A SERMON PREACHED BEFORE THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT Majesty, in the Church of Beauly in Hampshire, the thirtieth of July. M.DC.IX. BY CHRISTOPHER HAMPTON, Doctor in Divinity, and one of his Ma.tie Chapleines. DUBLIN, Printed by the Society of Stationers, Printers to the Kings most excell●●● Majesty. Ann 1620 TO THE MOST HIGH and mighty Prince JAMES by the Grace of God King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, defender of the Faith etc. Most Renowned, most Dread, and most Gracious Sovereign, IT is not long since I heard a Recusant of understanding and quality profess, that the Spiritual presence of our Saviour jesus Christ in the holy Sacrament of the Lords Supper, contented him sufficiently. But he desired satisfaction, at the same time, in the matter of Supremacy, and to have reasons why Christian Princes should challenge it. I promised to resolve him in that point too; and had not any thing so ready to do it withal, as certain collections which I gathered for a Sermon preached before your most Excellent Ma.tie. Those I have now published, that all of my charge may take commodity to read them for their satisfaction or use. And that they are like to do with more cheerfulness, if your Ma.tie will be Graciously pleased to let them pass under your Royal protection, with the same Clemency now which you vouchsafed to countenance them withal, when they were pronounced in your Sacred presence. The Lord that hath given your Ma.tie both this great power, to be his Lieutenant, & a prudent heart to exercise it, continue your happy Government, to the advancement of his glory, the comfort of these Churches, and your own Eternal honour. Even so prostrating myself to kiss your blessed hands, I remain Your Majesty's most humble and obliged Servant and Almosner, ARMAGH. A TREATISE OF SOVEREIGNTY. LUC. 22.24, 25. And there arose also a strife among them, which of them should be the greatest. But he said unto them, The Kings of the Gentiles reign over them, & they that rule over them are called gracious Lords. But you shall not be so, etc. THE Text deuideth itself into two principal parts. In the former you see a Contention between the Apostles for SUPERIORITY. Their example serves to admonish us, that the Saints themselves are obnoxious to humane affections, and need the grace of God. To this purpose the holy Ghost recordeth not only the examples of their virtues, that thereby we might behold the richness of God's mercy towards his servants; but he mentioneth their infirmities, & errors too. Paul describes his own Pharisaisme; noteth Peter halting in the use of things indifferent: John rehearseth his mistaking in the worshipping of Angels. Things registered of purpose, not for contumely unto them, but for instruction unto us. That by these monitions we should watch over ourselves more attentively; if Saints fall from their virtues, what may befall us in the midst of our sins? From hence also we receive hope & comfort in the sorrows of our falls. Audiant qui non ceciderunt ne cadant. Audiant qui ceciderunt ut resurgant. Let them that have not fallen, hear these things provisionally, that they do not fall. And let them that have fallen, hear them exemplarily, that they may rise again. Lastly, this may teach us to admire no man with superstition; but to make the word of God our guide in the imitation of Saints: we live by laws, and not by examples. And if we desire to tread in the steps of holy men, the Word will direct us safely, to follow them no further than they follow Christ. I confess that if any men were to be followed, this glorious Company of the Apostles is most worthy of imitation: But then let us follow them in their Sanctimony, not in their Schism: in their unanimity and concord, which they exercised in the Acts, when they had received the holy Ghost, not in their carnal strife & Contention, which of them should be the greatest. Therefore let no man rejoice in men, but if any will rejoice let him rejoice in God. Securus gloriatur qui gloriatur in Domino. The story of this said Contention is frequent amongst the Evangelists, and rehearsed often. Marc. 10.25 Matt. 20.20. here Marc. 10. Matth. 20. and a Contention of the same nature is set down Matth. 18. Matth. 18.1. And whereunto tends the ingemination of a thing that is not so memorable in itself? Doubtless for the prevention & premonition to the Church; that it should not be swayed with such ambitious prehensations and vast desires, though they be guilded over with Apostolical styles & titles. Apothecary's boxes sometimes have the inscriptions of restoratives, when they be full of poison. Affectation of greatness is repressed in the Apostles themselves: in the rampant Bell-wether of the Christian flock, and then how should it be allowable in their successors, or Apostolical men? It is not improbable, that some such windy affection did thrust the Apostles into this strife: but most certain, that those that vaunt themselves to be successors of the Apostles, have entertained quarrels with all the world, by reason of some peculiar favours and indulgences that CHRIST showed to some of the Apostles above the rest. Thou art Peter and upon this rock will I build my Church, are thought to be very significant words that way. But Paul telleth us, Petra erat Christus, that Christ was that rock, and not Peter. So saith God himself by Esay: I lay in Zion a low corner stone, Esay. 28.16. elect, and precious; 1. Cor. 3.11. whosoever believeth and resteth on it, shall not be confounded. And, no man can lay another foundation then that which is laid already, which is jesus Christ. For, Quis est Deus praeter Dominum? Et quis est Petra praeter Deum nostrum? Who is God, but the Lord? and who is the Rock (saith David) except our God? Psal. 18.31. Again, Unto thee will I give the Keys of the kingdom of Heaven, are used to the like purpose. But this strife proves directly that the Apostles made no construction out of these words, for Peter's prerogative: Had they conceived any meaning that way, it had ended the strife, and Peter must have been the greatest. But they renew their quarrel; after these words, they argued it again and again: they insisted upon it at the last Supper that ever they had with their Master. Pregnant arguments that the Apostles understood nothing of this grant that is urged. What do they think of Christ, that knew the meaning of his own words? was he not willing to inform his Disciples, to leave quietness amongst them? might he not have done it with one word, that Peter should be greatest? or would he reprove their Contention with an absolute non sic, if he had concluded any thing for Peter formerly? Multa coguntur male interpretari, qui nolunt unum rectè intelligere, They are forced to interpret many things wrongfully, that will not understand one rightly. It is evident in the 2. Gal. Galat. 2.8. that Peter and Paul were allotted to several portions: Peter to the Jews, Paul to the Gentiles; & neither had Primacy, or universal charge of the whole Church. What shall we say of the Primative times? Aeneas Silvius Epist. 280. Then every Church was governed by their own Canons, & little respect was had of the Church of Rome; to the great Council of Nyce, that appointed three other Patriarches besides the B. of Rome, to govern the Churches that were contiguous? to the first Council of Constantinople, that gave the B. of that See equal privileges with the B. of Rome? to the Council of Chalcedon, that confirmed them? to the learned Fathers, that understood nothing of this Primacy for diverse hundreth years after CHRIST, until the Church of Rome began to swell with the Dropsy of this Contention? Then indeed men that were willing to serve such turns, found this liquor out of the places, that I have alleged, to quench their mother's thirst. But they bear witness to themselves, and are not to be heard in their own cause, unless they compass such a Decree, as Stratocles did for Demetrius, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, whatsoever Demetrius will command shall be holy before God, and just amongst men. Therefore leaving Stratocles and his Bishop together, to court the World for this Decree, I return to the occasion of the Apostles strife. The nearest occasion of this Text seems to be taken from the death of CHRIST, mentioned in the words precedent. After his death they imagined he would set up an earthly kingdom, and so consequently enter in strife, which of them should have administration of it. When Mariners fall out in a tempest at Sea, which of them shall first cast himself overboard, every one findeth their Contention absurd & dangerous, because an agreement in their service is most necessary at such a time, for preservation of the Ship: even so is this difference of the Apostles. What was the affectation of a Mastery, but a renunciation to their Ministry? And that could never have been at a more unseasonable time, by reason of CHRIST his death being then imminent. When the Shepherd was to be smitten, the sheep had occasion to run together into an holy Concord, either to prevent, or to adjourn the scattering and dissipation to come. When the Bridegroom was ready to be taken away, tears and lamentations would have suited well with the Children of the marriage chamber. To have no apprehension of sorrow at his death, by whose life they had received the sweetness of Comfort; no concussion of fear, when their Master should be taken from their heads: but even then to devose of their own affairs, to attend and to meditate of their future power, was certainly an untimely fruit of ambition; which is like the Bitch (if I may speak it with your reverence) that for haste throws out her puppies blind. Is this the kindness that they show to their Master? O worthy Elizeus, how affectionate were thine obsequies in the like case! you may remember, That he could neither be persuaded, nor beguiled, nor forced from Elijah when he should have been taken from him: but left all other thoughts & did cleave to his Master's side, with an inseparable resolution: As the Lord liveth, and as thy soul liveth I will not leave thee. And did the son of God deserve less respect from his Apostles, than the Tishbite had from the son of Shaphat? verily no. Where then is their zeal? where is their retaliation? where is the desire of Peter's devoted affection? Lord to whom shall we go, thou hast the words