occasion thereof, brought in such debility and weakness of her brain, because she could not eat ne drink, by a long space, that in the violence of her infirmity, she seemed to be in Traunses, and spoke and uttered many foolish and Idle words. And one Richard Master, Clerke, being Person of thesay Parish of Aldyngton, in thesay County of Kent, after that he had made to the late archbishop of Cauntorbury, a far and a larger report, concerning the Hypocrisy, traunses and speeches of thesay Elizabeth, than he could justify and abide by, and after that he was commanded by thesay archbishop, to give good attendance upon her, if she should fortune to have any ●●o such traunses and speeches, and to send him knowledge thereof, to the intent to maintain, uphold and verefy, such report as he had made, aswell to the archbishop aforesaid, as to other, of the wonderful traunses and speeches of thesay Nun, he falsely and craftily informed the said Elizabeth, that the marvelous words which she spoke in her traunses, afore his riding to the archbishop aforsaied, proceeded of the inspiration of the holy ghost, and that she was greatly to be blamed if she would hide or dissemble the wonderful works of God showed to her: for afore this his said information and instruction, she said constantly, that she could not remember, that she spoke any such notable words in her traunses, as were reported unto her, by thesay Richard Master. Which Elizabeth being in this manner of wise, often times persuaded, procured and informed, by thesay Person of Aloyngton, took boldness and courage to forge, feign, and counterfeit such manner of Tra●●ses, and crafty speeches, as thesay Person of Aldyngton told her, that she used in her sickness, afore he went to the said Archbishop. And when the said Elizabeth had used, this false, feigned counterfeating for a season, and was perfect therein (so that the fame thereof, was greatly spread abroad, in those parties) then thesay Person, to the intent aforesaid, and to the intent the people, should give more faith and credit unto her, and because he would have increased, the devotion of the people, in coming on pilgrimage to a Chapel, set in Court at Stete, within thesay Parish, dedicated in the honour of our Lady, for his own lucre and advantage, imagined, devised, compassed, and declared, with the aid, help, and counsaiill of one Edward Bockyng Monk, professed in the Monastery in Christ's Church in Cauntorbury, and Doctor in divinity, that thesay Elizabeth, being in the ecstasy and extremity of her sickness, in a manner distracted in traunses, should say amongst other wonderful words, that she should never take health of her body, till such time as she had visited the Image of our Lady, being in thesay Chapel at Court at street aforesaid: and that our Lady had appeared unto her, and showed her, that if she came to thesay chapel, at the day appointed, she should be restored to her health by Miracle, where in very deed, she was restored to her perfect health, by diet and Physic, and by the course of nature, which expelled the matter, being cause of her sickness, in the mean time while the said person of Aldyngton, was with the archbishop, as is afore rehearsed. And albeit thesay Elizabeth, was restored to her health, yet she being accustomed and acquainted, with the manner and fashion, of her distract Traunses, by the counsaiell, conspiracy, and confederatie of thesay Edward Bockyng, and Richard Master, did falsely practise, use and show unto the people, diverse and marvelous sundry alterations, of her sensible parts of her body, craftily uttering in her said feigned and false Traunses, diverse and many virtuous and holy words, tending to the rebuke of sin, and in reproving of such new opinions, as then began to spring in this Realm, which she called heresies, as she was induced and taught, by thesay Edward Bockyng and Richard Master, using all the ways of false Hypocrisy, to the intent the people should give belief and credence unto her, whereby they might be the sooner brought, into the detestable crimes of blasphemy and Idolatry, against almighty GOD. And thesay Edward Bockyng, being maliciously fixed in his opinion, against the Kings highness, in his detested Matrimony with Queen Katherine, and intending in his mind, afterwards for his part, falsely and Traitorously to use thesay Elizabeth, as a Diabolicke instrument, to stir, move, and provoke the people of this Realm aswell nobles as other, to murmur and grudge, against the Majesty of our Soucreigne Lord, and all his just and Lawful proceedings, in thesay divorce and feperation, as after he did in very deed: for the accomplishing of his said false, malicious and Traitorous intentes, falsely devised and conspired, with thesay Richard, that thesay Elizabeth should show and manifest herself, to the people, to be an excellent virtuous and an holy woman, and that all her words and deeds, should appear to the world, to proceed of a maru●ilous holiness, rebuking the common sins and vices of the world, as though she were taught and inspired, of the holy spirit of God. And not only moved and counseled thesay Elizabeth, thus to use herself, surmitting to her that she spoke such things, in the ecstasy of her sickness, that came by the inspiration of God, but also counseled and procured thesay Elizabeth, to be brought and conveyed, to thesay Chapel of our Lady, and therein openly in the presence of the people, (that there should be assembled by their procurementes) should use and experiment such like Traunses, and alterations of her face, and other the outward sensible parts of her body, as she used in the extremity and ecstasy of her sickness. To whose counsels and advertisements, thesay Elizabeth agreed. Whereupon at a day by them appointed and agreed, thesay Edward and Richard, laboured, solicited, and procured, above the number of two thousand persons, to repair to thesay Chapel, surmitting that thesay Elizabeth, which as they said, had marvelous and many Uisions and Revelations of God, should be brought thither, and there receive her health, by Miracle of our Lady, whose Image was in thesay chapel. By reason of which false, feigned and detestable conspiracy and hypocrisy, at the day by them appointed, there assembled to thesay chapel, above the number of two thousand people. At which day also, thesay Edward Bockyng, and Richard Master procured, and caused thesay Elizabeth, to repair to thesay chapel, where thesay Elizabeth, albeit she at that time, and long afore was restored to health of her body, and discharged of her torments and afflictions, which she had in the ecstasy of her sickness: Yet nevertheless by the procurement and crafty counsel of thesay Edward Bockyng, and Richard Master, did falsely feign and show unto the people in the same Chapel, many alterations of her face, and other outward sensible parts of her body, and falsely feigned and showed herself in Trances, uttering wondrous words, as she was before subtly and craftily induced and taught, by thesay Richard and Edward to do. And amongs other things she uttered, that it was the pleasure of God, that thesay Edward Bockyng, should be her ghostly father, and that she should be a Religious woman, as she was taught by thesay Edward Bockyng, and Richard Master. And within a while after demonstration, of such false feigned and dissimuled trances, she appeared to the people, to be suddenly revealed from her sickness and afflictions, by the intercession and means of the Image of our Lady, being in the same Chapel. By means of which false feigned Hypocrysy, dissimuled and cloaked Sanctitee, so conspired and craftily imagined by thesay Edward Bockyng, and Richard Master, thesay Elizabeth was brought into a marvelous fame, credit and good opinion, of a great multitude of the people of this Realm. And to increase the ●ame of the said false feigned Hypocrisy, the said Elizabeth after wards, by the counsel and procurement of thesay Edward Bockyng, entered into Religion, and become a Nun, professed in thesay Priory of Saint Sepulchres, to whom thesay Edward Bockyng, had commonly his resort, not without probable, vehement, and violent suspicion of incontinency, pretending to be he● Ghostly father, by God's appointment. And by conspiracy between her and him, caused her still to persist and abide, in the practising of her said false hypocrisy, and dissimuling trances and raptes. And that she should surmit to the people, that when she was in such simuled alteration, of her sensible parts of her body, that she was then rapt by almighty God, from thaffections of this world, and told by the holy spirit of God, many things that should follow to the world, for punishment of the sins of the princes and the people. And that she should also 〈◊〉 that she was much provoked & tempted, aswell to the sin of the flesh as otherwise, by her ghostly enemy the devil, at diverse and sundry times, and in diverse and sundry ways and fashions. And yet never theles that she by the grace of almighty God was preserved, and steadfastly resisted such temptation. By occasion of which counsel and procurement, of the said Edward Bockyng, the said Elizabeth by continuance of time, took such a courage upon her, that she falsely feigned and said, that she had many revelations, of almighty God and his holy saincte●, with heavenly lights, heavenly voices, heavenly melodies and joys, and specially in a chapel of . s. Giles, in the said Nunnery, to the which chapel, she often times resorted, to receive visions and revelations, as commanded by God, as she falsely reported, and specially by night saying, that the Dorture door was made open to her by God's power, uttering the same, aswell to thesay Edward Bockyng, as to diverse other persons. By the which her false feigned revelations, & cloaked hypocrisy, she was reputed amongst many people of this realm, to be a very holy woman, inspired with God, where in very deed, she never had vision or revelation from God, as she hath plainly and openly, confessed herself. And therefore her stealing forth of the Dorture in the night, which was not once or twice weakly was not for spiritual business, nor to receive revelations of God, but rather for bodily communication & pleasure with her friends, which could not have so goodleasure & opportunity with her by day. Andfor ratification of her false feigned revelations, the said Edward by conspiracy, between him & the said Elizabeth, revealed the same to the most reverent father, William late Archbishop of Canterbury, who by false & untrue surmises, tales and lies of the said Edward & Elizabeth, was alured, brought and induced to credit them, and made no diligent searches, for the trial of their said falsehodes, and considerations, but suffered and admitted the same, to the blasphemy of almighty god, and to the great deceit of the prince, and people of this realm. And for a perpetual memory of the said feigned and dissimuled hypocrisy, and false revelations of thesay Elizabeth, thesay Edward Bockyng, Richard Master, and one John dere; a Monk in the said Monastery of Christ's church a foresaid, made, writ, and caused to be written, sundry books both great & small, both printed and written, concerning the perticularities of thesay false and feigned hypocrisy, and revelations of the said Elizabeth, or the defence or great praise of the same: surmitting and putting forth the same false and feigned practices, and revelations of the said Elizabeth, to be just & true miracles, showed by almighty God, in the favour of the sanctitee of the said Elizabeth, where in deed they been and were falsely devised, compassed, conspired, written and maintained by the said Elizabeth Barton, Edward Bockyng, Richard Master, & John dere, to th'only intent to bring the said Elizabeth, in the fame and credit of the people of this realm, whereby the people should the more be apt and disposed, by her false cloaked hypocrisy and sanctitee, to commit the crimes of blasphemy, and idolatry against God, and also the sooner induced, by the false revelations of thesay Elizabeth to murnor, and grudge, and be of evil opinion, against the Majesty of our sovereign lord, to the great peril and danger of his most royal person. And one Edward Thwaites gentleman, translated and wrote diverse quaiers, and sheets of paper, concerning the said false feigned revelations, of thesay Elizabeth. Also one Thomas Laurence of Cantorbury, being register to th'archbishop of Cantorbury, at thinstance and desire of the said Edward Bockyng, wrote a great book of thesay false & feigned miracles, and revelations of the said Elizabeth in a fair hand, ready to be a copy to the printer, when thesay book should be put to stamp.  
amongs which false and feigned revelations, surmised by thesay Elizabeth, and put in writings in diverse books, by the false conspiracy means and procurement of the said Edward Bockyng, Richard Master, John dere, and other their complices, there is expressed that the devil should appear, to thesay Elizabeth in diverse fashions, sometimes like a man wanton appareled, sometime like a bird deformed, and sometime otherwise. And that Mary Magdalene, should often apere to thesay Elizabeth, and reveal to her many revelations. And at one time should deliver unto her, a letter written in heaven, part whereof was limmed with golden letters, where in deed the same letters were written with the hand of a Monk of saint Augustine's in Cantorbury named Hawkhurst.  
There was also written and contained, amongst the said false and feigned miracles & revelations, that when the kings highness was at Calais in thinterview, between his majesty and the French king, and hearing Mass in the Church of our Lady at Calais, that God was displeased with the kings highness, that his grace saw not at the Mass the blessed Sacrament in form of bread: for it was taken away from the priest (being at Mass) by an Angel, and ministered unto the said Elizabeth, then being there present and invisible, and suddenly conveyed & rapt thence again, by the power of God into thesay Nunnery, where she is professed, with many other false feigned fables, and tales devised, conspired and defended by the said Elizabeth, Edward Bockyng & John dere, writcen as miracles in the said books for a memorial, to set forth the false and feigned hypocrisy, and cloaked sanctitee of thesay Elizabeth, to the people of this realm, as by thesay sundry books and writings thereof made, seen and examined by the kings most honourable counsel more plainly ape●eth: in which books be written such terms & sentences of reproach and slander, against the kings highness & the queen, which were to shameful to be written against the most vile & ungracious people living, which to here, would abhor every true subject of this realm.  
And after the said Elizabeth by such her false & feigned hypocrisy, and dissimuled sanctitee, was brought in a great brute and fame of the people, in sundry parties of this realm, then the said Edward Bockyng by procurement & secret conspiracy, of diverse persons unknown, which maligned against the kings proceedings, for the separation & divorce in thesay detested & unlawful marriage, traitorously intending to put the kings highness in a murmur, and evil opinion of his people, for the same counseled and s●irred the said Elizabeth, that she should ask a petition of almighty God, to know whether God was displeased with the kings highness, for proceeding in the said divorce, and separation of the marriage between his highness, and thesay lady Katherine, declaring to her many times, that he & diverse other learned men of this realm, and many of the common people of the same, were in firm opinions that the kings proceeding in thesay divorce, was against the laws of God. Whereupon the said Elizabeth subtly and craftily, concerning the opinion and mind of thesay Edward, willing to please him, revealed and showed unto thesay Edward, that she had knowledge by revelation from God, that God was highly displeased with our sovereign lord, for the same matter And in case he desisted not from his procedings, in the said divorce and separation, but pursued the same & married again, that then within one month after such marriage, he should no longer by king of this realm: & in the reputation of almighty God, should not be a king one day, nor one hour: and that he should die a villains' death: saying farther, that there was a root with iii branches, & till they were plucked up, it should never be merry in England: interpreting the root to be the late lord Cardinal, and the first branch to be the king our sovereign lord, the second the duke of Norfolk, and the iii the duke of Suffolk. Which false feigned revelations, by the mischievous & malicious counsel and conspiracy of the said Edward Bockyng, with the said Elizabeth, were written and expressed, in thesay books and volumes, containing the false and feigned revelations and Miracles, of thesay Elizabeth, for a perpetual memory thereof, to the utter reproach and peril of destruction of the Kings person, his honour, fame and name▪ and privily and secretly, set forth by thesay Elizabeth, Edward Bockyng, John dere, and Richard Master generally to diverse and many of the kings subjects, and specially as to elect persons, to John Bishop of Rochester, and John Adeson clerk, chapelain to thesay bishop, and to one Henry Gold priest, bachelor of divinity, to Hugh Rich Friar observant, and late warden of the friars observants of Cantorbury, which bear malice and malignity, to all the kings proceedings, in thesay divorce and separation, because it was contrary to their perverse and froward opinions, intending by colour of thesay false and feigned hypocrisy, and revelations of thesay Elizabeth, not only to let thesay divorce and separation, but also to bring and set forth secretly, in the heads of the people of this realm, aswell nobles as other, that all the kings acts and proceedings in the same, were against holy scriptures, and the pleasure of almighty God: whereby the kings highness should be brought in a grudge, and evil opinion of his people. And thesay John Bishop of Rochester, Henry Gold, Hugh Rich, Richard Risby, Richard Master, John dere, at sundry and several times and places, spoke with the said Elizabeth, and took relation of her, of thesay false and feigned revelations, which she feigned that she had of almighty God, aswell concerning the kings highness as other, after the form and terms above specified. And having knowledge thereof, thesay Hugh Rich, Richard Risby, and Henry Gold clerk, gave such firm and constant credit thereunto, that they Traitorously concealed it from the kings highness, and trayteroyusly believed in their hearts, that the King our sovereign Lord, a●ter the late marriage solemnized, between his highness, and his most dear and entirely beloved wife Queen Anne, was no longer rightful king of this realm, in the reputation of almighty God, whereby in their hearts & wills, they traitorously withdrew from his highness, their natural duties of obedience: and secretly taught and moved other persons (to whom they revealed the said false and ●eined revelations) that they aught and might lawfully do in the same wise: and practised thesay matters, against the kings Majesty, falsely, maliciously, and traitorously, at sondery places and times, with the fathers, and nuns of Zion, and diverse Monks of the Charter house of London and Shene, and with diverse Freers' observants, the places of Richemont, Grenewiche, and Cauntorbury, and to diverse other, both spiritual and temporal persons in great number, to the intent to sow a secret murmur and grudge, in the hearts of the Kings subjects, against the Majesty of our sovereign lord, and all his proceedings, in thesay divorce and separation, intending thereby to make such a division and rebelling in this realm, amongst the kings subjects, whereby the kings highness, should not only have been put to peril of his life, but also in jeopardy to be deprived from his crown and dignity royal.  
And for a more plain and particular declaration of the malicious & traitorous intentes of the said Elizabeth, Edward Bockyng, John dere, Hugh Rich, Richard Rysoy, & Henry Gold, they concluded by a confederacy among themselves each with other, to set forth in sermons & preachings thesayd revelations to the people of this realm against the kings Majesty, whensoever it should please the said Elizabeth to appoint them the time when they should so do, and agreed each with other secretly, and set forth thesayd false and feigned revelations to their acquaintance and friends in this realm, intending to make a great multitude of people of this realm, by their secret conspiracies, in an aptness to receive and take such their sermons and preachings which they intended to make, as is aforesaid, concerning the premises, traitorously intending thereby to put our said sovereign lord, not only in peril of his life, but also in jeopardy of loss and deprivation of his crown and dignity royal of this realm, from him & his lawful succession for ever. And in accomplishing their false, traitorous, & malicious intentes against our said sovereign lord, they caused the said Elizabeth, at two. times, secretly to declare thesayd false & feigned revelations to two. of the Pope's Orators and ambassadors at the Cities of Canterbury and London. At which time the said Henry Gold took upon him to be interpreter thereof, between thesayd Elizabeth & thesayd Orators named Anthony Pulleon: and the interpreter to the other Orator named Sylvester, was the foresaid Laurence of Cauntorbury, to the intent the kings highness, and all his proceedings in thesayd divorce and separation should be brought into an evil opinion with the Pope and other princes and Potentates. And the said Hugh Rich actually travailed to sundry places of this realm, and made secret relation of the premises concerning the kings highness to divers lords both spiritual and temporal, and divers other persons lay and learned, secular and religious. And the said Henry Gold over this, actually travailed and made relation thereof to thesayd lady Katherine princes dowager, to animate her to make commotion in this realm against our said sovereign lord, surmitting that thesayd Elizabeth should have by revelation of God, that the said lady Katherine should prospero & do well, and that her issue the lady Mary the kings daughter should prospero and reign in this realm & have many friends to sustain and maintain her. And the said Elizabeth and Edward Bockyng, John dere & Richard Master likewise actually travailed to divers places in this realm and made secret relation of thesayd false feigned hypocrisy and revelations of thesayd Elizabeth & gave knowledge hereof to divers other sundry persons of this realm.  
All which conspiracies and confederacies of thesayd Elizabeth, and other her complices above mentioned, was traitorously & maliciously devised and practised by the said Elizabeth, Edward Bockyng, John dere, Richard Master, Henry Gold, Hugh Rich, and Richard Rysby to the intent traitorously to destroy our said sovereign lord, and to deprive him and his lawful succession from the crown & dignity royal of this realm, which matter hath been practised and imagined amongst them for the space of many years: whereof the whole circumstance were very long to be written in this act. And the said John fisher bishop of Rochester and one Thomas Gold gentleman, and thesayd Thomas Laurence, Edward Thwaytes, and John Adeson chapelein to thesayd John bishop of Rochester, having knowledge of the false feigned and dissimuled revelations, traitorously conspired against our said sovereign lord (as is aforesaid) did nevertheless make concelement thereof, and uttered not the same to our said sovereign lord, nor any his honourable counsel, against their duties and allegiance in that behalf.  
And furthermore, the said Thomas Gold, for the accomplisment of his most traitorous intent, hath of late been a messenger from thesayd Elizabeth, sithen she was in ward in the Tower of London for thesayd most false and traitorous offences by her and her said complices committed and done, he then being at liberty, by his message hath comforted diverse others to stand stiffly by her revelations, that they were of God: notwithstanding that she had confessed all her said falsehood before divers of the kings counsellors, and that they were manifestly proved, found, and tried most false and untrue: which thing he did only to raise and put sedition and murmur in the people against the kings highness, his crown and dignity royal. And one Thomas Abel clerk being of the confederacy aforesaid, and taking such firm & constant credit to thesayd falls and feigned revelations and miracles of thesayd Nun, not only caused to be Printed and set forth in this realm divers books against thesayd divorce and separation to the disslaunder of our said sovereign lord, but also animated thesayd lady Katherine obstinately to persist in her wilful opinion against the same divorce and separation: and after thesayd divorce lawfully had, to usurp and take upon her still to be queen, and procured divers writings to be made by her, by the name of Queen: and also procured and abbetted the servants of thesayd Lady Katherine against the kings express commandment and proclamation, to name, call, accept, & repute thesayd lady Katherine for queen of this realm to the intent to make a common division and rebellion in this realm to the great peril and danger of our said sovereign lord.  
Thus much have I recited unto you out of the act as it is there expressed word for word: now after followeth the manner of her attainder and of the other as in the act more at large doth appear. But to conclude the xxi. day of April next following she with other were drawn to Tyburn and there executed as most justly they had deserved as you may perceive by the premises.  
And at the place of execution, and the present time that she suffered she said these words, 
The words of Elizabeth Barton otherwise call●d the holy maid of Kent at he● death.  hither am I come to die, and I have not been the only cause of mine own death which most justly I have deserved, but also I am the cause of the death of all these persons which at this time here suffer: & yet to say the truth, I am not somuch to be blamed considering it was well known unto these learned men y● I was a poor wench without learning and therefore they might have easily perceived that the things that were done by me could not proceed in no such sort, but their capacities and learning could right well judge from whence they proceeded, and that they were altogether feigned: but because the things which I feigned was profitable unto them, therefore they much praised me and bore me in hand that it was the holy ghost and not I that did them, and then I being puffed up with their praises fell into a certain pride and foolish fantasy with myself and thought I might fain what I would, which thing hath brought me to this case, and for the which now I cry God & the kings highness most heartily mercy, and desire all you good people to pray to God to have mercy on me and on all them that here suffer with me.  
In this parliament also was made the act of succession for the surety of the crown, to the which every person being of lawful age should be sworn upon the pain expressed in that act, as in the same ye may most evidently see.  
Monday the xxiii. day of March in the Parliament time, were solemnly received into London as ambassadors from james the u king of Scots, the bishop of Aberdyne, the Abbot of Kynlos & Adam Otterborne the kings Attorney, with divers gentlemen on them attendant which were brought to the tailors hall and there lodged. And on the day of the Annunciantion of our Lady they were brought to the kings place at Westminster, where they showed their commission and message, for the which the king appointed them days to counsel. And shortly after commissioners were appointed as you shall hear.  
During the Parliament time, every sunday preached at Paul's cross a bishop, which declared the Pope not to be the head of the Church.  
The thirty. day of March the Parliament was prorogued, and there every lord and burges and all other, were sworn to the act of succession, and subscribed their hands to a Parchment fixed to the same oath. This Parliament was prorogued till the third day of November next. After this, commissions were sent over all England to take the oath of all men and women to the act of succession, at which few repyned, except doctor John fisher, sir Thomas Moor knight late lord Chancellor, and doctor Nicholas Wylson parson of saint Thomas Apostles in London: wherefore these three persons, after long exhortation to them made by the bishop of Cauntorbury at Lambeth, and express denial of them to be sworn, they were sent to the Tower where they remained and were oftentimes motioned to be sworn: but the Bishop and sir Thomas Moore said that they had in their writings written the prince's dowager Queen, and therefore they might not go against that, and the doctor said that he in preaching called her queen, which he would not withsay, howbeit at length he was very well contented, and dissembled the matter and so escaped: But the other twain stood against all the realm in their opinion.  
In this year it chanced that two merchant strangers fell in love 
Wolves wife  with a harlot which was called Wolves wife, & this harlot had often haunted the strangers chambers. And so one time the same harlot appointed these strangers to come to Westminster, and she had prepared for them a boat, in the which boat was but one man to row which was a strong the●e, and in the end of the boat lay Wolf her husband covered with a leather that boatmen use to cover their Cusshyns with, and so these strangers sat them down mistrusting nothing, & when this boatman had brought them as far as a place that is called the Turning tree, suddenly stepped up the said Wolf & with his dagger thrust the one of them thorough, the other cried out to save his life and offered a great sum of money to the boatman and him to save his life, but no proferres 〈◊〉 be heard, nor mercy would they extend, but as cruel murderers without pity slew the other also and bound them face to face and so threw them into the Thames in the foresaid place, where they were long after before they were found. But immediately the harlot Wolves wife went to the strangers chambers & took from thence so much as she could come by. And at the last she and her husband as they deserved, were apprehended, arraigned & hanged at the foresaid tu●nyng tree, where she hanged still and was not cut down, until such time as it was known that beastly and filthy wretches had most shamefully abused her being dead.    