of eternal life? Forsooth a strong imagination of a kingdom hath suppressed them all. Grant all that they expected, that CHRIST would leave them an earthly kingdom; Yet pretenders should stay till things were ready, and not bury their predecessors alive. But their hopes of such a kingdom were very fantasies, and great thoughts of heart. How should he leave that to them which he had not himself? The confession he made before Pontius Pilate is an indefesible evidence, That his kingdom is not of this World: therefore he could not leave them an earthly kingdom. They had promise of an eternal kingdom, and there can be no eternity but in that which is spiritual. All corporal things have their fatal periods, and spiritual things only are permanent in eternity. The Prophets describe the kingdom of Christ with words of external Majesty; but then they add the doctrine of his Passion, and imply an other kind of Majesty than the world affordeth. here Kings must be suffered; they must not suffer. To be short, Christ left not his glorification, and kingdom unmentioned; & yet confesseth plainly enough, by washing his Disciples feet, that his kingdom consisteth in a Ministry, not in any outward Sovereignty & command; The Son of man came not to be ministered unto, but to minister. Mat. 20.28. Mark therefore the vanity of this Contention; they strive for precedency in Christ's corporal kingdom: but seeing there is no such corporal kingdom (as I have already proved) neither can there be any such greatness as they imagine; so their Contention comes to a matter of nothing, conceived of wind, and ends with wind. Indeed, Contentions, Kingdoms, greatness in such great places, are nothing belonging to the Apostles, and Ministers of Christ, as appeareth in his Censure following. 2. Part. But he said unto them, the kings of the Gentiles reign over them, etc. I doubt not but you see that the Apostles came into a just reprehension, and deserved sharp reproof, yet because they offended not of malice, but of ignorance, and were carried along with the current of that time, which reduced all the promises of Christ his government to an earthly kingdom: therefore their sweet and mild Master instructeth them friendly, without bitterness, & reserveth the thunderboults of his severity for the obstinate and incorrigible. He exhibiteth the disposition that Esay foretold; here is no Contention, no Clamour, Esay. 42.2. no contumelious insultation; but a grave and quiet instruction. He breaketh not a bruised Reed, he quencheth not smoking flax: Matt. 12.20. For he considereth whereof we be made; Psalm. 103.14. he remembreth that we are but dust. I can compare the kindness of his facility to nothing more aptly, then to the bowels of the evangelical shepherds; how affectionately did they yearn after the lost Sheep? He contemned it not, though it were but one: He neglected it not through sloth; gives not over his love when it was gone: he seeketh it, & finding it, deals not roughly, nor frowardly, but fairly and tenderly with it; leaves it not when it was weary, but lays it upon his shoulders: O good Shepherd, that pains himself to give ease to a poor weary sheep! Can ye tell me whether was greater, his care and endeavour when the sheep was lost, or his compassionate entreaty, & sweet indulgence when it was found again? was he more careful in the former, or gracious in the latter, or incomparable in both? Such are the bowels of our Shepherd: I serve him for the one, love him for the other. And though he be infinite in all his works, Mirabilior tamen esse creditur in exercitio pietatis. Thus he hath done, and left us an example to follow, that follow him in his Pastoral function. We which are strong, aught to bear the infirmities of the weak, Rom. 15.1. and not to please ourselves, least passion transport us, & we lose that through rigour, that might be saved with placability. And thus much for the manner of the Censure. The next thing observable in the Censure, is the matter thereof, & that is Sovereignty, or supreme jurisdiction, given here unto Kings; which appeareth by the plain joints & necessary coherence of my Text. The Apostles quarrel was for Supremacy: CHRIST adjudgeth the matter unto Kings. What matter? none certainly, but that which was in debate, & question; for I make it a matter of Religion, to think that the Wisdom of God would wander & leave the question. The Apostles contend, Which of them should be the greatest: Is not the Contention for Supremacy? CHRIST in his Censure saith, That the Kings of the Gentiles reign over them. Is there any greater than he that reigneth and beareth rule? King's therefore are here invested with supreme Authority, by the sentence, and Censure of the Son of God. This is no strained inference; it containeth nothing but the constant & perpetual meaning of the Son of God, Mark. 12.17 Give unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are Gods. here is no interposition of any person, between God & Caesar, but next under God Caesar hath the highest right. We reserve our Consciences for God; we submit our bodies and goods to Caesar: That which remaineth is matter for Politans and Papians to discourse of. Tell us John the meaning of Christ his style, that is written upon his thigh, Revel. 19.16 The King of kings; is it not a title of his greatness? yes verily; for so he is employed to be, higher than the highest. And who would imagine that the Saviour of the World would call himself King of kings, in his greatest greatness, unless he had meant, that Kings should have the precedence of all mortal men? or who knowing this to be CHRIST his style, would thrust himself above Kings in prejudice of the son of God? Christ hath a poor advancement of it, to be King of kings, if another be above them aswell as he. If the Servant of servants be above the King of kings and Lord of lords, then where is Christ his prerogative? Numb. 16.7 Ye take too much upon you ye sons of Levy. Rom. 13.1. Paul subjecteth every soul to the Civil power, and excepteth none. Etiamsi sis Apostolus, Though thou be an Apostle, an Evangelist, a Prophet, or what else-soever thou be, thou must be subject to Civil power. For this subjection, saith Chrysostome, Chrysostom. in Epist. ad Rom. Homil. 28. is no hindrance to godliness: And then it can not be against the faith. The Apostle persuades this subjection, not for humility, nor by way of courtesy, but enjoins it of necessity: we must needs be subject, Jdque propter conscientiam; and that which is done of Conscience, is so necessary to be done, that it cannot be omitted without heinous sin. Necessity and Conscience be strong obligations for Civil obedience. Give me leave on the other side, to let you see the strength and sinews of Ecclesiastical power: then look on the Decrees of the Church single as they are in themselves, & severed from the Prince's countenance. Act. 15.29. The Decree that the Gentiles should abstain from things offered unto Jdols, is of that nature: and is it not limited by the Apostle of the Gentiles? 1. Cor. 10.25. Whatsoever is sold in the shambles, eat, and ask no question for Conscience sake: but if any man say unto you, this is sacrificed unto Idols, eat it not, because of him that showed it, and for the Conscience. The conscience I say, not thine, but of that other. Compare Paul with Paul, Power with power, Bond with bond, Law with law; Civil authority requireth a necessity of obedience; Ecclesiastical giveth liberty to the Conscience: The Civil Magistrate must be obeyed simply; the Ecclesiastical admits Caution & respect. This binds me only in Case of scandal; the other as well out of offence, as in offence. Though I lived without controlment of any eye; yet I am bound in Conscience to obey the Positive laws. I am bound to obey both powers, but with disparity: the Civil ordinances for clearing mine own Conscience from sin; and Ecclesiastical Decrees for comeliness, for order, for saving my Brother from stumbling & offence. judge whether authority is greater, the mitre or the Sceptre? Primae Ecclesiae Patres, non leges, aut iura ut Reges, sed modestiâ vocabuli abijs traditiones suas distinxerunt. Posteriores Pontifices, ut necessitatem parendi vsurparent usuque acquirerent, iuris verbum adiecerunt, Jus Canonicum & Canon's appellarunt. Both these Offices are now conjoined together in CHRIST: and is he not greater in his kingdom? he stands at the right hand of God, as an Advocate and Priest; he sitteth as a King. This puts a Sceptre, the other giveth a Censer into his hand. His Priesthood reacheth but to the Elect, his kingdom judgeth quick & dead. He is sweet in his Priesthood; but in his kingdom High, Potent, Magnifical, Glorious, & Triumphant. Why must prayers be made for Kings? That we may lead a quiet and peaceable life under them in all godliness and honesty; 1. Tim. 2.2. Godliness and honesty makes them Guardians of both Tables, as well of the First, which containeth the worship of God; as of the Second, which is the fountain of public honesty. And what lacks he of Supremacy, that hath the care and superintendance of all things that belong to God and man? Statesmen tell us that five things must concur together, & meet, to make a Sovereignty. First, to give Laws: Secondly, to make War & Peace: Thirdly, to appoint the principal Officers of estate: Fourthly, to receive appeals: Fiftly, to grant Pardon. As to the first; it is above three thousand and four hundred years ago since jacob said, The Sceptre shall not depart from Juda, Gent. 49.10. nor a Lawgiver from between his knees, until Shilo come. Mark Antiquaries & Novelists too, how anciently law-giving hath been an accident & adjunct to the Sceptre. August. in Io. tract. 6. jura humana iura Imperatorum sunt: quare? quia ipsa iura humana per Imperatores, & Reges saeculi Deus distribuit generi humano. In hoc Reges seruiunt Deo, Aug. contra Crescon. sicut eis divinitus praecipitur in quantum sunt Reges. Si in suo regno bona iubeant, mala prohibeant, non solum quae pertinent ad humanam societatem, verum etiam quae ad Divinam Religionem: Herein Kings serve God, as they are commanded by holy Writ, in respect that they are Kings, if in their kingdoms they command that which is good, and forbid that which is evil, not only in matters of humane society, but of Divine Religion too. Abigail could tell that King David must fight the Lords battles: 1. Sam. 25.28 And it followeth in the story, that at length he made peace with all the nations round about. Concerning Officers, Ester. 3.1. Rex Assuerus Aman quamuis alienigenam ad id honoris evexit, ut cunctis Persarum & Medorum Principibus anteferretur, Et Mordechaium totius honoris & dignitatis eius successorem constituit. The Book of Kings, and Chronicles yield clear testimonies, that these Offices were in the King's dispose: he placed and displaced them all, even the high-Priests too. Pope Boniface the 8. would have put himself into these rights in France; But he got a Great fooliship for this attempt; Sciat maxima tua fatuetas, etc. and then was quiet. Who can doubt of the matter of appeal, that reads Paul's provocation unto Cesar, Act. 25.10. I stand at Caesar's judgement seat, where I ought to be judged; not only in respect of himself, because he could not decline that jurisdiction, but of all others besides; for none could exempt him, because Cesar had the last resort and supreme judicature. Last of all, the grace of deliverance and pardoning criminals was in the King; else joab was mistaken in the midst of his subtility, when he sent the woman of Tekoah to David. 2. Sam. 14.2. David & Solomon were mistaken too: the one, when he pardoned Absalon and Shemey; the other, when he gave to Abiathar the high priest his life. 1. Ring 12.26▪ Thou art worthy of death, but I will not kill thee; go to Anathoth to thine own fields: He did confine him. Now who can deny the King's Supremacy, seeing all the particulars of Sovereignty meet together in his person? Peter grants it: Submit yourselves to all manner ordinance of man, 1. Pet. 2.13. for the Lords sake, whether it be to the King, as having more than all; that is the force of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And in my poor understanding, he that hath power 'bove all must needs be Supreme. But why doth Peter call it a humane ordinance? The King's power is like to Pearls, that are found here below, but carry a resemblance of Heaven in their brightness, and Orient colours: Such is the authority that I treat of: S. Peter calls it a humane ordinance, because it is conversant here upon earth, and exercised amongst men. But it may justly challenge an higher parentage, when the beauty thereof is marked, and the emoluments considered: Then it is like to daniel's goodly Tree, Dan. 4.18. of whose fruit all mortal men do taste and eat, & under whose shadow they also take rest and comfort. How often have those holy Fathers run to the defence, and succour of this Tree in storms, which now in their fair Sunshine go about to shroud & lop the branches! O unthankful remembrancers! But to the point: If this power be of men, how is it sacred? and if it be from heaven, why should it not be Sovereign? The Royal Law is this, Thou shalt make him King over thee whom the Lord thy God shall choose. Deut. 17.15. The people have no authority to make a King, no voices, nor interest in the business: when they desire a King, God reserveth that power to himself. You know who saith it, Act. 13.21. Acts 13. When the people of Jsrael desired a King, God gave unto them Saul the Son of Cys. Samuel did not appoint him, the people did not choose him, but God: To morrow about this time I will send thee a Man, him shalt thou anoint. There is samuel's warrant: 1. Sam. 10.20 21. And will you see what part the people had? Samuel assembled the people, & the tribe of Benjamin was taken. So Saul the son of Cys was taken. 1. Sam. 10.24. And Samuel said, see you not him whom the Lord hath chosen? Nor Priest, nor Prophet, nor people had Nomination, Election or Approbation of the King, but God did all according to the reservation of his own Law. The people were beholders, no actors: they did take Conditions, they could make none. Hoc erit ius Regis, This shall be (whether you translate it) the King's right or his manner: It is an Item to Subjects, that they can never Capitulate with their Prince: If you translate it, the King's right, then that may not be invaded: If you translate it, His manner, or custom, that creates an other right, and cannot handsomely be avoided. here is the difference between a Law, that giveth right, & a Custom, that makes a manner: in the former there is an express allowance; in the second, a secret consent. The appointment of the second King was like unto the first: and the third also was assigned to David by God. The greatest difference was, that God's Election began then to be hereditary, and to be declared by succession. But men's inheritances take not away God's right: they confirm it rather, because he appointeth heirs. Ego dixi dij estis, He calleth them Gods to whom the Word of God came. Psalm. 82.6. joh. 10.34. Which speech of Christ is an Hebraisme, signifying that Kingdoms & Governments come not by authority, or practise of men: but by Gods holy Ordinance and Commission. The Word of God must come unto them before they can be called Gods. And so I will shut up this point with that which they say Peter spoke to Birthwould a Monk of Glassenburie, when he was anointing Edward the Confessor (as I remember): The Monk was inquisitive who should succeed him in the kingdom: And Peter answered, Ne talia cures; Sir Monk, trouble not your head with such cares: Regnum enim Angliae Dei regnum est; For the Kingdom of England is God's kingdom. Even so Lord JESUS let it ever continue, that it may be safe under the shadow of thy wings. If the Monckes' vision were true, it brings our supervisors of kingdoms a Supersedeas from Peter; & that should be of some force amongst those that cry nothing but Peter, Peter: If it be not true, yet it shows what the opinion of the world was then, namely, That the disposition of kingdoms belongeth to God alone: And that the Care of Titles and Successions was no fit Meditation for Monckes, and Parsons of that rank. Thus much for the Supremacy of the King's power. Now the style of Kings followeth, which our SAVIOUR, in this place, would have proportionable to the Majesty of their places. we are commanded, Rom. 13.7. To give honour to whom honour belongeth; Surely none hath such right unto it as the King: And the first part of honour consisteth in Terms and Titles of respect. My son, Prou. 24.21. fear the Lord and the King, and meddle not with them that are seditious. God and the King are proposed jointly, and made the Objects of our fear: therefore the Holy Ghost inioyneth us to perform no perfunctory or vulgar reverence to Kings, but that which is Sacred & Cordial: Bring such reverence, & all Compliments of Honour will follow to content Christian Princes. And remember, that as they have God's Chair, and represent God's image: so he hath communicated his Name unto them, which containeth the amplitude of all Honour. here the Son of God calleth them Benefactors, or gracious Lords; a Title anciently given to Kings, and none sorteth better with the intent & end of their office, which is as Aristotle admonisheth king Alexander, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Paul expresseth it in good English: Rom. 13.4. He is the Minister of God for thy good. Tu regem patremque geras, tu consule cunctis. You have heard how the Lord that is anointed, honoureth the Lords anointed, with Supremacy in his jurisdiction, with Majesty in his Style, and Titles. It is our duties to wish him good luck with his Honour, Psalm. 122.7.8 9 Peace be within his Walls, & plenteousness within his Palaces: for my Brethren & Companions sake, I will wish him prosperity; yea because of the house of the Lord I will pray for his good. Now let us see the last passage what interest the Apostles and their successors have in this matter of Supremacy, and Titles of Majesty. Our Saviour takes it from them Positively: Vos autem non sic, You that are Apostles shall have no such power. Our Masters of the Church of Rome draws it to them crookedly: whether will ye believe, him that was indifferent and without respect of persons, or these that are partial? him in the truth, or these in their pride? the Son of God, or the Brethren of the Conclave? Amongst many differences that be between them, this may be reckoned for one; That we believe the Saviour of mankind upon his word: Jpse dixit is sufficient. But the other must attend for no further credit from us, than they can win by the evidence of their proofs. And these are either Blasphemous or Trivial. They now say that we must conceive a secret & employed Oath in our Baptism, to yield obedience to the Pope. A proof full of horrible blasphemy: true Christians will detest to swear into the Pope's words, and to join him in their Baptism, as a Consort with the three Persons of the holy and undivided Trinity. Hearest thou not this, O Christ, at the right hand of God; How the Adversaries, for their own greatness, would evacuate and violate thy holy Baptism? The other proofs, Feed my sheep, joh. 21.16. Matt. 16.19. and, Unto thee will I give the keys (for I read no more in the writhe Divine) are overworn & trivial proofs, unbeseeming the cause, which is now made one of the principal Articles of Faith, as if none could be faithful unless he believe in the Pope: unfitting the person that allegeth them, from whom the world did look for Oracles; and behold nothing but that which every triobolour Papist can tell. As to the former, Paul in his farewell, told the Elders of Ephesus, that The holy Ghost had made them overseers, Act. 20.28. to feed the Church of God. Wherein I note two things: First, the Office of Elders did consist in feeding: Secondly, that the Church of God which they must feed, is of equipollent and of as large compass as the sheep of CHRIST. Therefore if there be any force in the words of our Saviour unto Peter for feeding his sheep, because they are indefinite: There must needs be the same in these of Paul, to the Priests of Ephesus, because they are equivalent. And so every inferior Minister should hold a kind of Sovereignty in their places, which peradventure our Adversaries may intend, though it be not expressed, for they conceal many things, till opportunity serve. But, if the Pope by feeding of Christ's sheep, may exercise authority over Kings; be well assured that his inferior Ministers which have the same power of feeding, may and will practise the like upon you that are Subjects. Is it possible that any Subjects should be in better Condition than their Sovereign? Do not deceive yourselves, my good Brethren & friends, Mat. 10.24. the servant is no better than his Master. That which is good in the head of the Church against the heads of Kingdoms, will always be of validity in the Members of the Church against the Subjects of kingdoms. Therefore beware of them beloved: They that dare attempt against the Majesty and Persons of Kingdoms, will much sooner attempt against your lands, and lives, & goods. Nothing shall be left unviolable, nothing remain free in any part of the Commonwealth; all must be at the pleasure and mercy of the Pope & his Priests: You see how he is not content to shear, but will skin his sheep; so as no man hath cause to be sorry that he is not of his fold. Now look upon his Keys, if they be as powerful as the feeding of sheep. The keys of the kingdom of heaven, is a perspicuous exposition of the Gospel, teaching men what way they may go to Heaven, and how to be saved. This Key was not committed to Peter alone, but unto all the rest of the Apostles. Hoc dictum, Tibi dabo Claves regni Coelorum, Orig. in Mat. 16. tract. 