The xxvi year.  
THe ninth day of july was the lord Dacres of the North arraigned at Westminster of high treason, 
The ●old● Dacr●● of the North.  where the duke of Norfolk sat as judge and high Steward of England. The said lord Dacres being brought to the bar with the axe of the Tower before him, after his indictment read, not only improved thesayd indictment as false and maliciously devised against him and answered every part and matter therein contained, but also so manly, wittily, and directly confuted his accusors which there were ready to avouch their accusations, that to their great shames, & to his great honour, he was found that day by his peers not guilty, which undoubtedly the commons exceedingly joyed and reioy●ed of, insomuch as there was in the hall at those words, not guilty, the greatest shout and cry of joy that the like no man living may remember that ever he heard.  
The xiiii. day of july one John Frith being very well learned and 
John Fri●●.  had an excellent goodly wit, was brought out of the Tower where he had been long, & was there imprisoned for making of a book against Purgatory: but in the mean while that he was there, he was required by one who heartily loved him and had a very good opinion in him, to declare to him his faith and opinion in the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ & that he would put the same in writing, which thing he did. But after it chanced that the same person which had this writing of John Frith was acquainted with a Tailor in London called William Holt, which outwardly professed much honesty, but inwardly was a very spy and a very betrayer of as many men as he might bring in danger. This Holt required after he had seen it, to have this writing, & he had it, and forthwith he presented it to sir Thomas Moore than lord Chancellor, and he immediately made answer to the same in writing, which also by the means of thesayd Holt, came to the hands of John Frith. John Frith then perceiving that the thing that he was so loath to writ or meddle in (for it was a matter that none could get him to talk of, saving such that he as much trusted as himself) was now so far spread abroad that it was answered unto, after he had not a little rebuked the negligence and folly of his friend whom he trusted, stood to the derence of his first treatise, and made a farther declaration of his mind upon the same matter as appeareth in a book which beareth his name. For the which opinion with other he was after divers and sundry examinations (aswell at Lambeth with the Bishop of Cauntorbury as also at Croyden, and likewise with the bishop of Wynche●●er) brought unto the Consistory in Paul's Church in London before divers bishops, where after much disputing, for that he would not yield nor submit himself to them, they condemned him and delivered him to the secular power to be brent as an heretic.  
At the same time was one Andrew Hewet a very simple and utterly unlearned young man a Tailor, which was also betrayed by the foresaid Holt: This young man being in like manner accused in the Consistory before thesayd bishops for holding opinion against the Sacrament. One of the bishops asked him how he believed in the Sacrament? he answered, he believed therein as Master Frith did: why said they, dost thou not believe that it is the very body of Christ really flesh and blood even as he was borne of the virgin Mari? Not said he, why so said the bishop? because said he, that Christ bid me that I should not believe them that say here is Christ and there is Christ, for ●alse Christ's & false prophets shall arise to deceive you saith Christ. Then certain of the bishop's smiled, and doctor Stokesley then bishop of London said: Frith is an heretic & is condemned & delivered to the temporal power to be brent, if thou wilt not submit thyself & acknowledge thine error, thou shalt likewise be condemned & delivered. I am content said he. Wilt thou not abjure thine heresy ꝙ the bishop? Not said he, for I will do as Master Frith doth. Then we will condemn thee said the bishop: do so said he. And so they pronounced sentence on him, and delivered him to the sheriffs: and from thence they were sent to Newgate where they remained till the xxii. day of july, & that day were both brent at one s●ake in smithfield. Where at the same time one doctor Cook which was person of honey Lane, & one that was the Master of the Temple, willed the people to pray no more for them then they would pray for dogs, at which uncharitable words Frith smiled & prayed God to forgive them, and the people sore grudged at them for so saying.  
The xiiii. day of August was a great fire at Temple bar & divers houses brent. And the xuj. day of the same month was burned the kings stable at Charing cross otherwise called the Mouse, wherein was brent many great Horses and great store of hay.  
In this year the third day of November the kings highness held his high court of Parliament, in the which was concluded and made many and sundry good, wholesome, and godly statutes: but among all one special statute, which authorized the kings highness to be supreme head of the Church of England, by the which the Pope with all his College of Cardinals with all their Pardons and Indulgences was utterly abholished out of this realm, 
The Pope abholished.  God be everlastingly praised therefore. In this Parliament also was given to the kings highness the first fruits and tenths of all dignities & spiritual promotions. And in the end of the same Parliament the kings Majesty most graciously granted (and willed it by the same Parliament to be established) his most gracious and general free pardon.  
This year also came in the great admiral of France: which admiral was honourably received, and at his departing was liberally rewarded.  
In this time died the Earl of Kyldare prisoner in the Tower. And even at the same time Thomas Fitzgarard his son began to rebel against the king and took all the kings Ordinance, and sent Ambassadors to the Emperor to have entreated him to take pa●t with him. Also he slew the bishop of Develyn and brent and rob all such as would not obey him: But at the last he was apprehended and had as he deserved as after shall appear.   

The xxvii year▪  
IN the beginning of this year the duke of Norfolk and the Bishop of Ely went to Caleys, and thither came the admiral of France. And the xix. day of june was three Monks of the Charterhouse hanged, drawn, and quartered at Tyburn and their quarters set up about London for denying the king to be supreme head of the Church. Their names were Exmewe, Myddlemore, and Nudigate. These men when they were arraigned at Westminster, behaved themselves very stiffly & stubbornly for hearing their indictment read how traitorously they had spoken against the kings Majesty his crown and dignity, they neither blushed nor bashed at it, but very foolishly & hypocritically knowledged their treason which maliciously they avouched, having no learning for their defence, but rather being asked divers questions, thy used a malicious silence, thinking as by their examinations afterward in the Tower of London it did appear, for so they said, that they thought those men which was the lord Crumwel & other that there sat upon them in judgement to be heretics and not of the Church of God, and therefore not worthy to be either answered or spoken unto. And therefore as they deserved, they received as you have heard before.  
Also the xxii. day of the same month John fisher bishop of Rochester was beheaded, and his head set upon London bridge. 
John Fish bishop of Rochester.  This bishop was of very many men lamented, for he was reported to be a man of great learning, and a man of very good life, but therein wonderfully deceived, for he maintained the Pope to be supreme head of the Church, and very maliciously refused the kings title of supreme head. It was said that the Pope, for that he held so manfully with him and stood so stiffly in his cause, did elect him a Cardinal, and sent the cardinals hat as far as Caleys, but the head it should have stand on, was as high as London bridge or ever the hat could come to Bishop fisher, & then it was to late, and therefore he neither wore it nor enjoyed his office. This man as I said was accounted learned, yea, and that very notably learned, and yet have you heard how he was deceived with Elizabeth Barton that called herself the holy maid of Kent, and no doubt so was he in the defence of that usurped authority, the more pity: wondered it is that a man being learned should be so blind in the scriptures of God that proveth the supreme authority of princes so manifestly. Also the vi. day of july was sir Thomas Moore beheaded for the like 
Sir Thomas ●oore beheaded.  treason be●ore rehearsed, which as you have heard was for the denying of the kings majesties supremity. This man was also counted learned, & as you have heard before he was lord Chancellor of England, and in t●at time a great persecutor of such as detested the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, which he himself so highly favoured that he stood to it till he was brought to the Scaffold on the Tower hill where on a block his head was stricken from his shoulders and had no more harm. I cannot tell whether I should call him a foolish wiseman, or a wise foolishmen, for undoubtedly he beside his learning, had a great wit, but it was so mingled with taunting and mocking, that it seemed to them that best knew him, that he thought nothing to be well spoken except he had ministered some mock in the communication, insomuch as at his coming to the Tower, one of the officers demanded his upper garment for his fee, meaning his gown, and he answered, he shoul● have it, and took him his cap, saying it was the uppermost garment that he had. Likewise, even going to his death at the Tower gate, a poor woman called unto him and besought him to declare that he had certain evidences of hers in the time that he was in e●●ice (which after he was apprehended she could not come by) and that he would increate she might have them again, or else she was undone. He answered, good woman have patience a little while, for the king is so good unto me that even within this half hour he will discharge me of all businesses, and help thee himself. Also when he went up the stayer on the Scaffold, he desired one of the sheriffs officers to give him his hand to help him up, and said, when I come down again, let me shifted ●or myself aswell as I can. Also the hangman kneeled down to him asking him forgiveness of his death (as the manner is) to whom he said I forgive thee, but I promise' thee that thou shalt never have honesty of the striking of my head, my neck is so short. Also even when he should lay down his head on the block, he having a great grey beard, striked out his beard and said to the hangman, I pray you let me lay my beard over the block lest ye should cut it, thus with a mock he ended his life.  
This year in the time that the king went his progress, which was to Gloucester and so Westward, the king of Scots was installed at Wynsore by the lord Erskyn his Procurator. And in October following Stephyn Gardiner bishop of Winchester was sent ambassador into France where he remained three years after.  
In November was a solemn procession through the city of London of all the priests and religious in and about the city for the recovering of the French king to his health. And the viii. day of january following died the prince's dowager at Kymbalton and was buried at Peterborough. Queen Anne aware yellow for the mourning.  
And in February following was queen Anne brought a bed of a 
Queen 〈◊〉 brought 〈◊〉 before her time.  child before her time, which was borne dead.  
This year in the month of September William Tyndale otherwise called Hichyns was by the cruelty of the clergy of Lovayn condemned and burned in a town beside Bruxelles in Braband called 
Wyllyem Tyndall.  Uylford. This man translated the New testament into English and first put it in print, and likewise he translated the u books of Moses, josua, judicum, Ruth, the books of the Kings and the books of Paralipomenon, Nehemias or the first of Esoras, the Prophet jonas, & no more of the holy scripture. He made also divers treatises, which of many were well liked and highly praised, and of many utterly despised and abhorred, and especially of the most part of the bishops of this realm, who often by their great labours caused Proclamations to be made against his books, and got them condemned and brent, aswell the New testament as other works of his doings. Such as best knew him reported him to be a very sober man, borne upon the borders of Wales, and brought up in the University of Oxford, and in life and conversation unreprovable: and at the last being in Oxford Luther then setting forth certain works against the Bishop of Rome, Tyndale occasioned by them to search the scriptures whether Luther said the truth or not, did thereby not only himself attain the knowledge of the usurped authority of the bishop of Rome, and his superstitious and damnable doctrines that he had taught and published through all Christendom, but also lamenting the ignorant state that his native country of England was in, who altogether were wrapped in errors thought it his duty, for that God had revealed the light of his Gospel to him, to bestow his talon to the honour of God and profit of his country, and thought no way so good to reduce the people from their error as first to make them acquainted with God's word, that they might know what Gods will was that we should do, and what the bishop of Rome said that we must do: and therefore first as is aforesaid, he translated into English the New testament, a work no doubt very notable and to him very painful, for that he was forced to fly his own native country, and to live in a strange land among people that as well varied from his manners, as the persons to him were unknown.  
Amongst whom after great pains by him taken, and many and divers treatises by him published, he was at Andwarp this year by one Philippes an Englisheman and then a scholar at Lovayn, betrayed and taken, and as many said, not without the help and procurement of some bishops of this realm: but true it is, that after he had been in prison more than a year & almost forgotten, he was laboured for by letters written by the lord Cromwell, & then in all haste because he would recant no part of his doings, was burned as you have hea●d before. But yet this report did the Procurator general there (which we call here the lieutenant) make of him, that he was, homo doctus, pius et bonus, that is to say, learned, godly, and good.  
The fourth day of February the king held his high court of Parliament at Westminster, in the which was many good and wholesome statutes and laws made and concluded. And in this time was given unto the king by the consent of the great and fat abbots, all religious houses that were of the value of CCC. mark and under, in hope that their great Monasteries should have continued still: But even at that time one said in the Parliament house that these were as thorns, but the great abbots were putrefied old Okes and they must needs follow: & so will other do in Christendom ꝙ doctor Stokesley bishop of London or many years be passed.   

The xxviii year.  
ON May day were a solemn justes kept at Grenewyche, and suddenly from the justes the king departed having not above vi. persons with him, and came in the evening from Grenewyche to his place at Westminster. Of this sudden departing many men mused, but most chiefly the queen, who the next day was apprehended and brought from Grenewyche to the Tower of London, 
Queen Anne sent to the ●ower.  where after she was arraigned of high treason, and condemned. Also at the same time was likewise apprehended, the lord Rocheforde brother to thesayd Queen, and Henry Norrys, Mark Smeton, William a Bruton and sir Frances Weston, all of the kings privy chamber. All these were likewise committed to the Tower and after arraigned and condemned of high treason. And all the gentlemen were beheaded on the Scaffold at the Tower hill: But the Queen was with a sword beheaded within the Tower. And these following were the words that she spoke the day of her death which was the xix. day of May. 1536.  
Good Christian people, I am come hither to die, 
The words of queen Anne Bolleyn at her death.  for according to the law and by the law I am judged to die, and therefore I will speak nothing against it. I am come hither to accuse noman, nor to speak any thing of that whereof I am accused and condemned to die, but I pray God save the king and send him long to reign over you, for a gentler nor a more merciful prince was there never: and to me he was ever a good, a gentle, & sovereign lord. And if any person will meddle of my cause, I require them to judge the best. And thus I take my leave of the world and of you all, and I heartily desire you all to pray for me. O lord have mercy on me, to God I commend my ●oule. And then she kneeled down saying: To Christ I commend my soul, jesus receive my soul divers times, till that her head was stricken of with the sword. And on the Ascension day following, the king wore white for mourning.  
The week before Whitsontyde the king married lady jane daughter to the right worshipful sir John Seymer knight, which at Whitsontyde was openly showed as Queen.  
The viii. day of june the king held his high court of Parliament in the which Parliament the kings two first marriages, that is to say with the lady Katherine, and with the Lady Anne Bulleyn were both adjudged unlawful, as more at large appeareth in the act in the book of statutes.  
In the Parliament season lord Thomas hayward without the kings assent affied the lady Margaret Douglas daughter to the queen of Scots and niece to the king: for which presumptuous act he was attainted of treason, and an act made for like offenders, and so he died in the Tower, and she was long there as prisoner.  
In the time of this Parliament, the bishops and all the clergy of the realm held a solemn convocation at Paul's church in London where after much disputation and debating of matters they published a book of religion entitled, Articles devised by the kings highness etc. In this book is specially mentioned but three Sacraments, with the which the Lyncolneshyremen (I mean their ignorant priests) were offended, and of that occasion depraved the kings doings. And this was their first beginning, as after ye shall plainly hear.  
After this book which passed by the kings authority with the consent of the Clergy, was published, the which contained certain articles of religion necessary to be taught unto the people, and among other it specially treated of no more then three Sacraments, where always the people had been taught seven. Sacraments, & beside this book, certain Injunctions were that time given whereby a number of their holy days was abrogated & specially such as fell in the harvest time, the keeping of which was much to the hindrance of the gathering in of corn, hay, fruit, and other such like necessary and profitable commodities.  
These articles thus ordained and to the people delivered. 
The insurrecci●n in Lyncoln●hyre.  The inhabitants of the North parts being at that time very ignorant and rude, knowing not what true religion meant, but altogether nuzzled in superstition and popery, and also by the means of certain abbots and ignorant priests not a little stirred and provoked for the suppression of certain Monasteries, and for the extirpation and a●holishyng of the bishop of Rome, now taking an occasion at this book, saying see friends now is taken from us four of the seven. Sacraments and shortly ye shall lose thee other three also, & thus the faith of holy church shall utterly be suppressed and abholished: and therefore suddenly they spread abroad and raised great and shameful slanders only to move the people to sedition and rebellion, and to kindle in the people hateful and malicious minds against the kings Majesty and the Magistrates of the realm, saying let us fully bend ourselves to the maintenance of religion, and rather than to suffer it thus to decay even to die in the field. And amongst them also were to many even of the nobility that did not a little provoke and stir up the ignorant and rude people the more stiffly to rebel and stand therein, faithfully promising them both aid and secure against the king and their own native country (like foolish and wicked men) thinking by their so doing to have done God high pleasor and service. There were also certain other malicious and busy persons who added Oil (as the Adage sayeth) to the Furnace: These made open clamours in every place where opportunity served, that Christian religion should be utterly violate, despised and set aside, and that rather than so, it behoved and was the parts of every true Christian manue to defend it even to the death, and not to admit and suffer by any means the faith (in the which their forefathers so long and so many thousand years have lived and continued) now to be subverted and destroyed. Among these were many priests which deceived also the people with many false fables and venomous lies and imaginations (which could never entre nor take place in the heart of any good man, nor faithful subject) saying that all manner of prayer and fasting & all God's service should utterly be destroyed and taken away, that no man should marry a wife or be partaker of the Sacraments, or at length should eat a piece of ●ost meat, but he should for the same first pay unto the king a certain somme of money, & that they should be brought in more bondage & in a more wicked manner of life, than the Saracens be under the great Turk. with these and such other like errors and slanderous tales, the people thus instructed (or as I may trulier speak) deceived and mocked, being to light or credit, incotinent to the help and maintenance of religion once established and confirmed, they stiffly and stoutly did conspire and agreed: and in a part of Lincolnshire, first they assembled and shortly after, joined into an Army, being (as it was supposed) of men apt and feet for the war, in number about twenty thousand.  
Against these traitorous rebels, with all the haste and speed that might be (after he hard thereof) the kings toyal majesty, in his own proper person, furnished with a goodly and warlike Army, lacking nothing that to such a company should appertain, marched toward them. But these rebels hearing that his majesty was present with his power and army royal, feared what would follow of this matter, and such as were noble men and Gentlemen, that before favoured them began to withdraw themselves, so that they were destitute of Captains: and at the last they in writing made certain petitions to the kings majesty, professing that they never intended hurt toward his royal person. The kings majesty received there petitions, and made an swear unto them as followeth.  
First we begin and make answer to the four and six articles, because upon them dependeth much of the rest. 
The kings answer to the rebels.  Concerning cho●yng of counsellors, I never have read, hard, nor known, that princes counsellors and prelate's, should be appointed by rude and ignorant common people, nor that they were persons meet, nor of ability to, discern & choose meet & sufficient counsellors for a prince: how presumptuous then are ye the rude commons of one shire, and that one of the most brute & beastly of the whole realm, & of the lest experience, to find fault with your Prince for the electing of his counsellors and prelate's, and to take upon you contrary to gods law and man's law to rule your prince, whom ye are bound by all laws to obey and serve with both your lives, lands and goods, and for no worldly cause to withstand? the contrary whereof you like traitors and rebels have attempted & not like true subjects as ye name yourselves.  
As to the suppression of religious houses and monasteries, we wool that ye and all our subjects should well know that this is granted us by all the nobles spiritual and temporal, of this our Realm, and by all the commons in the same by act of Parliament, and not set forth by any counsellor or counsellors upon there mere will and fantasy, as ye full falsely would persuade our realm to believe.  
And where ye allege that the service of god is much diminished, the troth thereof is contrary, for there be no houses suppressed where god was well served, but where most vice, mischief and abomination of living was used, and that doth well apere by there own confessions subscribed with their own hands in the time of their visitations, & yet we suffered a great many of them (more than we needed by the act) to stand wherein if they amend not their living, we fear, we have more to answer for, then for the suppression of all the rest. And as for the hospitality for the relief of the poor, we wonder ye be not ashamed to affirm that they have been a great releief of poor people, when a great many or the most part hath not past four of five religious persons in them, and divers but one which spent the substance of the goods of their houses in nourishing of vice and abominable living. Now what unkindness and unnaturalitie may we impute to you and all our subjects that be of that mind, that had leaver such an unthrifty sort of vicious persons, should enjoy such possessions, profits and emoluments, as grow of thesay houses, to the maintenance of there unthrifty life, than we your natural prince, sovereign lord and king, which doth and hath spent more in your defences of our own, than six times they be worth? As touching the act of uses, we marvel what madness is in your brain, or upon what ground ye would take authority upon you to 'cause us to break these laws and statutes, which by all the nobles knights and gentlemen of this realm (whom the same chief toucheth) hath been granted and assented to: seeing in no manner of things it toucheth you the base commons of our Realm.  
Also the grounds of all those uses were false, & never admitted by any law: but usurped upon the prince, contrary to all equity and justice, as it hath been openly both disputed & declared by all the well learned men in the Realm of England in Westminster hall: whereby ye may well perceive how mad and unreasonable your demands be, both in that and in the rest, and how v●mete it is for us and dishonourable, to grant or assent unto, and less meet and decent for you in such a rebellious sort to demand the same of your prince.  
As touching the fifteen which ye demand of us to be released, think ye that we be so fainthearted, that perforce ye of one shire (were ye a great many more) could compel us with your insurrections and such rebelleous demeanour to remit the same? or think ye that any man will or may take you to be true subjects, that first make and show a loving grant and then perforce would compel your sovereign lord and king to release the same? the time of payment whereof is not yet come, ye, and seeing the same will not countervail the tenth penny of the charges, which we do & daily sustain for your tuition & safeguard: make you sure, by your occasions of these your ingratitudes, unnaturallnes & unkindness to us now administered, ye give us 'cause which hath always been asmuch dedicated to your wealth as ever was king, not somuch to set or study for the setting forward of the same, seeing how unkindly and untruly ye deal now with us, without any cause or occasion: and doubt ye not, though you have no grace nor naturallnes in you to consider your duty of allegiance to your king, and sovereign Lord, the rest of our Realm we doubt not hath: and we and they shall so look on this cause, that we trust it shallbe to your confusion, if according to your former letters you submit not yourselves.  
As touching the first fruits, we let you wit, it is a thing granted us by act of parliament also, for the supportation of part of the great and excessive charges, which we support and bear for the maintenance of your wealths and other our subjects: and we have known also that ye our commons have much complained in times passed, that the most part of our goods, lands and possessions, o● the realm, were in the spiritual men's hands: & yet bearing us in hand that ye be as loving subjects to us as may be, ye cannot find in your hearts that your prince and sovereign lord should have any part thereof (and yet it is nothing prejudicial unto you our commons) but to rebel and unlawfully rise against your prince, contrary to the duty of allegiance and god's commandment, Si●s, remember your follies and treiterous demeanours, & shame not your native country of England nor offend no more so grievously your undoubted king and natural prince, which always hath showed him sel● most loving unto you, and remember your duty of allegiance, and that ye are bound to obey us your king, both by god's commandment and law of nature.  
Wherefore we charge you eftsoons upon the foresaid bonds and pains, that ye withdraw yourselves to your own houses, every man, and no more to assemble contrary to our laws and your allegeaunces, and to 'cause the provokers of you to this mischief, to be delivered to our liftenauntes' hands, or ours, and you yourselves to submit you to such condign punishment as we and our nobles shall think you worthy: for doubt you not els●hat we and our nobles can nor will suffer this injury at your hands unrevenged, if ye give not place to us of sovereignty, and show yourselves as bounden and obedient subjects, and no more to intermeddle yourselves from hencefurth with the weighty affairs of the Realm, the direction whereof only appertaineth to us your king & such noble men & counsellors, as we li●t to elect & chose to have the ordering of the same: & thus we pray unto all mighty god, to give you grace to do your duties, to use yourselves towards us like true and faithful subjects, so as we may have cause, to order you thereafter, and rather obediently to consent amongst you to deliver into hands of our lieutenant a hundredth persons, to be ordered according to their demerits, at our will and pleasure, then by your obstinacy and wilfulness, to put yourselves, your wives, children, lands, goods and cattles, besides the indignation of god, in the utter adventure of total destruction, and utter ruin, by force and violence of the sword.  
After the Lincolnshire men had received this the kings answer aforsaied, made to their petitions, each mistrusting other who should be noted to be the greatest medeler, even very suddenly theibegan to shrin●, and out of hand they were all divided, and every man at home in his own house in peace: but the captains of these rebels escaped not all clear, but were after apprehended, and had as they deserved: he that took upon him as captain of this rout, named himself captain Cobbler, but it was a Monk called Doctor Makerel, with diverse other which afterward were taken and executed.  
All these things thus ended, the country appeased, and all things in quiet the kings majesty retired, and broke up his army,  
But see, even within six days following, was the king truly certified that there was a new insurrection 
A new insurrecc●on.  made by the Northrenmen, which had assembled themselves into a hou●e and great army of warlikemen & well appincted both with captains, horse, harness and artillery to the number of forty thousand men, which had encamped theim selfes in yorkshire: And these men had each of them to other bound themselves by their oath to be faithful and obedient to his captain: they also declared by their proclamations solemnly made, that this their insurrection, should extend no farther but only to the maintenance and defence of the faith of Christ and deliverance of holy Church sore decayed & oppressed, and also for the furtherance aswell of private as public matters in the realm touching the wealth of all the kings poor subjects They named this there seditious and traitorous voyage, an holy and blessed Pilgrimage: they had also certain banners in the field, whereupon was painted Christ hanging on the Cross on the one side, and a chalice with a painted kake in it on the other side with diverse other banners of like hypocrisy and feigned sanctity: the soldiers also had a certain cognisance or badge, embroudered or set upon the sleeves of there coats which was the similitude of the five wounds of Christ, and in the midst thereof was written the name of our lord, and this the rebellious Guarrison of Satan with his false and counterfeated signs of holiness set forth and decked themselves, only to delude and deceive the simple and ignorant people.  
After that the kings highness was credebly certified of this new in surged insurrection, he making no delay in so weighty a matter, caused with all speed the Dukes of Norfolk & Suffolk, the Marquis of of Excetter, the Earl of Shrewsburie with other, accompanied with his mighty & royal army, which was of great power & strength, forthwith to set upon the rebels: but when these noble captains & counsellors approached the rebels & perceived their n●mbre & saw how they were bend to battle, they practised with great policy to have pacified all without bloodshedding, but the Northrenmen were so stiff necked that they would in nowise stoop, but stoutly stood and maintained there wicked enterprise, wherefore the nobles abovesaid perceiving and seeing none other way to pacify these wretched rebels, a greed upon a battle, the battle was appointed, & the day was assigned: but, see the same night which was the night before the day of the battle appointed, fell a small rain nothing to speak of: but yet as it were by a great miracle of god, 
A true miracle of God.  the water which was but a very small ford, & the men in manner the day before, might have gone dr●shod over, suddenly roase of such a height deepness, & breadth that the like noman that there did inhabit could tell that ever they saw it so afore, so that the day, even when the hour of battle should come, it was impossible for the one army to come at the other.  
After this appointment made between both the ar●ies (disappointed as it is to be thought only by God, who extended his great mercy and had compassion on the great number of innocent persons, that in that deadly slaughter had like to have been murdered) could take no place: Then, by the great wisdom and policy of thesay captains, a communication was had, and a pardon of the kings Majesty obtained, for all the Captains and chief doers of this insurrection, and they promised that such things as they found themselves aggrieved with all they should gently be hard, and there reasonable petitions granted and that there articles should be presented to the kings Majesty, that by his highness aucthorie, and wisdom of his Counsel, all things should be brought to good order and conclusion: and with this order every man quietly departed, and those which before were bend as hot as fire to fight, being letted thereof by God, went now peaceably to their houses, and were as cold as water. A domino factum est istud.  
In this time of insurrection, and in the rage of horley borley, even when the kings army and the rebels were ●eady to join, the kings banner being displayed, & the kings majesty then lying at Winsore, there was a boocher dwelling within .v. mile of Winsore which caused a priest to preach that all such as took part with the yorkeshiremen 
A bocher and a priest hanged.  whom he named God's people, did fight and defend God's quarrel & farther thesay bocher in selling of his meat, one did bid him a less price of a sheep than he made of it, he answered nay b● gods soul, I ●ad rather the good fellows of the north had it among them and a score more of the best I have: this priest & boocher were accused to the kings majesties counsel of the treasons abovesaid on the Monday in the morning, and the same day were both sent for, which confessed there treasons, and so according to the law mershal they were adjudged to die: & so thesay Monday, they were both examined, condemned and hanged, the boocher was hanged on a new pair of Gallows set at the bridge end before the castle gate: and the priest was hanged on a tree at the foot of Winsore bridge.  
This year in Decembre was the Thamis: of London all frozen over, wherefore the kings Majesty with his beuti●ull spouse queen jane, road throughout the city of Londn to Grenewhich: And this Christmas the king by his messengers & heralds sent down into the North his general pardons to allk capital offenders: and shortly after came Ask to london, and so to the court to the king: this Ask was the chief captain of the last rebellion in the North, 
Ask the rebel of the North.  and now both pardoned of the king, and his grace received him in to his favour & gave unto him apparel and great rewards, but as after ye shall perceive Ask enjoyed not the King his new friends kindness a year and a day, and pity it was that he had any favour at all, for there lived not a veriar wretch aswell in parson as in conditions and deeds, specially against his anointed governor and sovereign lord.  
The third day of February was Thomas Fitz Garrad late Earl of of Kildare and five of his uncles drawn, hanged, and quartered at Tyburn, for high treason.  
Also in thesay month, Nichol Musgrave, Thomas Tylbie, with other began a new rebellion at Kirbie Staphan in Westmoreland, with eight thousand persons, and besieged the City of Carlisle, from whence they were beaten, with the only power of the city, and in their returning the Duke of Norfolk who then was made lieutenant of the North, encountered with them and took the Capitanes, & according to the law martial, arraigned threescore and fourteen of them, and hanged them on Carlisle walls, but Musgrave escaped. And in the same month of February began yet another insurrection by the intysement of sir Fraun●es Bigod, 
Sir France's Bigod.  a man no doubt that loved god, & feared his prince, with a right obedient & loving fear: but now being deceived & provoked thereunto by false rebellious persons, it was his fortune to taste of the end which appertaineth to rebels: such are men when god leaveth them to themselves, and when they will enterprise the doing of that thing which Gods most holy word utterly forbiddeth. This Bigod was apprehended and brought to the Tower of London: this last rebellion began in Setrington, and in Pikeryn Leigh, and Scarborough.  
Also in the latter end of this year, the lord Darcy, Ask, Sir Rober● Constable, 
Robert Ask taken  Sir John Bulmer and his wife, Sir Thomas Percy brother to the Earl of Northumbreland, Sir Stephyn Hamelton, Nicholas Tempest Esquire, William Lomley, son to the Lord Lomley began again to conspire, although they before had every one of them there pardons: and now they were all taken and brought to the Tower of London.  
In this year one Robert Packyngton, 
Robert Packyngton  Mercer of London, a man of good substance, and yet not so rich as honest and wise, this man dwelled in Chepeside at the sign of the leg, and used daily at four of the clock Winter and Summer to rise and go to Mass at a church then called saint Thomas of Acres (but now named the Mercer's chapel) and one morning among all other, being a great Misty morning such as hath seldom beseen, even as he was crossing the street from his house to the church, he was suddenly murdered with a gone, which of the neighbours was plainly hard, and by a great number of labourers at the same time standing at Soper lane end, he was both seen go forth of his house, and also the clap of the gone was hard, but the deed doer was never espied nor known, many were suspected, but none could be found fauty: howbeit it is true, that forasmuch as he was known to be a man of a great courage and one that both could speak & also would be hard: and that the same time he was one of the burgesses of the parliament, for the City of London, and had talked somewhat a 'gainst the cou●tousnes and cruelty of the Clergy, he was had in contempt with them, and therefore most like by one of them thus shamefully murdered, as you perceive that Master Honne was in the sixth year of the reign of this king.   