1. caeteris quoque commune est; Et quae sequuntur velut ad Petrum dicta, sunt omnium communia: This sentence of Christ, Unto thee will I give the keys of the kingdom of Heaven, is spoken to the other Apostles too: and the words that follow, which seem to be delivered unto Peter, are common to all the rest. Then if we marvel that they which are designed to the charge of expounding of the Gospel, and opening Heaven, undertake other things by the power of their keys, as Kingdoms and Governments of the Earth; we do it not without the warrant of Scripture. here is a Pattern that our Saviour leaveth to his Apostles in my Text: Sovereignty is interdicted, and a Ministry is enjoined them. Di Consider. ad Eugen. Bernard writ to as great a Pope as Paul the fifth, Quid vos alienos fines invaditis? What do you mean to enter upon other men's rights? Disce tibi Sarculo opus esse non Sceptro, ut opus Prophetae facias; Understand that an Hook to weed withal, is fitter for you then a Sceptre, to do the office of a Prophet. Esto ut quacunque alia ratione hoc tibi vendices, non tamen Apostolico iure; By what other right soever you can challenge this thing, it is certain you may not do it by any right derived from the Apostles: Nec illud tibi dare Petrus potuit quod non habuit; For, that which Peter had not himself he could never convey to the Pope: And so he concludeth. I ergo tu, & tibi usurpare aude, aut dominans Apostolatum, aut Apostolicus dominatum, Go too then, & usurp if you dare, either a Lordlike Apostleship, or an Apostolical Lordship. Planè ab alterutro prohiberis, You are clearly forbidden the one of the two. Si utrumque similiter habere voles, utrumque perdes, If you will needs have them both together, you must needs lose them both. Well then; are not the Keys sometimes a Cognisance of absolute Authority? yes verily: but that is David's Key, not Peter. I; but CHRIST had that key too. It is true, but he did not communicate it to Peter, or to any of the Apostles. Revelat. 3.7. This saith he that hath the key of David, than he had it, he hath it still, he will have it ever, he will never resign it to any of his Apostles: joh. 20.21 He sent them, but as his Father sent him into the World, & that was without any Royalty or Kingly power: But after his Resurrection he saith, All power is given me, both in Heaven, and in Earth: Mat. 28.18. and addeth, Go therefore unto his Apostle: By that power which was given him both in Heaven & in Earth, he showeth that he hath authority to send forth his Apostles; so he addeth rightly, Go ye therefore. But how shall they go? Suerly, not with that fullness of Power over Heaven & Earth, which he mentioned instantly before (and then was the fittest time to have given it) But, Go teach all nations, Matt. 28.19.20. baptising them in the Name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, teaching them to observe all things that I have commanded you. This is their Charter, their Commission, their Letters Patents, and it containeth all the notes and marks of the Church. Those things be within their charge; the preaching of the Gospel, the administration of the Sacraments, the settling, not of any one model, but of that discipline that may bring men to the obedience & observation of CHRIST his Commandments: For planting or transplanting of kingdoms 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, there is no Title in all their Commission. Bellarmine makes much ado about the translation of the Roman Empire, from the greeks to Charlemagne, by the B. of Rome; and pleaseth himself with conjecture more than his judicious Reader with solidity of reason. The very truth of that story is, that Charles the great had it not by the authority of the Pope, but by Conquest and Transaction with Nicephorus the Greek Emperor, when he could hold it no longer. But allow the Cardinal, that which he cannot prove; that Charles obtained the Empire by the Pope's authority, than he may call to mind, That the restitution of the Roman Monarchy must be done by Antichrist, as it is in the 13. Chap. of the Revelation. Reuel. 13.1. But Bellarmine tells us, that the B. of Rome effected the restitution of the Roman Empire: therefore Bellarmine makes the Bishop of Rome to be Antichrist, which I will not confute. You have heard, how CHRIST his Censure doth deject the Pope from his usurped Monarchy, Vos autem non sic: You that be Ministers of the Gospel may not reign like Kings. And some of our Brethren allege the same words also to dispossess the Reverend Bishops of this Church from their Superiority: But they set CHRIST'S words upon the tentar-hookes, and stretch them too far. His meaning is not to make an equality amongst the Ministers, but to set a difference between Kings, & the Ministers of the Word, that none should invade the right of Princes, under the pretence of their Ministry. As for equality, when one advised Lycurgus to establish it amongst the Lacedæmonians, whereby the least & meanest might bear like sway, and rule with the greatest; The wise man answered, that he which calleth for that, should begin it first at home in his own house. And if all men be careful to exclude Parity out of their private families: if men experienced in Policy and Government, will not admit it into the Commonwealth, because that cannot be preserved with equality, but by authority and rule: Why are not men as sensible of the House of God, as of their own houses? why should equality, that is found intolerable in other Societies, be obtruded to the Church? Because distinctions, and inequality of Pastors cannot be proved by Scripture. That is not so. There were diverse Pastors under the Law (so I think I may call the Priests) but they were not equal: for there was one High Priest, as it were a Transcendent above them all. But his eminency was to express the Sovereignty of JESUS CHRIST. But then there were Captains of every family of the Levites, and that proves an inequality. Last of all, there were two joined with the high Priest, which are called Rulers in the House of God, in the first Paralip. Chap. 24. Vers. 5. 1. Chron. 24.5. In the New Testament there was distinction, and inequality between the Apostles themselves; or else Paul would never have called Peter, & james, Galat. 2.9. & john, chief & pillars of the Apostles. There was distinction & inequality between the twelve Apostles, & the seventy Disciples. 1. Cor. 3.10. Paulus Appellat seipsum Architectum. We read of many Pastors at Ephesus, Act. 20.17. etc. Revelat. 2.1. Act. 20. & in the Revelat. John writeth, To the Angel of the Church of Ephesus; which evicteth necessarily that there was one greater than the rest. Par in partem non habet Imperium, One equal hath no power over another. But, Paul gave Timothy authority over Pastors: 1. Tim. 1.3. Therefore he intended & ordained an inequality, & no parity, amongst the Pastors of the Church. The reasons of those that call for equality in the Ministers of the Church, are not made to build up, and they are too weak to pull down. Zeal is good, & a sweet thing: it is to vow your hearts unto God; but every Sacrifice must be seasoned with Salt, lest ye go about to reform the Church with one hand, & to subvert the state with the other. Abraham says gravely unto Lot, Genes. 13.8. Let there be no Contentions between me and thee, for we are Brethren: That is one reason; Psal. 133.1. And it is both good & pleasant for Brethren to dwell together. Again, The Chananite, & the Peryzite are yet in the land, that is another motive. Genes. 13.7. In which case, who knows not that the adversaries of our doctrine will sooner be overcome with united, than distracted forces? And so we that fight the Lords battles cannot disjoin ourselves without prevarication & booty. Away then with all singularity, and admiring our own opinions; know ye not that it is the Seminary of inward Contention? The spirit of the Prophets must be subject unto the Prophets. 1. Cor. 14.31 Let us have but one heart, & one way, that we may fill the Lords House with Garlands of victories: that we may beat our Adversaries from humane merits, and bring them to the divine mercies; from freewill, and the possibilities of Nature, to the Grace of God; from Traditions, to the written Word; from Elevation, Adoration, Circumgestation, Transubstantiation of the Sacrament, to the Commemoration of Christ's death, & a sweet fruition thereof by Faith; from their Hierarchy & visible Monarchy, to the Headship of our Lord JESUS CHRIST; from superstition to the true worship of God. Oh how glorious are these holy triumphs! how instantly do they call upon us to combine ourselves together, that the Conversion & Offering up of the Papists may be acceptable and sanctified? And thus much for Concord to my Brethren of the Ministry. I would not dismiss you of the Laity, after this long discourse of contention, without some short exhortation to peace. The very name of Peace is a sweet word, but the work is sweeter. I cannot always speak of it; but that which I cannot speak of always, you may keep always: as for example, he that praiseth God with his tongue cannot do it ever, that member must have rest as well as the other parts of the body: but he that praiseth God with his life & conversation, may ever do it. Even so do I commend the words & works of peace unto you: or if you think me unworthy to commend such a divine blessing; look if it be not the word of a Great & mighty King that is far above all exception: Matth. 