The xxix year  
IN june the lord Darcy and the lord Hosey were arraigned 
The Lord Darcy, Lord Hosey.  at Westminster before the Marquis of Ex●eter, then high steward of England, and they were both found guilty and had there judgement as in caces of high treason.  
Shorty after were also arraigned Sir Robert Constable, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir France's Bigod, Sir Stephen hamelton, Sir John Bulmer and his wife, which some reported was not his wife but his paramour, also William Lomley, Nicholas Tempest, and the Abbots of jerney and Rivers, and Robert Ask, and all found guilty of high treason, and all put to death at Tyburn, saving Sir Robert Constable, which was hanged in chains on Beverley gate at Hull and Ask was also hanged in chains at York on a Tower, and Sir John Bulmers' Paramour, was brent in smithfield in London: And in the latter end of june, was the Lord Darcy beheaded at Tower hill and shortly after was the lord Hosey beheaded at Lincoln.  
This year at the Feast of Saint George, was the Lord Cromewell made knight of the Gartier.  
In Ocobre on saint Edwardes even was borne at Hampton Court the noble Imp prince Edward, whose Godfathers at the Christening 
The birth of Prince Edward, now our sovereign Lord & 〈◊〉 Edward the sixth  were the archbishop of Cauntorburie, and the Duke of Norfolk and his Godmother the Lady Mary the Kings daughter, and at the bishoping was Godfather the Duke of Suffolk: At the birth of this noble prince was great fires made through the whole Realm and great joy made with thanks giving to almighty God which had sent so 
Queen jane departed  noble a prince to succeed in the crown of this Realm: But Lord what lamentation shortly after was made for the death of his noble and gracious mother queen jane, which departed out of this life the fourteen day of Octobre, next following: and of none in the Realm was it more heavelier taken then of the kings Majesty himself, whose death caused the king immediately to remove unto Westminster where he mourned and kept himself close and secret a great while: 
Queen jane buried.  and the eight day of Novembre the Corpse of the Queen was carried to Windsor with great solemnity, and there was buried in the mids of the queer in the Castle church: And at the same time was made in Paul's a solemn hearse for her, where was Mass and dirigie, and in like manner was song Mass and dirige in every parish church in London.  
The kings majesty kept his Christmas at Greenwich in his mourning apparel, and so was all the Court till the morrow after Candle●as ●ay and then he and all other changed.  
Also this year the viscount Beauchamp was created Earl of Hertford and Sir William Fitzwilliam high admiral created Earl of southhampton.  
This year james king of Scots, married the lady Magdalene, the French kings eldest daughter.   

The xxx year▪  
IN may there was a Freer, called freer Forest, 
Fr●er Fo●●st.  one of the observant Freers', but he might have been more trulier named as a●ter shall appear, an obstinate Freer, this obstinate Freer had secretly in confessions declared to many of the kings subjects that the king was not supreme head, and being thereof accused and apprehended, he was examined how he could say that the king was not supreme head of the church, when he himself had sworn to the contrary, he answered that he took his oath with his outward man, but his inward man never consented thereunto: At this answer the Lords who examined him looked very straūg●lye at the dissmulation of the Freer, but being farther accused of diverse heretical and damnable articles, that he held contrary to the scripture of god, he was after sundry examinations convinced and confuted, & gladly submitted himself to abide the punishment of the church: But upon this his submission, having more liberty then before he had, aswell to talk with whom he would, as also who that would to talk with him, ce●teyn such outward men as he was so talked with him and so incensed him, that the outward Freer was as far from his open submission as ever he was, and when his abjuration was sent him to read & look upon▪ he utterly refused it, and obstinately stood in all his heresies and treasons before conspired: all gentle means that was possible to be sought for his reconciliac●n was had, but the more gentler that the Magistrates were to him, the more onstinat was the freer, and would neither argue nor answer: wherefore justly he was condemned, & after for him was prepared in smithfield in London a Gallows on the which he was hanged in chains by the middle & armholes and quick, & under the gallows was ma●e a fire, & he so consumed & brent to death. At his coming to place of execution, there was prepared a great scaffold, on which sat the nobles of the Realm, and the kings majesties most honourable counsel, only to have granted pardon to that wretched creature, if any spark of repentance would have happened in him: there was also prepared a Pulpit where a right reverend father in God and a renowned and famous Clerk the bishop of Worceter called Hugh Latimer, declared to him his errors and openly and manifestly by the scripture of god confuted them, and with many and godly exhortations moved him to repentance, but ●uche was his frowardness that he neither would hear nor speak: And a little before the Execution, a huge & great Image was bronght to the gallows, which Image was brought out of Wales, and of the Welshmen much sought and worshipped: This jamage was called Daruell Gatheren, and the Welshmen had a prophecy 
A prophesy.  that this Image should set a whole Forest a fire, which prophesy now took effect, for he set this freer Forest on fire and consumed him to nothing This Freer when he saw the fire come, and that present death was at hand caught hold upon the ladder, which he would not let go, but so unpatiently took his death, that no man that ever put his trust in God never so unquietly nor so ungodly ended his life: if men might judge him by his outward man, he appeared to have little knowledge of God and his sincere truth, and less trust in him at his ending. Upon the gallows that he died on, was set up in great letters these verses following 

David Daruell Gatheren.  
As saith the Welshmen  
Fetched Outlaws out of Hell.  
Now is he come, with spear & shield  
In harness to burn in smithfield  
For in wales he may not devil  
And Forest the Freer  
That obstinate liar  
That wilfully shallbe dead.  
In his contumacy  
The Gospel doth deny  
The king to be supreme head   In july was Edmond Coningsbey attainted of treason, for counterfeating of the kings Sign Manuel: And in August was Edward Clifford for the same cause attainted, and both put to execution as traitors at Tyburn. And the Sunday after Bartelmew day, 
A hangman hanged.  was one Cratwell hangman of London, and two persons more hanged at the wrestling place on the backside of Clerkenwell beside London, for robbing of a bouthe in Bartholomew fair, at which execution was above twenty thousand people as I myself judged.  
In this month of August, the King of Scots married the Lady Mary late duchess of Longuile. 
Images suppressed  And in Septembre by the special motion of the lord Cromewel all the notable Images unto the which were made any special Pilgrimages and offerings, were utterly taken away, as the Images of Walsyngham, Yplwiche, Worceter, the lady of Wilsdon, with many other. And likewise the Shrines of counterfeated Saints, as the Shrine of Thomas Becket and diverse other. 
All co●●terfeat relions suppressed  And even forthwith by the means of the said Cro●well, all the orders of superstitious and begging Freers', as White, Grace, Black, Augustine, Croched Freers', & likewise all the pulling nuns, with their Cloisters & houses were suppressed & put down  
In this season, suit was made by the Emperor to the kings Majesty, that he would take to wife the duchess of milan, but in this matter the Emperor's counsel so dallied with the king, that shortly he left of that suit: of the which breaking of with the Emperor, the Duke of Cleave hard, and therefore forthwith he made suit to the kings Majesty, for his fair sister the Lady Anne: undoubtedly the emperors counsel thought by a cautel to have brought the king to sue to the bishop of Rome for a licence, which thing the kings Majesty son smelled & perceived where about they went. In the month of Novembre one John Nicholson otherwise called Lambert a priest, 
John Lamb●rt otherwise called John Nicholson.  was accused of heresy, for denying th● Sacrament of the Aultare to be Christ's natural body: This man appealed to the kings Majesty, who graciously consented to hear him, and a day was appointed: against which day was made in the kings palace at Westminster called the white hall, in the kings hall a throne or siege royal for the kings Majesty, and scaffolds for all the lords, and a siege for Nichol●●n to stand on: this Nicholson was a man named to be learned, but that day he uttered no such learning, as he was of many supposed, that he both could and would have done, but was exceeding fearful and timorous. The kings Majesty accompanied with his Lords and nobles of the Realm and diverse of the bishops and clergy kept the day appointed, where before his maiesti● was brought the foresaid Nicholson, to whom certain of the bishops ministered diverse arguments, but specially the kings majesty himself did most dispute with him, howbeit Nicholson was not persuaded nor would not revoke although the Kings majesty granted him his pardon, wherefore there was he condemned and had judgement, and shortly after was drawn and burned in Smythfeld. The third day of Novembre were henry Marques of Excester & earl of Devonshire and sir Henry Pole knight and lord Mountagew and Sir Edward Nevell brother to the Lord Burgany sent to the towe● which three were accused by sir Gefferei Pole brother to the lord Mountagew, of high treason, 
The Lo●de Marinell ●ues of E●c●ster & other accused & condemned of high treason  and the two lords were arraigned the last day of Decembre, at Westminster before the lord Awdeley of Walden, lord Chancellor, and then the high steward of England, and there found guilty, likewise on the third day after was arraigned Sir Edward Nevel, Sir Geoffrey Pole and two priests called Croftes and Collins, and one holland a Mariner and all attainted, and the ninth day of januarie, were thesai●d two lords and Sir Edward Nevell beheaded at the tow●r hill, and the two priests and Holande were drawn to Tyburn, and there hanged and quartered, and sir Geoffrey Pole was pardoned.  
On Ashwedn●soay, were John jones, John Pottre, and William Manering, hanged in the prince's liveries, because they were the prince's servants, 
Sir Nicholas Carew beheaded.  on the Southside of Paul's churchyard for killing of Roger Cholmeley esquire in the same place of malice prepen●ed.  
Also on the third day of March, was sir Nicholas Carew of Bedington, in the county of Surrey knight of the Gartier, and Master of the kings horse, before attainted of treason, beheaded at the tower hill, where he made a goodly confession, both of his folly and superstitious faith, giving god most hearty thanks that ever he came in the prison of the tower, where he first savoured the life & sweetness of Gods most holy word meaning the Bible in English, which there he read by the mean of one Thomas Phelips 
Thomas Phelips,  then keeper of that prison, but before he was a citizen and pointmaker of London, which Phillips two years before had been their prisoner himself, & sore troubled aswell by sir Thomas Moore as also by Doctor Stoks●ei bishop of London, who often times examined thesay Phelips, & laid many articles to his charge, but he so wisely and coldly used himself, that he maugre their evil wills, escaped clearly their hands.  
The ninth day of March, the king created at Westminster sir William Pawlet knight treasurer of his household, Lord saint John, & Sir John Russell controller of his house, Lord Russell.  
The same time the king caused all the havens to be fortified, and road to Dover, and caused Bulwarks to be made on the sea coasts, and sent commissions throughout all the realm, to have his people muster: and at the same season on Easter day, was there three score unknown ships lying in the downs, wherefore all Kent arose, and mustered in harness the same day.   

The xxxi year.  
THE eight and twenty day of April, began a Parliament at Westminster, in the which Margaret countess of Salisbury Gertrude wife to the Marquis of Excester, Reignold Poole▪ ● Cardinal brother to the lord Mountagew, Sir Adrian Foskew, & Thomas Dingley Knight of saint johnes, & diverse other were attainted of high treason, which Foskew & Dynglei were the tenth day of juli beheaded. In this parliament was an act made which bore this title: An act for abholishing of diversity of opinions, in certain articles concerning Christian religion, 
The act of six artiles,  this act established chief six articles, whereof among the common people it was called the act of six articles, & of some it was named the whip with six. strings, and of some other and that of the most part, it was named the bloody statute, for of truth it so in short time after scourged a great number in the city of London, where the first quest for the inquiry of the offenders of the said statute sat at a church called Beckets' house, now named the Mercer's Chapel, that the said quest being of purpose selected and picked out among all the rest of the inhabitants of the city, that none might thereof be admitted which either had read any part of the holy scripture in English, 
The first quest that inquired of the six Articles,  or in any wise favoured such as either had read it, or loved the preachers of it: insomuch as this quest was so zealous & fervent in the execution of this statute, that they among themselves thought it not only sufficient to inquire of the offenders of the said statute, but also by their fine wits & willing minds, they invented to inquire of certain branches of the same statute as they termed it, which was not only to inquire who spoke again masses, but who they were that seldom came unto them: and also not only who denied the Sacrament to be Christ's very natural body, but all so who held not up their hands at sacring time, and knocked not on there breasts: And they not only inquired who offended in the six articles, but also who came seldom to the church, who took no holy bread nor holy water, who read the Bible in the church, or in communication contemned priests, or Images in the Churches. etc. with a great number of such branches: this appointed quest so sped themselves with the ●ixe Articles, and there own branches, that in fourteen days space there was not a preacher nor other person in the city of name, which had spoken against the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, but he was wrapped in the six articles, insomuch as they indicted and presented of suspicion to the number of five hundred persons and above: so that if the kings majesty had not granted his pardon, for that by the good lord Awdeley lord chancellor his grace was truly informed that they were indicted of mali●e: a great many of them which all ready was in prison, had been shortly after scourged in smithfield with ●iry faggots, that would have made the best blood in their bodies to have sprung, but most graciously at that time his grace remitted all: although in the time that the●e six Articles endured which was eight years and more, they brought many an honest and simple person to there deaths, for such was the rigour of that law, that if two witnesses false or true, had accused any and avouched that they had spoken against the sacrament, there was then no way but death, for it boted not to confess that his faith was contrary or that he said not as the accusors reported: for they would believe the witnesses, ye and sometime certain of the clergy, when they had no winesses would procure some, or else they were slandered.  
The kings highness which never ceased to study and take pain both for the advance meant of the common wealth of this his Realm of England, of the which he was the only supreme governor and head, and also for the defence of all the same, was lately informed by his trusty & faithful friends that the cankered & cruel serpent the bishop of rome, by that Archetraitor Reignold Poole, enemy to gods word and his natural country▪ had moved and stirred diverse great princes and potentates of Christendom to invade the Realm of England, and utterly to destroy the whole nation of the same: Wherefore his Majesty in his own person, without any deley took very laborious and payvefull journeys towards the sea coasts. Also he sent divers of his nobles and counsellors to view and search all the Ports and dangers on the coasts where any meet or convenient landing place might be supposed, aswell on the borders of England as also of Wales. And in all such doubtful places his highness caused divers & many Bulwarks & fortifications to be made, And further his highness caused the Lord Admiral earl of Southampton to prepare in readiness Ships for the sea, to his great coast and charges.  
And beside this, to have all his people in a readiness, he directed his Commissions through out the Realm to have his people mustered, & the harness & weapons seen and viewed, to th'intent that all things should be in a readiness if his enemies would make any attempt in to this Realm: And amongst other, one Commission was directed to the right worshipful sir Tomas Forman Knight Mayer of London and his brethren, for to certify all the names of all men between the ages of lx and xvi and the number of harnesses, weapons, with their kinds and diversities: Whereupon the said Lord Mayer and his brethren, every one having with them one of the Council or learned men of the City repaired to their wards, and there by the oath of the Common Counsel & Constables of the same ward took the number of the men, harnesses and weapons, according to their Commission. And after that they had well viewed their Books and the number of the persons, they thought it not expedient to admit the whole number of such as were certified for able and apt persons for the Muster: Wherefore then they assembled themselves again and chose out the most able persons and put by tother, and specially all such as had no harness, nor for whom no harness could be provided. But when they were credebly advertised by the Kings Counsellor Thomas Lord Cromewell Knight of the Noble Ordre of the Gartier Lord privy Seal (to whose prudence and goodness the City was much bounden) that the King himself would see the people of the City Muster in a convenient number, and not to set forth all their power, but to leave some at home to keep the City. Then eftsoons every Alderman repaired to his ward, 
The great Muster in London.  and there put a side all such as had jacks, coats of plate, coats of mail and bryganders, and appointed none but such as had white Harness, except such as should bear Morysh Pikes, which had no harness but skulls: and they appointed none but such as had white harness, neither did they admit any that was a Stranger, although they were Denyzens. When it was known that the King would see the Muster, lord how glad the people were to prepare, and what desire they had to do their Prince service, it would have made any faithful subjects heart to have rejoiced. Then every man being of any substance provided himself a coat of white silk, and garnished their bassenetes with turfs like caps of silk set with ouches, furnished with chains of gold & feathers: other gylted their harness, their halb●rdes & pollaxes. Some, & especial certain goldsmiths had their breast plates yea & their whole harness of silver bullion. The Constables were all in jornettes of white silk with chains & Battle Axes. The meaner sort of people were all in coats of white cloth very curiously trimmed with the Arms of the City before & behind. The lord Mayer himself was in a fair Armour, the crests thereof were guilt, & over that a coat of Black velvet with hal● sleeves, & so was sir Robert Cholmley knight Recorder of London, a●d all tother Aldermen & sheriffs & such as had been sheriffs, all well mounted on stirring horses richly trapped & covered, with battle axes in their hands & Mases & chains about their necks. The lord Mayer had four footmen all in white silk, cut, ruffed & pounced: he had also ii Pages well mounted on stirring coursers, rych●ly trapped and appareled in coats of Crymosyn velvet & cloth of gold paled, with chains of gold, the one bearing his Helm & the other his Axe. He had also, xuj. tall men of foot with guilt halberds, whose dobletz were white silk, & hosen doblettes & shoes all white, cut after the Almaigne fashion, puffed & pulled out with read sarsenet, every one having a white leather jerkyn all to cuttt & chains about their necks, with feathers & broochs on their caps. The Recorder and every Alderman had about him, iiii. Halbardes' trimmed warlike.  
The Chamberlain of the City & the Councillors of the same & the Alderman's deputies, which were appointed to be wyffelers on horseback were all in white damask coats on their harness, mounted on good horses well trapped, with great chains about their necks, & propre javelyns or battle axes in their hands & cappz of velvet richly decked.  
The Wiffelers on foot, iiii. C. proper and light persons all appareled in white silk or jerkyns of leather cut, with white hose and shoes, every man having a javelin or slaughsword to keep the people in array & chains about their necks, & white feathers in their ●appes.  
The Minstrels were all in white with the Arms of the 〈◊〉, and so was every other person at this Muster without any diversity, saving the lord Mayer, the Recorder and his brethreu who had crosses of velvet or satin pyrled with gold.  
The Standard bearers were the tallest m●n of every Ward, for whom were made xxx new standardz of the devise of the city betide bamners  
When every thyug was prepared, every Alderman mustered his own ward in the fields, viewing every man in his harness, & to 'cause such as could shoot, to take bows in their hands, & tother bills or pikes.  
The viii day of May, according to the Kings pleasure, every Alderman in order of battle with his ward came into the common field at Mile end, & then all the gonnes seruered themselves into one place, the pikes in another, & the bowmen in another, & likewise the byllmen, & there rynged & snayled, which was a goodly sight to behold: for all the fields from white chapel to Mile end, & from bednal G●ene to Ratelyf & to Stepney were all covered with harness, men & weapons, & in especial the battle of pikes seemed to be a great forest. Then every part was divided into iii parts, the pikes in, three parts & so the other. then were appointed iii battles, a forward, myddleward & rearward.  

The Ordre in going.  
About viii of the clock marched ●orward the light pieces of Ordinance, with stone & powder, after them followed the Drums & fyffes, & immediately after them a Guydon of the Arms of the C●tie. Then followed master Sadeler captain of the gonners upon a good horse in harness & a coat of velvet with a chain of gold & four Halbardes' about him appareled as before is rehearsed. Then followed the Gonners four in a rank, every one going .v. foot asunder, every man's shoulder even with another, which shot altogether in divers places very cheerfully, & especially before the Kings Majesty, which at that time sa●e in his new gate house at his Palace at Westmynster where he viewed all the whole company: In like manner passed the second & third battles all well & richly appointed. They passed as is said, the foremost capitain at ix. of the clock in the morning by the little conduit entering into Paul's churchyard, & so directly to Westmynster, & so through the sanctuary and round about the park of s. james, & so up into the field & came home through Holborn: & as the first Capitayne entered again to the little conduit, the last of the Muster entered Paul's churchyard, which then was four of the clock at after noon. The number was xu thousand, beside Wyffelers and other waiters.  
In this year about the Feast of s. John Baptist, 
Insurrection in Gaunt.  the common people of the town of Gaunt in Flaunders, began to grudge against the Officers of the Emperor & thoccasion was this: The common people being supported of divers rich merchants of the town, complained that the excise of the Wine was so great, that they paid of every pottle ii d for thexcise that they sold by retail, beside the price of the wine, & likewise paid the merchants which sold it in great: and yet that more grieved them that the Abbots, Friars, Canons & other Religious persons & men of the Church (of the which was grer store in that town) the which among them had the greatest riches & wealth of that town, should be exempt & drunk Wine free without paiing Excise, which thing turned to the charges of other, and therewith the commons found themselves sore grieved, and said that they were oppressed contrary to their old and auncieut Privileges. The Rulers made promise' that an order & way should be taken therein, but they desired respite that they might know the mind of the Queen of Hungary, Regent for the Emperor of the low country, which Queen at that time was at Bruxell, and even then was going to uset the country of Holland. The Queen consented to nothing that the commons desired, but sent them a very cruel and froward answer not without great threats, that if they would not every man quietly remain in their houses, and pay their excise as they had been accustomed to do, they should like rebels as they were be forced thereunto whether they would or not: wherefore the Commons assembled, & when they had well digested the answer of the Queen, they determined to seek another means, & first they assembled themselves into a battle to the number of ten or xii M. well armed men, night and day watching & warding the towue, in such sort that th'emperors Officers bore no rule: & he whom they called the chief Bailyf or Governor of the town durst not once show his face amomgest them, but by the help of a boy he conveyed himself by a Postern & so got out of the town. The people of Gaunt perceiving their Rulers thus departed, the chiefest of them that were in the town condescended & agreed to writ unto the French King for aid, & caused a Gentlemen of their town to devise a Letter, for the which afterwards he lost his head.  
The suit and request of the said men of Gaunt was, that it would please the French King to send unto them men & munitions, and to secure them as the ancient subjects to the Crown of France, and to deliver them from the bondage that they were in, & to remove from them the great Exactions & impositions, that the Officers of the said Emperor had oppressed them with all, and they would yield & deliver all unto him as to their Sovereign Lord, & in like manner would other towns to them adjoining do. And for a truth (saith the writer of the Annals of A●quytayn) if the French King would have hearkened unto their request & suit, it had been an easy thing for him both to have enjoyed the possession of the greatest number of all the towns in the low country: as Flaunders, Arthoys and the rest of that country, & also to have put the Emperor in great hazard. But the French King willing to keep and hold the Truce which was concluded and sworn, having a greater respect to his ●ayth and promise then to his profit & gain, thinking that if he should consent to the request of the Gauntoys, he should begin a new War to the noiaunce of the comen people of Christendom, wherefore he refused utterly either to aid or secure them.  
The Queen of Hungarye thinking to have pacified all this rumour, sent unto the Town of gaunt her right trusty and valiant Knight, the Lord of Sempy, of the House of Crovy, accompanied with the Lord Lyquerque and one of her privy Council: but these men amongst the commons were not so well entertained as they thought they should have been, and therefore tarried not long amongst them, but were glad to convey themselves from them in dissimuled apparel.  
The Emperor being advertised of all this business, and perceiving his low country by the reason of sedition was in danger, devised means how he might come to them, for than he was in spain. He thought he would not hazard himself upon the sea: and he durst not trust the Almains, because he had broken promise with them so o●●en concerning their General Council that he promised to have assembled: wherefore he determined to move the French King and to sue for a safeconduyte to pass through France, which very gladly the French King granted him, insomuch that after the French king knew of his desire, both he and the dolphin entreated most heartily the Emperor to pass that way, trusting thereby that it should have been an occasion of peace between them.  
All things meet for th'emperors assurance was so appointed by the Constable of France, that the Emperor departed out of spain, & came to Bayon, from thence to Bordeaux & so to poitiers: after he came to Loches where he met with the French king & the Queen, & then they together passed from thence to orleans, & so to Paris, into which City they entered the first day of january in the year of our Lord a 1539. and so from thence after great cheer & royal entertainment he passed through the lower countries, & at last came to Bruxelles in Braband.  
And first the Emperor under colour to have pity & to remedy the poor commons of Gaunt, & saying that he would not only pardon their offences, but also he could not blame them being oppressed to complain, & by this means he obtained licence that the County of Reux accompanied with two. C. men of Arms & .v. M. lanceknights entered the town, saying to thinhabitants that this power was only to keep the town in peace & quiet till a good & profitable order should be taken for the Commons, The poor inhabitantzes believing all that was promised & said unto them & mistrusting nothing, threw of their harness, & every man peaceably went to their houses. Then entered into the town th'emperor accompanied with his brother the king of Hongary, & his sister the Queen Dowager of Hongary, the Duke of Savoy and many other Princes, Lords and Gentlemen, and a great power of men of war, which entry was about midsummer, in the year a▪ M.u. C.xl  
th'emperor being in Gaunt & having th'upper hand of them, that is to say, being stronger within the town than thinhabitants were, in the place of his great pity that he seemed to have on the poor inhabitantzes at his first entry, he immediately began to do execution, & that of a great number of them, and without all mercy executed them, insomuch that among all other, the Gentlemen which the Commons enforced to write the letter to the French king was beheaded, as before is expressed: & afterward th'emperor caused an Abbey of s. Banon to be suppressed, & in the same place at the charges of the Gauntois, he made a Castle of a marvelous largeness, for it was ix C. foot long, & viii C. large: & not contented with such as he put to death, but also of a great number he confiscated their lands and goods, and finally he broke all their Privileges and Ordinances, and left the poor inhabitants of Gaunt in a miserable case: But now to return to th'affairs of England.  
In August the gre● Only & Odonele entered into the English pale in Ireland, and brent almost twenty mile within the same: wherefore the Lord Grey then Deputy there, assembled a great power and met with them the xxx day of August and put them to flight, wherefore the King sent over five hundredth fresh soldiers to aid his Deputy.  
In the end of September the xvi day of that month came to London Duke frederic of Bavyre county Palantyne or Palsgrave of the Ryne, & the xviii day came to London, the Marshal of Duke John Frederick Prince Elector of Saxony, & the Chancellor of William Duke of Cleve, Gulycke, Gelder & Berry, The Palsgrave was received & conducted to Wynsore by the Duke of Suffolk: & tother were accompanied with other nobles, & the xxiii day of the same month they all came to Wynsore, where viii days they continually were feasted and hunted, with all pleasure that might be s●ewed unto them: & the Palsgrave shortly departed & was honourably rewarded: & at that sea●on was concluded the marriage between the King & the lady Anne, sister to duke William of Cleve, & great preparation was made for the receiving of her.  
The, xiiii. day of Novembre Hugh Feringdon Abbot of reading & two Priests, the one called Rugg, and the other named Onion, were attainted of high treason, for denying the King to be supreme head of the Church, & was drawn hanged, & quartered of reading. This Abbot was a stubborn Monk & utterly without learning. The same day was Richard Whiting Abbot of Glascenbury likewise attainted and hanged on Tower hill beside his monastery, for the said case & other great treasons, which also was quartered: & the first day of Deceb. was John Beche Abbot of Colchest. put to execusion for the same confederacy & treason  
In December were appointed to wait on the Kings highness person fifty Gentlemen called Pencioners or Spears, like as they were in the first year of the King.  
The xi day of Decembre at the Turnepyke on thyssyde Gravelling 
The Receiving of the Lady Anne of Cleve.  was the Lady Anne of Cleve received by the Lord Lys●e Deputy of the town of Calais & with the Spears & horsemen belonging to the retinue there, all being fresh & warlike appareled, & so marching toward Calyce a mile & more from the town met her Grace the Earl of southhampton great Admiral of England, & appareled in a coat of purple velvet cut on cloth of gold & tied with great aglettes and treifoiles of gold, to the number of four C, & baudrickwise he wore a chain, at the which did hung a whistle of gold set with rich stones of a great value. And in his company xxx, gentlemen of the Kings household very richly apparelled with great & massy chains, & in especial sir Francis Bryan & sir Thomas Seymers chains were of great valour and strange fashion. Beside this, the Lord Admiral had a great number of gentlemen in blue velvet & crymosyn satin & his yeomen in dammask of the same colours, & the Mariners of his ship in satin or Bridges, both coats & slops of the same colours, which Lord Admiral with low obeisance welcomed her, & so brought her into Calyce by the lantern gate, where the Ships lay in the Haven garnished with their banners, pencelles& flags, pleasantly to behold. And at her entry was shot such a peal of guns, that all the retynew much marveled at it. And at her entry into the town, the Mayer of the town presented her with an. C. mark in gold. And before the Staple hall stood the merchants of the Staple well appareled, which likewise presented her with an. C. sovereigns of gold in a rich purse, which heartily thanked them, & so she road to the kings place called the chequer, & there she lay xu days for lack of prosperous wind. During which time goodly jousts & costly banquets were made to her for her solace & recreation. And on s, Ihons' day in Christmas, she with l sail took passage about noon and landed at De●le in the downs about, u of the clock, where sir Thomas Cheiny lord Warden of the Ports received her, & there she tarried a space in a Castle newly built, and thither came the Duke & Duchess of Suffolk & the bishop of Chichester, with a great number of Knights & esquires & Ladies of Kent & other which welcomed her Grace, & so that night brought her to Dover Caunell, where she rested till monday: on which day for all the storm that then was she marched toward Caunterbury, and on Baram down met her the Archbishop of Caunterbury accompanied with the bishop of Ely, Sayn● Ass, Saint Davies & Dover, & a great company of gentlemen well appareled, & so brought her to s. Austin's without Caunterbury, where she lay that night: and on the next day she came to sitting burn & there lodged that night. And as she passed toward Rochester on Newyeres even, on Reynam down met her the duke of Norfolk & the lord Dac●● of the South, & the lord Mountioye with a great company of Knights & esquires of Norfolk & Suffolk, & the Barons of thexchequer, all in coats of velvet with chains of gold, which brought her to Rochester where she lay in the Palace all Newyeres day. On which day the king which sore desired to see her Grace accompanied with no more than viii persons of his privy chaumbre, & both he & they all appareled in marble coats privily came to Rochester, and suddenly came to her presence, which therewith was somewhat astonished: but after he had spoken & welcomed her, she with most gracious & loving countenance & behaviour him received & welcomed on her knees, whom he gently took up & kissed: & all that after noon commoned & devised with her, & that night supped with her, & the next day he departed to Greenwich, & she came to Dartford.  
On the morrow being the third day of january, & saturday, in a fair plain on black heath more nearer the foot of shoters' hill then the ascendent of the hill called black heath hill, was pitched a rich cloth of gold & divers other Tents & Pavilions in the which were made fierce and perfumes for her and such Ladies as should receive her Grace: and from the Tents to the park gate of Grenewych were all bushes and fyrres cut down, and a large and ample way made for the show of all persons. And first next to the park pale on the East side, stood the merchants of the Stillyard: and on the West side stood the merchants of jean, Florence and Uenyce, and the spaniards, in coats of velvet. Then on both sides of the way stood the merchants of the City of London & Aldermen with the councillors of the said City to the number of a C.lx which were mixed with the esquires: next upward toward the tents stood Knights: than the l gentlemen Pencioners, & all this sort were appareled in velvet & chains of gold, truly accounted to the number of xii C. & above beside them that came with the king & her Grace, which were vi C. in velvet coats & chains of gold. Behind the gentlemen stood the seruyngmen in good order, well horsed & appareled, that whosoever had well viewed them might say that they for tall & comely personages & cle●e of limb & body, were able to give the greatest Prince in Christendom a mortal breakfast if he were the kings enemy: And of this sort the gentlemen appertaining to the lord Chancellor, the lord privy seal & the lord Admiral & divers other lords, beside the costly liveries & comely horses, aware chains of gold.  
Thus was the lane ordered in ranks from the park gate toward the cross on the Heth, which was between the Ranks and the Tents, and in this order they continued till the King and she were returned.  
About xii of the clock her grace with all the company which were of her own nation to the number of a. C. horse, & accompanied with the Dukes of Norfolk & Suffolk, the archbishop of Caunterburye & other bishops, l●rdes & knights which had received & conveyed her as you have heard before, came down shoters' hill toward the tents, & a good space from the Tents met her the Earl of Rutland her Lord Chaumberleyn, sir Thomas Denyce her Chancellor, & all her councell●rs and officers, amongst whom, Doctor day appointed to her Almoner, made to her an eloquent Oration in latin, presenting to her on the Kings behalf all the Officers & Servants: which Oration was answered unto by the Duke her brother's Secretary there being present: which done, the Lady Margarete Doglas, daughter to the Queen of Scots, the lady Marquis Dorcet, daughter to the French Queen being Nieces to the King, & the Duchess of Rychmond, & the Countess of Rutland & Herfford with divers other ladies & gentlewomen, to the number of .lxv. saluted & welcomed her Grace, which alighted o●t of her Chariot in the which she had ridden all her long journey, & with most godly demeanour & loving countenance gave to them herty thanks & kissed them all, & after all her councillors & officers kissed her hand, which done, she with all the Ladies entered the tents, and there warmed them a space.  
When the King knew that she was arrived in her tent, he with all diligence set out through the park. And first issued the Kings Trumpets, than the Kings Officers being sworn of his Council, next after them followed the Gentlemen of the Kings privy chamber, some appareled in coats of velvet embroidered: other had their coats guarded with chains of gold, very rich to behold, which were well horsed & trapped: after them ensued Barons, the youngest first, and so sir William Hollys knight Lord Mayer of London road with the Lord Par being youngest Baron. Then followed bishops appareled in ●l●cke satin. Then immediately followed the Earls, & then duke philip of Bavyer and County Palantyne of the rhine, richly apparelled with the livery of the Toysant or Golden Fleece about his neck. Then followed the Ambassadors of the French King & th'emperor, next followed the Lord privy Seal Lord Cromwell and the Lord Chancellor: then Garter king of Arms, and the other Officers of Arms & the Sergeants at Arms gave their attendance on every side of the Lords: which Lords for the moast part were appareled in Purple velvet, the Lord Marques Dorcet in the same suit bore the Kings sword of estate. After him a good distance followed the Kings highness mounted on a goodly courser, trapped in rich cloth of gold traverced latyce wise square, all over embroidered with gold of damask, pyrled on every side of the enbroderye, the buckles and pendents were all of fine gold. His person was appareled in a coat of purple velvet, somewhat made like a ●rocke, all over embroidered with flat gold of Damask with small lace mixed between of the same gold, and other laces of the same of going traverse wise, that the ground little appeared: about which garment was a rich guard very curiously embroidered, the sleeves and breast were cut lined with cloth of gold, and tied together with great buttons of Diamonds, Rubies, and Orient Pearl, his sword and sword girdle adorned with stones and especial Emeralds, his night cap gartnyshed with stone, but his bonnet was so tyche of jewels that ●ewe men could value them. Beside all this he wore in baldric wy●e a collar of s●che Balystes and Pearl that few men ever saw the like: and about his person ran ten footmen all richly apparelled in goldsmiths work. And notwithstanding that this rich apparel and precious jewels were pleasant to the Nobles & all other being present to behold, yet his Princely countenance, his goodly parsonage and royal gesture so far exceeded all other creatures being present, that in comparison of his person, all his rich apparel was little esteemed. After him followed his lord Chaumberlein, than came sir Anthony Browne master of his horse, a goodly gentleman & a comely parsonage, well horsed trapped & richly appareled, leading the Kings horse of estate by a long rain of gold, which horse was trapped in manner like a bard with crimson velvet & satin, all over embroidered with gold after an antyke fashion, very curiously wrought. Then followed the pages of honour in coats of rich tynsell & crimosyn velvet paled, riding on great coursers, all trapped in crimosyn velvet, embroidered with new devices & knottzes of gold which were both pleasant & costly to behold. Then followed sir Antho●y Wyngfeld Captain of the Guard, & then the Guard well horsed & in rich coats. In this order the king road to the last end of the rank where the Spears or pensioners stood: and there every person that came with the King placed himself on the one side or the other, the King standing in the mids.  
When her Grace was advertised of the Kings coming, she issued o●t of her tent being appareled in a rich gown of cloth of gold raised, made round without any train after the dutch fashion, and on her head a kall, & over that a round bonnet or cap set full of Orient Pearl of a very propre fashion, & before that she had a cornet of black velvet, & about her neck she had a partelet set full of rich stone which glystered all the field. And at the door of the Tent she mounted on a ●ayre horse richly trapped, with her footmen about her in goldsmiths work embroidered with the black Lion, & on his shoulder a Carbuncle gold, and so she marched toward the King: which perceiving her to approach came forward somewhat beyond the cross on Black Heth, and there paused a little in a fair place till she came nearer: then he put of his bonnet & came forward to her, & with most lovely countenance and Princely behaviour saluted, welcomed & embraced her to the great rejoicing of the beholders: and she likewise not forgetting her duty, with most amiable aspect & womanly behaviour received his Grace with many sweet words and great thanks and praisynges given to him. And while they two were thus communing, the fifty Pencioners and the Guard departed to furnish the Court and Halle of Grenewyche. And when the King had talked with her a little while, he put her on his right hand, and so with their footmen they road as though they had been coupled together, O what a sight was this to see so goodly a Prince & so noble a King to ride with so fair a Lady of so goodly a stature & so womanly a countenance, & in especial of so good qualities, I think no creature could see them but his heart rejoiced.  
Now when the King and she were met and both their companies joined together, they returned through the ranks of Knights and esquires which stood still all this while & removed not, in this order: first her Trumpets went forward, which were twelve in number beside two kettle drums on horseback, than followed the Kings Trumpets, than the Kings councillors, than the Gentlemen of the Privy Chaumbre, than the Gentlemen of her Grace's country in coats of velvet, all on great horses: after them the Mayer of London in crimosyn velvet with a richecollor, coupled with the youngest Baron▪ then all the Barons, next following bishops, than Earls, with whom road the Earls of Quersteyn and Waldocke of her country, than Dukes and the archbishop of Caunterbury and Duke Philip of Bavire, next followed the Ambassadors, than the Lord privy Seal and the Lord Chancellor, than the Lord Marquis with the Kings sword, next followed the King himself equally riding with his fair Lady, & behind him road for Anthony Browne with the kyngz horse of Estate as you heard before, and behind her road sir johan Dudley Master of her horses leading her spare Palferaye trapped in rich tissue down to the ground: after them followed the Henxemen or Pages of Honour, than followed the Lady Margarete Doglas, the Lady Marques Dorset, the Duchess of Richmond & Suffolk, and Countesses of Rutland & Hertforde, & other Countesses: then followed her Grace's Chariot in the which she road all her journey, well carved & guilt with Arms of her country curiously wrought & covered with cloth of gold, all the horses were trapped with black velvet, & on them road Pages of Honour in coats of velvet, in the which Chariot road ii ancient Ladies of her country: next after the Chariot followed, vi. Ladies & Gentlewomen of her country all richly appareled with caps set with Pearl, & great Chains of divers fashions after the usage of their country, which were very fair of face, & with them road vi Ladies of England well beseen. Then followed another Chariot likewise guilt & furnished as tother was: after that Chariot followed ten English Ladies well appareled, next them another Chariot all covered with black cloth, & in that four gentlewomen which were her Grace's Chamberers: then followed all the remnant of the Ladies, Gentlewomen & Maidens in a great number of which did wear that day French hoods: last of all came another Chariot all black with iii Launders appertaining to her Grace: next after followed a Horselytter of cloth of gold & Crymosyn veluyt upon velvet paled, with horses trapped accordingly which the king sent her, Then followed the serving men of her train, all clothed in black & on great horses.  
In this order they road through the ranks, & so through the park and at the late Freers' wall all men alighted saving the King, the ii Masters of the Horses & the Henxmen which road to the hall door, & the Ladies road to the Court gate. And as they passed they beheld on the wharf how the Citizens of London were rowing up & down on the Thames even before them, every craft in his Barge garnished with Banners, Flags, Streamers, Pencelles and Targets, some painted & beaten with the Kings Arms, some with her Grace's Arms, and some with the Arms of their Craft or Mystery. Beside the Barges of every craft, there was a Barge made like a ship, called the Bachelors bark, decked with cloth of gold, pennons, pencels, & targetz in great number, on whom waited a Foist that shot great pieces of Artillery. And in every barge was divers sorts of Instruments & children & men singing, which sang & played altogether as the King & the Lady passed on the wharf, which sight & noys they much praised & allowed.  
When the King & she were within the utter court, they alygted from their horses, & the King lovingly embraced her & kissed her, bidding her welcome to her own, & led her by her lift arm through the hall which was furnished beneath the hearth with the Kings Guard, and above the hearth with the fifty Pencioners with their Battle Axes, & so brought her up to her privy chaumbre, where he left her for that time.  
And assoon as the King & she was entered the Court, was shot out of the Tower of Grenewyche & there about, a great peal of Gonnes.  
When the Kings company and hers was entered the park, as you have heard, than all the horse men on Black Heath broke their array and had licence to depart to London, or to their lodging. To see how long it was or the horsemen could pass, and how late it was in the night yet the footmen could get over London bridge, I assure you it was wondrous to behold. the number was so great. Thus  
This the Noble Lady remained unmarried until the tuysday following being the day of the Epiphany: On which day about viii of the clock in the morning, his Grace being appareled in a gown of cloth of gold, raised with great flowers or silver, furred with black jenettes, his coat Crymsyn satin all to cut and embroidered & tied with great Diamonds, & a rich collar about his neck, came solemnly with his Nobility into the gallery next the closets, and there paused.  
Then the Lords went to fetch the Lady Anne, which was appareled in a gown of rich cloth of gold set full of large flowers of great & Orient Pearl, made a●ter the dutch fashion round, her here hanging down, which was fair, yellow and long: On her head a coronal of gold replenished with great stone, and set about full of branches of Rosemary, about her neck and middle, jewels of great value & estimation, In this apparel she going between the Earl of Ouersteyn & the Grand Master Hostoden, which had the conduit & order of the performance of her marriage, with most demure countenance & sad behaviour, passed through the Kings chaumbre, all the Lords going before her till they came to the gallery where the King was, to whom she made three low obeysaunces & curteisyes. Then the archbishop of Caunte●bury received them & married them together, and the Earl of Ouersteyn did give her: & about her marrying ring was written: GOD SEND ME WELL TO KEEP.  
When the Marriage was celebrated, they went hand in hand into the kings closet and there hard Mass and offered their tapers, & after Mass had wine and spices, and that done, the King departed to his chaumbre, & all the Ladies waited on her to her chau●bre, the Duke of Norfolk going on the right hand, and the Duke of Suffolk on the left hand on her grace.  
After ix of the clock, the King with a gown of rich tissue lined with Crymosyn Velvet embroidered, came to his closet, & she in her here in the same apparel that she was married in, came to her Closet with her Sergeant of Arms and all her Officers, like a Queen, before her. And so the king & she went openly on Procession and offered and dined together. And after dinner she changed into a gown like a man's gown, of tissue with long sleeves gyrte to her, furred with rich Sables, her narrow sleeves were very costly, but on her head she had a cap as she wore on the saturdai before with a cornet of lawn, which cap was so rich of Pearl and Stone, that it was judged to be of great value. And after her fashion, her Ladies and Gentlewomen were appareled very rich and costly with chains of divers fashions, and in this apparel she went that night to Eueniong, and after supped with the King: and after supper were Banquets, Masks, and diverse disports, till the time came that it pleased the King and her to take their rest.  
The sunday after were kept solemn justes, which moche pleased the strangers. On which day she was appareled after the English fashion, with a French whode, which so set forth her beauty and good visage▪ that every creature rejoiced to behold her.  
When the earl of Ouerstein, and other lords and ladies which had given their attendance on her grace all that journey, and had been highly ●easted of the king & other nobles, very sumpteously, they took their leave and had great g●●tes given to them, both in money and plate, and so returned toward their country, leaving behind them the earl of Waldocke, and diverse other gentlemen and damoselles, which were retained with her grace, till she were ●etter acquainted in the realm.  
The fourth day of February next ensuing, the king and she came to Westminster by water accompanied with many nobles and prelate's in Barges, on whom the Mayor and his brethren in scarlet, and xii of the chief companies of the city, all in Barges garnished with Banners, Pennons, and targets, richly covered and replenished with minstrelsy, gave their attendance, and by the way all the ships shot their ordinance, and out of the tower was shot a great peal of Gonnes, in goodly order.  
The xii day of February, the Duke of Norfolk was sent in Ambassade to the French king, of whom he was well enterteigned, and in th'end of the same month, he returned again into England.  
The xxiii day of February, were four readers sent for to the Star Chamber, of every house of the four principal Inns of Cou●te one, where sat the lord Chancellor, the lord Previe seal, and xiiii o● the chief of the kings counsel, and there the lord Chancellor declared, how sir John Shelton knight, had by the advise of sir Humphrey Broune Knight▪ the Kings sergeant, si● Nicholas Hare Knight, the Kings counsellor, and Speaker of the Parliament, and William Coignesby Esquire, attornay of the Duchy of Lancastre, all being his servants and of his Fee, declared a fraudulent will of his lands, contrary to the statute made anno xxvii to the great hindrance of the Kings prerogative, and the true meaning of thesay statute, and also to the evil example of all other, that should defraud the lords of their signiories Wherefore thesaie● sir Humffrey Browne, and sir Nicholas Hare, were that day by the whole Counsel of the king, dismissed of their Offices and service to the king▪ and sent to the tower: and within three days after was William Coign●●by sent thither, where they remaigned ten days, and after were delivered: but they three lost all their offices, that they had of the king.  
The first Sunday in Lent, Stephyn Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, 
Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Wynchester.  preached of Paul's cross, and there entreated of the Gospel of that day: and in his sermon especially, he touched the article of justification, and so he handled it, that the third Sunday in Lent next following, one Doctor Barnes, 
Doctor Barnes.  o● whom before you have heard, reproved in thesay pulpit at Paul's, the doctrine of thesay Bishop: and being vexed with the bishops Doctrine, he used many taunts against him, but one specially which was this, that he said if the Bishop and he, were together in Rome with the Pope, he knew that great sums of money, could not save his life, but for the Bishop, there was no fear, but that a little intreatance, should purchase favour enough for him: By this he noted the Bishop to be but a Papist, which the Bishop so unquietly took, that he complained of Barns to the king, and there had him examined, and at the last by the Kings commandment, he came to the bishops house, where likewise the bishop not only examined him, but also took upon him to be his skolemaster, and as most men and specially such, as much knew and lest cause had to lie reported, he prepared the tower for his skole house, and made such a rod to beat his skoler, that he beat him as small as ashes, or he left him: although Barnes, with two other persons, that is to say, Iherom and Garret, of whom in the next year following, ye shall here more, were by the bishops procurement, appointed in the Easter week following, to preach at saint Mary Hospital beside London, the three solemn sermons in one of the which sermons that Barns made, Barnes openly and before all the people, asked the Bishop forgiveness, for speaking to unreve rently of him, in his former sermon, and he required the bishop if he forgave him, in token thereof to hold up his hand, which like as it was long before he did, so it appeared afterward to many, that it was but a counterfeit forgiveness.  
The xii day of April began a Parliament, and sir Nicholas Hare restored to the office of speaker, in the which was freely granted, without contradictions, four fifteens & a Subsidy, of two. s. of lands, and xii. d. of goods, toward the great charges of Bulwarks.  
The xviii▪ day of April, at Westminster was Thomas lord Cromewell, created earl of Essex, 
Thomas lord Cromwell created Earl of Esse●.  and made great Chamberlain of England, which ever the Earls of Oxenford had, which promotions he enjoyed short time, as after in the next year may appear.    