5.9. He commandeth it unto us from the Author of peace, Beati pacifici, not pacidici; but pacifici: blessed are not the praysors, but, the practisers of peace. Let the Mountains bring peace, & the little Hills righteousness unto thy people, O thou Prince of peace. Hebr. 20.21 And so The God of peace, that brought again from the dead our Lord jesus, the great shepherd of the sheep through the blood of the everlasting Covenant, make you perfect in all good works, working in you that which is pleasant in his sight, through Jesus Christ, to whom be praise for ever & ever. Amen. FINIS. AN ADDITION To the former Treatise of SOVEREIGNTY: SHOWING THAT THE POSSESSION THEREOF HATH NOT been in Popes, save by Usurpation and Practices; but in Emperors and Kings by a continued or perpetual Descent. DUBLIN, Printed by the Society of Stationers. 1. Cor. Chap. 3. Vers. 21.22.23. Therefore let no man glory in men, for all things are yours. Whether Paul, or Apollo, or Cephas, or the World, or life, or death, or things present, or things to come, all are yours. And ye are Christ's, and Christ is Gods. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, GERALD Earl of KILDARE, and the rest of the Nobles, or Gentry in Jreland: CHRISTOPHER by the mercy of God, Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of all IRELAND, wisheth much happiness here, and full in the world to come. HOnoured Lords, and esteemed Gentlemen, I have published aswell the former Treatise, as this addition of Sovereignty, for your sakes, whom I am bound to inform by the duty of my place, and in retribution of the respects you give unto me otherways: that since the sound of my voice cannot reach to the ears of every one, now it is grown low with years and infirmities; the Meditations of my heart may nevertheless be offered to the eyes and judgement, of all which I desire you to peruse and examine by the weights or standard of Truth, without prejudice or forestalled opinion. (⸫) (⸫) AN ADDITION To the former Treatise of SOURAIGNETIE. AT the first institution of the Civil, and Ecclesiastical authority in the Church, Exodchan. 4. vers. 15. & 16. God saith to Moses: Thou shalt speak to Aaron and put the words in his mouth, and I will be with thy mouth, and with his mouth, and will teach you what you ought to do. And he shall be thy spokesman unto the people: and he shall be, even he shall be as the mouth, and thou shalt be to him as God. Aaron obeyed Moses: Exod. 32. and Moses called for an account of Aaron. Solomon being King according to his Father's appointment, 2. Chron. c. 8 vers. 14.15. ordained the Offices of Priests in their Ministeries, & Leuits in their orders, that they might give thanks, and minister before the Priest after the order of every day: For so commanded David the man of God; neither did the Priests, or Leuits omit any thing of all that he had commanded. 2. Chron. 19 vers. 8. So it is written of King jehosaphat, that he appointed the Levites and Priests. 2. Chro. 35.2. And of King josias likewise, that he appointed Priests to minister in their several Offices. Luc. c. 2. v. 7. In the New Testament, our Saviour Christ at his birth acknowledged subjection to Augustus the Emperor being borne under his tribute; and setting the example of his own subjection before his Disciples, asketh, Who is Superior, he that sitteth at the Table, or he that serveth? Is not he Superior that sitteth? but I am among you as he that ministereth and serveth. Before Pilate he disavowed to have any earthly kingdom, joh. 18.36. and acknowledged that the Roman Empire had authority over his body & life; for both were then in question, and for blasphemy too, which is a spiritual crime. After the death of Christ, Act. 25.11. his Apostle Paul appealed from the jews to Caesar's judgement, and saith in express terms, That there he ought to be judged; And his cause was for preaching the Gospel. Peter likewise patiently endured Nero his Sword, for teaching the truth. This was the condition of Christ and his Apostles, they professed themselves subjects to the Roman Emperor. About the year of our Lord. 150. Eleutherius B. of Rome did write unto Lucius then king of the Britan's to take Laws for the Government of his kingdom out of the Old Testament and the New, which were then in the King's hands, & giveth this reason of his advice: Ye are God's Vicar within your own kingdom. A.D. 220 Ad Scapul. About the year of our Lord. 220. Tertullian: We Christians worship the Emperor as man next unto God, & inferior only to God. For so is the Emperor greater than all men, when he is less than the only true God. A.D. 225 Cyprian libr. 1. Epist. 3. Cyprian would not give way to Cornelius Bishop of Rome, to absolve any of afric excommunicated there. A.D. 340 Before the Council of Nice, there was small or no regard had of the Church of Rome; but every Church was ruled by their own Canons, or by the common advice of Bishops, until the Emperors became Christians: Lib. 5. in pro●●mio. Then Socrates testifieth in his Ecclesiastical History in this wise: We have also herein comprised the Emperor's lives; for that since the Emperors were first Christened, the affairs of the Church hath hanged on them, and the greatest Counsels both have been, & are kept by their advice. Eusebius writeth: In vita Constant. orat. 1. Constantine the Emperor appointed Counsels of Bishops to assemble together, & disdained not to sit in the midst amongst them, & to be partaker of their doings. This great Constantine about the year of our Lord, 340. called a general Council at Nice. So Theodoret writeth: Lib. 1. cap. 9 A great and holy Council was gathered to Nice by the grace of God, & by the godly Emperor. So Eusebius also testifieth, De vita Constant. orat. 3. that Constantine gathered a general Council, and by honourable Writs called the Bishops of all Countries to repair together. And the same Author witnesseth, that the Emperor Constantine confirmed the determinations of the Council of Nice. More also, De vita Constant. libr. 3. cap. 10. The whole Council sat in Reverend & comely order, quietly & in silence, looking for the Princes coming; and when the watchword was given that the Emperor was come, the Bishops stood up from their places, and his Majesty passed a long through the midst of them, as if he had been an Angel of God. In that Council of Nice, the whole body of Christendom was divided into four Patriarcheships: whereof the first place was given to the Bishop of Rome; the second to the Bishop of Alexandria; the third to the Bishop of Antioch; the fourth to the Bishop of jerusalem; afterward came in the B. of Constantinople in the place of the B. of Antioch: these four patriarchs had their peculiar Circuits & Precincts appointed in such sort, as one of them should not meddle within another's jurisdiction, to confound their authorities. The cause why the Fathers, assembled in Council, gave the first place to the See of old Rome, was not for that either Christ, or his Apostle Peter had so appointed: but that the City of Rome was the most noble City, and of greatest renown in all the World; as appeareth in the Council of Chalcedon, which writeth, That the Fathers in the Council of Nice did worthily give the chiefty to the See of old Rome, because that City had the Sovereignty over others. Saint Ambrose, speaking of himself and other Bishops, which were at the Council of Aquileia, saith thus: We are met together at Aquileia by the commandment of the Emperor. About the year of our Lord. 383 In the Council of Constantinople, the Bishops wrote thus unto Theodosius the Emperor: We are come to Constantinople by your Majesty's Commission. And afterward at the end of that Council: We beseech your Majesty, that as you have honoured the Church by your Letters, wherewith you have called us together; so it may please you to Confirm the final Conclusion of our Decrees with your sentence and with your Seal. About. 420 To the Council of Carthage, where S. Augustine was present, Sozimus B. of Rome sendeth Legates, Faustinus, Philippus, and Asellus, in favour of Apiarius a Priest, that fled to Rome for aid against Vrbanus his Diocesan, who had deprived him both of his function, & the Communion for his lewdness: To these Legates the Pope gave charge, to claim this Privilege for him & his See; That if any Bishops were accused, or deposed, which appealed to Rome, the Bishop of Rome might either write to the next Province to determine the matter, or send some to represent his Person, and to sit in judgement with the Bishops. And to prove his desire lawful, he alleged in writing under his hand, a Canon of the Council of Nice, tending to that purpose. The godly Fathers assembling themselves out of all Africa, to the number of 217, & finding no such Canon in their Books, either Greek or Latin, writ to the Patriaches of Alexandria, Constantinople, & Antioch, for true and authentic Copies of the Nicene Council: & finding their own Copies agree word for word with those that were brought, and no such prerogative to be seen in any Canon there; First, by their Decree they cut off all appeals to Rome, viz. That Priests, African. Concil. c. 92. Deacons and inferior Clerks, if they complained of the judgement of their Diocesians, should be heard by the Bishops adjoining; and if they think to appeal from them also, let them not appeal but to the Counsels of Africa, or to the Primates of their own Province: and he that adventureth to appeal over the Sea, let him be received of no man within Africa unto the Communion. After this Decree, with which they had withstood three Bishops of Rome, Sozimus, Boniface, and Celestinus; to the last, when the Bishops of Africa had gotten Copies of the Nicene Council, they writ on this wise: We writ & earnestly prayed you that hereafter you would not lightly give audience to those that come from hence to you, neither any more receive such to the Communion, as we have excommunicated; because your Reverence shall easily perceive the order taken by the Nicene Council: For if there appear a proviso for inferior Clerks or Laymen, how much more would the Synod have the same observed in Bishops, that being excommunicated in their own Province, they should not suddenly, hastily, or unduly be restored to the Communion by your holiness? And likewise your holiness must repel these wicked refuges