¶ The xxxii year.  
THe first day of May, sir John Dudley, sir Thomas S●imour, sir George Carew, sir Thomas Ponynges, sir Richard Cromewell, sir Anthony Kyngston knights, enterprised a royal justes, 
A justes.  Tornay, and Barriers, which were in white Velvet barded and based. The justes began the first day of May, the Tornay the third day, and the Barriers the fifth which challenge they valiantly performed, against all comers, and also they kept open household at Duresme place, and feasted the king and Queen, and all the Lords. Beside this, on Tewesdaie in the Regation week, they feasted all the Knights and Burgesses of the Common house: and the morrow after they had the Mayor, the Aldermen and all their wives to dinner, and so the friday they broke up household.  
In this Parliament which began the xviii day of April, as is afore rehearsed, the religion of saint Ihones in England, which of most men was named the knights of the Rhodes, was dissolved, whereof hearing sir William Weston knight, Prior of saint Ihones, for thought died on the Ascension day, being the fift day of May.  
In this month was sent to the Tower, Doctor Wilson, and doctor Samson bishop of Chichester, for relieving of certain traitorous persons, which denied the kings supremacy: & for the same offence was one Richard Farmer Grocer of London, 
Richard Farmer Grocer condemned in a Praemunire.  a rich and wealthy man, and of good estimation in the city, committed to the Marshal See, & after in Westminster hall was arraigned and attainted in the Praemunire, and lost all his goods.  
The ix day of july, Thomas lord Cromewel, 
Thomas lord Cromwell committed to the Tower.  late made earl of Essex, as before you have hard, being in the counsel chamber, was suddenly apprehended, and committed to the tower of London, the which many lamented, but more rejoiced, and specially such, as either had been religious men, or favoured religious persons, for they banqueted, and triumphed together that night, many wishing that that day, had been seven year before, and some fearing lest he should escape, although he were imprisoned, could not be merry. Other who knew nothing but truth by him, both lamented him, and heartily prayed for him: But this is true that of certain of the Clergy, he was detestably hated, & specially such as had borne swing, and by his means was put from it, for in deed he was a man, that in all his doings, seemed not to favour any kind of Popery, nor could not abide the snoffing pride of some prelate's, which undoubtedly whatsoever else was the cause of his death, did shorten his life, and procured the end that he was brought unto: which was that the xix day of thesay month, he was attainted by Parliament, and never came to his answer, which law many reported, he was the causer of the making thereof, but the truth thereof I know not: The Articles for which he died, appeareth in the Record, where his attainder is written, which are to long to be here rehearsed, but to conclude he was there attainted of heresy, and high treason. And the xxviii day of july was brought to the scaffold on the tower hill, where he said these words following.  
I am come hither to die, 
The words of the Lord Cronwell spoken at his death.  and not to purge myself, as may happen, some think that I will, for if I shuold so do, I were a very wretch and miser: I am by the Law condemned to die, and thank my lord God that hath appointed me this death, for mine offence: For sithence the time that I have had years of discretion, I have lived a sinner, and offended my Lord God, for the which I ask him heartily forgiveness. And it is not unknown to many of you, that I have been a great traveller in this world, and being but of a base degree, was called to high estate, and sithence the time I came thereunto, I have offended my prince, for the which I ask him heartily forgiveness, and beseech you all to pray to God with me, that he will forgive me. O father forgive me. O son forgive me, O holy ghost forgive me: O three persons in one God forgive me. And now I pray you that be here, to bear me record, I die in the Catholic faith, not doubting in any article of my faith, not nor doubting in any Sacrament of the Church. Many hath slandered me, and reported that I have been a bearer, of such as hath mainteigned evil opinions, which is untrue, but I confess that like as God by his holy spirit, doth instruct us in the truth, so the devil is ready to seduce us, and I have been seduced: but bear me witness that I die in the Catholic faith of the holy Church. And I heartily desire you to pray for the Kings grace, that he may long live with you, in health and prosperity. And after him that his son prince Edward, that goodly imp, may long reign over you. And once again I desire you to pray for me, that so long as life remaigneth in this flesh, I waver nothing in my faith. And then made he his prayer, which was long, but not so long, as both Godly and learned, and after committed his soul, into the hands of God, and so patiently suffered the stroke of the axe, by a ragged and Boocherly miser, which very ungodly performed the Office.  
On saint Peter'S even, was kept the Sergeants feast 
sergeants Feast.  at saint Ihones with all plenty of victaile. At which feast were made ten Serieauntes, three out of Greyes' Inn, and three out of Lyncolnes' Inn, and of every of the Temples two. At which feast were present, all the lords and commons of the Parliament, beside the Mayor and the Aldermen, and a great number of the commons of the city of London.  
The morrow after Midsummer day, the king caused the Queen to remove to Richemond, purposing it to be more for her health, open air and pleasure: but the sixth day of july, certain Lords came down into the neither house, which expressly declared causes, that the marriage was not lawful, and in conclusion, the matter was by the Convocation clearly determined, that the king might lawfully marry where he would, & so might she: and so were they clearly divorced and separated, and by the Parliament enacted and concluded, that she should be taken no more as Queen, but called the Lady Anne of Cleve. 
Queen Anne divorced▪ and called Ladi● Anne of cleave   
In this year the lord Leonard Grey, brother to Thomas lord marquis Dorset, being the kings lieutenant in Ireland, practised sundry feats for his profit, as in delivering treytors being hostages, and especially his nephew Fitzgarard, brother to Thomas Fitzgarard before executed, and also caused such of the Itishe men, as he had intelligence with all, to muade such of the kings friends, which he favoured not: Wherefore the king sent for him, and he mistrusting and seeing no refuge, wrote to the kings enemies, to invade th'English pale after his departure. And also he kept the kings Treasure, to his own use, without reteigning soldiers, according to his commission whereupon, when he came to London, he was sent to the Tower. 
The Lord Graye sent to the Tower.   
In july the Prince of Salerne, in the Realm of Naples, and the lord Lois Devola, came into England to see the king, which had high cheer and great rewards, and so departed. And after them came Done Frederick Marquis of Padulla, brother to the Duke of Farrar, and the Prince of Macedonia, and the Marquis of Terra Nova, and Mounsire de Flagy, and sixteen other gentlemen, from the emperors Court into England, to see the King, which on the day of Mary Magdalene, came to the Court to Westminster, and were highly feasted and well entertained, and with great rewards departed.  
The twenty and eight day of july▪ as you have heard before in this year, was the Lord Cromewell beheaded, and with him likewise was beheaded the Lord Hongerford 
Lord Hungerford beheaded.  of Heytesbury, which certainly at the time of his death, seemed to be very unquiet in mind, and rather in a frenzy then otherwise.  
The thirty day of july, were drawn on herdelles out of the Tower to Smithfeld Robert Barnes Doctor in divinity, Thomas Garard, and William Jerome 
Barns, Garrard ● jerom  Bachelors in divinity, powel, Fetherston, and Abel. The first three were drawn to the stake, there before set up, and were burned: and the latter three drawn to the gallows, likewise there set up, and were hanged, headed, and quartered. Here ye must note, that the first three, were men that professed the Gospel of jesus Christ, and were Preachers thereof: But wherefore they were now thus cruelly executed, I know not, although I have searched to know the truth. But this I find in their atteindor, for ye must understand, that after they had Preached at saint Mary Hospital, as before I have declared, Barnes for learning his lesson no better was committed to the Skolehouse before prepared, which was the Tower, where he was kept, and never called to examination▪ till his rod that he should be beaten withal, was made, which was a sharp and great Fire in Smithefelde: and for company sake, was sent to the Skolehouse with him, the forenamed Garet, and Jerome, which drunk all of one Cup. And as I said before, thus much I find in their attaindor, that they were detestable and abominable Heretics, and that they had taught many heresies, the number whereof was to great in the atteindor to be recited, so that there is not one alleged, which I have often wondered at, that their heresies were so many, and not one there alleged, as special cause of their death. And in deed at their death, they asked the Sheriffs, wherefore they were condemned, who answered, they could not tell: but if I may say the truth, most men said it was for Preaching, against the Doctrine of Stephen Gardiner Bishop of Wynchester, who chief procured this their death, God and he knoweth, but great pity it was, that such learned men should so be cast away, without examination, neither knowing what was laid to their charge, nor never called to answer.  
The last three which were powel, Fetherston, and Abel, 
powel, Fetherston, and Abel.  were put to death for Treason, and in their attaindor, is special mention made of their offences, which was for the denying of the kings supremacy, and affirming that his Marriage with the Lady Katherine was good: These with other were the treasons, that they were attainted of, and suffered death for.  
The fourth day of August Thomas Epsam, sometime Monk of Westminster, which had been prisoner for treason, three years and more in Newgate, came before the justices of jail delivery at Newgate, and would not ask the kings pardon, nor be sworn to be true to him wherefore his Monks garment, was plucked from his back, and he repr●ed till the king knew his malicious obstinacy: and this was the last Monk that was seen in his clothing in England.  
In this month were certain Commissioners, sent by the king into Ireland, to inquire of the lord Leonard Grace, which certified diverse articles against him, as ye shall here in the next year following.  
The eight day of August, was the Lady Katheryn Haward, 
Katheryn Haward showed as Queen.  niece to the duke of Norfolk, and daughter to the lord Edmond Haward, showed openly as Queen at Hampton Court, which dignity she enjoyed not long, as after ye shall here.  
In the latter end of this month, was universally through the realm great death, by reason of new hot agues and Flixes, and some Pestilence, in which season was such a drought, that Welles and small Rivers were clean dried, so that much cattle died for lack of water: and the Thamis was so shallow, and the fresh water of so small strength, that the Salt water flowed above London bridge, till the rain had increased the fresh waters.  
On the xxii day of December, was Ralph Egerton servant to the Lord Audeley, lord Chancellor, hanged, 
Egerton hanged  drawn, and quartered, for counterfeiting of the kings great Seal, in a signet, which was never seen, and sealed a great number of Licenses for Denizens, and one Thomas Harman that wrote them, was executed: for the statute made the last parliament, sore bound the strangers, which were not Denizens, which caused them to offer to Egerton, great sums of money, the desire whereof caused him to practise, that which brought him to the end, that before is declared.  
In the end of this year, the French King made a strong Castle at Arde, and also a Bridge over into the English pale, which bridge the Crew of Calais did beat down, and the frenchmen re-edified the same and the Englishmen bet it down again. And after the king of England sent fifteen hundred work men, to wall and fortify Guysnes, and sent with them five hundred men of war, with captains to defend them. The 'noys ran in France, that there were fifty thousand englishmen, landed at Calais with great ordinance: wherefore the French king sent in all haste, the Duke of Uandosme, and diverse other captains, to the Frontiers of Picardy, to defend the same. The king of England hearing thereof, sent the Earls of Surrey and Southampton and the lord Russell, his great Admiral, into the Marches of Calais, to set an order there: and after them sent. CC. light horsemen, of the borders of Scotland: whom the Frenchmen called stradiates, which lords when they had set all things in a good order, shortly returned.  
In this year was burned in Smith●eld, a child named Richard Mekins, 
Richard M●kyns brent.  this child passed not the age of xu years, and somewhat as he had heard some other folks talk, chanced to speak against the Sacrament of the altar. This boy was accused to Edmond Boner Bishop of London, who so diligently followed the accusation, that he first found the means to Indite him, and then arraigned him, & after burned him And at the time he was brought to the stake, he was taught to speak much good, of the Bishop of London, and of the great charity, that he showed him: and that he defied all heresies, and cursed the time that ever he knew Doctor Barnes, for of him had he learned that heresy, which he died for: The poor boy would for the safeguard of his life, have gladly said that the twelve Apostles taught it him, for he had not cared of whom he had named it, such was his childish innocency and fear. But for this deed many spoke and said, that it was great shame for the Bishop, who they said aught rather to have laboured to save his life, then to procure that terrible execution, seeing that he was such an ignorant soul, as knew not what the affirming of an heresy was.  
You have hard before in the beginning of this year, that doctor Wilson, and doctor Samson Bishop of Chichester, were sent unto the Tower: who now were pardoned of the king, and set again at their liberty.   

¶ The xxxiii year.  
IN the beginning of this year, u priests in York shire began a new rebellion, 
A new rebellion.  with th'assent of one Leigh a gentleman, and ix temporal men, which were apprehended, & shortly after in diverse places put in execution, in somuch that on the xvii day of May, the said Leigh & one Tatersall, and Thornton, were drawn through London to Tyburn, and there were executed. And sir John Nevell knight, was executed for the same at York.  
On the same day was Magaret Countess of Salisbury, which had been long prisoner in the Tower, beheaded in the Tower, and she was the last of the right line and name, of Plantagenet.  
The ix day of june, were Damport and Chapman, two of the kings Guard, hanged at Grenewiche by the friars Wall, for robberies in example of all other.  
During this season, the commissioners that before were sent into Ireland, to inquire of the lord Grace, 
The Lord Graye condemned.  certified twenty articles of high treason against him, whereupon he was arraigned & tried by knights, because he was a lord of name, but no lord of the parliament: howbeit he discharged the jury, & confessed the indictment, & thereupon was judged, & after behedded at the tower hill, where he ended his life very quietly & godly.  
In this season was arraigned and condemned three gentlemen, called mantel, Roydon, and Frowdes, and were hanged at saint Thomas of Waterynges. Likewise was Thomas Fines Lord Dacres of the south, arraigned before the Lord Awdeley of Walden, than Chancellor of England, and that day high Stuard of the same at Westminster, and there before thesay Lord Chancellor and his Peres, he confessed the Indictment, and so had judgement to be hanged. 
The Lord Dacres of the South hanged  And so the twenty and nine day of june, being Saint Peter's day at after None, he was led on foot, between the two Sheriffs of London, from the Tower through the city to Tyburn, where he was strangled, as common murderers are, and his body buried in the church of saint Sepulchres. The cause of the death of this noble man, and the other gentlemen, was a murder of a simple man, and an unlawful assemble made in Sussex. Great moan was made for them all, but most specially for mantel, who was as witty, and as toward a gentleman, as any was in the realm, and a man able to have done good service.  
This Summer the King kept his Progress to York, and passed through Lyncolne Shire, where was made to him an humble submission 
Submissons  by the temporalty, confessing their offence, and thanking the king for his pardon: and the Town of Staunforde gave the King twenty pound, and Lyncolne presented forty pound, & Boston fifty pound that part which is called Lynsey gave three hundred pound, and western and the Church of Lyncolne gave fifty pound. And when he entered into York Shire, he was met with two hundred gentlemen of the same Shire, in coats of Velvet, and four thousand tall yeomen, and serving men, well horsed: which on their knees made a submission, by the mouth of sir Robert Bowes, and gave to the King nine hundred pound. And on Barnesdale met the king, the archbishop of York, with three hundred Priests and more, and made a like submission, and gave the king six hundred pound. Like submission was made by the Mayor of York, New Castle, and Hull, and each of them gave to the King an hundred pound. When the King had been at York twelve days, he came to Hull, and devised there certain fortifications, and passed over the water of Homber, and so through Lyncolne Shire, and at Halontide came to Hampton Court.  
At this time the Queen late before married to the king called Queen Katherine, 
Queen Katherine beheaded.  was accused to the King of dissolute living, before her marriage, with France's Diram, and that was not secretly, but many knew it. And sith her Marriage, she was vehemently suspected with Thomas Culpeper, which was brought to her Chamber at Lyncolne▪ in August last, in the Progress time, by the Lady of Rocheforde, and were there together alone, from a leaven of the Clock at Night, till four of the Clock in the Morning, and to him she gave a Chain, and a rich Cap. Upon this the king removed to London, and she was sent to Zion, and there kept close, but yet served as Queen. And for the offence confessed by Culpeper and Diram, they were put to death at Tyburn, the tenth day of December. And the twenty and two day of the same month, were arraigned at Westminster, the lord William hayward and his wife, which Lord William was Uncle to the Queen, Katherine Tilney which was of counsel of her having to do with Diram, Elizabeth Tilney, Boulmer, Restwould, the queens women, and Walgrave, and William Asby, and Damport gentle men, and servants to the old Duchess of Norfolk, and Margaret Benet a Butter wife, all indicted of misprision, for counselling the evil demeanour of the Queen, to the slander of the King, and his succession: all they confessed it, and had judgement to perpetual prison, and to loose their goods, and the profit of their lands, during their lives: howbeit shortly after, diverse of them were delivered by the kings Pardon.  
The sixteen day of january the Parliament began, in the which the Lords and Commons assented, to desire of the king certain petitions. First, that he would not vex himself, with the queens offence, and that she and the lady Rocheford, might be attainted by Parliament.  
Also, because of protracting of time, which the more should be to his unquietness, that he would under his great Seal, give his royal assent, without tarrying the end of the Parliament.  
Also, that Diram and Culpeper, before attainted by the common law might also be attainted by Parliament.  
Also, that Agnes Duchess of Norfolk, and Katheryn Countess of Brigewater her daughter, which were for counselling thesay offence committed to the Tower▪ Indicted of misprision, and the lord William and other, arraigned of the same, might be likewise attainted.  
Also, that whosoever had spoken or done any act, in the detestation of her abominable living, should be pardoned.  
To the which petitions the king granted, saying, that he thanked the Commons, that they took his sorrow to be theirs. Whereupon the Queen and the Lady Rocheforde, were attainted by both the houses. And on Saturdaie being the eleventh day of February, the King sent his royal assent, by his great Seal: and then all the Lords were in their Robes, and the Common house called up, and there the act red, and his assent declared. And so on the thirteen day, these two Ladies were beheaded 
Queen Katherine and the Lady Rocheford beheaded.  on the Grene, within the Tower with an axe, and confessed their offences, and died repentant.  
At this Parliament the King was Proclaimed king of Ireland, 
The King Proclaimed King of Ireland.  which name this predecessors never had, but were always called lords of Ireland.  
In the beginning of March died sir Arthur Plantagenet viscount lis●e bastard to King Edward the fourth, in the tower of London unattainted, when he should have been delivered and put at his liberty. And the twelve day of the said month, sir John Awdeley son and heir to the said Lord Lisles' wife was at Westmynster created Uiscount Lisle.  
The Parliament sitting, in Lent one George Ferreis 
George Ferr●ys.  Bourgeoys for the ton of Plymouth, was arrested in London upon a condemnation, at the suit of one White. Whereupon the sergeant at arms, of the Common house, was sent to the Counter in Bredestrete to fetch him: but the clerks would not deliver him, wherefore the Serieaunt and his man, would have brought him away perforce. diverse of the Sheriffs' officers there present, withstood the Serieaunt, so that they fell to quarrelling, and the Serieauntes man was sore hurt. After the Fray ended, the Sheriffs of London whose names were Rowland Hill, and Henry Suckely came to the Counter, and first denied the deliverey of the prisoner, howbeit afterward they delivered him. But this matter was so taken in the Common house, that the Sheriffs and the clerk, and five Officers, and the party plaintiff, were sent to the tower, and there lay two days, and wer● delivered again by the Speaker and Common house.  
Although I have not used much to declare of private things done, in other foreign Realms, yet will I now tell of one because the thing was so reported to me, and the matter itself to written and delivered me, that I must needs judge it to be a truth, and the like in all this work is not expressed, therefore I purposed word by word, as it was written unto me, here to express it. The matter is of a certain Gentleman in Scotland, who for contemning of the Bishop of Rome's usurped authority, and for praising and commending the affairs and procedings of England, and reproving the naughty life of the Scottish Clergy, was, as an heretic accused, and convented before diverse of them, as after may appear, there to make answer to such Articles as should be objected against him. He knowing their accustomed favour, fled from them into England. Against whom after he was go, they proceeded in such sort, as by this that followeth which is the true copy of the process may appear.  
Sir John Borthwike, 
Sir John Borthwike.  commonly called Captain Borthwike, accused, suspected, defamed and convicted by witnesses, which were men of such honesty, against whom could none exception be taken, the year of our lord, a thousand five hundred and forty, the xxviii day of May in the Abbay of saint andrew's, in the presence of the most worshipful fathers in Christ, Eawyn archbishop of Glasgue, Chancellor of Scotland, William of Aberdowyn, Henry Bishop of Galloway and of the Kings Chapel of Sterling, John Bishop of Bre●th. William bishop of Dunblan: Andrew Abbot of Melros, George Abbot of Dumfermeling, John Abbot of Paslay, John Abbot Lundros, Robert Abbot of Kyllos, and William Abbot of Culros: Malcolme Prior of Whitytern, and John Prior of Pettywerin. Master Alexander Balfour vicar of Kylmane, and Rector of the University of saint andrew's. And afore the cunning Masters, Master John Mair, and Master Peter Chapilain, professors, and doctors of divinity, Master Marten Balfour, Bachelor of Divinity, and of the law, and Official principal of saint andrew's, John Wyrem Supprior, John Wannand, and Thomas Cunnynghan, Chanones of the Abbay of saint andrew's, John Thomson with his fellow, Prior of the black Friars of saint andrew's, John Tullidaff warden of the Grey Friars, of. S. Androwes, & John Patersone, vicar of the same covent. And also before the noble mighty & right worshipful lords, George earl of Huntley, james earl of Arrain, William earl Martial, William earl of Montrosse▪ Malcolme lord Fleming, Chamberlain of Scotland, John lord Lindesay, John lord Erskyn, George lord Seiton, Hugh lord Symeruall, sir james Homilton of Finnart, & Walter lord of . s. Ihones of Torphecten knights, master james Foules of Colynton clerk of the Register, to our most sovereign Lord the King, and many and diverse and sundry other lords, barons, and honest persons, required to be witnesses i● the premises, doth affirm that he hath held these errors following, openly taught them, and instructed them, that is to say.  
First, that our most holiest lord the Pope, the vicar of jesus Christ, cannot have nor exercise, any more authority amongst christians, than any other bishop or priest.  
Secondly, that Indulgenses and Pardons, granted by our most holiest lord the Pope, is of no value strength and efficacy, but utterly to the abusion of the people, and the deceiving of our souls.  
Thirdly, he said that the Pope was a Simoniack, ever selling gifts, and that all priests might marry.  
Fourthly, that all English heresies (as they are called) or at the lest, the greater and better part observed by Englishmen, hath been and is good, and to be observed by christian men, as true & consonant to the law of God: in somuch that he persuaded very many people to accept the same.  
Fiftly, that the people of Scotland, & the clergy thereof hath been and is utterly execated and blinded, by affirmation that they had not the true catholic faith, affirming and openly saying, that his faith was of more value & better, than all the Ecclesiasticalles, of the realm of Scotland.  
Item, likewise according unto th'old opinions, of John Wi●lief and Hus, heresiarchs and Master heretics, condemned in the counsel of Constantine, he hath affirmed and farther declared, that Ecclesiastical persons, should not possess, have nor enjoy, any temporal possessions neither exercise jurisdiction, or any kind of authority in temporal matters, neither upon their own subjects, but that all should utterly be taken away from them, as it is in these days in England.  
Item, he hath said, holden, and affirmed falsely, and contrary to the honour, state, and reverence, of our sacred kings majesty of Scotland that our kings majesty of Scotland, the most clearest defender of the christian faith, would contrary to the law and liberty of the holy church vendicat and challenge unto his private uses, all ecclesiastical possessions: lands, and yearly rents, given by his fore fathers, and also by himself, and to enforce this matter he hath also by writing persuaded our most noble king, with all his endeavour.  
Item, he hath willed and sought, and many times hath desired heartily, that the Church of Scotland should come, and be brought to the same point and end, and to such like fall, as the Church o● England, is now come to in deed.  
Item, he hath said, affirmed, and taught openly, the Cannon laws and the Decrees of our holy fathers, approved by the Catholic and apostolic Church, is of no value nor strength, bringing in and affirming the same, for to be made and set forth, contrary to the law of God.  
Iten, he hath said holden & affirmed, many that ways no religion should be kept, but that should be abolished and destroyed, and to be as it is now destroyed in England, and vilipending all holy Religion, affirming it to be an abusion of the people, whose clothing showeth manifestly, to be deformed monsters, having no utility or holiness, bringing in by this and persuading, asmuch as in him say, all adherentes of his opinion, that all the religion in this realm of Scotland, should be destroyed and utterly taken away, to the most greatest loss of the Catholic Church▪ and to the diminishing of Christian religion.  
Item, it is plainly known by lawful probations, that the same John Borthwike, hath had and actually hath, diverse books suspect of heresy dampened, aswell by the Papal, as by the Regal and ordinary authorities forbidden (that is to say) first of all the new Testament in English, printed in England, Oecolampadius, Melancthon, & diverse tracts of Erasmus, and other condemned heretics, and also the book of Vnio Discidentium, containing most manifest errors, and that he hath read, studied, and communicated, and presented the same to other men, aswell openly as privately, and that he hath instructed and taught, very many Christians in the same, to the effect, to turn them from the very true and Catholic faith.  
Item, it is openly known, the same John Borthwike, to be so stubborn in all these foresaid errors and heresies, and to have sustained and taught the same, with such an indurate mind, so that he would not decline by no manner of means from the same, for diverse of his friends, and persons which loved him▪ and would have had him convert, to the catholic faith, neither would he consent to them in any wise, but rather unmovably persist in his errors.  
For the which said articles, and many other errors holden, said, publicated and taught by him and (as the common voice is) which he still holdeth and teacheth, the foresaid John Borthwike to be taken holden, an● counted as an Heretic, and a Master heretic, and as a very evil judger of the holy faith.  
Therefore we David of the title of saint Stephyn in the mount Celo of the holy church of Rome priest Cardinal, 
The sentence or judgement.  archbishop of saint andrew's, Primate of this whole realm of Scotland and of the Apostolic seat Legate created, sitting in our seat of justice in nature of judges, the holy Evangelists of God set afore us, that our judgements proceed from the sight of God, and our eyes must look to equity, having only God and the Catholic faith afore our eyes, the name of God being called upon and following the counsel aswell of the divines as lawyers, this foresaid John Borthwike called captain Borthwike condemned of the foresaid heresies, accused, suspected and infamed by lawful probations had and brought against him in all the foresaydes, convicted, cited, called and not appearing but absenting himself like a runaway: Therefore let us think, pronounce, and declare him to be convicted and to be punished worse than an heretic, And further more all his movables and unmovables by whatsoever title they begotten and in whatsoever parties they lie, they to be given to the secular power. And all offices had by dower or by his wife to be confiscate & spent to the use and custom or the law. Also we do declare by these presents the image of the foresaid John to be made to the likeness of him, and to the brought into the metrapolitan Church of saint Andrew's & after that to the market cross of the city, there to be brent as a sign and a memorial of his condemning to the example and fear of all other. Likewise we do declare that if the same John be taken within our liberties to be punished according to the law of heretics. Also we warn all true believers in Christ of whatsoever state & condition they be, that they from this day do not receive or admit into their houses, tents, villages of towns John Borthwike to eat or to drink or to prefer any king of humanity in pain of such like punishment: Further, if there b● any found culpable in these foresaid that they shallbe accused as fautors and maintainers of heretics, and they shallbe punished according to the law. This sentence read and made and put in writing in the Metrapolitan Church of saint andrew's we sitting in our Tribunals seat, the year of our Lord 1540 the xxviii. day of may drawn out of the Register made against heretics and agreeing with the sentence of John Borthwike.   