of Priests and other Clergy men, as becometh you; for that by no determination of the Fathers this is derogated from the Church of Africa: and the Nicene Canons do most evidently commit both inferior Clergy men and the Bishops themselves, to their own Metropolitans. No doubt they most wisely and rightly provided that all matters should be ended in the places where they did first arise. Neither will the graces of the Holy Ghost be wanting to any Province; by which equity may be gravely weighed, and stoutly followed by the Priests of Christ; especially where every man hath liberty, if he mislike the judgement of those that hear his cause, to appeal to the judgement of his own Province, or to a general Council. Or how can the judgements over Seas be good, whereto the necessary persons of witnesses, either for sex, or for age, or sundry other impediments, cannot be brought? For that any should be sent from your Holiness side, we find decreed by no Synod of the Fathers. That which you sent us hither by Faustinus as a part of the Nicene Council; in the truer Copies which we have received from holy Cirill B. of Alexandria, and Reverend Atticus Bishop of Constantinople, taken out of the Originals, which also we sent to Boniface your predecessor; In them, we say, we could find no such thing. As for your Agents or Messengers, send them not at every man's request, lest we seem to bring the smoky pride of the world into the Church of Christ, etc. Mark how many ways the Bishops of Africa withstood the Bishop of Rome: Appeals to Rome, which Sozimus claimed by the Council of Nice, they confute by the same Council, & impugn them by other grave & pithy reasons; Legates à latere they reject as never spoken of in any Council, though he claimed them; Running to Rome they call a wicked refuge, and sending Messengers from Rome a smoky pride of the World; The corrupting of the Nicene Canons by Sozimus, they disprove by Copies that were true & authentic. Appiarius, whom the B. of Rome had harboured to the Church the second time, they banished from the Church of Christ. What would those men have done if Sozimus had claimed to be head of the Church, or Vice-God upon Earth by Christ's appointment? If any Scripture had sounded that way, neither the B. of Rome would have left that certain proof, & trusted only to the testimony of a Canon in a Council, which could not be found but in his own Library; nor yet Augustine with his holy & learned company, would have resisted this demand; if it had either been grounded upon Scripture, or determined in the Nicene or other Council, or had stood with equity, good order, or reason. So the Church of Africa continued until Boniface the second came to be Bishop of Rome. He by communications, threatenings, and allurements brought Eulalius the. Metropolitan of Carthage, About the year. 534. & certain other Bishops of Africa, to submit themselves to the Bishop of Rome, and to anathematise the sixth Council of Carthage where S. Augustine was present. A.D. 440 Polychronius Bishop of Jerusalem would have had his See first & greatest, because it was the holy City which God had chosen of old; because Christ taught there, suffered there, rose again there, gave the Holy Ghost there, Peter, James, and John taught there who were pillars of the Church. The B. of Rome, Sixtus III. not brooking this well, gathereth a Synod at Rome, questioneth Polychronius for violating the Canons, suborneth Euphemius a Priest of Jerusalem, to accuse Polychronius. Accusers were sent to jerusalem with the Emperor Valentinianus Letters, and he was deposed; but afterward was restored again by the same Emperor, when his innocence was known, and Euphemius his accuser had sentence of perpetual condemnation. A.D. 450 Hilarius Viennens. did usually discourse, that Peter himself was not prince of the Apostles, or had any authority over them; neither ought the Pope to have any power or right over the Churches in France. A.D. 460 Pope Leo writeth thus to the Emperor Theodosius: Epist. 24. All our Churches, & all our Priests most humbly beseech your Majesty with sobs and tears, that ye will command a general Council to be holden within Italy. This notwithstanding, the Emperor, contrary to the Pope's humble petition, kept the Council at Chalcedon, not in Italy; Concil. Calce. Act. 1. & thither Pope Leo was summoned to appear by the Emperor's commandment, with other Bishops: So that the Emperor commanded Counsels when, and where he pleased, whether the Pope would or no. And when that Council of Chalcedon had made the Bishop of Constantinople equal in privileges and respects with the Bishop of Rome, Lucentius (Pope Leo his Legate) entreated to have that blotted out but the honourable judges made him answer negatively. At the end of that Council, the Emperor Martion saith, We confirm the Reverend Council by the holy edict of Our Majesty. A.D. 583 john Bishop of Constantinople went about to illustrate his See by consent of the Emperor & Council of Constantinople, wherein the said B. was styled Ecumenical Patriarch, before any such Title was in the City of Rome; and in Constantinople it was brought in not by any Law of God, but by the favour and grant of the Emperors. Pelagius Bishop of Rome withstood it first, & would have no Bishop or Patriarch to be universal, because that if any one man be called universal, the name of Patriarch or Bishop is derogated from all others; but let this be far from all faithful men, to take that upon him, whereby the honour of his brethren is diminished. Gregory the great, Bishop of Rome also opposed that Title with more vehemency, proving that no man ought to be called universal Bishop, which he termeth a new, foolish, proud, perverse, wicked and profane name: and to consent unto it, is as much as to deny the Faith. He addeth further, Whosoever goeth about to extol himself above other Bishops, therein followeth Satan, who was not content to be equal or like unto other Angels. Gregory also affirmeth, That none of his Predecessors did ever usurp to himself that Title, concluding, That whosoever doth so, declareth himself to be a forerunner of Antichrist. When john, before mentioned, was preferred from the degree of a Monk, and made Patriarch of Constantinople, and obtained of Mauritius the Emperor also to be extolled above all other Bishops with the name of Universal Patriarch; he requested Mauritius likewise to write unto Gregory then Bishop of Rome for his consent thereunto: It appears by the story of those times and by his own Epistles, that he was willing enough to have to do with other Churches. but Gregory, whether in detestation of that Title, or for affectation to the thing itself, I cannot tell; would not agree. And understanding that he was in the Emperor's displeasure for dissenting from it, he writ to Constantina the Empress, declaring john his presumption & pride therein, to be both against the rule of the Gospel, & the Decrees of the Canons, namely, the sixth Canon of the Nicene Council; and that the novelty of that new found Title did declare nothing else, but that the time of Antichrist was near at hand. In the ambitious pursuites for this Supremacy, as well by john Patriarch at Constantinople, as also in those which Boniface 3. Bishop of Rome used afterward, it is worthy to be observed, that neither of the pretenders insisted upon any right in Scripture; but both made their addresses to several Emperors: john to Mauritius, Boniface to Phocas; both implying thereby, that it was in the Emperor's power, and did belong to him in right, to translate or confer the Primacy of the Church. It is certain that in Pelagius, and Gregory's time before mentioned; there was no challenge of Supremacy openly made for the Bishop of Rome, but a contestation to the contrary: Gregor. Epist. 32. & 30. None of my Predecessors Bishops of Rome ever consented to use this ungodly name, no B. of Rome ever took upon him this name of singularity, We the Bishop of Rome will not receive this honour offered unto us. And it is not credible, that the holy Fathers in the Council of Nice could or would have Decreed that three other Patriarches should be equal, or have like authority with the B. of Rome: neither might they have restrained the B. of Rome his authority to a certain limit, with this Proviso, that he should not invade the Diocese of other Bishops; but content himself with the authority of his own circuit, if Christ had given unto him the universal government of the Church or world. As to the words of our Saviour Christ: Thou art Peter, & upon this rock will I build my Church. Origen writeth: About the year. 233. In Matth. tract. 1. If we speak the same that Peter spoke, we are made Peter, & unto us it shall be said, Thou art Peter: For he is the Rock that is the Disciple of Christ. Cyprian: when Paul had reproved Peter, 250. Ad Quiri●. 2. Gal. Peter neither revenged himself, nor took any thing proudly upon him; as to say that he had the Primacy, Or that others that were but novices and after comers (as Paul was) ought to be obedient unto him. A.D. 350 Hilarius: This is that only blessed Rock of faith that Peter confessed with his mouth. De Trinit. l. 2. A.D. 380 Ciril: The rock is nothing else but the strong and assured faith of the disciple. De Trinit. in dialog 〈◊〉 4 A.D. 5. Ambrose: Of Peter and Paul; who ought to be preferred is not known. Serm. 66. If you say that the charge &c principality of the whole Church was committed unto Peter, Chrysost answereth, Unto Paul the whole world was committed, Paul governeth the Church of the world, Paul ruleth the whole world. The same Father writeth: Not upon the person of Peter, 16. Ser. fest Pontecost. but upon the faith of Peter Christ hath builded his Church: and what is the faith? Thou art Christ the Son of the living God. What is it to say, Upon this Rock? that is, Upon the confession of Peter: for if we should say the Church is builded upon the person of Peter, we should have another foundation of the Church then Christ; which is directly against S. Paul: 1. Cor. 3.11. No man can lay any other foundation but that which is laid already, which is jesus Christ. A.D. 0. Augustine, who died about the year 432. at which time S. Patrick lived in great respect, De verb. Domini sed Matth. Serm. 13. August. I say, doth write; Christ was the rock, upon which foundation Peter himself was built also: & addeth, Christ saith to Peter, I will not build