The xxxiiii year.  
IN this year james earl of Desmond came to the king and was honourably entertained & well rewarded. And in Septembre the great Only came to the king to Grenewyche, where he and a captain of the North parts of Ireland called Magannysse and the bishop of Cloar, made their submission in writing, confessing their offences, and promising to serve the king and his heirs truly: which submission by the king considered, he upon the first day of October created at Grenewyche thesayd sir Eustace Only called great Only (because he was the chief of his lineage called Only) Earl of Tereowen, commonly called Tyron and gave him a great chain, and made Magannysse and his cousin knights and gave them both chains, & he gave to the lord Mathias son to the earl, the Barony of Duncan  
At this season the kings Majesty prepared for war into Scotland, the cause why this war was made is most manifestly declared by that which followeth, which the kings Majesty published by this title, A declaration containing the just causes and considerations of this present war with the Scots: wherein also appeareth the true and right title that the kings most royal majesty hath to his sovereignty of Scotland. And it beginneth thus.  
Being now enforced to the war, which we have always hitherto so much abhorred and fled, 
A declaration of the cause of war with ●●●●land set 〈◊〉 by the ●yng.  by our neighbour and Nephieu the king of Scots, one, who above all other, for our manifold benefits towards him, hath most just cause to love us, to honour us, and to rejoice in our quietness: We have thought good to notify unto the world his doings and behaviour in the provocation of this war, and likewise the means and ways by us used to eschew and avoid it, and the just & true occasions, whereby we be now provoked to prosecute the same, & by utterance and diwlging of that matter, to disburden some part of our inward displeasure and grief, and the circumstances known, to lament openly with the world, the infidelity of this time, in which things of such enormity do breast out and appear.  
The king of Scots our Nephieu and neighbour, whom we in his youth and tender age preserved and maintained from the great danger of other, and by our authority and power conduced him safely to the real possession of his estate, he now compelleth and forceth us for preservation of our honour and right, to use our puissance & power against him. The like unkindness hath been heretofore showed by other in semblable cases against God's law, man's law, and all humanity: but the oftener it chanceth, the more it is to be abhorred, and yet in the persons of princes for the rarity of them can so happen but seldom, as it hath now come to pass.  
It hath been very rarely and seldom seen before, that a king of Scots hath had in marriage a daughter of England: We can not, ne will not reprehend the king our father's art therein, but lament and be sorry it took no better effect. The king ou● father in that matter minde● love, amity, and perpetual friendship between the postery of both, which how soon it failed, the death of the king of Scots, as a due punishment of God for his injust invasion into this our realm, is & shallbe a perpetual testimony to their reproach for ever, and yet in that present time could not th● unkindness of the father extinguyshe in us the natural love of our Nephieu his son, being then in the miserable age of ten●er youth: but we than forgetting the displeasure that should have worthily provoked us to invade that realm, nourished and brought up our Nephieu to achieve his father's possession and government, wherein he now so unkindly useth and behaveth him towards us, as he compelleth us to take armour and war against him.  
It is specially to be noted, upon what grounds, & by what means we be compelled to this war, wherein among other is our chief grief and displeasure, that under a colour of fair speech and flattering word's, we be in deeds s injured, contemned and despised, as we aught not with sufferance to pretermit and pass over. Words, writings, letters, messages, ambassiates, excuses, allegations, could not more pleasantly, more gently, ne more reverently be devised and sent, then hath been made on the king of Scots behalf unto us, and ever we trusted the tree would bring forth good fruit, that was of the one party of so good a stock, & continually in appearance put forth so fair buds: and therefore would hardly believe or give ear to other, that ever alleged the deeds of the contrary, being nevertheless the same deeds so manifest, as we must needs have regarded them, had we not been to loath to think evil of our Nephieu, w●om we had so many ways bound to be of the best sort toward us. And therefore having a message sent unto us the year passed from our said Nephieu, and a promise's made for the repairing of thesayd king of Scots unto us to York, & after great preparation on our part made therefore, the same meeting was not only disappointed, but also at our being at york, in the am thereof, an invasion made by our said Nephieu his subjects into our realm, declaring an evident contempt and despite of us: We were yet glad to impute the default of the meeting to the advise of his counsel, and the invasion to the lewdness of his subjects: and according there unto gave as benign & gentle audience to such ambassadors, as repaired hither at Christmas afterward, as if no such causes of displeasure had occurred, specially considering the good words, sweet words, pleasant words, eftsoons proponed by the said Ambassadors, not o●ely to excuse that was past, but also to persuade kindness and perfit amity to ensue. And albeit the king of Scots having contrary to the article of the league of amity, received and entetteigned such rebels▪ as were of the chief and principle, in stirring the insurrection in the North against us with refusal before time, upon request made to restore the same: yet nevertheless upon offer made thesayd ambassadors, to send commis●ion to the bordures, to determing the debates of the confinies in the same, with so great a pretence of amity and so fair words, as could be in speech desired: we were content for the time to forbear to press them over extremely in the matter of rebels. Albeit we never remitted the same, but desirous to make trial of our said Nephieu in some correspondence o● deeds, condescended to the sending of commissioners to the borders, which ●o our great charge we ●id, and the king of Scots our said Nephieu the semblable. Where after great travail made by our commissioners, this fruit ensued, that being for our part challenged a piece of our ground, plainly usurped by the Scots, and of no great value, being also for the same showed such evidence, as more substantial, more authentic, more plain & evident, can not be brought forth for any part of gournde within our realm. Thesame was nevertheless by them denied, refused, and the evidence only for this cause rejected, that it was made (as they alleged) by Englishmen. And yet it was so ancient, as it could not be counterfeit now, and the value of the ground so little, and of so small wait, as no man would have attempted to falsify for such a matter. And yet this denial being in this wise made unto our commissioners, they nevertheless by our commandment departed as friends fro the commissioners of Scotland, taking order as hath been accustomed for good rule upon the borders in the mean time.  
After which their recess, the lord Maxwell, Warden of the West Marches of Scotland, made proclamation for good rule, but yet added therewith, that the borderers of Scotland should withdraw their goods from the borderers of England: And incontinently after the Scottish men borderers, the fourth of july, entered into our realm suddenly, & spoiled our subjects, contrary to our leagues, even after such extremity, as it had been in time of open war. Whereat we much marveled, and were compelled therefore to furnish our border with a garrison for defence of the same. Whereupon the king of Scots sent unto us james Leyrmouth, Master of his household, with letters devised in the most pleasant manner, offering redress and reformation of all attemtates. And yet nevertheless at the entry of the said Leyrmouth into England, a great number of the Scots, than not looked for, made a forrey into our borders, to the great annoyance of our subjects, and to their extreme detriment, wherewith and with that unseemly dissimulation, we were not a little moved, as reason would we should. And yet did we not finally to extremely persecute and continued our said displeasure, but that we gave benign audience to the said Leyrmouth, and suffered ourself to be somewhat altered by this words and fair promises, tending to the persuasion that we ever desired, to find the king of Scots such a Nephieu unto us, as our proximity of blood, with our gratuity unto him, did require.  
In the mean time of these fair words, the deeds of the borders were as extreme as might be, and our subjects spoiled: and in a road made by sir Robert Bows for a revenge thereof, the same sir Robert Bows with many other taken prisoners, & yet detained in Scotland, without putting them to fine and ransom, as hath be ever accustomed. And being at the same time a surceaunce made on both sides at the suit of the said Leyrmouth for a season: the Scots ceased not to make sundry invasion into our realm in such wise, as we were compelled to forget fair words, and only to consider the king of Scots deeds, which appeared unto us of that sort, as they aught not for our duty in defence o● ou● subjects, ne could not in respect of our honour, be passed over unreformed: and therefore put in a readiness our army, as a due mean whereby we might attain such a peace, as for the safeguard of our subjects we be bound to procure.  
After which praparation made, and knowledge had thereof, the king of Scots ceased not to use his accustomed mean of fair words, which in our natural inclination wrought eftsoons their accustomed effect, evermore desirous to find in the king of Scots such a regard and respect to be declared in deeds as the correspondence of natural love in the Nephieu to such an Uncle, as we have showed ourself towards him, doth require. Wherefore upon new request and suit made unto us, we determined to stay our army at York, appointing the duke of Norfolk our Lieutenant, the lord Privyseale, the bishop of Dureham, and the Master of our horses, there to comen, treat and conclude with the Ambassadors of Scotland, for an amity and peace upon such conditions, as by reason & equity were indifferent, whereby the war might be eschewed, being by sundry invasion of the Scots than open and manifest.  
In this communication between our and their commissioners, after divers degrees of commissions, showed by the Scots, and finally one, that was by our commissioners allowed, mat●ers were proponed for conclusion of amity, nothing difficile or hard on our part, but so agreeable to reason, as the commissioners of Scotland said, they doubted not, but if it might be brought to pass, that the king of Scots our Nephieu might have a meeting with us, all matters should easily be componed and determined. Whereupon they left speaking of any articles of amity, and the ambassadors of Scotland made much outward joy in communication of meeting, they showed theimselfe in words, fashion & behaviour much to delight in it, to rejoice in it, & therewith thought it easy and facile to be concluded and accomplished, and for their part they took it then for a thing passed, a thing concluded, and most certain to take effect, and only desired vi. days to obtain answer from their Master, and our army for that time to stay and go no further: Whereunto our commissioners then agreed.  
After these vi. days was sent a Commission out of Scotland, with power to conclude a meeting precisely at such a place, as they knew well we would not, ne could not in winter observe and keep, wherewith when our commissioners were miscontent, the Ambassadors of Scotland to relieve that displeasure, and to temper the matter, whereby to win more time, showed forth their instructions, wherein liberty was given to the ambassadors to exceed their commission in the appointment of the place, and to consent to any other by our commissioners thought convenient, which manner of proceeding, when our commissioners refused, alleging that they would not conclude a meeting with men, having no commission thereunto: the ambassadors of Scotland upon pretence to sand for a more ample and large commission agreeable to their instructions for appointment of the place, obtained a delay of other vi. days, to sand for thesayd ample commission without restraint of place. And after those vi. days they brought forth a new commission, made in a good form, and without exception: But therewith they showed also new instructions, containing such a restainte as the former commission did contain, so as the liberty given to the Commissioners in the commission was now at the last removed and taken away by the instructions, with addition of a special charge to the Ambassadors not to exceed the same.  
And thus first the Ambassadors of Scotland seemed to have will and desire to conclude a place seemly and convenient, which for want of commission they might not do, & at the last might have concluded a meeting by virtue of their commission, and then for fear of the commandment in their second instructions they durst not. And so they showed their first instructions partly to excuse their king, who should seem secretly to will more, than in the commission he did openly profess.  
And than with an ample commission from the king, they showed their secret instructions for defence of theimselfe, why they proceeded not according to their commission, not caring how much they charged therein their king, whose fault they disclosed to discharge themself, trusting that by benefit of the Winter approaching, and the time lost in their communication their Master should be defended against our power for this year, without doing for their part that by honour, right, law, & leagues they be obliged and bound to do. And in this mean time our subjects taken prisoners in Scotland could not be delivered upon any ransom, contrary to all custom and usage of the borders in the time of peace and war, and in this mean time stayed a great part of our army already pressed, and in our wages to go forward. In this time Ambassadors (as ye have heard) assembled to talk of an amity and conclude it not. The treating of amity was put over by communication of a meeting.  
The communication of meeting was so handled by alteration of commission and instructions on their behalf, as it appeareth a plain devise only excogitate for a delay, which hath given us light, whereupon more certainly to judge the king of Scots inward affection towards us, whose deeds and words well weighed and considered, doth us plainly to understand, how he hath continually laboured to abuse us with sweet and pleasant words, and to satisfy the appetites of other at home and abroad with his unkind and displeasant deeds. In his words he professeth an insoluble amity, he allegeth kindred, he knowledgeth benefits, only the fault is that he speaketh another language to all the world in deeds, and thereby so toucheth us in honour and denegation of justice, as we be enforced and compelled to use the sword, which God hath ●ut in our hand as an extreme remedy, whereby to obtain both quietness for our subjects, and also that is due unto us by right, pacts, and leagues.  
We have patiently suffered many delusions, and notably the last year when we made preparation at York for his repair to us: But should we suffer our people and subjects to be so often spoiled without remedy? This is done by the Scots whatsoever their words be. Should we suffer our rebels to be deteigned contrary to the leagues without remedy? This is also done by them whatsoever their words be.  
Should we suffer our land to be usurped contrary to our most plain evidence, only upon a will, pride, and arrogancy of the other party? This is done by them whatsoever their words be. And all these be over presumptuously done against us, & give such signification of their arrogancy, as it is necessary for us to oppress it in the beginning, jest they should gather further courage to the greater displeasure of us & our posterity hereafter. And yet in the entreating of this matter, if we had not evidently perceived the lack of such affection as proximity of blood should require, we would much rather have remitted these injuries in respect of proximity of blood to our Nephieu, than we did heretofore the invasion of his father. But considering we be so surely ascertained of the lack thereof, & that our blood is there frorne with the cold air of Scotland, there was never prince more violently compelled to war than we be, by the unkind dealing, unjust behaviour, unprincely demeanour of him that yet in nature is our Nephieu, and in his acts and deeds declareth himself not to be moved their with; ne to have such earnest regard to the observation to his pacts and leagues, ne such respect to the entertainment of the administration of justice, as natural equity bindeth, and conservation of amity doth require: which we much lament and be sorry for, and use now our force and puissance against him, not for revengeance of our private displeasure (being so often deluded as we have been) but for recovery of our right, the preservation of our subjects from injuries, & the observation of such leagues as have passed between us, firmly trusting, that almighty God under whom we reign, will assist and aid our just proceedings herein to the furtherance and advancement of the right, which we doubt not shall ever prevail against wrong, falsehood, deceit and dissimulation.  
Hitherto it appeareth how this present war hath not proceeded of any demand of our right of superiority, which the king of Scots have always knowledged by homage and fealty to our progenitors even from the beginning: But this war hath been provoked & occasioned upon present matter of displeasure, present injury, present wrong ministered by the Nephieu to the Uncle most unnaturally, and supported contrary to the deserts of our benefits most unkindly. If we had minded the possession of Scotland, & by the motion of war to attain the same, there was never king of this realm had more opportunity in the minority of our nephieu. Ne in any other realm a prince that hath more just title, more evident title, more certain title, to any realm that he can claim, than we have to Scotland, not devised by pretence of marriage, not imagined by covenant, or contrived by invention of argument, but lineally descended from the beginning of that a state established by our progenitors, and recognized successively of the kings of Scotland by deeds, words, acts and writings continually almost without interruption, or at the least intermission, till the reign of our progenitor Henry the vi. in whose time the Scots abused the civil war of this realm, to their licence and boldness, in omitting of their du●tie: which for the proximity of blood between us, we have been s●a●ke to require of them, being also of ourself inclined to peace, as we have ever been always glad, rather without prejudice to omit to demand our right, if it might conserve peace, than by demanding thereof to be seen to move war, specially against our neighbour, against our Nephieu, against him, whom we have preserved from danger, and in such a time as it were expedient for all Christendom to be unite in peace, whereby to be the more able to resist the common enemy the Turk.  
But for whatsoever considerations we have omitted to speak hitherto of the matter, it is nevertheless true, that the kings of Scots have always knowledged the kings of England superior lords of the realm of Scotland, and have done homage and fealty for the same.  
This appeareth first by history, written by such as for confirmation of the truth in memory, have truly noted and signified the same.  
Secondly it appeareth by instruments of homage made by the kings of Scots, and divers notable personages of Scotland, at divers and sundry times sealed with their seals, & remaining in our treasury. ●hyrdly it appeareth by registers and Records judicially and au●●ntiquely made, yet preserved for confirmation of the same. So as the ●atter of title being most plain, is furnished also with all manner of evidences for declaration thereof.  
first as concerning histories, which be called witnesses of times, the light of truth, and the life of memory, & finally the convenient way and mean, whereby things of antiquity may be brought to men's knowledge, they show as plainly this matter as could be wished or required, with such● a consent of writers, as could not so agreed upon an untruth, containing declaration of such matter as hath most evident probability & appearance. For as it is probable and likely, that for the better administration of justice amongs rude people, two or m● of one estate might be rulers in one country unite as this Isle is: so is it probable and likely, that in the beginning it was so ordered for avoiding dissension, that there shuold be one superior in right, of whom the said estates should depend. According whereunto we read how Brutus, of whom the realm than called Brytain took ●yrst that name (being before that time inhabited with Giants, people without order or civility) had three sons, Loc●ine, Albanact, and Camber, & determining to have the whole Isle within the Ocean sea to be after governed by them three, appointed Albanact to rule that now is called Scotland, Camber the parties of Wales, and Locrine that now is called England: unto whom as being the elder son, the other two brothers should do homage recognizing and knowledging him as their superior. Now consider if Brutus conquered all this Island, as the history sayeth he did, and then in his own time made this order of superiority as afore: how can there be a title devised of a more plain beginning, a more just beginning, a more convenient beginning for the order of this Island, at that time specially when the people were rude, which cannot without continual strife and variance contain two or three ruler's in all points equal without any manner of superiority, the inward conscience and remorse of which superiority should in some part dull and diminish the perverse courage of resistance and rebellion. The first division of this Isle we find it written a●ter this sort without cause of suspection why they should writ amiss. And according hereunto we find also in history set forth by divers, how for transgression against this superiority, our predecessors have chastised the kings of Scott●s, and some deposed, and put other in their places.  
We will here omit to speak of the rudeness of the antiquity in particularity, which they cared not distinctly to commit to writing, but some authors, as Antonius Sabellicus amongs other diligently enserching, what he might truly writ of all Europe, and the Islands adjoining, over and besides that which he writeth of the nature, manners, and conditions of the Scots, which who so list to read, shall find to have been the very same in times passed, that we find them now at this present, he calleth Scotland part of England, which is aagreable to the division aforesaid, being in deed as in the land continual without separation of the sea, so also by homage and fealty unite vn●o the same, as by particular declarations shall most manifestly appear by the testimony of such as have left writing for proof ●nd confirmation thereof. In which matter passing over the death of king Humber, the acts of Dunwald king of this realm, the division of 〈◊〉 and Brene, the victories of king Arthur, we shall begin at the year of our Lord DCCCC. which is DCxlii. years past, a time of sufficient ancienty, from which we shall make special declaration and evident of the execution of our right and title of superiority evermore continued and preserved hitherto.  
Edward the first be●ore the conquest, son to Alured king of England had under his dominion and obedience the king of Scots. And here is to be noted, that this matter was so notorious and manifest, as Maryon a Scot writing that story in those days, granteth, confesseth, and testifieth the same, and this dominion continued in that state xxiii. year: At which time Athelstaine succeeded in the crown of England, and having by battle conquered Scotland, he made one Constantyne king of that party, to rule and govern the country of Scotland under him, adding this princely word, That it was more honour to him to make a king, than to be a king.  
Xxiiii. years after that, which was the year of our lord, D ccccxlvii. Eldred king our progenitor, Athelstaines brother, took homage of I●ise than king of Scots.  
Xxx. years after that, which was in the year of Lord Dcccclxxvii. king Edgar our predecessor took homage of Kinald king of Scots. Here was a little trouble in England by the death of S. Edward king and martyr, destroyed by the deceit of his mother in law: but yet with in memory.  
Xl. years after the homage done by Kynald to king Edgare, that is to say, in the year of our lord M.xvii. Malcolme king of Scots did homage to Knute our predecessor. After this homage done the Scots uttered some piece of their natural disposition, whereupon by war made by our progenitor saint Edawrde the Confessor xxxix. year after that homage done, that is to say, the year of our lord M.lvi. Malcolme king of Scots was vanquished, and the realm of Scotland given to Malcolme his son by our said progenitor saint Edward: unto whom thesayd Malcolme made homage and fealty.  
Within xi. years a●ter that William Conqueror entered this realm whereo● he accounted no perfect conquest, until he had likewise subdued the Scots, and therefore in the said year, which was in the year of our Lord M.lxviii. the said Malcolme king of Scots did homage to the said William Conqueror, as his superior by conquest king of England.  
Xxu. years after that, which was in the year of our Lord M.xciii. the said Malcolme did homage and fealty to William Rufus, son to the said William Conqueror: and yet after that was for his offences and demerits deposed, and his son substitute in his place, who likewise failed of his duty, and therefore was ordained in that estate by the said William Rufus, Edgar brother to the last Malcolme, & son to the first, who did his homage and fealty accordingly.  
Seven years after that, which was in the year of our Lord M.C. the said Edgar king of Scots, did homage to Henry the first, our progenitor.  
Xxxvii. year after that David king of Scots did homage to Matilde the Emperatrice, as daughter and heir to Henry the first. Wherefore being after required by Stephyn, then obteigning possession of the realm, to make his homage, he refused so to do, because he had before made it to the said Matilde, and thereupon forbore. After which David's death, which ensued shortly after, the son of the said David made homage to the said king Stephyn.  
Xiiii years after that, which was in the year of our Lord, M.cl William king of Scots, & David his brother, with all the nobles of Scotland made homage of Henry the seconds son, with a reservation of their duty to Henry the second his father.  
Xxu. years after that, which was in the year of our lord, M.Clxxv. William king of Scotland, after much rebellion and resistance, according to their natural inclination, king Henry the second, than being in Normandy, Wyllyan then king o● Scots knowledged finally his error, and made his peace and composition, confirmed with his great seal, and the seals of the nobility of Scotland, making therewith his homage and fealty.  
Within xv. years after that, which was the year of our lord M. C.lxxxx. the said Wyllyan king of Scots, came to our city of Cauntorbury, & there did homage to our noble progenitor king Richard the first.  
Xiiii years after that, thesayd William did homage to our progenitor king John, upon a hill besides Lyncolne, making his oath upon the cross of Hubert than archbishop of Cauntorbury, being there present a marvelous multitude assembled for that purpose.  
Xxvi. years after that, which was in the year of our lord M.CCxvi. Alexander king of Scots married Margarete, the daughter of our progenitor Henry the third, at our city of York, in the feast of Christmas: at which time the said Alexander did his homage to our said progenitor: who reigned in this realm, lvi. years. And therefore between the homage made by the said Alexander king of Scots, and the homage done by Alexander, son, to the said king of Scots, to Edward the first at his coronation at Westminster, there was about fifty years at which time the said Alexander king of Scots repaired to the said feast of coronation, and there did his duty as is aforesaid.  
Within xxviii. years after that, which was the year of our lord M. CC.lxxxii. John Balliol king of Scots, made his homage and fealty to the said king Edward the first, our progenitor.  
After this began Robert Bruise to usurp the crown of Scotland, and to move sedition therefore, against them of the house of Balliol, whi●h made for tacason some interruption in thesayd homage: but yet no 〈◊〉 without the terms of memory. For within xliiii. year a●ter, which was the year of our lord, M.CCCxlvi. Edward Balliol, after a great victory had in Scotland against tother faction, & enjoying the crown of Scotland, made homage to our progenitor Edward the third.  
And xx. years after that, which was in the year of our Lord M. CCCxxvi. David Bruse, who was ever in the contrary faction, did nevertheless in the title of the crown of Scotland, whereof he was then in possession, make homage to our said progenitor Edward the third.  
Within ix. years after this, Edward the third, to chastise the infidelity of the Scots, made war against them: where after great victories, Edward Balliol having the just and right title to the realm of Scotland, surrendered ●lerely the same to our said progenitor at the town of Rokysbrough in Scotland: where our said progenitor accepted the same, and than caused himself to be crowned king of Scotland, and for a time enterteigned it, and enjoyed it, as very proprietary and owner of the realm, as on th'one party by confiscation acquired, & on the other part by free will surrendered unto him.  
And then after the death of our said progenitor Edward the third, began seditions and insurrections in this our realm, in the time of our progenitor Richard the second, which was augmented by the alteration of t●e state of thesayd Richard, and the devolution of the same, to Henry the fourth, so as the Scots had some leisure to play their ungues, and follow their accustomed manner. And yet Henry the u for recovery of his right in Fraucne, commanded the king of Scots to attend upon him in that journey. And in this time the realm of Scotland being descended to the house of the Stewards, of which our Nephieu directly cometh, james Steward king of Scots, in the year of our Lord M. CCCC.xxiii. made homage to Henry the vi. at Wyndsore. Which homage was distant from the time of the other homage made by David Bruse lx. years and more, but far within the fresh memory of man.  
All which homages and fealties as they appear by story to have been made and done at times and season as afore: so do there remain instruments made thereupon and sealed with the seals of the kings of Scotland testifying the same. And yet doth it appear by story, how the Scots practi●ed to steal out of our treasury divers of these instruments, which nevertheless were after recovered again. And to the intent ye may know of what form and tenor the said instruments be, here is inserted the effect in word and sentence as they be made, which we do, to meet with the cavellation and contrived evasion of the Scots, alleging the homage to have been made for the earldom of Huntyngton, which is as true as the allegation of him that is burnt in the hand, to say he was cut with a sikle. And therefore the tenor of the homage is this.  
I John. N. king of Scots shall be true and faithful unto you lord Edward by the grace of god king of England, the noble and superior lord of the kingdom of Scotland, and unto you I make my fidelity of the same kingdom of Scotland, the which I hold, & claim to hold of you: and I shall bear to you my faith and fidelity of life & limb and worldly honour against all men, & faithfully I shall knowledge, and shall do to you service due unto you of the kingdom of Scotland a foresaid, as god so help and these holy evangelies.  
Now for the third part touching records and registres, we have them so formal, so autentiquall, so seriously handled, and with such circumstances declaring the matters, as they be & aught to be a great corroboration of that hath been in stories written & reported in this matter. For a monges other things we have the solemn act, and judicial process of our progenitor Edward the first, in discussion of the title of Scotland, when the same was challenged by twelve competitors: That is to say,  

Forentius comes Holandie.  
Patricius de Dumbar comes de Merchia.  
Willielmus de Vesty  
Willielmus de Ros.  
Robertus de Pinbeny.  
Nicholaus de Souls.  
Patritius Galightly.  
Rogerus de Mundeville  
joannes de Comyn.  
D. joannes de hastings.  
joannes de Balliolo.  
Robertus de Bruse.  
Er●ius rex Norwegie.   
And finally, after a great consultation and mature deliberation, with discussion of the allegations proponed on all parties, sentence was given for the title of Balliol, according where unto he enjoyed the realm. But for confirmation of the duty of the homage before that time observed by the kings of Scots, it appeareth in those records, how when those competitors of the Realm of Scotland repaired to our said progenitor, as to the chief lord for discussion of the same, in as much as the authority of the judgement to be given depended there upon: It was than ordered, that the whole parliament of Scotland spiritual temporal and of all degrees assembled for that purpose, and considering upon what ground and foundation the Kings of Scotland had in times past made the said homages and recognition of superiority, the said parliament ●yndyng the same good and true, should if they so deemed it, yield and give place, and by express consent recognize the same. At which parliament was alleged unto them, as appeareth in the same records, not only these acts of the princes before those days, & before rehearsed: but also besides the testimony of stories, the writings and letters of foreign princes, at that time reciting and rehearsing the same: Whereupon thesay parliament did there agreed to this our superiority, and ensuing their determination did particularly and severally make homage and fealty with Proclamation, that whosoever withdrew him sel●e from doing his duty therein, should be reputed as a rebel: And so all made homage and fealty to our progenitor Edward the first. This Realm was in the time of the discussion of the title ruled by Guardians deputed by him, all castles and holds were surrendered to him as to the superior lord in the time of vacation, benefises, offices, fees, promotions passed in that time from the mere gift of our said progenitor, as in the right of this crown of England, Sheriffs named and appointed, writs and precepts made, obeyed, and executed: and finally all that we do now in the Duchy of Lancaster, the same did our progenitor for the time of our contention for that title in the realm of Scotland, by the consent of an agrument of all estates of the realm assembled and consulted with for that purpose. At which time the bishops of saint Andrew's and Glascoo were not as they now be arch bishops, but recognized the archbishop of York, which extended over all that country,  
Now if the Scots will take exception to the homage of their princes as made in war and by force which is not true: what will they say or can they for shame allege against their own parliament, not of some but of all confirmed and testified by there writings and seals? whereunto nothing enforced them, but right and reason, being passed in peace & quiet without armour or compulsion. If they say they did it not, they speak like themselves, If they say they did it, then do they now like themself, to withdraw their duty, not so much to be blamed, as to be amended.  
Thus appeareth unto you the beginning of the right of superiority, with a perpetual continuance, without intermission within memory, certain omssi●on and forbearing upon the grounds and occasions before specified we deny not. Whereby they have many times sought and taken there opportunities, to withdraw the doing of their duty in knowledge of our superiority over them, which to avoid, they have not cared what they said or alleged▪ though it were never ss untrue: lying always in a wait when they might annoyed this Realm, not without there own great danger, peril, & extreme detriment. But as they detracted the doing of their duty, so god ever granted unto this realm force to compel them thereunto within memory, notwithstanding any their interruption by resistance, which unto the time of our progenitor Henry the sixth never endured so long as it made intermission within time of mind whereby they possession might seem to be enpaired, from the time of Henry the sixth unto the seventh year of our reign, our Realm hath been for a season lacerate and torn by diversity of titles till our time and sithences by war outwardly vexed & troubled: The story is so lalamentable for some part thereof, as were tedious to rehearse,  
sithen the death of our progenitor, Henry the vi our Grandfather Edward the four reigned, who after great traveyls to attain quietness in his Realm, finally in the time of preparation of war against Scotland, died.  
Rycharde the iii then usurped for a small time in years, whom the King our father by the strength of God's hand ouerthr●w in battle, and most justly attained the possession of this Realm, who nevertheless after the great tempestuous storms, finding all matters not yet brought to a perfect quiet and rest, ceased and forbore to require of the Scots to do their duty, thinking it policy rather for that time to assay to tame their nature by the pleasant conjunction & conversation of affinity, then to charge them with their fault, and require duty of them, when opportunity served not, by force and fear to constrain & compel them.  
And thus passed over the reign of our father, without demand of this homage▪ And being our reign now xxxiiii years, we were xxi year latted by our Nephieu his minority, being then more careful how to bring him out of danger, to the place of a king, then to receive of him homage when he had full possession of the same. Wherefore being now passed sithence the last homage made by the king of Scots to our progenitor Henry the vi C.xxii year, at which time the homage was done at Wyndesore by james Stuard, than king of Scots, as afore, lvi. of these years the crown of this Realm was in contention, the trouble whereof engendered also some business in the time of the king our father, which was xxiiii. year: And in our time xxi year hath passed in the minority of our Nephieu. So as finally the Scots resorting to their only defence of discontinuance of possession, can only allege iustli but xiii year of silence in the time of our reign, being all the other times sithence the homage done by james Steward, such as the silence in them had they been never so long, could not have engendered prejudice to the loss of any right, that may yet be declared & proved due. For what can be imputed to King Edward for not demanding homage being in strife for that estate, whereunto the homage was due? What should Richard thee▪ iii search for homage in Scotland▪ that had neither right ne leisure to have homage done unto him in England? Who can blame our father, knowing the Scots nature, never to do their duty but for fear, if he demanded not that of them, which they would eschew if they might, being his Realm not clearly then purged from ill seed of sedition, sparkled & scattered in the cruel civil wars before.  
Law and reason serveth, that the passing over of time not commodious that the purpose, is not allegeable in prescription for the loss of any right. And the minority of the king of Scots hath endured xxi years of our reign, which being an impediment on their part, the whole prescription of the Scots, if the matter were prescriptible, is thus deduced evidently to xiii year, which xiii year without excuse we have ceased and forborn to demand our duty, like as the Scots have likewise ●eassed to offer and tend the same. For which cause nevertheless we do not enter this war, ne minded to demand any such matter, now being rather desirous to rejoice and take comfort in the friendship of our Nephieu, as our neighbour, then to move matter unto him of displeasure, whereby to alienate such natural inclination of love, as he should have toward us. But such be the works of God, superior over all, to suffer occasions to be ministered, whereby due superiority may be known, demanded and required, to the intent that according there unto all things governed in due order here, we may to his pleasure pass over this life to his honour & glory: which he grant us to do, in such rest, peace and tranquillity, as shallbe meet and convenient for us.  
When the King had set forth the Declaration of the cause of his war as is above mentioned. Then sent he forth the duke of Norfolk Lieutenant general, accompanied with the Earls of Shrewisbury Da●by, Comberland, Surrey, Hertford, anguish, Ru●land, and the Lords of the North parties, and sir Anthony Browne Master of the Kings horse, sir John Gage controller of the Kings house, and twenty M. men well appointed, which entered Scotland the xxi day of October, and tarried there, viii. days without battle, and brent the towns of Paxton, Ramrige, Styne, Gradyn, Shylles Lang Ednem, Newton, Skytshell, Newthorne, Smellem Spyttle, the two Merdens', Siederyke, and the two Broxlawes, Florys and the Fair croft, Ednem Spyttle, Roxborough, Kelsey & the Abbey, Lang Spronstow, riden, and Hadenston, And while the Duke was at Farneton in Scotland the four day. there came to speak with him half a mile from the Host, from the king of Scots, the Bishop of Orkeney and james Leiremouth Master of the household, to entreat peace, but they agreed not. And the Army lay so long in Scotland● as they might for hunger & cold without any countenance of harm, and so for necessity returned to Barwycke. And all this journey the Standard of the Earl of Hampton which died at New Castle, was borne in the forward, because he was appointed Capitayne of the same.  
The king of Scots hearing that the Army was returned, raised an army of xu thousand chosen men of all parts of his Realm under the guiding of the Lord Maxwell warden of his west Marches, boasting to tarry as long in England as the Duke did in Scotland. And so on fridai being s. Katheryns even, they passed over the water of Eske & brent certain houses of the Greves on the very border. Thomas bastard Dacres with jacke of Musgrave sent word to sir Thomas wharton Wardein for the king on the west Marches, to come on to secure them: but the said ii valiant captains, although the Scots entered fiercely, yet they manfully and courageously set on them, with an, C. light horse, and left a stolen on the side of a hill, where withal the Scots were wonderfully dismayed, either thinking that the duke of Norfolk, had been come to the west Marches, with his great army: or else they thought that some greater army came, 
●he victory a● the Water of Esk●.  when they espied sir Thomas Wharton, coming with iii C. men only. But at that time, so God ordained it to be, that they at the first bront fled, and thenglishmen followed, and there were taken prisoners th'earls of Casselles, and Glancarne, the lord Maxwell, Admiral and Wardein, the lord Fleming, the lord Somerwell, the lord Oliphant, the lord Grace, sir Oliver Senclere, the kings minion, John Rosse lord of Oragy, Robert Eskyn son to the lord Eskyn, Car lard of Gredon, the Lord Maxwelles two brethren, John Lesley Bastard to the Earl of Rothus, and two hundred gentlemen more, and above eight hundred common people, in somuch that some one man, yea, and women had three or four prisoners. They took also twenty and four gonnes, four carts with spears, and ten pavilions. This was only the handstroke of God, for the Cardinal of Scotland promised them heaven, for destruction of England.  
The king of Scots took a great thought, 
The death of the Scottish King.  for this discomfiture, and also because that an English Herald called Somerset was slain at Dunbarre, which things together he took so unpatiently that he died in a Frenesy. Although many reported that the king himself was at this bickering, and there received his deaths wound, and fled therewith into Scotland. But howsoever it was, true it is as is aforesaid he died, and the Queen his wife was delivered of a daughter, on our lady Even before Christmas, called Mary. Of the prisoners aforesaid twenty and four of the chief of them, were brought up to the Tower of London, and there were two days. And on Saint Thomas day the Apostle before Christmas, they were solemnly conveyed through London to Westminster, where the Kings counsel sat, and there the Lord Chancellor, declared to them their untruth, unkindness, and false dissimulation, declaring farther how the king had cause of war against them, both for the denying of their homages, and also for their traitorous invasions without defiance, and also for keeping his subjects prisoners without redemption, contrary to the old Laws of the Marches, for which doings, God as they might perceive had scourged them: Howbeit the king more regarding his honour, than his princely power, was content to show to them kindness, for unkindness, and right for wrong. And although he might have kept them in strait prison, by just law of Arms, yet he was content that they should have liberty, to be with the nobles of his Realm, in their houses. And so according to their estates, they were appointed to Dukes, Earls, Bishops, Knights, and other Gentlemen, which so entretaigned them, that they confessed theimselfes, never to be better enterteigned, nor to have had greater cheer.  
But after their new gladness, tidings came to them, of the death of their King, which they sore lamented, and hearing that he had left an only daughter his heir, they wished her in England, to be married to the Prince the kings son. The King and his Counsel, perceiving the overture now to be made, which way without war these two realms, might be brought into one, sent for all the prisoners few lacking, to his Manor of Hampton Court, on saint Stephen's day, where they were so well enterteigned, both of the king and his nobles, that they said, they never saw king but him, and said that God was better served here, then in their country: howbeit their Kirkmen preached, that in England was neither Mass, nor any service of God. And they promised the king, to do all that in them lay with their friends to perform asmuch as he required. Whereupon not without great rewards, they departed toward Scotland, on New years day, and by the way they saw the Prince, and came to New Castle to the Duke of Suffolk, who upon hostages delivered them, and so the● entered Scotland and were well and gladly welcomed.  
Likewise th'earl of Angus, which was banished Scotland, and had of the kings Fee, yearly a thousand mark, and sir George Douglas his brother, had five hundred mark. These were accepted into Scotla●d, and restored by the last kings will, and th'earl of Angus and diverse of the Lords that were prisoners, were made of the privy counsel of the realm, by the Earl of Arrein, Governor of the young Queen, and the realm, as next heir apparent: notwithstanding that the archbishop of Saint Androwes and Cardinal, enemy mortal to the King and realm of England, for the Bishop of Rome's authority (and partly set on by the French king, for the same cause) had forged a will, that the king had made him Governor, associate with two Earls of his affinity, both of the Realm, and of the young Queen, contrary to the Laws of Scotland. Whereupon thesay earl of Arrain, according to his right, with the help of his friends, took upon him the rule of Governor, and put thesay false Cardinal in prison, and delivered sir Robert Bowes and other prisoners, by their bands, according to the custom of the Marches. And so in March next following, the Scots began their Parliament.  
All this year there was neither perfit peace, nor open war, between England and France, but Ships were taken on both sides, and Merchants rob. And at the last the Merchants goods on both parties were seized, and likewise the Ambassadors, of both Realms were stayed: howbeit shortly after, the Ambassadors were delivered, but yet the merchants were rob, and no war proclaimed.  
In the end of this year, came from the Governor of Scotland as Ambassadors, sir William Hambleton, james Leyremouthe, and the Secretory of Scotland, whose message was so meanly liked, that they were feign to send an Herald into Scotland, for other Ambassadors, and so hither came the earl of Glancarn, and sir George Douglash and whatsoever their answer was, sir George returned in Post, and within twenty days, came again with an honest answer, but that honesty eudured a small time.   

¶ The xxxv year.  
IN the beginning of this year on Trinity Sondaie, was a new League sworn, between the King and the Emperor, at Hampton Court, to be friends to their friends, and enemies to their enemies.  
The third day of june came to the Court, from the Realm of Ireland, the Lord Obryn, the Lord Macke William Brough, the Lord Macke Gilpatricke. And in july thesay Obryn was created Earl of Townon, and Lord Macke William, was created Earl of Claurikard, and sir Dunon Obryn was made Baron of Ebranky, and so with rewards they took their leave, and returned. Also the same month, the Scottish Ambassadors returned with great rewards.  
At this season the King and the Emperor, sent Garter and Toyson Kings at Arms, to demand certain things of the French King, which if he did deny, then to defy him, but he would not suffer them to come within his land, and so they returned. Whereupon thesay demands, were showed to the ambassador at Westminster. And in july the King sent over six thousand tall men, whereof was Captain general, sir John Wallop, and sir Thomas Seymour Martial, and sir Richard Cromewell Captain of the horse men, which assaulted a Town called Laundersey, 
Laundersey  unto the which assault came the Emperor in proper person. And shortly after came down the French King in proper person, with a great army, and offered the Emperor battle, by reason whereof the siege was raised, and straight the French men victayled the Town, which was the only cause of their coming. For the next day, the Emperor being ready, at the hour appointed to give battle, and the frenchmen made great show, as though they would have come forward, but they dallied of all that Day, and in the Night, they ran a way, and trusted some to their Horses, and some to their legs like tall fellows.  
In this month were Indicted, arraigned and condemned at new Wynsore▪ four men, 
Four persō● condemned.  that is to say, Anthony Person Priest, Robert Testwood a Singing man Henry Filmer a Tailor, and John Marbeck a Singing man. All these men were at one time, as is aforesaid, arraigned and condemned of Heresy, by force of the six Articles. The Heresies that they were condemned for, were these as they are alleged in their indictments: first, that Anthony Person 
Antony Person.  should Preach two year before he was arraigned, in a place called Wynkefelde, and there should say. That like as Christ was hanged between two thieves, even so when the Priest is at Mass, and hath consecrated and lifteth him up over his head, than he hangeth between two thieves, except he Preach the word of God truly, as he hath taken upon him to do.  
Also that he said to the people in the Pulpit, ye shall not eat the body of Christ, as he did hung upon the Cross, gnawing it with your teeth, that the blood run about your lips, but you shall eat it this day, as ye eat it to morrow, the next day and every day, for it refresheth not the body, but the spirit.  
Also, after he had preached and commended the Scripture, calling it the word of God, said as followeth. This is the word, this is the bread, this is the body of Christ.  
Also, he said that Christ sitting with his disciples, took bread and blessed it, and broke it, and gave it to his Disciples saying. This is my flesh, take it and eat it: and like wise took the Wine and blessed it, and gave it to his Disciples saying, take it and drink it: This is my blood. What is this to us, but to take the Scripture of God, and to break it to the people.  
Item, Henry Filmer 
Henry Filmer  the Tailor arraigned of this Article, that he should say. That the sacrament of the Aultare, is nothing but a similitude and a Ceremony. And also, if God be in the Sacrament of the aultare, I have eaten twenty Gods in my life.  
Robert Testwoode 
Robert Testwood.  arraigned of this Article, that he should say in the time that the Priest was lifting up the Sacrament, what, wilt thou lift him up so high, what yet higher, take heed, let him not fall.  
John Marbecke arraigned, 
John Marbecke.  for that he had with his own hand, gathered out of diverse men's writings, certain things that were expressly against both the Mass, and the Sacrament of the Altar.  
These four persons, were arraigned, condemned, and burned for the articles above said, except John Marbecke, whose honesty and innocency, purchased him the Kings Pardon, the other three were burned at Wynsore aforsaied.  
Beside these men, were a great number of Gentle men, aswell of the Kings privy Chamber, as other Indicted, by the procurement of one Doctor London, 
Doctor London: William Symons.  a Prebendary of Wynsore▪ and one William Symones a Vaunt Parlour: Which Gentlemen made suit to the Kings Majesty, declaring in what case they stood. Whereupon Doctor London was examined, and so was thesay Symones, which upon their Oath of allegiance, denied their Traitorous purposes, as after it was proved to their faces. Wherefore they were adjudged as Perjured persons, to wear Papers in Wynsore, and so they did, and were after committed to the Flete, where thesay Doctor London died. And here have I an occasion, because of doctor London's perjury, to tell you how he was also the occasion that another committed wilful perjury. The matter was, that a certain robbery was committed in Oxford in a College whereof the said Doctor London was Master, and certain plate by one of the said College was taken away & brought to London to cell, and it was sold to a goldsmith in London named William Calaway. 
William Calaway.  This goldsmith had before bought much plate of the party (which now sold the said stolen plate) being a man of credit, and therefore suspected nothing. But this matter was so followed, that the party that stole it was taken, and so was divers accessaries. At the last, Doctor London knowing to whom it was sold, and that the goldsmith was a man of the New Learning (as they called him) swore a great oath that he would hung him or else it should cost him five hundredth pound: whereupon he caused also the said goldsmith to be attached as accessary, and arraigned him at the sessions holden at Newgate in London: where it was alleged that they aught not by the law to inquire of the accessary before the principal: and there for the dispatch of the said goldsmith, it was alleged that the principal was hanged, which was nothing so, for he was set at his liberty and liveth still. But to be short, the goldsmith (which undoubtedly is a known, tried and proved honest man and ever was of honest name and fame) was found guilty, and no remedy but he must declare what he could say why he should not die according to the law: he prayed to have his book: which was answered that he could not have it, for he was Bigamus. And now cometh the Perjury that I promised to tell you of: His wife, which of all people that knoweth her, is certainly known to be an honest woman, and from her birth hath ever been of as much honesty as any woman may be: And this woman had had two husbands before, which also were honest men, and she had children by them, and therefore was it alleged against this goldsmith that he was Bigamus: This good woman perceiving that her former marriages should shorten her husband's days, came into the open Court before the judges and affirmed by her o'th' contrary to the truth, that she was never married to more men then to the said goldsmith, although she had children by her other husbands and continued divers years with them, yet she swore she was Whore to them both and not married. And so by defaming of herself, to her great praise, she delivered her innocent husband.  
In this year was in London a great death of the Pestilence, and therefore Myghelmas Term was adjourned to Saint Albon, and there was kept to the end.  
In the week of Christmas, came to the King to Hampton Court Ferdinando de Gonzaga Ui●eroy of Cicile Prince of Malfeta Duke of juano, Capitayne general of the chivalry and Army of the Emperor Charles, which came to the King to appoint what time the Army and the Empero●r should be ready to invade France, and the appointment taken he departed, & had for his reward a C.liii ounces in golden plate, & four M.iii oz in guilt plate, which all was very curiously wrought. And all the time that he lay here, he lay at the Kings cost.  
The sunday before Christmas was Lord William Parr, brother to the Queen, which had married the daughter & heir of Lord Henry Burchier Earl of Essex, at Hampton Court, created earl of Essex. And sir William Parr Knight uncle to them both, was made Lord Par of Horton & chaumberleyn to the Queen. And on Newyeres day was Sir Thomas Wriothesley the Kings Secretary made Lord Wriothesley of Tychefelde,  
Also this year was open war proclaimed with France, and licence given to the Kings subjects to ieaze upon the frenchmen and their goods as in like cases before had been accustomed.   