myself upon thee, but I will build thee upon me. Asia and Africa, professing Christ as well as we, did not consent to the Bishop of Rome his Supremacy. I confess that the Eastern churches and Bishops, for debates of matters of faith amongst themselves, made suits to the Bishops of Rome: but that was not for the superiority of jurisdiction that the See of Rome had over them, but for the division that was within themselves; by reason that the whole Eastern countries, as well Bishops as others, were much infected with the heresies of Arrius, whereof the West was in a manner clear. So as amongst the Orients none were counted indifferent to decide those debates; but all were suspect of affection for one cause or other: wherefore they desired the opinions of the Bishops of the west as indifferent, & not entangled with affections of any of those parts, & uncorrupted of the Arrians. Which appeareth by the Epistles of S. Basile, written in all their names for that purpose: wherein it is especially to be noted, that their suit was not to the Bishop of Rome singularly by name, but, as the titles do show, to the whole congregation of the BB. of Italy and France, or of the whole West: & sometimes preferring the French BB. Gallis and Italis, and never nameth the Romans. About the year of our Lord 610. Boniface 3, obtained of Phocas the wicked Emperor that slew his Mr. Mauricius, his wife and children, That he, the said Pope, might be called the Prince of all Bishops. Then the people's devotion to Religion, and the belief which was settled in their minds of the power of the Keys, which were said to open and shut paradise, to bind & lose sins; laid the foundation of the Pope's greatness, and authority. About the year 680. Agatho B. of Rome, writ to Constantine the 4. Most gracious Lord, your sacred Letters encouraging us to show forth effectually our prompt & diligent service, for performing that which your Edict commanded, & for discharge of our duty etc. And in a second Epistle: All the Bishops of the North and West parts, servants of your Christian Empire, give thankes to God for this your religious intent in calling of a Council. A.D. 850 Leo the fourth, Bish. of Rome, writ likewise to the Emperor: As touching the chapters & imperial precepts of your Highness, and the Princes your predecessors, irrefragably to be kept and obeyed, as much as in us did or doth lie, We by all means profess that we will, by Christ's help, now and for ever observe the same. Certainly the vain Titles of the Pope, as, Universal Bishop, Prince of Priests, supreme head of the universal Church, and Vicar of Christ here upon earth: likewise his vast pretended jurisdiction, came not into the Church altogether, but with long working & continuance of time, by little & little, as occasions were given. Partly by Boniface the third, about the year 610. partly by Pope Gregory the seventh, called Hildebrand, about the year 1170. partly by Innocentius the third, about the year of our Lord 1215. and finally by Pope Boniface the eight, about the year of our Lo: 1300. Of which four pope's, the first brought in a Title; the second brought jurisdiction; the third, pope Innocent with his Monks and his Friars, corrupted & obscured the sincerity of Christ's doctrine: and lastly, pope Boniface the eight, & Clement the fifth after him (over and beside the jurisdiction sufficiently advanced before by pope Hildebrand) added moreover the temporal Sword, to be carried before him: and that no Emperor, were he never so well elected, should be sufficient or lawful, without the pope's admission. A confident and high challenge, differing so much from the obedience and humility of Christ; of the Apostles of Christ, of the good and holy Bishops of Rome, which did speak & write to the Emperors in a milder language, full of acknowledgements and respects; that men unpartially affected, need not doubt it proceeded from another spirit. But when pope Boniface came to make experiment of the possession of this challenge, and how Christian princes would give way unto his claim; Philip the Fair, King of France, returneth to the pope's insolent demand, an answer swear full of royal magnanimity, as appeareth by their Letters ensuing. Boniface B. servant of the servants of God, to Philip King of Frenchmen: fear God, and observe his commandments. We will thee to understand, that thou art subject to Us both in spiritual and temporal things; and that it belongs not to thee to give any Prebend or Benefice: If thou hast the keeping of any of them being vacant, thou must reserve the profits of them to the successors: if thou hast given any, We judge thy gift to be void, and do revoke all that hath been done; and whosoever believeth otherwise, We judge them heretics. Given at Latran the 4. of the Nones of Decemb: the sixth year of Our Popedom. The King answereth him thus: Philip by the grace of God King of France, to Boniface (calling himself Sovereign B. little health, or none at all. Boniface Pope when Edward the first was king of England. Let thy great Fool-ship be advertised, that in temporal things We acknowledge no Superior but God; & that the gift of Prebends, being void, belongs to Us, by Our Royal Prerogative, and the fruits that grow thereby; the which We will defend by the Sword against all them that shall seek to hinder Our possession: esteeming them fools, and without judgement, that shall think otherwise. The Realm of England certainly was never by Laws, or long submission, subject to the Pope's authority. For when the Bishops of Africa prayed Innocentius, either to send for Pelagius the Britain, or to deal with him by Letters, to show the meaning of his lewd speeches, tending to the derogation of God's grace: the B. of Rome made answer; When will he commit himself to our judgement (write what letters I will) when as he knoweth he shall be condemned. And if he were to be sent for, they may better do it, that are nearer to him, and not so far distant from him as I am. Jnnocentius 400. years after Christ, confesseth that he had no sufficient authority to call one poor Britain out of this realm. And 200. years after that the Bishops of Britain would yield no subjection to Austin the Monk, neither did they accept him for their Archbishop. Indeed their manner of Baptising, observing Easter, and other Ecclesiastical constitutions, contrary to the rites and customs of the Church of Rome, (as Augustin then objected unto them) make manifest proof, that they were never under the jurisdiction of the B. of Rome. Take a view of the Kings of England, & you shall find that from the Conqueror unto this day, most of them have either resisted, or abated the Ecclesiastical jurisdiction which the Pope claimed in this land, by right of the Crown. A.D. 1067 William the Conqueror said in a Parliament: For as much as the King is the Vicar of the High King, he is therefore appointed to that purpose that he should rule and defend the Kingdom and the people of the Lord, and above all things the holy Church. And when the Pope's eyes were fixed upon the Bishoprics of England to bring them, & all spiritual promotions, to his own donation, his Holiness received admonition from the same Conqueror; that he should go against the most ancient Laws of his kingdom, if he did admit or acknowledge the power of any foreigner, as the Pope was. A.D. 1088 So William Rufus, son to the Conqueror, did strictly forbid Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury; and charged all other Bishops to have no respect to Rome, or to the Pope, saying, I cannot endure any equal in my kingdom so long as I live. A.D. 1114 Henry the first, by his Attorney did forbid Anselm, returning from Rome, to enter his land, unless he would faithfully promise to keep all the customs, both of William the Conqueror his Father, and of William Rufus his brother. A.D. 1164 Henry the second made all the Bishops, etc. swear in a general assembly at Cloredon, that these liberties of the Crown, amongst which one was, That no Archbishop, Bishop, or any other person, should go out of the Realm without the King his leave. Another did direct Appeals, That if any were made, they should come from the Archdeacon to the Bishop, from the Bishop to the Archbishop, and if the Archbishop failed in doing Justice, it shall be lawful at the last to come unto the King, that by his commandment the matter may be ended in the Archbishop his Court: So that no person shall presume to appeal further, without the King his consent. And he writ letters to all his Shiriffeses, & Lieutenants in England in this manner: I command you, that if any Clergy man, or Lay man in your County appeal to the Court of Rome, you attach him, & hold him fast-ward till Our pleasure be known. Henry the third: when it was propounded in Parliament, whether one borne before Matrimony may inherit, in like manner as they that are born after: And the Bishops entreating the temporal Lords to consent to the affirmative, because the Canons & Decrees of the Church of Rome are so; all the Earls and Barons answered with one voice, That they would not have the Laws of England changed: and so the statute passed with the Lords temporal against the orders of Rome. The same King writeth in this wise to the Bishops severally, to every one in his Diocese. Henry the third, by the Grace of God, to the Reverend in Christ B. of N. Whereas We have heretofore written unto you once, twice, thrice, as well by Our privy Seals, as also by Our Letters Patents, that you should not exact or collect for the Pope's behalf, any tallage, or other help of Our Subjects, either of the Clergy, or of the laiety: for that no such tallage or help, either can or is used to be exacted in Our Realm, without the great prejudice of Our Princely dignity; which We neither can, nor will suffer or sustain: Yet you contemning and vilipending Our Commandment, and contrary to the Provision made in Our last Council at London (granted & agreed upon by Our Prelates, Earls, and Barons) have that notwithstanding, proceeded in collecting the same your taxes and tallages. Whereupon, We do greatly marvel & are moved (especially seeing you are not ashamed to do contrary to your own Decrees) whereas you and other Prelates in the said Council, in this did all agree and grant, that no such exactions should be hereafter until the return of Our and your ambassadors from the Court of Rome, sent thither purposely of Us, and in