The xxxvi year  
THIS YEAR the King sent a great army into Scotland by sea, and he made the Earl of Hertfford Lieutenant General of the same. And the Uicount Lisle high Admiral, which valiant Captains so sped them, that the third day of May the Lord Admiral arrived with all his Flcete which was two hundredth sail in the Fryth, where he landed divers of his men and there took divers vessels which after did high service. And shortly they approached unto the town of Lyth where they landed their men, and marched forward in three great batteyles, whereof my Lord admiral led the vaward, the Earl of Shrewsbury the arrerewarde, and the Noble Earl of Hertforde being Lieutenant, the battle: Where they found the Scots assembled to the number of sire thousand horsemen beside footmen to stop the passage of the army. And at the first the Scots made toward the Englyshmen as though they would have set on the vaward, but when they perceived the Englyshmen so willing to encounter with them, namely the Cardinal who was there present, which perceived the devotion the Englyshmen had to see his holiness, after certain shot on both sides, they made a sudden retreat, and leaving their artillery behind them fled toward Edinburgh. The first man that fled was the Cardinal like a valiant Champion, and with him the Governor, the Earl of Huntley, Murrey and Bothwell, with many other great men of the Realm. And shortly after the Englishmen maugre all the Scots might do, entered the town of Lith where that night the army encamped them, 
Lyth ta●en.  & there they found such richesse as they thought not to have found in any town of Scotland,  
The next day the Army went towards Edinburgh town, and when they approached near, the provost of the town accompanied with one or two Burgesses, and two or three officers at arms desired to speak with the kings lieutenant, and in the name of all the town said, that the keys of the town should be delivered unto his lordship conditionally, that they might go with bag & baggage & the town to be saved from fire: Whereunto answer was made by the said lord lieutenant, that where as the Scots had so manifestly broken there promises confirmed by oaths and Seals and certified by the whole parliament as is evidetly known to the whole world, he was sent thither by the kings highness to take vengeance of there detestable falsehood, to declare and show the force of his highness sword to all such as should make any resistance unto his grace's power sent theither for that purpose: And therefore he told them resolutely that unless they would yield up the town frankly without condition, and cause man, woman and child, to issue in to the fields, submitting them to his will and pleasure, he would put them to the sword and their town to the fire. The provost answered that it were better for them to stand to their defence. Whereupon commandment was given to thesay provost and officers at arms upon there peril to departed. And forth with the lord lieutenant sent to the vaward that they should march towards the town which courageously set forward, and the English gonners manfully set on the gates, specially sir Christopher Morice, that they did beaten the Scots from there ordinance, and so entered the gate called Cany gate by fine force, and there slew a great number of the Scots: And finally it was determined by thesay lord lieutenant utterly to ruinated and destroy thesay town with fire, which thing immediately was attempted, but because night was come, the army withdrew to their camp, and then a fresh the next day set fire where none was before, 
Edenbo●ugh brent.  which continued that day & two days after burning. And shortly after came unto this Army by land four thousand light horsemen sent by the king, which after they were come, the army forsook there Ships and sent them home laden with spoil and goneshot which they found there, and dislodged their camp out of the town of Lith, and set fire in every house, and brent it to the ground: and so returned home by land, through all the main country of Scotland burning and destroying every pile, fortress and village that was in their walk, and so with great honour to the great rejoicing aswell of the kings majesty as of all his faithful and ●uyng subjects they returned a gain into England with the loss ska● of forty persons: and because their great exploit may be the better inowen, here shall follow the names of the chief boroughs, castles and towns brent and desolated by this royll army.  
The borough and town of Edemborough with the Abbey: alled holy toode house, and the kings palace adjoining to the same.  
The Abbey of new bottle: part of Muskleboroug● town, with the ●happell of our lady of Lawret.  
Hadington town with the Friars & Nonry. Laureston with the grange  
The town of Lith brent, and the haven and pier destroyed.  
The Castle & village of Cragmiller. Preston town and the Castle A Castle of Oliver Sancklers, The town of Dumbarre.  

Drilawe.  
Broughton.  
Dudistone.  
Beverton.  
Markle.  
Hatherwike.  
Bowland.  
Blackborne.  
Wester Crag.  
Chester fells.  
Stanhouse.  
Travent.  
Traprens.  
Belton..  
Butterden.  
Raunto.  
Enderleigh the pile & town.  
Crawnend.  
The Ficket.  
Shenstone.  
Kirkland hill.  
East Barnes.  
Quickwood.  
Bildy and the tower.   
Also towns & villages brent upon the sea by the Englsh fleet, which 

I cannot name the half.  
Kynkone.  
S. Minetes.  
The queens Ferry.   part of petynwaynes. The brent Island, with many other whose names I could not come by.  
In this year also the kings majesty prepared two great armies to France, the one was conducted and led by the duke of Norfolk and the gentle lord Russell lord privy seal, which encamped at Muttrell and besieged the town, where they lay a long time, and left the town as they found it: The other army was led by the valiant duke of Suffolk which was the kings lieutenant of that army, and being accumpanyed with the lord chambreleyn, the Earl of Aro●ndell Martial of the field, and Sir John Gage comptrollor of the kings house, and Sir Anthony Browne master of the kings horses, with diverse and many other captains: the nineteen day of july encamped before Bul lain on the east side of the same upon the hill, 
Boleyn besege●  where after many sharp skirmishes they gained first the oldman, & shortly after base Boleyn.  
The fourteen ●ay of july the kings majesty in his royal person passed the says from Dover to Calis, and the six and twenty day encamped himself before Bolleyn, on the north side with in less than half a 〈◊〉 of the town, where his grace remained till the town was surrendered unto his majesty: the which town he so sore assaulted & so besieged with ●uche a boundaunce of great ordinance that never was there a more ●aliaūter assault made, for beside the undermining of the castle, tower ●nd walls, the town was so beaten with ordinance that there was no● left one house whole therein: & so sore was laid to the charge of the Frenchmen that after the king had aslauted them by the space of a monet● they sent forth of the town to the king two of their chie● captains, ca●led Mounsire Semblemound, & Mounsire de Haies, which declared tha●he chief captain of the town with his retinue was contented to deliver the town unto his grace, so that they might pass with bag and baggage, which request the kings majesty, mercifully granted them. And so on the next day, the duke of Suffolk road into Bullein, to whom in the kings name, they delivered the keys of the town. And at after none departed out of Bullein all the frenchmen. The number of the men of war, that were strong and galant, that came out of the town, were of horsemen lxvii of footmen xu C.lxiii. of Gonners' viii. C. of hurt men lxxxvii: of women and children xix C.xxvii. So there was in all that came out of the town, four thousand, four hundred fifty and four, beside a great number of aged, sick and hurt persons, that was not able to go forth of the town. The last person that came forth, was Monsire de Ueruine, grand captain of the Town, which when he approached near the place, where the king stood, he alighted from his horse, and came to the King. And after he had talked with him a space, the king took him by the hand, and he reverently kneeling upon his knees, kissed his hand, and afterward mounted upon his horse and so departed.  
The xviii day, 
The Kings entrance 〈◊〉 to Bullein.  the kings highness having the sword borne naked before him, by the Lord Marques Dorset, like a noble and valiant conqueror road into Bullein, and all the trumpeters standing on the walls of the touney, sounded their Trumpets, at the time of his entering, to the great comfort of all the kings true subjects, the same beholding. And in the entering, there met him the duke of Suffolk, and delivered unto him the keys of the town, and so he road toward his lodging, which was prepared for him, on the South side of the town. And within two days after, the king road about all the town, within the walls, and then commanded that our Lady Church of Bullein, should be defaced and plucked down, where he appointed a Mount to be made, for the great force and strength of the town.  
When the king had set all things there in such order, as to his wisdom was thought best, he returned, to the great rejoicing of all his loving subjects.  
In the mean season, that the king lay before Bullein, and was like to have conquered the same, as at the last he did, as before you have hard, the Emperor took a peace with the French king, to the no little grief and displeasure of the Kings majesty, and that was the cause that the king so suddenly broke up his army, aswell at Bullein as also at Muttrell, and so he returned.  
Shortly after, beside diverse and many sharp skirmishes, made by the frenchmen at Bullein aswell by the Dolphin with a great power which in the night season, stolen upon Base Bullein, taking there a great sort of sick persons, and women in their beds, whom without mercy they slew. Howbeit so manfully the Englishmen, which escaped out of Base Bullein, behaved theimselfes, getting weapons out of the high town, that they bet the frenchmen again out of the Base town, and after with the help of the high town, they slew a great number of them, and so again possessed quietly, thesay Base Town: Beside I say this skirmish and many more, Monsire de Bees came with xu M. men, and encamped right against the Town, on the otherside of the water, intending there to have builded a Fort. But the fourth day of February, he was set upon in his own camp, by the most valiant and fortunate Earl of Hertford, and Lord Lisle, the Lord Grace and other: at whose coming thesay Monsire de Bees, with all his puissance fled, leaving behind them all their ordinance, Tents and plate.   

¶ The xxxvii year.  
THe vii day of june, a great army of frenchmen, came near to the haven of Bullem, and skirmished with thengl●shemen, to the no great gain of the Frenchmen: but this army which was accounted to the number of .xx M. there encamped, & began again to build a Fort, which before they departed, accomplished the same.  
In june the lord Lisle Admiral of England, with th'English fleet entered the mouth of the river of Sain, and came before New haven, where the great army of France lay, which were CC. sail of ships and xxvi Galies' of force, whereof the Bishop of Rome had sent twenty well furnished with men and money, to aid the French king. Thenglishemen being but an. C.lx sail, and all great ships, did not determine to set on the whole navy, but shot certain pieces of ordinance at them, which caused the Galies to come abroad, and shot at the Englishmen, which Galies had great advantage, by reason of the calm wether: twice each part assaulted other with ordinance, but suddenly the wind rose so great, that the Galies could not endure the rage of the seas: and thenglishmen were compelled to enter the main seas, for fear of flats, and so sailed unto Portesmouthe, where the King then lay, for he had knowledge by his espials, that the French army, intended to land in the esle of Wight, wherefore he repaired to that cost, to see his realm defended.  
After the departing of th'English navy, from New haven, the Admiral of France, called the Lord Donibalt, a man of great experience, halsed up his sails, and with his whole navy, came to the point of the Isle of Wight, called. S. Helenes point, and there in good order cast their Ankers, and sent xvi of his Galies daily, to the very haven of Portesmouthe. Thenglishe navy lying in the haven, made them priest and set out towards them, and still the one shot at the other. But one day above all other, the whole navy of the Englishmen made out, and purposed to set on the Frenchmen: but in their setting forward, a goodly ship of England, called the Marry Rose, was by to much folly, drowned in the midst of the haven, for she was laden with much ordinance, and the ports left open, which were very low, and the great ordinance unbreched, so that when the ship should turn, the water entered, and suddenly she sank. In her was sir George Carewe knight, Captain of thesay ship, and four hundred men, and much ordinance.  
At the same time certain of the French men, landed in the Isle of Wight, where their captain was slain and many other, and were both to their great loss and pain, driven again to their Galies.  
The king perceiving the great navy of the Frenchmen to approach sent letters for men into Hampshire, Somerset shire, Wiltshire, and diverse other places adjoining: which repaired to his presence in great numbers, well furnished with armure and victaill, and all things necessary, so that the Isle was garnished, and all the frontiers on the Scacoast, furnished with men in great number.  
The French captains having knowledge, by certain Fisher men which they took, that the king was present, and also of the great power that he had in readiness, they disancted and sailed along the coasts of Sussex, and a small number of them landed in Sussex, which never returned to their ships, for they were taken up by the way.  
When they had searched all the costs, & saw men ever ready to receive them, they turned the stern, and returned home again, without any act worthy to be written▪ done or enterprised: saving that in this mean time their new Fort against Bullein, was strongly furnished and finished.  
The number of the frenchmen, as diverse prisoners that were taken in the isle of Wight, and in Sussex did report, were lx M. And at this time the French king wrote to the Emperor, and declared to him, that his army had gotten the is●e of Wight, the Ports of Hampton and Portesmouth, & diverse other places, which writing was as true, as the French king hath in all his leagues & promises, been to the king of England.  
In August following, the noble Earl of Hert●ord entered into Scotland, with xii M. men, and destroyed all the towns in the middle Marches, and passed to the West Marches, to the great detriment and loss of Scotland, and destroyed Coldyngham Abbey: & yet the Frenchmen and Scots, which lay at Kelsey, durst not once encounter with him.  
In this month died Charles, the noble and valiant duke of Suffolk, 
The death of Charles duke of Suffolk.  a hardy gentleman, and yet not so hardy, as almost of all estates and degrees of men high and low, rich and poor, heartily beloved, and his death of them much lamented, he was buried at Wynsore.  
The xxiiii day of November, a Parliament began at Westminster, by authority whereof, was granted to the king a Subsidy, of ii ●. viii. ●. of the pound, of movable goods, and four ●. the pound in land, to be paid in two year. And all Colleges, Chaunteries, and Hospitals, were committed to the kings order, during his life, to altar and transpose: which his grace at the prorogation of the Parliament, promised to do to the glory of God, and the common profit of the realm.  
A little before this time, the noble and valiant lord Lis●e, lord Admiral landed in Normandy, and brent the subbarbes of Tre●port, and diverse villages along the sea coast, and destroyed and took almost all the ships in the haven, which was a rich and a goodly pray, and so returned without any damage.  
The French king sore moved with these doings, sent Monsire de Bees with xii M. men, which entered into th'English pale, beside Gravelyn, and brent Mark and diverse small villages, and then returned.  
Ever in manner were skirmishes and Alarms. between high Bullein and the new builded fortress, but the loss ran ever on the Frenchmennes' side  
This winter was means made by themperor, that certain Ambassadors, of England and France might meet, to common of a peace, whereupon the king of England sent to Guisnes, Curbert bishop of Duresme sir William Paget his secretory, & doctor Tregonell. And the French king sent to Arde a bishop, the chief Precedent of Rouen, and a Notary, but no conclusion came to effect. Wherefore the King having perfit knowledge, how the frenchmen intended, to build a new fortress on. S. Ihones road, between Bullein and Calais: which thing had not only sore distrussed Calais, but daily had put Bullein in trouble. Wherefore he meaning to prevent so great a mischief, sent over the noble Earl of Hertford, and the valiant lord Li●●e Admiral, and many valiant captains, with vii M. good soldiers, which gate the road but two days before the frenchmen appointed to have been there, & in that place encamped themselves. Monsire de Bees leader & conductor, of all the French affairs, encamped himself beside Hardelow, & durst not once come forth to set on our men, notwithstanding his former preparation and device.  
These things thus hanging, many great skirmishes were daily between the Bullenois, & the French Bastilion: and one day th'one part lost, and the other gained, & likewise the losers regained: but in one skirmish were lost xvi English gentlemen, and lxxx other, although there were slain three rascal frenchmen, and in this skirmish was slain, sir George Pollard. And in a like journey was slain sir Ralph Elderkare, Captain of the light horsemen, with a few other Englishmen, but yet a great multitude of frenchmen, at that time lay on the ground.  
The xxiiii day of December, the kings majesty came into the parliament house, to give his royal assent, to such acts as there had passed, where was made unto him by the Speaker, an eloquent oration, to the which it hath ever been accustomed, that the lord Chancellor made answer, but at this time it was the kings pleasure, that it should be otherwise, for the king himself made him answer, as followeth word for word, as near as I was able to report it.  
Although my Chancellor for the time being, 
King Henry the 〈◊〉 answer to the speaker of the Parliament.  hath before this time used, very eloquently and substantially, to make answer to such orations, as hath been set forth in this high court of Parliament, yet is he not so able to open and set forth my mind and meaning, and the secrets of my heart, in so plain and ample manner, as I myself am and can do: wherefore I taking upon me, to answer your eloquent oration master Speaker, say, that where you, in the name of our well-beloved commons hath both praised & extolled me, for the notable qualities, that you have conceived to be in me, I most heartily thank you all, that you have put me in remembrance of my duty, which is to endeavour myself to obtain and get such excellent qualities, and necessary virtues, as a Prince or governor, should or aught to have, of which gifts I recognize myself, both bore and barren: but of such small qualities, as God hath endued me withal, I render to his goodness my most humble thanks, intending with all my wit and diligence, to get and acquire to me such notable virtues, and princely qualities, as you have alleged to be incorporate in my person: These thanks for your loving admonition and good counsel first remembered, I eftsoons thank you again, because that you considering our great charges (not for our pleasure, but for your defence, not for our gain, but to our great cost) which we have lately sustained, aswell in defence of our and your enemies, as for the conquest of that fortress, which was to this realm, most displeasant and noisome, & shallbe by Gods grace hereafter, to our nation most profitable and pleasant, have freely of your own minds, granted to us a certain subsidy, here in an act specified, which verily we take in good part, regarding more your kindness, than the profit thereof, as he that setteth more by your loving hearts, then by your substance Beside this hearty kindness, I cannot a little rejoice when I consider, the perfit trust and sure confidence, which you have put in me, as men having undoubted hope, and unfeigned belief in my good doings, and just proceedings for you, without my desire or request, have committed to mine order and disposition all Chauntreyes, Colleges, Hospitals, and other places specefied in a certain act, firmly trusting that I will order them to the glory of God, and the profit of the common wealth. Surely if I contrary to your expectation, should suffer the ministers of the Church to decay, or learning (which is so great a jewel) to be minished, or poor and miserable people, to be unrelieved, you might say that Ibeing put in so special a trust, as I am in this case, were no trusty friend to you, nor charitable man to mine even christian, neither a lover of the public wealth, nor yet one that feared God, to whom account must be rendered of all our doings. Doubt not I pray you, but your expectation shallbe served, more Godly and goodly than you will wish or desire, as hereafter you shall plainly perceive.  
Now, sithence I found such kindness, on your part toward me, I can not chose, but love and favour you▪ affirming that no prince in the world, more favoureth his subjects, than I do you, nor no subjects or commons more love and obey, their sovereign lord, than I perceive you do me, for whose defence my treasure shall not be hidden, nor if necessity require my person shall not be unadventured: yet although I with you, and you with me, be in this perfect love and concord, this friendly amity can not continued, except both you my lords temporal, and you my lords spiritual, and you my loving subjects, study and take pain to amend one thing, which surely is amiss, and far out of order, to the which I most heartily require you, which is, that charity and concord is not amongst amongst you, but discord and dissension, beareth rule in every place. S. Paul saith to the Corinthians, in the xiii Chapter, Charity is gentle Charity is not envious, Charity is not proud, and so forth in the said Chapter: Behold then what love and Charity is amongst you, when the one calleth the other, Heretic and Anabaptist, and he calleth him again Papist, hypocrite, and Pharisey. Be these tokens of charity amongst you? Are these the signs of fraternal love between you? Not, not, I assure you, that this lack of Charity amongst yourselves, will be the hindrance and asswaging, of the fervent love between us, as I said before, except this wound be salved, and clearly made whole. I must needs judge the fault and occasion of this discord, to be partly by negligence, of you the fathers & preachers of the spirituality. For if I know a man which liveth in adultery, I must judge him a lecherous and a carnal person: If I see a man boast and brag himself, I cannot but dame him a proud man. I see and here daily that you of the Clergy preach one against another, teach one contrary to another inveigh one against another, without Charity or discretion. Some to be stiff in their old Mumpsimus, other be to busy and curious, in their new Sumpsimus. Thus all men almost be in variety and discord, and few or none preach truly and sincerely the word of God, according as they aught to do. Shall I now judge you charitable persons doing this? Not, not, I cannot so do: alas how can the poor souls live in concord, when you preachers sow amongs them in your sermons, debate and discord? Of you they look for light, and you bring them to darkness. amend these crimes I exhort you, and set forth God's word, both by true preaching, and good example giving, or else I whom God hath appointed his Vicar, and high minister here, will see these divisions extinct, and these enormities corrected, according to my very duty, or else I am an unprofitable servant, and untrue officer.  
Although as I say, the spiritual men be in some fault, that charity is not kept amongst you, yet you of the temporalty, be not clean and unspotted of malice and envy, for you rail on Bishops, speak slanderously of Priests, and rebuke and taunt Preachers, both contrary to good order, and Christian fraternity. If you know surely that a bishop or preacher, erreth or teacheth perverse doctrine, come and declare it to some of our Counsel or to us, to whom is committed by God the high authority to reform and order such causes and behaviours: and be not judges yourselves, of your own fantastical opinions, and vain expositions, for in such high causes ye may lightly err. And although you be permitted to read holy scripture, and to have the word of God in your mother tongue, you must understand that it is licenced you so to do, only to inform your own conscience, and to instruct your children and family, & not to dispute and make scripture, a railing and a tenanting stock, against Priests and Preachers (as many light persons do.) I am very sorry to know and here, how unreverently that most precious jewel the word of God is disputed, rimed, song, and iangeled in every Al●house and Tavern, contrary to the true meaning and doctrine of the same. And yet I am even asmuch sorry, that the readers of the same, follow it in doing so faintly and coldly: for of this I am sure, that Charity was never so faint amongst you, and virtuous and Godly living was never less used, nor God himself amongst Christians, was never less reverenced, honoured, or served. Therefore as I said before, be in Charity one with another, like brother and brother, love dread and serve God (to the which I as your supreme head, and sovereign lord, exhort and require you) & then I doubt not, but that love & league, that I spoke of in the beginning shall never be dissolved or broken between us. And to the making of laws, which be now made and concluded, I exhort you the makers, to be as diligent in putting them in execution, as you were in making and furthering the same, or else your labour shallbe in vain, and your common wealth nothing relieved. Now to your petition, concerning our royal assent, to be given to such acts as hath passed both the houses. They shallbe red openly, that ye may hear them.  
Then were they openly red, and to many his grace assented, and diverse he assented not unto. This the kings Oration was to his subjects there present such comfort, that the like joy could not be unto them in this world. And thus the acts red, as the manner is, and his assen● given his grace rose and departed.  
In this time, there was by the frenchmen, a voyage made toward the Isle of Bra●●le, with a ship called the Bark Age●, 
Bark Age●,  which they had taken from the Edglishemen before. And in their way, they fortuned to meet suddenly with a little Craer, of whom was Master one Golding, which Golding was a feat and hardy man. The Bark perceiving this small Craer to be an Englisheman, shot at him and bouged him, wherefore the Craer drew straight to the great ship, and six or seven of the men leapt into the Bark. The frenchmen looking over the board at the sinking of the Craer, nothing mistrusting any thing, that might be done by the Englishmen. And so it fortuned that those Englishmen, which climbed into the ship, found in the end thereof, a great number of lime pots, which they with water quenched, or rather▪ as the nature thereof is, set them a fire, and threw them at the frenchmen that were aboard, and so blinded them, that those few Englishmen that entered the Ship, vanquished all that were therein, and drive them under hatches, and brought the Bark clearly away again into England.   

¶ The xxxviii year.  
IN the month of April, 
A peace cōcl●dede between England and France.  by means of diverse Princes, an assemble was had, between both the realms, of England and France▪ at Guysnes and Arde. There were for the King of England, the Earl of Hertford, the Lord Lisle Admiral, Sir William Paget Secretary, and Doctor Wotton Dean of Cauntorbury. And for the French King, the Lord Clado Don●ball Admiral, and Marshal of France: the Bishop of Eureux, a precedent and a Secretary. After long debating, and diverse breeches, a peace was concluded, and proclaimed in the kings Court, and in the city of London on Whitsondaie, with sound of Trumpets. And likewise was it done at Paris and Rouen. For the performance whereof, the Uiscount Lis●e Admiral, with the Bishop of Duresme, and diverse lords, and above an hundred gentlemen, all in Velvet coats, and chains of gold, went to Paris, and were there solemnly received and feasted, and shortly returned.  
After whose return, the Admiral of France, accompanied with the Bishop of Eureux, the Earls of Nauntevile, and Uilliers, and diverse great Lords, beside two hundred Gentlemen well appointed, took his Galley at Deep, and having in his company twelve fair Galies, well trimmed and decked, sailed into England, and never took land, till he came to Grenewiche, where he was received by the Earls of Essex, and Derby, the xix day of August. And the next day, he with all his Galies, landed at the Tower Wharfe, and on all the banks by the water side, lay pieces of ordinance which shot of, but especially the tower of London, where was shot a terrible peal of ordinance. And from thence he road through London, in great triumph, the Mayor and the crafts standing in the streets in good order, to the bishops Palace of London, where he lodged till Bartholomew even, on which day he was conveyed toward Hampton Court, where in the way the prince having with him the archbishop of York, the Earls of Hertforde, and Huntyngdon, and above two thousand horse, met him and embraced him, in such lowly and honourable manner, that all the beholders greatly rejoiced, and much marveled at his wit and audacity, and so he came to the Court, giving the Prince the upper hand as he road. And at the utter gate of the Court, the Lord Chancellor, and all the Kings counsel received him, and brought him to his lodging.  
On Bartholomew day, the King richly apparelled, welcomed him, and in great triumph went to the Chapel, where the league was sworn and signed To tell you of the costly banquet houses, that were built, and of the great banquets, the costly Masks, the liberal huntynges that were showed to him, you would much marvel, and scant believe. But of friday following, he being rewarded with a Cupboard of plate, to the valour of twelve hundred pound, returned to London, and on Sondaie took his Galies and departed. Beside this diverse of his company, had much plate, and many horses, and greyhounds given them. Also the Admiral had given to him, of the city of London, two Flagons guilt, and two parcel guilt, to the some of an hundred and six and thirty pound, beside Wine, Wax, and Torches: and thus they laden with more riches than they brought, returned into France.  
Although this peace pleased, both the English and the French nations, yet surely both mistrusted, the continuance of the same, considering the old Proverb, that the eye seethe, the heart ruth, for the French men still longed for Bullein, and the Englishmen minded not to give it over: in so much as during the Admiralles of France being in England, the captain of the new Fortress, began to make a Pile, even at the very haven mouth of Bullein: but the Lord Grace captain there, put away the work men, and took away their tools, and filled the trenches, to the Frenchemennes great displeasure. And after the French king caused upon a great pain, that all the Trenches and new inventions, should be cast down, and filled by his own people, lest he should seem to be the breaker of the peace.  
In this year was arraigned, condemned and burned, for affirming opinions, contrary to the six Articles, four persons, that is to say, Anne Askew Gentlewoman, 
〈…〉  John Lacelles a gentleman, Nicholas Otterden Priest, and John Adlam a Tailor: all these were burned in smithfield, the xvi day of july: and because the whole process of their matters, is by diverse writers set forth, therefore I pass it over. In january were attainted of high treason, Thomas duke of Norfolk, 
〈…〉  and Henry his son earl of Surrey which earl was beheaded at the Tower Hill.  
Now approached to this noble King, that which is by God decreed, and appointed to all men, for at this season in the month of january, he yielded his spirit to almighty God, and departed this world and lieth buried at Wynsore. 
〈…〉  And the last day of january was his true, lawful and only son Prince Edward, Proclaimed King, of all his father's dominions, and the xix day of February, 
〈…〉  was crowned and anointed King of this realm, whom jesus preserve, long to reign over us.  
❧ FINIS ❧    

 

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

  

   

God save the King.  
❧ LONDINI ❧ IN OFFICINA RICHARDI GRAFTONITYPIS IMPRESS.  
CUM PRIVILEGIO AD IMPRIMENDUM SOLUM. Anno. M.D.XLVIII.