the name of the whole Realm for the same, to provide for redress against these oppressions. Wherefore, We straightly will and command you, that from henceforth, you do not proceed any more in collecting & exacting such tallages, or helps, as you will enjoy Our favour, and such possessions of yours as within this Our kingdom you have and hold. And if you have already procured, or gathered any such thing, yet that you suffer it not to be transported out of Our Realm, but cause it to be kept in safe custody till the return of the said Ambassadors, under the pain of Our displeasure in doing of the contrary: and also of provoking Us, to extend Our hand upon your possessions, further than you will think or believe. Moreover, willing & charging you, that you participate & make known this Our Inhibition with your Archdeacon's & Officials, which We here have set forth for the liberties of the Clergy and of the people as knoweth God, etc. A.D. 1212 When King John had refused the disordered election of Stephen Langton to the archbishopric and See of Canterbury, Math. Paris. Jnnocent the third forced the King to resign his kingdom and to take it of him again, the said Pope, at the yearly rent of 1000 Marks: But the Barons & the Bishops were so much displeased therewith, that in plain contempt of the Pope's keys & curses, they did choose them another King, and chased King john, the Pope's fermor, in despite of all his new Landlord could do. A.D. 1291 King Edward the first, made a Statute at Carlisle, that the Pope should exercise no jurisdiction in England; and in his time one bringing an excommunication from Rome, against a Subject of England, and the same being brought by complaint before the King, and his Council, the fact was adjudged high Treason, & the offendor had suffered death, but by the mediation of the Chancellor & Treasurer the King was content with his banishment. Edward the second, would not suffer the Peter-penie to be collected otherwise then had been accustomed. A.D. 1360 Edward the third, revived the Statute of Praemunire, made by Edward the first. Pope Gregory the eleventh writ to him, that this Law might be abrogated, but prevailed not. Shortly after this time Richard fitz Ralph lived, & was made Archbishop of Armagh, a holy & learned man, as appear by his labours, and disputations against the begging Friars. A.D. 1413 Henry the fourth made a Law, that no Pope's Collector thenceforth should levy any money within the Realm, for first fruits of any Ecclesiastical living, under pain of incurring the Statute of Provisions or Praemunire. An. 5. Henr. 5. Act. 17. It was enacted in a Parliament, That the Church & all estates should enjoy all their liberties which were not repealed, or repealeable by the common Law, meaning the excluding of the Pope's foreign power, which hath always been excluded by the common Law. A.D. 1428 As King Henry the sixth, with Duke Humphrey Lord Protector, & the rest of the Council, were in the Duke's house in the Parish of S. Bennets by Paul's Wharfe, one Richard Candray, Procurator, in the King's name & behalf did protest, & denounce by this public instrument, That whereas the king, and all his Progenitors Kings before him of this Realm of England, have been heretofore possessed time out of mind with special privilege & custom, used and observed in this Realm from time to time; that no Legate, from the Apostolic See, should enter into this Land, or any of the K. dominions without the calling, petition, request, invitement, or desire of the King. And forasmuch as Henry B. of Winton Cardinal of Eusebius, hath presumed so to enter as Legate from the Pope, being neither called, sent for, required, or desired by the King: therefore the said Richard Candray, in the King's name, doth protest by this Jnstrument, that it standeth not with the King's mind or intent, by the advice of his Council, to admit, approve or ratify the coming of the said Legate in anywise in derogation of the right, customs & Laws of this his Realm; or to recognise, or assent to any exercise of this his authority Legantine, or to any acts, attempts, or hereafter by him to be attempted in this respect, contrary to the foresaid Laws, rights, customs & liberties of this Realm, by these presents, etc. In the same K. Henry the fixts time, there is a Record in the 17. year of his reign in Easter term, 28. April, That all the temporalties of the Archbishopric of Armagh within the realm of Ireland, were taken & seized into the hands of the King, by his Barons of the Exchequer, by reason of a resignation, & an admission thereof by the Pope; which resignation was made by john Bote, Archbishop of the archbishopric aforesaid. In England there be very ancient Laws, That no Legate from the Bishop of Rome; or other religious person, should enter the bounds of the kingdom, unless first he did promise by solemn oath that he will bring in nothing to derogate from the King, or Laws and customs of the kingdom. The practice hereof was seen in the late reign of Q. Marry, notwithstanding all her devotion to the Pope: For when she did understand that his holiness was not well minded to Cardinal Poole Archbish. of Canterbury; but to abate his power in England, was ready to make Friar Peto a Cardinal also, & had a Nuncio with the Hat purposely to give opposition to Cardinal Poole, Q. Marry, by the advice of the Peers, Councillors, & judges, disparched a messenger to Calis with commandment to the Pope's Nuncio, That he should not come near her Coasts, nor stir one foot from Calis towards England. I could tell you of Charles the fifth, that was Emperor, and grandfather to the K. of Spain that now is, who besieged Rome itself, & did take it maugre all the Pope's Bulls & curses; yea, & imprisoned Clement then Pope, & 33. Cardinals with him, seven months space in Adrians' tower; neither would he dismiss them till Clement made agreement of 400000. Ducats for his own ransom, & a greater sum was imposed upon the Cardinals. In like sort I might relate how Philip the second, Clarles his son, invaded Italy with an army under the conduct of duke D'alva, wasted the country, spoiled the people, & cast a trench about Rome itself; but for brevity sake, I rest only upon the acts and rights that our own kings & Princes have ever challenged and used. All these examples, whether they be foreign or domestical, tend to this one point, That howsoever Princes be content sometimes, for their own behoof, to give way to the B. of Rome, for the exercises of his superstitions in their kingdoms, and dominions; yet all of them, out of their magnanimities and heroical spirits, do scorn that the Pope should usurp or intrude any jurisdiction over their people and subjects, further than they themselves like of, and think to stand with the safety and good of their countries. So it appeareth, that the Pope was never any long time in full & quiet possession of his pretended power in the realm of Engl. and that his jurisdiction was never made a matter of conscience: withal this deduction showeth, that it was not Hen. 8. Edw. 6. Elizabeth his sister (all Princes of happy memory) or his Ma.tie that now reigneth most graciously over us, that disclaimed the pope's authority & power first; but all their most noble progenitors have done it constantly in a perpetual descent from the Conqueror. And for the K. that now is, besides his right, his piety, his justice, his Clemency, his learning, and other Princely endowments (which are able to gain him honour & respect amongst mere strangers) he hath a particular advantage, for which he may worthily challenge more honour & obedience from you, than any of his famous predecessors could expect at the subjects of this kingdom, in their several times: first, he is extracted out of your own blood, descending lineally from Fergus. Ye are his brethren, his bones & his flesh are ye: why then are ye the last that give the King his right? Secondly, he hath added much more honour & dignity to your blood than he received by it: for whereas formerly the Seas had bounded it within this Island, so as it had no addition or access of glory elsewhere; his Ma.tie hath now given lustre & brightness unto it with the best & highest bloods of Engl. Scotl. France, Demmark, Germany, & out of all the greatest houses of christendom. will you then diminish his honour, that hath advanced & made yours to shine? will you take away his right, that is of your own kindred, & transfer it to a mere stranger, that seeketh for yours, and not for you? will you strip a just King of his birthright or due, & bestow it upon an Italian Priest, unsent of God, uncalled by man, unfit for place; that hath no manner of claim or warrant for it from Scriptures, holy Counsels, or learned & ancient Fathers? Let no such ingratitude be found in your generous minds. Know ye not that your obedience to the K. begetteth & bringeth forth his protection & defence of you? and can you desire, or in equity expect absolute & general protection from the K. when you give him but partial obedience in temporal things only, not in business Ecclesiastical? There is no reason, no justice, no proportion in that reciprocation. Protection & obedience are of like & equal extent: therefore by the rules of nature (which wills you to do as you would be done to) if you will have the K. to protect you, your wives & children, lands, goods, & houses; whilst you are in the exercises of your religion, even there also you must acknowledge the king his power, and yield your obedience to his laws, for they are strengthened by the laws of God: or if you will apply yourselves 〈…〉 acie to the pope's pleasure in those affairs, the K. by way of retaliation, might withdraw his protection, & leave you for those times to spoil, or to his defence whom ye obey. Therefore I beseech you in the bowels of jesus Christ; even I that must give account for your miscarriage to the chief Bish. of your souls, with sobs & tears entreat you again & again, to take this matter into serious consideration, to advise with the word of truth, & uncorrupted antiquity, even with the godly writers that lived & governed the Churches when your holy B. St. Patrick converted this country to the faith of Christ; that you may honour the K. with that Sovereignty which is due unto him, illustrate your own noble families, & make me happy in the winding up of my days, who will never cease to pray for you all, whilst I am ARMAGH.